The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-19 00:00:00

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•••••
TO TF ►E ELECTORS OF THE EASTERN DIVISION
OF THE COUNTY OF SURREY.

ENTLEMEN,
11;AVING been earnestly solicited by a nunic-
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Inibueel with these sentiments, and fully alive to the import-
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Under these circumstances, should you do me the honour
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zealous. exertions shall ever be given to promote in all ways
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I have the honour to Ise, Gentlemen,
Your moot obedientservant,
EDMUND ANTROBUS, Jun.
Cheem, Surrey, Jan. 19, 1841.

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Vhen Mr. M'QUEEN and other statisticians again

enumerate the sources and amount of Britain's

wealth and power, let them not forget to give our
trade the credit of our colonial empire. If the ba-

lance then be properly struck, the squires, and
their co
.'atortioners, the priests, will probably hang

the':r heads abashed, at the little, comparatively,

t!ney have done for Britain's greatness.
The mercantile principle, which has led to the
formation of our colonial empire, must, it is clear,
from the results, by which alone any political prin-
ciple can be tested, be comparatively an excellent
principle of Government. Our country is mercan-
tile, France is agricultural. Freedom is the soul
of commerce, agriculture can be carried on by slaves.
The West Indian islands have been cultivated by
them. Slavery existed till the decay of the Roman
empire ; and though it be not our opinion, it is
the opinion of good judges, that agriculture has been
little improved since the days of CATO and
VIRGIL. In many parts of France, and some parts
of Italy, agriculture is quite as rude now as it was
in the time of the Romans ; and, could the system
on CATO'S pet farm be universally adopted in those
countries, we are not sure on an average that they
would not gain by the change. Trade is based on
soul-stirring competition, and inconsistent with
slavery. It is the peaceful conflict of ready witted
men, who shall gain most. It cannot exist, much
less prosper, under the trammels of ignorant legis-
lation. We not only owe, therefore, our colonial

empire to the mercantile principle ; to that we are
indebted for much domestic freedom. The keen
minds and the bold hearts it has engendered in our
cities have been the stays of Britain's moral great-
ness and her political freedom. Yet the imbecile
squires and their allies, linked in an unholy
league against Britain's material greatness, and the
mental freedom of her children, decry the mercantile
spirit. They must put restraints on commerce for-
sooth! They write about burning down a third of our
cities, and restoring the glorious days of unlimited
squirearchy and priestcraft. They follow out their
principles, and starve the people while they peril
Britain's future fate. If successful, they will slowly
squeeze her to death ; if not successful, it will be
because discontent will generate revolution, and
their murderous power will be shaken off, and meet
the fate it intends for our great and glorious country;
France is agricultural, and Britain mercantile .
and the former is thoroughly monarchical and cen-
tral in her institutions, while the latter, with the
name of monarchy, is in many respects democratic
and republican. The colonies of France were in
the main set afoot and organized by the Govern-
ment—they proceeded from the central authority,
and looked to it for support and success ; the co-
lonies of England were the work of private indivi-
duals, and local in their origin. Even our Indian
empire was built up by a mercantile Company, with
scarcely any assistance from the Government.
The principle of centralization, from the very
impossibility of any individuals mastering all the
details of an empire, must of necessity be con-
dueted in ignorance and by arbitrary means. The
Government of France, as contrasted with that of
England, growing from an agricultural community,
was founded on the principle of centralization ; the
Government of England as contrasted with that of
France, growing partly from a mercantile commu-
nity, is founded on the principle of local, dispersed,
and republican authority. The results to which
those systems lead, are well exemplified in the colo-
nial success of the two nations. The British sys-
tem is followed by great success, the French is a
complete failure. This is only a type, we believe,
of the general results. When we look at the com-
parative wealth, knowledge, tranquillity, obedience,
and morality of the two nations, we shall probably
conclude that in all things these two systems of go-
vernment lead to similar results to those which are
traced in their colonial policy.
We wish we could persuade the Whig party to
look at this picture, and ask themselves whether
their present conduct be consistent with their own
principles, and their future success ?
A long career of mischievous legislation on the
part of the Tories seems to have inspired the Whigs
with a notion that they, too, must make a great
number of regulations to counteract the mischievous
regulations of their predecessors. This is a great
error. They are they organs of the mercantile
community, as contradistinguished from the squire-
archy—of the principle of competition, not the
principle of restraint—of the principle of free-
doom, not that of slavery—of the principle of local
and republican government, as contrasted with the
principle of centralising and monarchical govern-
ment ; and their business is to repeal laws, to set
men free, to localise our institutions, to diminish the
power of the Government, and to avoid, above all
things, the practices of the Tories. But, many of
them belonging to the squirearchy, they have for-
gotten the principles of their existence as a party,
and have followed their class and personal interest

as squires.
The Whigs should not have multiplied law
somewhat different from the Tory laws, but con
tented themselves with abrogating the mischievous
Tory legislation. If the new Poor-law in the abstract
and on principle be a wise measure, in conjunction
with the Corn-law it is a mere means of lessening, by
cruelty towards the squire's people, their claim
on the squire's estate. If the centralization of that
measure, contrary to the principles of the Whigs,
was demanded by an imperative necessity, it ought
not to have been established till the Corn-law had
been abolished, and ought to have been temporary.
At the meeting at Hertford, a few days ago, the
just cry of the people was " Give us more pay, and
you will not require a rural police." To support
,he cruelty of the Tory system the Whigs, contrary
;o all their principles as a party, have borrowed
from France a centralized rural police.
In the same way Mr. HAWES has borrowed
vis Police Act, and some Whigs in Parliament,
led astray by some schemer, have demanded that
the Government should meddle, like the French
Government, more and more with the colonies, and
bring our colonial empire to ruin, like the colonies
of France. But we cannot be much surprised at the
folly of Whig Members, when we find a writer in
a Liberal Journal—writing too from the City, the
heart of our mercantile system—calling for the ap-
pointing of a Governor and Deputy-Governor of
the Bank by the Government, or the establishment
of a National Bank like that of France.
In all the points we have briefly hinted at [there
has been of late a tendency to follow the principles
and plans of that Government which, in its results,
is so mischievous. It is for us a matter of deep
regret to perceive that the Whigs, and even the
more than Whigs, have been the leaders in this
bastard imitation. A silly love of arbitrary and
sickly uniformity has usurped in their minds the
admiration of the rough, irregular, but vigorous
freedom which our forefathers admired. They are
doctrinaires in a small way. They can see nothing
in society but what emanates from Government ;
and they hate sought, like the late Emperor of
France, and like the present King—though they
nave neither the genius nor. the power of those
monarchs—to regulate every-,thing. They have mis-
taken their vocation, and theii'mistake causes the
declension of their power, while it enables the
'l'm" now continually to reproach them that their
political system, in all its parts, is hypocrisy and
fraud. We say with sorrow that the Whigs, as a
party, have too often forgotten the principles to
which they are indebted for their power, and so