The Sun.
London, England, 1847-07-21 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS,

--- .
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)
MONDAY, JULY 19.
BISHOPRIC OF MANCHESTRR, &c.;BILL.
(IN THE COMMITTEE.)
Preamble, p. 2, lines 1 and 2 ; Amendment -proposed,' to
leave out the words " and for establishing Joythwith a
bishopric of Manchester:"—Question put, "That the words
proposed to be left out stand part of the Preamble." The
Committee divided : ..
MAJORITY—AYES, 86.
Acheson, Viscount Goulburn, Henry .. Parker, John
Adderley, C. B. Graham, Sir James '" Pennant, Colonel
Anson, Colonel Grey, Sir George Philipps Sir.R.
Richards, Richard
R.
ichard
Baring, W. B. Grogan. Edward
Bennet, P.
Blackbume, J.:..
Bentinck, Lord G. Hamilton, G. A. Pryse, Pryse
tßßß,Arlil
oaauickmniksesmottoninnriel:TeityW.
~
W.
.Round, C. G.
Heathcote, G. J. Russell, Lord J.
Borthwick, Peter Rutherford, A.
Bowles, Admiral Seymer, Henry Ker
Hope, A. Sheridan, R. B.
Drown, W. Somerville, Sir W.
Buller, Charles Jermyn, Earl Spooner, Richard
Stuart, J.
Clerk Sir G. Kemble, H. Troubridge, Sir E.
Clive, Vise.' Lascelles, W. S. Turner, E.
Colvile, C. R. Law, C. E. Tyrrell, Sir J.
Craig, W. G. Lefroy, A. Vyse, R. IL R. H.
Cripps, W. Lowther, Hon. Col. Walker, Richard
Denison, J. E. Macaulay, T. B. Walpole, S. H.
Dickinson, F. H. Malnwaring, T. Ward, H. G.
Duncembe, 0. Mettle, Fox Wood, Sir Charles
Dundas, Admiral 31ilues, R Monckton Wood, Colonel T.
Dundas, Sir D. Morpeth, Viscount Wortley, j, S.
East, Sir J. Morris, David Wynn, C. W.
Etwall, Ralph Neville, Ralph
Forester, G. C.j Newdegate, N.
Frewen, C. H. Nicholl, J.
Gaskell, J. M. Jervis,ui HawesI
i Hatton,I
li
oua le
di 1 1,
y l e a
rrbyd,su d.
:re:lit
.o.aTjelpwo.,
Henry
Captain
B.
John
y:ionTrd. Price, Sir R .
O'Brien, A. S.

TELLERS.
Tufhell, H.
lIW, Lard Marcus

MINORITY—NOES, 14.
Aglionby, H. Hume, Joseph Wakley, 'Morass
Collett, John M'Taggart, Sir J. Williams, w.
Currie, R. MoleswOrth, sir W.
D'Eyncourt, T. Osborne, Ralph TELLERS.
E3cott, Bickham Roebuck, J. A: Philips, Mark
Ewart, William Thornely, Thomas Horsman, E.

First Clause (Repeal of repugnant Enactments, and power
of former Acts extended to this Act):—Motion made, and
Question put, '• That the Clause, as amended, stand part
of the Bill." The Committee divided:—
MAJORITY—AYES, 128.

Acland, Sir T. Gore, Montague Newdegatc, C. N.
Adderley, C. B. Goulburn, Henry Nichol', John
Antrobus, Edmund Graham, Sir James Norreys, Lord
Austen, Colonel Grey, Sir G. Norreys, Sir D.
Baine, Walter Grogan, E. O'Brien, A. S.
Bannerman, A. Grosvenor, Lord R. Ossulston, Lord
liateson, Thomas Raiford, Sir 11. Palmerston, Via.
Bennet, Philip Hallyburton, Lord Parker, John
Bentinck, Lord G. Halsey, T. P. Patten, J. W.
Bentinek, Lord H. Hamilton, J. H. Philipps, Sir It.
Berkeley, Captain Hamilton, 0. A. Plumridge, captain
Bernal, Ralph Hamilton, Lord C. Price, Sir Robert
Blackburne, J. I. Hatton, Captain Protheroe, E.
Borthwick, Peter Hawes, Benjamin Reid, Colonel
Bowles, Admiral Henley, J. W. Rendlesham, Lord
Broadley, H. Herbert, Sydney Rich, Henry
Buller, Charles Hildyard, T. B; Richards. Richard
Carew, W. P. Hill, Lord E. Round, C. G.
Chaplin, W. J. Hobhouse, Sir J. Russell. Lord John
Cholmondeley, H. Hope, Alexander Russell, Lord C.
Clerk Sir George Howard, Henry Russell, J. D.
Clive, Viscount Inglis, Sir R. H. Rutherford, A.
Codrington, Sir W. Jervis, Sir John Seymour, Lord
Colebrooke, Sir T. Kemble, H.. Sheridan, It. B.
Craig, W. G. Labouchere, Henry Smith, R. V.
Cripps, William Langston, J. H Somerset, LordiG,
Dalmenv, Lord Law, C. E. Somerville. Sir W.
Deedes, W. Lefroy, Anthony Spooner, Richard
Denison, J. E. Legh, G. C. Stuart, John
Dick, Q. Le Merchant, Sir D. Strutt, Edward
Dickinson, F. F.' Lemon, Sir Charles Tollernache, John
Duckworth, Sir J. Liddell, H. T. Towneley, John
Hondas, Admiral Lowther Colonel Tyrrell, Sir J. T.
Dundas, Sir David Macaulay, T. B. Vivian, J. E.
Du Pre, C. G. Mainwaring, T. Vyse, H.
East, Sir J. B. Manners, Lord C. Walpole, S. H.
Easthope, Sir Jelin Maule, Fox Ward, H. G.
Egerton, W. T. 3leynell, Captain Wood, Sir Charles
Ellice, Edward Miles, P. W. S. Wortley, J. S.
Evans, Sir De Lacy Morpeth, Viscount Wynn, C. W.
Ferguson, Sir R. Morris, David
Fitzmaurice, W. Mundy, E. Miller
Frewen, C. 11. Neeld, Joseph
Fuller, A. E. Neville, Ralph

Tzmuts.
Tufnell, Henry
Hill, Lord M.

MINORITY—NOES, 25.
Agllonby, H. A. Evart, William Ricardo, J. L.
Roebuck J. A.
Clay, Sir W. Hindley, C.
Brotherton, Joseph
HFourisntpehr,erilly:
Aid. Thornely, T.
Clements, Viscount Horsman, Edwaial Trelawny, J. S.
Currie, Raikes Walley, T.
D'Eyncourt, C. T. Moleswortb, Sir W.
Duncan, George Pattison, James MIAMI.
Duncombe, T. Pechell, Captain Collett, John
Escott, Blckham Philips, Mark Hume, Joseph
Etwall, Ralph Pryse, Pryse ,

Second Clause (Number of Lords Spiritual not to be in-
creased) :"—Moticn wade, and Question put, " That the
Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill." The Committee
divided :

MAJORITY_AYES, 111.
Acheson, Viscount Ewart, William Norreys, Sir D.
Acland, Sir T. Ferguson, Colonel O'Brien, A. Stafford
Aglionby, H. A. Ferguson, Sir R. O'Connell, M. J.
Anson, Colonel Forster, Matthew Ossulton, Lord
Antrobus, Edmund Frewen, C. 11, Packe, CW.
Baine, Walter Gibson, T. M. Palmerston, Viscount
Bainierman, A. Gore, Montague Parker, John
Bentinck, Lord G. Grey, Sir G.
Bentinck, Lord H. Grosvenor, Lord R. PichiiceliP,PSTrSHir B.
H.
Berkeley, Captain Hallyburton, Lord Pryse, Pryse
Bernal, Bernal, Ralph Hamilton, Lord C. Repton, G. W.
Blackstone, W. S. Hastie, Archibald Ricardo, J. L.
Borthwick, P. Hatton, Captain Rich, Henry
Bouverle, E. P. ilawes, ite..o. Richards, Richard
Bowles. Admiral Hindley, Charles Ross, David it.
Bramston, T. W Hobhouse, Sir John Russell, Lord J.
Brotherton, J. Hodgson, F. Russell, Lord C.
Brown, W. Hope, A. Russell, J. D.
Buller, Charles Howard, Henry Rutherford, A•
Byng, G. S. Hume, Joseph seynaer, H. H• R. Cavendish, C. C. Jervis, Sir John • Seymour, Sir tr '''. B.
Cholmondeley, H. Jocelyn, Viscount Shell, R. L. .
Olive, Viscount Kemble, Henry Sheibunie, Earl'ol
Colebrooke, Sir T. Labouchere, Henry Sheridan, R. B•
Collins, William Langston, J. li. Smith, Vernon
Colvile, C. R. Lascelles, W. S. Somerville, Sir W.
Cowper, W F. Lefroy, Anthony Strutt, Edward
Craig, W. G. Le Merchant, Sir D. Thornely, T.
Dalmeny, Lord Lemon, Sir C. Townely, John
Denison, J. E. Macaulay, T. Troubridge, Sir B.
Duncan, George Mainwaring, T. Wit.d, H. G. d a
Dundas, Admiral Maule, Fox Wellesley, Lor
Dundas,. Sir David Meynell, Captain Williams, NV..„..
W
Du Pre, C. G. Morpeth,- Viscount Wilshere, T. .
__
East, Sir J. B. Morris, David Wood, tsir Charms
Easthopo, Sir J. Mundy, E. M. TELLEas.
Egerton, W. T. Newry, Viscount Tighe% H• ____
Elwell, Ralph Norreys, Lord Hill, Lord blow*

MINORITY—NOES, 57.
Adderley, C. B. Filmer, Sir E. Lindsay, Colonel
Archdall, Captain Fitzmaurice, W. Manners, Lord C.
Bateson, Thomas Forester, G. C. Mlles, FidllP WC 8'
Bennet, Philip Fuller, A. E. Neeid, Joseph
Blackburne, J. I. Gaskell, J. M. Neville, It.
C. N.
Boldero, Henry Goulburn, Henry Newdegate ,
Broadley. H. Graham, Sir J. Nicholl, John
Ruler, Sir Y. Raiford, Sir Henry Patten, J. 'cr.
Carew, W. H. Pole Halsey, T. P. Reid. Colonel
Clements, Viscount Hamilton, J. H. Round, C.
Clerk, Sir:G. Hamilton, G. A. Spooner, B.
Clifton, J.J. Henley, J. W. Stuart, J.
Codrington, Sir W. Herbert, Sidney Tollemache, J.
Corry, H. Hildyard, T. B. Tyrrell, Sir J.
Crippa, Wiliam Hill, Lord E. Vivian, J. E.
Walpole,
Deedes, W. Hope, G. W. ole Spencer
Dickinson, F. H. Horsman, EdwardTZLIABA.
Duckworth, Sir J. Ilotham, Lord Law, lion. E. C.
Duncombe, 0. Inglis, Sir B.
Legh, G. C. Wortley, S.
Egerton, Sir P.

----
M. TRIERS' HISTORY OF THE CONSULATE AND
EMPIRE.—The Seventh Volume of Mr. Forbes Camp.
bell's Translation of the above work (the only
rised English edition) autho.
is published this day by Mr.
Colburn, and may be had of all booksellers. Mr.
Colburn has also just published:-2. Vol. X. of Agnes
Strickland's Lives of the Queens of England. 3. Lord
Castlereagh's Narrative of His
.Journey to Damascus,
&c., 2 vols. 4. A Third Edition of Mr. Disraeli's
Tancred, 3 vols.; and 5. Mrs. Thomson's Memoirs of
dmoannythoef
Lady Sundon and the Court of Queen Caroline, 2 vols.
MR. GREEN'S BALLOON ASCENT.—Mr. Green,
p:cctaartoarsn,
as. first-heutenant of the
a hose multiplicity of ascents, has secured a prescriptive
safety in everything that relates to aerostation, made
the presence of somethous
another ascent on Monday from Cremorne gardens in
whom were persons of rank and fashion. He was ac•
oaoemria ship,ied
andby hhiiss brother,
hoop were—Captain de Bathe, of the Fusilier Guards ;
Captain Cast, of the Grenadier Guards ; Mr. Wind: or
Heneage, Mr. Lindsey Antrobus, Mr. H. M 0
-2-almont
passengersand thousands of
f ths
Mr. T. Little, Mr. Rein, Mr. Spencer, and Mr.Willium;
Lord Clanwillfam was to have been of the Party, but
every seat was filled before his Lordship arrived, and he
was consequently left behind. The huge machine Was
wafted gracefully in the direction of Hounslow ; the
wind blowing from the east. The gardens were
crowded with company, who after the ascent adjourned
to view the dramatic representations, and partake of the
good things in the numerous refreshment-rooms.
THE WESLETAN METHODISTS.—On Sunda-
y the
annual camp meeting of the City of London Primitive
Christians was held on the vacant plot of ground situate
between Victoria-street and Clerkenwell-green. The
meeting commenced at nine o'clock in the morning, and
continued throughout the day till a late hour in the
evening. Prayers, sermons, and hymns followed each
other without any intemission.
REPRESENTATION OF ROSS-SHIRE.—AS we were re
paring to go to press, we received the address which a'
-
peari in another column, from Mr. Mackenzie,
Applecross, intimating his intention of retiring frontof
the
expected contest.—lnverness Journal.

IMPORTANT MEETING OF THE FRIENDS
OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL, MR. PATTISON,
SIR GEORGE LARPENT, AND BARON
ROTHSCHILD.
A most numerous and highly important meeting of
the friends of the Liberal candidates for the representa-
tion of the city of London took place yesterday, at the
London Tavern, for the purpose of hearing the
statements of the different candidates of the grounds on
which they sought the honour of representing the city
of London. Long before the hour appointed for
the commencement of the meeting, two o'clock,
the large room of the tavern was crowded to
excess, as well as every avenue leading to it, by
persons of great respectability. The outside of the
tavern was literally besieged, and that part of Bishops-
gate-street presented more the appearance of a
fair than one of the ordinary thoroughfares
of London. The cause of all the excitement was doubt-
less the announcement that had been made that it was
the intention of Lord John Russell to be present for the
purpose of explaining the grounds on which he sought
to represent the city of London in a new Parliament.
Lord John Russell, accompianied by Lady John
Russell, .arrived shortly before two o'clock, and
was loudly cheered by the persons outside, as
were also the other candidates upon their ar-
rival. On Lord John Russell appearing on the
platform in the large room the cheering was deafening
in the extreme, and lasted for several minutes. On the
platform we noticed Lady John Russell, his Excellency
Mr. Bancroft, the American Minister, Mr. Pattison, Sir
George Larpent, Baron Rothschild, Lord Marcus Hill,
M.P., Mr. Trelawny, M.P., General Sir De Lacy
Evans, M.P., the Right Hon. Vernon Smith, M.P.,
John Abel Smith, Esq., M.P., Sir William
Somerville, M P., Sir William Molesworth, M.P.,
Lord R. Grosvenor, M.P., Sir Denis le Marchant, M.P.,
P. A. Taylor, Esq., D. Salomans, Esq., W. Hawes, Esq.,
the Right Hon. Edward Ellice, M.P., and Nathaniel
Meyer Rothschild, Esq.
Shortly before two o'clock, J. A. Smith, Esq., M.P.,
was called to the chair, and proceeded to address the
immense assemblage.
The HON. CHAIRMAN, in coming forward, was met
with great chef ring, coupled with considerable con-
fusion in parts of the room. As soon as silence
was, in some measure, restored, he said—
Gentlemen, before I address to you the few words with
which I shall think it necessary to trouble you, I beg to
draw your attention to the object wiiich has called
us together here to-day, which is one than
which none can be more important under a constitu-
tional government, that of expressing a deliberate
opinion as to the qualifications and fitness of those four
gentlemeneityofondn
whoo seekin jam
patrhieheonnto.—ur(
co
hf representingeers.sl am sure
the
there is not a single individual around me who
will not feel that a meeting with such an object
ought to be conducted with calmness, order, and
temper, and I am sure I shall not appeal in vain to those
around me, when I ask, however inadequate I may be
properly to discharge the important duties of the posi-
tion in which I am plac-d, for the cordial support of
those present in enforcing order, and securing to

every one a fair, quiet, anti impartial hearing.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, we are, as I stated before, met together to-
day to give an opinion as to the fitness of those gentle-
men who seek to represent us in Parliament. but more
especially to meet Lord John Rassell—(Tremendous
cheering)—whose official duties have hitherto prevented
him from appearing before you.—(Ci ies of " No more
bishops.") With respect to the other gentlemen who seek
our suffrages, their opportunities of meeting the electors
have been and wilt be so numerous, and they have
declared their opinions so openly, and in fact, on all
matters of public interest, they have given such full and
frank assurance as to their conduct in future,
that I feel it will not be necessary for me to
say one word with respect to them further
than, as a member of the committee who recommended
them to your support, to express the great gratification
they feel in knowing that they have been regarded with
such satisfaction by a large portion of the constituency.—
(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I do feel that it is right to say
a few words with reference to Lord J. Russell.—(Cheers.)
That Noble Lord is a Minister of the Crown, and as
such labours under certain disadvantages as a candi-
date.—(Cheers.) He is prevented by the weight and
importance of official citifies from personally taking any
steps to resist that oppositiori with which, in the
present election, he is threatened.—(Cheers.) But
still more, he is prevented by that reserve, incum-
bent upon him as a Minister of the Crown, from
giving those frequent and free expressions of all his
opinions which he otherwise would do, and making
statements which he cannot do without a violation of
public duty.—(Cheers, hisses, and cries of " That's all
nonsense.") But, if the oble Lord has that !dis-
advantage, he possesses one great advantage over
two of those Hon. Gentlemen whom I hope to sce
shortly in Parliament (Cheers) —he can appeal
to a long public life of consistency—(Cheers)—
as honourable to him as it is rare among public men—
(Great cheering)—and I venture to believe that that
long-tried public life is a better guarantee as to his con-
duct in future than any explanations, any assurances,
however strong—(Cheers)--and any explanations, how-
ever explicit, as to his future intentions.—(Cheers.)
He can also appeal to a name and family,
whose boast end whose glory it has been
to employ their weight in the State, their wealth, their
possessions, and, when necessary, even their lives—
(Tremendous cheering)—in securing the liberties, and
extending the power of the people.—(Continued cheers )
Lord John Russell can say, and say with a proud sense
of his right to say it, I have ever trusted the people, and
I call upon the people to trust me.—(Cheers.) I
believe that the people will respond to that call—
(Cheers)—and I am satisfied that no trifling difference
of opinion, no disappointment at the short coming of
any particular measure, will diminish that confidence
which is due to the long-tried and consistent friend of
liberty in England.—(Great cheering.) I believe,
also, that the people, who are elways just to
those who deserve it, and who have servtd them
faithfully, though not in accordance with the will and
majority of the House of Commons—l believe that the
people will not forget the noble sense he entertained of
his duty, though his power to do good, as far as the
House of Commons was concerned, was crippled by the
majorities of that House ; neither will the people forget
the Noble Lord's carrying on the Government under
restraints and disadvantages which it is now for you and
the constituencies of the empire to remove.—(Cheers.)
But, gentlemen, I feel that Lord John Russell can
ustly claim the confidence of the people and the Liberal
party throughout the kingdom ; I feel that there is one
section of that party on whom his claims ought to tell
with double force—that section which is not more dis-
tinguished by their numbers than their talents, their
energy and their zeal. I allude to the Dissenters.
—(Cheers.) I think I may ask, without any
fear of the answer, what other public man in
England has done as much as the Noble Lord, not
only to establish that great principle, that it is contrary
no less to justice and fairness than to the princii.les of
Christian charity, to visit religious labourers witll,civil
disabilities—(Cheers)—but wfio has done what he has
done in removing those several prejudices against the
Dissenters which were once so strong, but which have
now disappeared so entirely as almost to create a doubt
whether they aver existed?—(Cnters.) Gentlemen, I
will not believe, until I see it, that the Dissenting hod)
of Great Britain will forget the deep obligation they
owe to the Noble Lord, but will allow for a difference of
opinion upon a point on which great differences of
opinion exist among even the Dissenters themselves.
—(Cheers, hisses, and great confusion.) Gentlemen, I
will not occupy your time longer, but will conclude with
these words, that if public services and persevering in-
dustry in the performance of duties which are for the
best interests of the country, give any one a claim to the
honour of representing the city of Londoe, which Lord
John Russell seeks at your hands, I feel no doubt that
that Noble Lord will shortly be triumphantly returned
as one of the representatives of the city of London in
Parliament--(Cheers.)
Lord JOIN RUSSELL then rose and presented himself
to the meeting amidst the most vociferous cheering, and
the waving of hats and handkerchief's, intermingled with
which there were some hisses, which seemed to us to
proceed from a small section of persons in the middle of
the meeting. After waiting some moments for the

purpose of procuring silence, which, however, be
was unable to obtain, the Noble Lord proceeded
to address the meeting. He had but uttered
the prefatory word " Gentlemen," when great
uproar broke out, which lasted some time. When
. _

it had partially subsided, the Noble Lord proceeded to
say—Gentlemen, I am here before you as a candidate—
(Noise and uproar)—for the honour of representing you
at the approaching election for the city of London.—
(Continued noise.) Gentlemen, lam at the same time

here to reply to the charges which have been made

against me—(Cheers and hisses)—and to explain to you
the reasons why it is stated, and on account of what it
is stated, that I am disqualified from appearing
before you as a candidate for your suffrages. [Here the ,
uproar, which had partially subsided, broke out, with re-
newed force. What its object was, or what were the ex-
clamations used, we are utterly at a loss to divine...l—
of "Shame," and Disgraceful.") It is said, in
the first place, that, as a Minister of the Crown, I ought
not to be a candidate for the city of Lond,n.—(Con.
tinued noise.) Gentlemen, I believe such an objectif,n
is contrary to the popular genius of our Constitution,
and I believe nothing more will conduce to the harmony
of that Constitution than that persons possessing the
confidence of the Crown should seek G r the suffrages of
large bodies of the people.—(Cheers.) I can ehiiceiy,
nothing more advantageous to the Crown than that per-
sons repre.enting large communities should be able t
carry the wishes, the opinions, and the requests of those
communities to the foot of the throne.—(Loud cheers.)
I eannot agree, thereture, that, as a Minister of the
Crown, your service.—(Chee
Crown, disqualified
era.)

'ln the next place, it is said—and this is made a charge—
a charge utterly without proof against me—(Cheers)—
auspelaeoaf
in
nthe the
citycontest
of which is
wiocnhi s, nowt about
to the
take c
bou
and that it is at my instigation that 'that t
con est has
arisen.—(Cries of " No, no, certainly not," and cheers.)
It is common to all
Members who have the honour of a
seat in Parliament, that they are desirous to avoid and
not to provoke a contest (Laughter and cheers) and I must own that, for myself, gentlemen, lam not an
exception to that general rule.— (Cheers and laughter.)
But, gentlemen, I am sure I should be exercising a
most undue interference with the rights and privileges
of the citizens of London if, asking for their suffrages for
myself, I should presume to tell them who should lie the
other candidates, and who they should think worthy of
their suffrages to make up the number of four candidates ,
to represent the city of London in Parliament.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, it is for the electors themselves to decide ;
it is for those who have their confidence, and who are
forward amongst them, in the conduct of elections—it is
for them, I say, to decide what is the strength of the
party with which they are connected; and for myself I
may way, that I never was acquainted with any party in
this country which, being of opinion that they could
command the whole of the representatives, were ever
satisfied with one-half.—(Cheers and laughter.) I am
sure that in the election of 1841 there were none who
said in the counties of England, " These Whigs will be
too much beaten—let us give them one-half of the re-
presentation ; let us take care • they are not too
much defeated when they come to the poll."
No such indulgence, I think, was afforded to the Liberals
in 1841, and therefore I say, gentlemen, it is for those
who know the strength of the different parties—which I
certainly have not the means of ascertaining—it is for
them to judge whether they have the strength to return
four Liberal Members. It is a matter with which I have no
right to interfere ; and, therefore, it is for the electors,,
and for the electors alone, to' judge.—(Cheers.) But,
gentlemen, there is another charge—namely, that I have
in presuming to appear myself before you, after being
twice elected to the honour of representing you in
Parliament, allowed the Liberal Association of this city
to join my name with those of three other gentlemen,
most respectable and intelligent men no one doubts—
(Cheers)—but one of whom, it is said, being disqualified
by law to take his seat in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.)
Why one should have thought that my friend Baron
Lionel de Rothsetild was about to come by " force of
arms" to break open the door of the House of Com-
mons—(Cheers and laughter)—and to get himself
admitted into the House by violence.—(Laughter.) I
am sure there is no man in this country who will take
care to obey the law more implicitly than my friend
Baron Rothschild—(Cheers)—but what he says is, that
"if you, the citizens of London think proper to elect me,
it will be after that for the law to decide whether I am
able to take my seat in Parliament or no."--(Cheers.)
And, gentlemen, upon general principles it is not for me
to find fault with his pretensions.—(Applause.) Gentle-
men, from the beginning of my political life I have al-
ways followed that great doctrine of Fox, that " acts
and not opinions ought to be the subject of punishn_• It"
—(Cheers)—that religious opinions formed no ground
for civil disqualifications.—(Applause.) It was upon
that ground, taking my stand on that principle many
years ego—l b,lieve it is now twenty years ago—
that I proposed to the House of Commons to
abrogate those civil disqualifications that barred the
way to office of Protestant Dissenters.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, it was upon the same principle, braving the
obloquy which attended that opinion, that I always gave
my vote for removing the disauilities which affected our
Roman Catholic fellow-subjects.—(Loud cheers.) And,
gentlemen, I know no limit to that prin.:4le.
(Cheers.) I say—and I have repeatedly said in
Parliament what I now declare to you that
there ought to be no disqualification for civil officers
or for seats in Parliament on account of religious
opinions.—(Cheers, and a cry of "No Popery.") It
was on the ground of this general principle that I could
not repudiate or disavow the alliance which the " Liberal
Association" have made of my name with that of the
gentleman who solicits your suffrages, and to whom I
have already alluded. Gentlemen there are other ques-
tions—(Hear, hear)—which have been in agitation
since I was first elected to the honour of a seat in Par-
liament. I remember declaring in this room that
I thought if the weaver of Lancashire produced
a piece of cloth, and the husbandmen on the
banks of the Ohio grew a quarter of wheat, that these
two men ought to be at liberty to exchange tkpir nra.
ducts, and that no law ought to preientithat intec?n
—(Loud cheers.) That which I satea Were in.!
I proposed again in the House of Commons in 184:

pointed out how fertile were the countries I;e3oud—alg
Atlantic, and how desirable it was in any difficulty of
procuring food for this country ttat the abundant har-
vests of America shculd be.brought over to this country,
while the manufacturing industry of this country should
send over their products in exchange.—(Hear,
hear.) And, gentlemen, what I then asserted has
in the present year come to pass for the he
nett of this country.—(Loud cheers.) For I believe
no less than 4,000,000 of quarters of grain of various
kinds will have been brought over, for the assistance of
this country, from America during the year.—(Loud
cheers.) And I, therefore, assert that even in press-
ing what I then proposed, a compromise— that in
supporting that which I afterwards supported, when
I saw that there was no room or time for compromise--
a total abrogation of the duties on corn, I served your
interests, and did that which was for the general
welfare of the country.—(Loud cheers.) But, gentle-
men, it has been said, and papers have been circu-
lated —actually in print! —of which the lan-
guage, in plain English, is this,—" These men
—the Whigs and the Liberals—have served you in
former times. They have helped you to gel rid of the
links and fetters of religious intolerance—they have
helped to shake off the chain of commercial monopoly ;
but that business is done, that service is ren-
dered, and, therefore, it is to our interest now to
turn off the servants who have done these things,
and endeavour to look for others by whom some other
service is to be performed.—(Cries of " No, no," and
prolonged cheering.) Gentlemen, I don't wish to dwell
upon this topic, because I am sure that the hearts of
Englishmen never would cherish so base, so unworthy a
sentiment—(Prolonged cheering)—and I feel sure that
the same principles which have animated men in your
service in past times are likely to animate them in future
times, when new questions arise through these new circum-
stances, and that they will apply the same principles to
them by which they have heretofore been guided.—
(Cheers, and" Don't let us have a final question.") But,
gentlemen, there have been questions which have of late
divided public opinion, and upon which public opinion is
not so settled as I could wish ; but I should say that it
is generally upon those questions of religious disabilities
and commercial monopolies to which I have referred, and
foremost among them is the great question of education.
Gentlemen, I am not here to deny that for many years
past I hay.s looked anxiously to the increase of educa-
tion in this c,:untry. For that purpose I have taken an
active part in the British and Foreign school bociety,
an institution which has done much to promote the
cause of education. I have considered education as a

r good in itself: I have considered it as connected with
the cause of liberty—with the increase of liberty in this
country; and let me f)r a moment call your attention,
in order to show how deeply education is connected with
Jibe rty, to that which takes place in the northern and
southern states of America.—(Cheers.) In the northern
states, where there prevails the utmost freedom—
(Cheersj—the State is most busy in favouring, in encou-
raging, and in promoting the cause of education, and
there the great proportion, the great body of the people
do receive in the schools there estabashed a moral and
religious education.—(A Voice—" Why don't they
emancipate the slaves?") And, upon the other hand,
in the southern states of America, where slavery pre-
vails, there education is discouraged—there education
is in many cases actually prohibited, because, as
knowledge is connected with freedom, so is igno-
rance connected with slavery.—(Laud cheering.) Gen-
tlemen, in promoting the cause of education, thereto; e, I
have sought to promote the liberty of the country. I
was aware, if not otherwise, at bast by the failure of th
late Government in its well-meant attempts for that
purpose, that no one system imposed by the Legislat ire
would answer, or would be embraced by the various
religious persuasions in this country, and therefore we
have taken the plan of adopting and favouring all the
various schools which the various religious societies
have set up, and in this manner doing our u_tineowsterteo
promote the general object.—(Great uproar.)
ther com-
munity—viz., told, that with regard to a great
tnunity—viz., Protestants dissenting
education which
that they would not accept any ofplan
religious itistru?.-
authorised any interference with theirot.”)
The minutes
tions.—(A Voice—" Of course. npforrotm_ionthe Church—
htoandavoaid ihat
interference. But I now hold
n the- declaration sup-
plementaryf
which we had framed were intienndmeyd
for the o
, which enacts that while we ask inspection
minute, founded P
of all schools to which Parliamentary aid is granted, we
inquire and inspect only into secular instruction, and
do
wayf meddle or interfere with, or inquire
intothe religious instruction afforde:t at
nothte in
nature any o
those schools.—(Loud cheering.) I venture to ask you,
and I ask you with confidence, whether, while we are
:
giving millions of money—nearly twenty millions—every
year forfotrheopuurrpcoosuerstsof
odfefieunacteicefo, r ourand army, t
the
various
for our nothernavy,
purposes of civil government, it is too much
to have sought for a grant of 100,0001. to promote the
better education and instruction of the people?—(Loud
cheering.) Of this I feel confident, that some misap-
prehension must have prevailed among the great body of
Protestant Dissenters, because, as I have said in that
society—the British and Foreign School Society, to
which I belong—and in every other society, I have
always found the Protestant Dissenters of this country
most eager and forward in promoting the general cause
of education ; and therefore, if we differ at all, it must
not be in our objects, but in some misconstruction or
misapprehension of a particular measure—a miscon-
struction and misapprehension which further in-
quiry and further reflection will, I think, not fail to
dissipate.--(cheers and counter cheers, tic., with cries
of " No, no.") Other questions have startedbeenhichother
the with-
out, as I think, any necessity, and Lipp
candidates for the city of London, who
tl men whom I
see near me profess, have been forward
wdo not profess
those liberal principles which those gentlemen e
giving pledges.
I Now, gentlemen, I am not myself,
speaking of
general