The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-25 00:00:00

RUSSIA.

ST. PETERSBURGII, MAY 13.—The Imperial family will set
out on the 17th of this month for Moscow, where they will
pass some weeks. The Princes of Hesse, and the Hereditary
Grand Duke of Saxe Weimar, will accompany them. Before
they leave St. Petersburgh, there will be a grand review, as
is usual in the spring. The physicians of the Empress do not
think it necessary for her Majesty to go to Ems this year.
The intention of doing so is therefore given up.—Hamburgh
Borsenhalle,May 21.
ST. PETERSBURGHt APRIL 24.—Foreign journals have an-
nounced the great scarcity of money that prevails here, and
that the Government intends to contract a loan at Am-
sterdam already. Last year an attempt was made to
remedy the deficiency by creating bonds of the Com-
mercial Bank and Treasury Bonds. From this year for-
ward the proprietors of the gold mines in the Ural Mountains
and Siberia, are to pay a much higher duty ; the building
.of
the Isaacs Church of the Hermitage, and many other Imperial
edifices, is suspended for the present. A fortnight ago the last
English missionaries, Messrs. Thallybrass and Swan, of the
Edinburgh Society, returned from Siberia. on their way to
England. Henceforward there will be no English inissionariea
in all Russia, as, the Russian Government has confined their
operations to preaching only, and the converts are obliged to
embrace the Greek religion. These two clergymen have slow
a great service by translating the Bible into the Mongol lan-
guage.

SUICIDE AT THE CAMBRIAN COFFER-
Hoy sE.— On Sunday morning, at half-past three, a man having,
the appearance of a footman entered the Cambrian Coffee-
house in Great Russell-street, and having called for a cup o*
coffee, he asked to be furnished with a bed. The waiter con-
ducted him up stairs, and had just reached the shop again, when
he heard a heavy fall on the floor. He ran up stairs, and on
entering the room found the man extended on the floor with
his head nearly severed from his boiy, the carotid artery being
completely cut through. No letters or papers were found on
the deceased to lead to a clue of his name or address. He
hail on a dark mixture coat, brown waistcoat, plush small-
clothes, white stockings, and shoes. The buttons have a
boar's head, and are the manufacture of Messrs. Trimmer
and Co., Strand.
REPRESENTATION OF STOCKPORT.
--We un-
derstind that the liberal electors of this borough are bestOng
themselves, as they ought to do, to procure the triumphant re-
turn of Mr. Cobden in the reom of Major Maryland. A re-
quisition, most numerously and respectably signed, is about to
be presented to Mr. Cobden, of whose election no doubt is now,
entertained. The disgrace inflicted upon the town, by the
retern of a Reformer and a Tory, is about to be wiped•stway.—
Manchester Times. - •
The General Steam Navigation Company's ves-
the Giraffe, R. Stranack, from Rotterdam, arrivedoff the
Custoserhanie on Sunday with the Dutch mail ; also the
Galedotaia, $, Chiesignrs, from Hruhurgluirri.iv-rd_tfr.....- the
Tower at five o'clock A.St., this d? 7, with toe flanwwar"v4.o..-

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

CHRONICLE.—Due pains have been taken by the Tories
to
convert their actual minority in the House of Commons into
a majority on the question of turning out Ministers. Urgent
and repeated remonstrances from the squirearchy have been
addressed to the few Liberal Members who now represent
agricultural districts, to the effect that any further vote in
farrier of the Government will be construed into a vote against
the Corn-laws. Backed as they are by gross, but plausible
misrepresentations, their remonstrances may have some effect ;
but the Government must have been fully prepared for
every annoyance and obstruction which could be placed
in its way 'by the fury of its unthinking opponents,
wielded in the most mischievous direction into which
it could be turned by the skill of the candid Sir
Robert Peel. We have said that the confederacy of Tories
and monopolists is the stronger party in. the present Pariia-
ment. Will it be so in the next? We believe not. But as-
suming that the result would be doubtful even in case of a dis-
solution by the present Governmew, with a dissolution at
which the name arid power of the Crown—now arrayed on the
side of the people—sl.ould be transferred to the oppressors of
the people, that result would be more than doubtful. But
the itlinisters have done their duty : and it is now certain that
a dissolution will take place before the influence of the borough-
mongers and privileged classes can be swelled by that of the
Executive Government. Ably and fearlessly have Mi-
nisters done their part: and the recent debates have shown
with what comprehensive yet deliberate foresight their plans
were prepared, and with what ability they have been sup-
ported. The claims of the agricultural body to adequate pro-
tection and those of the manufacturing classes to necessary
relief, have been fairly weighed with each other. But the
measure of justice is not that which our lords of the soil choose
to have applied to themselves. The great majority of Tory land-
lords ha 'e chosen to convert a national into a party question,
and have attempted to drag the more liberal and considerate
minority of their•body into a banded opposition to any altera-
tion of the present Corn-law. By pretences as hypocritical
as those on which they relied for the defeat of the
Ministerial plan for the reduction of the sugar duties, they
have sought to array the farmers and farm labourers in de-
fence of a system which can be of advantage to none but the
owners of the soil. But if such if to be the game of the other
party—if by such combinations every measure designed for the
benefit of the people is to be thwarted, surely those whose
trading and commercial interests are the first and principal
victims of the present system, must lay aside every division on
other questions of politics, and exert themselves to return Mem-
bers to represent the interests of British industry, and there-
fore the principle of freedom of trade. The commercial and
manufaeturing towns of Great Britain can, with perfect ease
and certainty, protect themselves.
TIMES.—In the debate on Lord Sandon's motion, sir Ro-
bert Peel, as our readers will doubtless recollect, alluded to a
conversation which he had recently had with a Quaker gen-
tleman named Ashworth. who had waited upon the Right Ho-
nourable Baronet as part of a deputation Irom the Chamber
of Commerce at Manchester. Under the manifest conviction
that it Robert is on the eve of assuming the reins of Govern-
ment, the Deputies were anxious to lay before him their free
opinions upon trade in all its multitudinous branches; and in
the progress of this discursive lecture, which was conducted in
the most amicable spirit, Mr. Ashworth, by way of fortifying
the Chamber's hostility to prohibitory duties, requested the
Premier elect to peruse a certain pamphlet by a Mr. W. R.
Greg, on the unanswerable force of whose reasonings, as inevit-
ably insuring the Right Hon. Baronet's assent, the
worthy Quaker declared that he was quite willing to stake the
entire question of an unfettered commercial intercourse. With
no small misgivings lest his long-established sentiments might
be thoroughly overturned by the lauded pamphleteer, Sir
Robert, in his usual candid way, agreed to give it his best
consideration. A careful perusal was immediately bestowed
upon it—when, to his utter astonishment, the sharp-witted
statesman discovered that the production recommended to him
by Mr. Ashworth afforded in truth a strong confirmation of
his own views : and as he had apprized the deputation that lie
should reserve an explicit development of those views for
his place in Parliament, Sir Robert felt at perfect liberty in
the course of his speech on Tuesday to detail the particulars
of his interview with the Deputation, and especially the
grotesque effect of Mr. Greg's pamphlet in absolutely anni-
hilating the dogmas of its free• trade panegyrists. This he did,
in a strain of graceful and good-natured satire, which convulse
the House for several minutes. The unctuous and refice.l ten-
derness of Izaak Walton in impaling his dear little worm upon
a comfortable new hook was nothing to it. The Chamber of
Commerce at Manchester has had some untoward passages in
its time. It has, before now, been cruelly burlesqued by its
own Chairmen, as Mr. G. W. Wood can testify : but never
till Tuesday night was that unfortunate Corporation's capacity
of endurance testod to its full extent. Altogether it was a
scene of the most courteous and insupportable torture which
the Chamber has yet experienced—its own deputies, as a per-
verse fate decreed, having been ence more the princilialn-
struments of the infliction. Wherefore, it is not very unlikely,
we think, that deputations may stand some chance of going out
of fashion. That Mr. Henry Ashworth, the chief leader in
this species of "chambering and wantonness," must have felt
sorely chagrined at the tremendous retribution which it led to,
was only to be expected; and accordingly, he has sent a very
egotistic letter to the newspapers, in which, what with at-
tempted, explanations, disclaimers, and non mi rzcordos, the
highly estimable gentleman has, as is usual with talkativeigno-
ramuses, placed his case considerably more in the wrong than
when he first submitted it to the eagle eye and frightful talons
of Sir Robert Peel.

POST.—Everything contributes to prove that Ministers,
knowing themselves tobe beaten and powerless, have conc2ived
the design of prolonging to the beginning of next year their
possession of office, by intimating the intention to dissolve Par-
liament, and obtaining upon this pretence such grants and
enactments as might absolve them from the necessity of meet-
ing the new Parliament before January or February next.
This, could they have accomplished it, would indeed have been
a coup de maitre. It would have given them their salaries
for three quarters of a year—no slight matter in their estima-
tion. It would have given them the incidental patronage
of Government for the same period, with all the advan-
tage in this respect that can accrue to an Administration
perfect in the art of jobbing, and allowed an interval of
nine months for practice between its dOom to dismissal
and the execution of the sentence. But more and better even
than these—it would have given them the opportunity of exer-
cising for six months all the arts of corruption to which a des •
perate and unprincipled Administration can have recourse,
upon the constituencies throughout the country, or, at their
own option, upon the newly-elected Members of a new Parlia-
ment. We do not know what Ministers can have seen in the
conduct of the Conservatives in the House of Commons to in-
duce them to hope that the ingenious contrivance we have
described might be permitted to succeed. Without at-
tempting to reconcile the calculation of Ministers to corn-
man sense, which is no business of ours, we are content
to announce to them and to their followers that, within
the next twenty-four hours, they will discover it to have been
a terrible miscalculation. That Ministers, for sake of retain-
ing place a few months longer, would willingly throw over-
board the whole of the important public and private business
now before Parliament, their conduct has sufficiently proved.
There are thirty-seven Orders of the Day, and twenty-four
Notices of Motions, all of importance, .on the Paper for to-
night. And Ministers have placed the House of Commons in
a situation in which it is morally impossible that any business,
public or private, which does not immediately affect the ques-
tion, " Who are to be the Government ?" should receive ade-
quate attention. They cannot, however, throw overboard the
business of providing for the two millions and a half of defi-
ciency, which will remain to be supplied after the sugar du-
ties are granted. Neither can they throw overboard the busi-
ness of providing for the maintenance of the poor after the
expiration, in the autumn of this year, of the existing Act.
Now the Conservatives, although they will certainly refuse no-
thing that is strictly necessary to shield the public service from
injury or inconvenience, will as certainly grant nothing be-
yond what is strictly necessary for the exigencies of the State
during the period that must be consumed in electing and con-
vening a new Parliament. Neither will the Conservatives of
the House of Commons permit the important duty of legislat-
ing for the poor to be hurried over in a House of Commons,
the Members of which are distracted by the turmoil and anxie-
ties of an approaching election. Ministers have begun the
game of dissolution, and they are to play it out, with the con-
dition, which, we believe, they had overlooked, that the new
Parliament must assemble to complete the necessary business of
the year immediately after its election.
HERALD.—It is not yet "Midsummer," and the so'emn
citizens of London (those of them, at least, who are of a tern-
perament sufficiently mercurial to daily with politics and Par-
liaments), have announced a vision which, for its burlesque
absurdity, surpasses any "dream" that ever visited the dim-
hers of mankind at that period of the year ! " A Midsummer
Night's Dream !"—need we add, utterly without its poetry,
and of which the "fit e fancies " can have been inspired by no
other Helicon than the spiritual waters of Mr. Fearon's peren.
nial fountains on Holborn-hill, or some other such classical
acclivity ! if we are to trust the intelligence with which a
Correspondent supplies us, a certain party in the livery of the
City of London are actually disposing .themselves, in the
event of a dissolution of Parliament, to dispense with
the public services of Mr. Grote, and to get up a requi-
sition, calling on I.ord John Russell to allow himself to be
put in nomination as a candidate to represent the metropo-
lis of capitals. Whether it be that a recent inspemtion of
Charles Knight's new periodical " London" (a book full of
topographical and antiquarian interest, despite of the obtru-
sively offensive politics which its clever compiler will thrust
by the head and shoulders into passages where they are least
wanted, or welcome), or our respect for that corporate com-
munity, that, with all its political deficiencies and mistakes,
has taken an active and deter Mined lead in many noble works
of benevolence raid justice (for such surely were its Consistent
efforts on behalf of the amelioration of the criminal code
and of the abolition of slavery )—whether that cause or this
feeling has specially excited our sympathies touching the " re-
presentation of London," we know not. But we do feel an
anxious desire that if Mr. Grote have really intimated his in-
tention of not soliciting, in the event of a general election, the
renewal of such an expression of the confidence of h:s fellow-
citizens as the honour of representing them—they should, at
leas, choose a successor equally well entitled by his fortune
and commercial station—better qualified by the soundness of
his political opinions and his commercial views, and not less
eligible on the grounds of his frank and ingenuous character
and decided principles (much as we dissent from them), as a
public man, to occupy the vacated place of Mr. Grote.
GLOBE.—Both by their speeches in Parliament, and
by their organs out of doors, the Tories exult over what
they call " the crisis of the Ministry." There is, how-
ever, another crisis, of infinitely higher moment, to which
they affect insensibility. They find it convenient to over-
look the crisis of the country. To this they make no allu-
sion. They are so engrossed by the contemplation of
the private advantages which place and power yield to
its possessors, as to be insensible to the responsibility of
Government, and the duty
.which it involves of encoun-
tering difficulties, and being prepared to counteract
them. They cannot, forsooth, consent to descend from
the Pisgah to which they have ascended, and from which.
they behold, spread wide before them, the Canaan of
their hopes, the land of corn, and wine, andoil, in which
they expect ere long, to revel in enjoyment. An in-
creasing expenditure, with a revenue decreasing year
after year, notwithstanding increased taxation, has no
terrors for inveterate place-hunters--although statesman
who had less of the spirit of faction would merge party
feeling in patriotism, and assist in providing a remedy
for evils whieh app preying on the vitals of the country.
aid
The recent debate I bare to the quick the rottenness
of the old system of national finance, and exhibited to
public scorn the selfishness and hypocrisy of its sup-
porters. By bolstering up a monopoly in corn, and in
the other articles of general consumption, for the "pro-
tection," as it was contended, of class interests, com-
merce, the true source of national prosperity, is crip-
pled—out'
Manufacturers impoverished—thousands of
operatives thrown wit pr wa)pign-41.4 cause of
the dirniri4pri demand Is*
depressed, no iqn. ger enable eyen those who funil_
employment to obtain sufaoiont fga, 4n4 llvd§
the labouring classes of the community, who would
be, and ought to be, die greatest consumers of taxa-
ble , commodities are prevented by poverty from becoin-
ing
,
purchasers—they cannot obtain a sufficiency of bread.
Tilts, on the one hand, while many of the manufac-
turers are ruined, being excluded from foreign markets
by prßh.ib.itc,7 duties which shut out the produce of

foreigners from our own, the national Exchequer is gra-
dually impoverished by the diminution of consumption
in those articles from which the revenue would other-
wise derive its principal receipts.
STANDARD.—" The idea of a coup d'etat is start-
ling, we know ; but for what do the prerogatives of the
Crown exist if not for exercise upon such an occasion as
that imagined, in arrest of the factious triumphs
of the banded monopolists, and in protection of
the most important interests of the people ?"
These are the words of yesterday's Examiner, and
our Contemporary has given the right name to the
act of the Ministers. It is a " coup d'etat," a des-
perate and " startling" stroke of wicked policy on
the part of a wicked Cabinet, having no other
end than to save its own existence. It is well to
have the truth thus plainly confessed. But only
half the criminality of this policy is seen in its tendency
to divide and disturb the people, to array interest against
interest, and, as Lord Melbourne himself said, to
throw the .country into confusion. Another and a
more pressing, if not a greater, evil flowing from
such tampering, is the creation and aggravation
of distress in every department of national industry. The
Ministers and their supporters in Parliament and in the
Press dwell with unconcealed satisfaction upon the proof
of suffering among the people, more particularly among,
the manufacturing population ; and well may they
exult in it, for it is in the greater part their own
work. Over-trading had, doubtless, done something to
produce the affliction—an affliction which over-trading
periodically renews—but the ill effect of over-
trading must be as nothing compared with the de-
solating operation of that total banishment of
confid ?nee from all commercial transactions pro-
duced by the Ministerial propositions. No man
will manufacture, or buy, or export, until he knows what
is to be the market to which he is to send his goods, and
of course what is to be their quality, upon what terms
he is to export them, what returns he is to expect, and
when he is to expect them. Such uncertainty is equivalent
to the complete privation of a market ; and it is unneces-
sary to look further to account for an universal stagnation
of the industry of the people, and for all the indescribable
misery which such a stagnation must produce. It is
thus that Ministers hope to accomplish their object.
They halloo the manufacturers upon the trade, the agri-
culture, and the property of the nation, and they starve
them, as animals used for the chase are sometimes
starved, that they may be keener and more fierce in the
pursuit. To call this simply a wicked policy is to treat
it too mildly—it is diabolical. ._

COLTlZll.—According to the new reading of the Con-
stitution to be gathered from the public conduct of Govern-
ment, it is quite clear that the people neither have, nor are
intended to have, the slightest influence in the direction
of their own affairs. The extraordinary spectacle is
now for the first time presented of a Ministry tenaciously
clinging to office, against the more than ten times re-
corded sense of their own House of Commons, without
taking into account their long-continued contemptuous
defiance of adverse opinion as notoriously existing in
the higher House of Parliament. Nay more, as if the
no-confidence votes of the House of their own calling
were not the faithful reflection of the public voice
withont its walls, they have the temerity to hazard
the dangerous experiment of a pretended appeal to
the very constituencies whom, at the same moment,
they are vilely outraging in the persons of their repre-
sentatives, whose decisions, clothed with a popular and
public mission as they are, are treated with disdainful
disregard. We say a pretended appeal, for it is noto-
rious, and the fact neither denied nor concealed by Minis-
ters or their supporters of the press, that not the slight-
est hope is entertained of stealing a majority through
this unprecedented manoeuvre of a dissolution, the cer-
tain prospect of which alone, assuming the end could
justify resort to means however disgraceful, might
afford some plausible grounds for justification. On
the reverse, a confirmed minority only_ is anticipated
in the new Parliament, and this we gather, not from
Conservative sources alone, in which reliance may be
securely placed, not from the querulous and desponding
tones of Ministers and their adherents of the press,
which are sufficiently expressive, but from the unreserved
avowals both of journals and Ministers.

MR. O'CONNELL'S ADDRESS TO

THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND.
London, May 19, 1841.
Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not
Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow?
FEI LOW COUNTICYMEN,—The crisis has arrived. We are
in the throes of a great and important change. The ancient
and virulent enemies of Ireland now rejoice. The Tory fac-
tion which, under various denominations, has so long misgo-
verned England, and brutally tyrannised over Ireland, seek to
assume the tyrannic domination once again. They have nearly
conquered the Queen, and joyously anticipate the pleasure of
once more trampling upon the people.
This is the time to try men's souls. Prepare, then, for the
coming struggle. For the pi esent, I take the liberty of sug-
gesting to you the principles upon which the coming elections
ought to be contested; and on which, I trust, every honest
Repealer will embark in the contest.
The principles which should govern your conduct ought, in
my judgment, to be these :

First—The paramount object. of every faithful Irishman, i,n
the prevent contest, should be, to advance the only permanent
and rational mode of procuring freedom and prosperity for Ire-
land—THE REPEAL OF THE LEGISLATIVE UNION.
Secondly—That sacred cause will be betrayed and injured,
if it shall be in any instance rendered subservient to the
triumph of a single Tory.
Thirdly—Every constituency in Ireland, capable of return-
ing a Repealer, should return an advocate for the repeal, in
preference to every other human being ; and, in particular, in
preference to a Whig, or even to a radical.
Fourthly—Every Liberal constituency in Ireland which may
be unable to return a Repealer, but be competent to return a
Radical, should return a Radical in preference to a Whig.
Fittoly—Every constituency in Ireland, unable to return a
Repealer, or Radical, should return a Whig in preference to a
Tory.

Sixthly—Nothing can be more base than that any constitu-
ency in Ireland should affect to be Liberal, yet return a Tory !
The Liberal Protestant who may vote for a Tory forfeits caste,
and should be deemed a hypocrite and a traitor. But a Catho-
lic elector, who, in this struggle, votes for a Tory, should be
deemed a base renegade, and a vile enemy of his country and
his kind, and he should meet the disregard, the contempt, and
the execration of all wko know him.

Seventhly—The man who, in the fruitless attempt to return
a Repealer, gives, directly or indirectly, assistance to a Tory
to be returned, should be set down as the enemy of Ireland.
Eighthly—Any man who, in the fruitless attempt to return a
Radical, gives, either directly or indirectly, assistance to a Tory
to be returned, shuuld be set down as the enemy of Ireland.
Ninthly—The man who affects patriotism by now abusing
the Whigs—even upon points on which they merit censure—if
by so doing he advances the interests of a Tory, that man shows
his folly in not recollecting that the great crime of the Whigs
is to resemble Tories ; and that a Tory is nothing more than an
exaggeration of all Whig faults, without any particle of Whig
merits.

Tenthly—The man t herefore who, by abusing the Whigs,
advances the interests of the Tories, does, out of his sheer folly,
serve the cause of the worst and bitterest enemies that Ireland
ever had

Alen of Ireland—You are a shrewd—an intelligent—a sen-
!ale people. You have, for many years past, been in the
habit of consulting your understandings rather than your feel-
ings—your judgments, and not your resentments. 'tour duty
at the ensuing elections is plain and obvious. It is this :
Firstly—Get Repeaters wherever you can.
Secondly—Get Radicals where you cannot get Repeaters.
Thirdly—Get Whigs where you cannot get either Repeaters
or Radicals.

Fourthly—Oppose the Tories everywhere, and in everything.
Fifthly—lt is also your duty to entertain the utmost con-
tempt for the judgment of any man, and to suspect his honesty,
who shall now, by abusing the Whigs, serve and promote the
interests of the Tories.

Men of Ireland !—I arraign before you the Tories upon these
several criminal indictments.

Firstly, It was the Tories who originally imposed upon your
country the support of an alien church—the church of the mino-
rity—giving to that church those temporalities which, in point
of right and justice, the statute law should allot to the use of
all the people.
Secondly —lt, was the Tories who sustained and have kept in
the hands of that church, by the oppression and by many a
sanguinary massacre of the people, the blood-stained tithes, the
ensanguined tithe composition, and now the more emaciating
and vexatious tithe rent-charge.
Thirdly—lt was the Tories who, as long as I remember, con-
tinued in full force the penal laws against the Catholics; and
who, having been discomfited and dereated by the quiet and
majestic patriotism of the people of Ireland, now seek, in a de-
lusive and swindling mariner, to deprive us of the benefit of the
Emancipation Bill.
Fourthly—lt is the same Tories, who, under the leadership
of Lord Stanley, now seek by atrocious calumny to annihilate
the franchise of the Irish people, and, as far as they are con-
cerned, to repeal the Reform Bill.
Fifthly—lt is the same Tories who have insulted the people
of Ireland, and robbed them of their corporate rights, by
an insufficient, a delusive, and a swindling corporate Reform
Bill.

Sixthly—lt is the same Tory faction that now seek to fill
our counties with Orange Magistrates, Orange and packed
Juries and Sheriffs, and to crowd the superior benches of jus-
tice with the most partisan, virulent, and bigoted Judges.
Seventhly—lt is the same Tory faction that foments and en-
courages contemptuous hatred of Ireland among the English
people, and animates them by falsehood and calumny to enter-
tain, in common with themselves, the most rancorous bigotry
against the Catholic religion.
Eighthly—The Tories are Orangemen under another name :
they hate the people of Ireland, whom they desire to oppress—
they vilify the religion of the people of Ireland, which they
would, in all practical ways. persecute.
Ninthly—The Tories support and most richly reward the
public press, that designates the brave, the generous, the
moral, the temperate, and the loyal people of Ireland as " mur-
* derous wretches," as " execrable villains," as " a filthy and
felonious rabble !"

Men of Ireland ! Such is the description they give of you.
Which of you will support the Tories?
Tenthly—They designate your venerable and venerated
clergy—the men who endure the chilling air and rain of the
bitter winter's night, and the most toilsome labours under the
noonday sun—the men who brave pestilent disease and all the
horrors of poisonous infection, in order to administer to the
poorest and lowliest of the poor and the lowly, the sacred and
heavenly consolations of pure religion ;_yes, the Tories desig-
mte the anointed priests of the living God as " SUPERSTI-
TIOUS TYI:. ANTS," as " BRUTAL MONSTERS," and as " sun-
PLIOED RUFFIANS!"

Catholics of Ireland !—ln any and every event show that you
inherit the glorious spirit of 1752. Demonstrate NOW your
title to the inheritance of freedom ; and as sure as to-morrow's
sun will rise, the Irish Parliament win again assemble in Col-
lege-green !—HtifiltAH, THEN FOR THE REPEAL!
DANIEL O'CONNELL.

We have seen the analogy between vegetables
and animals in structure and function, as well as in ele-
mentary and proximate principles. The secretions of
both may be innocuous or deleterious. The most re-
markable analogy in secretion respects milk, In South
America, Humboldt saw a tree that, Avcildf,d, yield§
441,414 re of vieh milk, which the negmes drink 444
glow fat upon, anti which affords u cnseuus
The tree grows on the barren rock ; has coriaceous dry
leaves; for several months is not moistened by a shower,
and its branches appear dry and dead : yet, if an inci-
sion is made in the trunk, the milk pours forth. This
" sweet vegetable fountain" is most copious at sunrise,
and'the blacks and natives are then seen hastening from
all quarters with bowls to the cow-tree.—Ellin(so*
•
man Physiology, - •-“,,kttitlf r

LAW INTEL! IGENCE.
HOUSE OF LORDS, May 24.
The House sat to-day to hear Scotch Appeals. The P• ers
pre:e..t were the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Lauderdale, and
Lord Woodhouse.

BREMNER V. KERR.
Mr. TINNEY resumed his arguments in this part-heard
Scotch Appeal on behalf of the respondent. The question in
the case related to a cautionary bond, and possessed no point
of interest except to the parties concerned.

ROLLS' COURT, May 24.
Unopposed petitions and motions of no interest occupied his
Lordship the Master of the Rolls the whole morning.

VICE CHANCELLOR'S COURT, May 24.
BATES V. WILLIS.
In this case, which was part heard, Mr. Knight Bruce
(with whom was Mr. Coleman) was heard in support of an
injunction formerly granted by the Court, and which was now
sought to be dissolved. _

The rents, issues, and profits of certain lands had been de-
vised to the plaintiff during her life by her husband, deceased.
It appeared that it was the testator's desire that a certain por-
tion of the profits ar.sing from the lands should be vested in
the hands of a banker, to pay off some ineumbrances on the
property ; of this vested sum the widow had di awn a part, and.
on the trustees seeking to prevent her again doing so an in-
junction had been obtained by her to restrain them from pro-
hibiting- the banker to honour any of her checks or drafts.
Mr. JACOB contended, at considerable length, that the trus-
tees were entitled to have the injunction dissolved, as it was
shown that the business of ttie farms could be carried on
without the plaintiff's raising any of the vested money, and as
some old debts still remained unpaid, though of smaller amount
than the sum in the hands of the banker.

His HoNou ft conceived that justice would be done to all the
partie., by dissolving the injunction as far as related to the
cash balance.

COURT OF QUEENS BENCH, May 24.

BUSINESS OF THE COURT.
At the si ting of the Court this morning Lord DENMAN
said they would take the special paper on one day only during
the present term, namely, Tuesday, the Ist of June. The
Crown papers would be taken on all the other special paper
days, and on every open day the Court would take motions and
new trials.

ABINGDON V. LIPSCOMBE.
The COURT gave judgment in this case which was an action
of trover, of seven cows and horses which had been seized as
heriots due to the lord of the manor, in respect of customary
tenure. The question in the case was whether the conversion
had been sufficiently proved by the evidence, and a rule for a
nonsuit had been moved for on the ground that the evidence
was defective on that point. It appeared that the servant of
the plaintiff had marked seven cows and horses, although he
was only entiled to five, and when he subsequently returned
and claimed the cattle, the defendant refused to give up the
seven, but stated his readiness to give up five. That appeared
to the Court to be a sufficient answer to the alleged conversion,
and therefore the rule for a non-suit must be made absolute.

REDWOOD V. MOUNT AND ANOTHER.

The COURT also gave judgment in this case, which was an
action of trespass against two Magistrates for havin,, issued
their warrant under which the goods of the plaintiff had been
seized. The case rose out of an appeal against an order of
Justices for the stopping up of a high-way, and the warrant
was issued to enforce the payment of the costs of that appeal.
The warrant of the Justices set out the conviction of the
plaintiff under the 90th sec. of the sth and 6th William IV,
chap. 50, but it did not set out the amount of the costs which
were to be levied against the plaintiff. The Court held that
the omission of the amount of the costs was fatal, and there-
fore their judgment must be for the plaintiff.