The Sun.
London, England, 1847-03-19 00:00:00

Matti
dix

LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 19, 1847.

We are compelled by press of matter to omit our
usual Parliamentary summary.

Every fresh discussion upon the Ten Hours Factors?
Bill advances the cause of the hitherto neglected ope-
ratives. The more the arguments employed against
the diminution of diurnal labour are sifted the more
does their sophistry become visible. The specious
tinsel of economy, with which the question has been
enveloped by the manufacturers, has glittered only for
a period, it has only for a time deceived the eye by
its dazzle. Bit by bit the spangles have dropped
away, and the true worthlessness of the reasons ad-
vanced against this measure revealed, showing that,
of the twelve hours' advocacy, " all tl- e rest is
leather and prunella !" Lord JOHN RUSSELL has
manfully grappled with the difficulties thrown
in his way by the opposers of Mr. FIELDEN.
The Noble Premier has more than satisfied our cu-
riosity ; he has by his unanswerable speech of
yesterday evening ensured the victory of this benevo-
lent campaign. Fagh a Beatich! was practically the
text of his observations, and the sickle of his logic
effectually reaped down the objections to the Factory
Bill. Nothing now obstructs the triumphant
passage of this measure through Parliament—no-
thing, at least, deserving a moment's consideration.
And the popular representatives have avowed their
readiness to hasten its progress in every available
manner, by immediately following up the address of
the First Lord of the Treasury by a division of 144
against 66, being a splendid majority of 73 in a
House of 210. Lord J. RUSSELL restricted his argu-
ments to the consideration of adecrease to eleven hours'
employment, but his keen and masterly reasoning is
as applicable in reference to the minimum time de-
manded by Mr. FIELDEN. Not, however, that the
Noble Lord expressed even by inuendo his disincli-
nation to legislate for any diminution of labour upon
the time specified in his harangue. On the contrary,
he expressly and distinctly affirms as follows :—" If,''
says he, after this reformatory interference is carried
into operation, " it be desirable that more time should
be allowed to the children to improve and enlarge
their minds, lam content to give them that time, in
order that it may be so applied !" Regarding the
matter as one spiritually of a sanatory character, and
looking to the mental vigour and moral soundness of
our industrial classes, as one of the surest means of
conducing to the national prosperity and happiness,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL is prepared to make every
reasonable concession to satisfy the social wants, and
to advance the individual interests of the manufac-
turing labourers, and especially of the women and
children. As Prime Minister of the country, and
therefore as the guardian and conservator of all our
strength as a people, Lord JoirN RUSSELL declares
his willingness to consent to the proposed reduction.

But the manufacturers have to make enor-
mous sacrifices ! Well, the Noble Lord seizes
that counter-statement. He examines it in its
integrity. Supposing, he argues, supposing the
manufacturers were required upon the acceptance of
this Bill by the Legislature to make sacrifices—
enormous sacrifices, that could never be regarded as
a valid objection. Under those circumstances he would
he prepared to demand those sacrifices from the eery
men who paraded them as their protection. He would
demand those sacrifices in gratitude for the boons
very recently granted to them by the abolition of the
imposts formerly levied upon raw cotton, amounting an.-
nually to 700,0001., by the abolition of the duties upon
wool, by the permanent establishment of free trade.
In gratitude, if not in mere fairness—as the barter-
ing of one advantage for another— he would require
those sacrifices from the manufacturers. But Lord
Jolts] RUSSELL assumed a loftier ground ; he utterly
denied that sacrifices of any description would
result from the operation of the scheme then
under consideration ; or, if any sacrifice were
inevitable, it would be a sacrifice from
the operatives themselves. The previous ex-
penses of that department of commerce would remain
altogether unaffected, and the only difference conse-
quent upon the new arrangement would be fair ten
or eleven hours' wages for.ten or eleven hours' work,
instead of as heretofore, twelve hours' wages for
twelve hours' work. That, would necessarily be the only
,lifference in the disbursements of the manufacturers.
Providing, again, it be remonstrated that it appears
a cruelty instead of a kindness to compel the female
and infant labourers to receive a lesser amount of
uayment for a larger amount of leisure, the Premier
justly observed that the working classes themselves
" are willing to run the risk 1" That is conclusive
logic. In considering the immediate effect which
would be consequent upon this enactment, Lord Joux
calculated that there might reasonably be a lesser
wear and tear of the machinery, and a lesser con-
sumption of oil, coal, tallow, and other articles in the
factories, from the smalleramount of the time occupied
in work. With all deference, we conceive that the
Noble Lord's calculation was nullified by a subsequent
estimate in his speech, for supposing that the operatives
are employed more continuously and uninterruptedly
throughout the twelvemonth—that they are em-
ploy ed oil the average ten hours per diem from the
I,t of January to the 31st of December, instead of
being doomed, as under the existing system, to inter-
mittent paroxysms of drudgery and idleness, toiling
one week twelve hours per diem, and another aban-
doned to the Mother of Sin and the beer shop by the
total stoppage of the mills—supposing this salutary
change be accomplished by Mr. FIELDEN'S measure
(as it will inevitably be accomplished), the amount of
labour on the termination of the year will be the
same, the wear and tear of the machinery will be the
same, the consumption of oil, coal, tallow, gas,
and other articles required in the factories
will be so far equivalent to the former ex-
penditure, as to present no perceptible difference.
We cannot perceive, indeed, in this great scheme of
Charity, indications of anything calculated to be in-
jurious either to the manufacturers sr to the opera-
tives; we cannot but believe that it must, in the
long run," be mutually advantageous, while, at the
same time, it will purge the land of an incalculable
wickedness and effectually counteract a social poison.

Notwithstanding the impressive warnings that have
so constantly been given, both in and out of the
Legislature, the same unaccountable apathy appears
to continue in Ireland as to the preparation
of the soil for the ensuing harvest. The fields
still remain uncultivated ; the occupations of
husbandry are almost wholly suspended, while time
that cannot be recalled—every moment of which is
now of the greatest importance—is passing away.
It cannot be that labourers are not to
be procured. Although 708,000 are at this
moment actually engaged on the public works,
they have only been so occupied because the were
unable to obtain adequate employment forte y
sup-
port of their families from private sources—and a
full opportunity has been afforded to every indivi-

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