The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-28 00:00:00

sit was stated, to the war in Canada. In 1839 that
deficiency amounted only to 430,000/, showing that the
revenue had increased by nearly one milliou ; and in
1840. in consequence of the WA in China and in Syria,
the deficiency amounted to 1,450,0001. In the year 1840,
in consequence, it had become thkpepessary,duty of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to Ili& 'sdinah fileakires to
revive the finances of the country—and what had the
Chancellor of the Exchequer done ? Why, he had
adopted a course which, under all the circumstances of
the case perhaps he was justified in adopting, but against
which, nevertheless, some of the Liberal Members of the
House had felt it their duty to protest ; he had added to
the taxes on the necessaries of life by adding five per
cent. to the Customs and Excise duties. In that course
he had been supported by the other side of the House
most cheerfully. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had
been complimented on his wisdom and his prudence in
boldly facing the financial difficulties of the country ;
but when the Chancellor Of the Exchequer came
forward, not to add to the -burdens of the peo-
ple, but to reduce them—when he proposed
to diminish the duties on timber, sugar, and corn, and
to add to the revenue, by diminishing the pressure on
the people—then he was met by a vote of want of con-
fidence. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite was will-
ing to come forward when any measure was proposed
for taxing the people, but he was just as backward when
any measure was proposed to relieve them from taxation.
—(Loud cheers.) He believed that ere long the people
would re-consider the verdict which they had given in
favour of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, a verdict which they
had been induced to give in consequence of delusion and
intimidation.—(Cheering. and counter-cheering.) He be-
lieved they would re-consider it, when they found they
had changed a Chancellor of Exchequer who would have
given them relief, for one who refuses all relief—(Cheers)
—a Chancellor of the Exchequer who would have re-
duced taxation, for one who will increase it.—(Loud
cheers.) Why, the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite must
impose fresh burdens on the people, and the people would
not be slow in wishing that verdict reversed, whenever
they might find that such was the case.—(Cheers.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman, it was true, had been returned
by a large majority of the constituency of the county—
(Tory cheers)—but he had always contended that the
constituency did not represent the wishes or interests kof
the country. He had always advOcated the interests of
the unrepresented, and however small might be the mi-
nority in which he might find himself, or however hostile
the majority by which he might be opposed, he would
always be found the unflinching advocate of the princi-
ples of liberty and justice ; and he was satisfied that
those principles must triumph eventually.—(,Cheers.)
Now, what was the amendment. whichethe Hon.
man bad proposed ?It began by asserting that the House
felt deeply sensible of the important considerations to
which her Majesty had directed its attention, more par-
ticularly with reference to the commerce and revenue of
the countryand the laws regulating the trade in corn. Now,
those were the words of the amendment, and he would ask
were they prepared to act upon that amendment ?
(Cheers)—were they prepared to take into their consi-
deration questions relating to the commerce and revenue
of the country, and the laws regulating the trade in
corn ?—(Loud cheers.) If they were, was it too much
to ask them to give some definite information on the
subject ?—(Loud cheers.) But if they were not so pre-
pared,—if, after having carried their amendment, they
intended to postpone the further consideration of all
these great questions until the spring—then, he would
say, that never had a people- been more insulted.—
(Cheers)—never had a Speech from the Throne been
treated with greater contempt.—(Continued cheering.)
Now, what would they do ? They would adjourn the
House as soon as they had carried their amendment.
The amendment expressed that they were sensible of
the sufferings of the people, and yet they postponed the
consideration of all measures for the relief of those suf-
ferings until next spring.—(Hear, hear.) That was
the answer. The Speech from the Throne expressed
sympathy for the sufferings of the people, and directed
their attention to the consideration of measures for the
relief of that distress ; but the House, pretending to
represent that people, refused to take the subject of
their distresses into its consideration. The Noble Lord,
who had seconded the amendment, had avowed
himself an advocate for free trade. Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite called themselves the disciples of Mr. Huskisson,
and pretended to hold the memory of that great man in
high veneration. But if they really held the memory of
Mr. Huskisson in respect—if they were really followers
of that great Minister—they ought to be ready to de-
clare what measures they intended to submit to the
House. He asked the Right Hon. Baronet what he
meant to do with the corn question, the timber duties,
and the sugar duties ? Did they mean to let the people
go without those measures which they had been led to
expect ? What a contrast did not their conduct present
to that of the Whig party in 1825 and 1826 ! They .
had no confidence in the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo-
site or his friends, but the measures they proposed,
being beneficial, and calculated to add to the industry,
the wealth, and the comfort of the country, they threw
their weight into the scale, and at a time when Mr. Hus-
kisson was taunted with being a cold-hearted metaphy-
sician, then the great Whig party came forward and
gave their aid to a Tory Government.—(Hear, hear.)
In 1830 there was a Speech from the Throne which gave
great dissatisfaction to a certain set of agriculturists in
that House. The Right Hon. Baronet said, at that
time, that the course of the Liberal Members of the
House was marked by an honourable forbearance
of party tactics. They rallied round the Govern-
ment, and opposed those manoeuvring agricultural gen-
tlemen; and he asked the House if that was not strongly
contrasted with the conduct of the Opp osition in the
present case ?—(Hear.) With the acknowledgment on
their lips that trade languished, and that extended mar-
kets were required for their commerce, they postponed
the consideration of those questions for twelve months,
•
in order that in the meantime they might obtain place.
Policy, more mean and sordid, was never exhibited to the
nation in the House, or, if it were, history exhibited no
trace of it.—(Cheers.) They acknowledged the prin-
ciples that were put forward, but they delayed the ap-
plication—they admitted the wisdom, but declined to
introduce them. They were told it was a great proof
of statesmanship to be silent on questions of that sort,
but he would tell the House that they were silent be-
cause the hard necessity was imposed on them. They
were swelling with patriotic fervour to relieve trade, and
to lighten the burden of the country, but they were com-
pelled to be silent because their Government was one
of coalition and compromise ; and if any man spoke out,
principle would clash against principle, interest against
interest, and individual would struggle against individual.
They were therefore silent upon the most unworthy
policy. He believed no coalition Government could stand
in this country.—(lronical cheers.) And he hoped it
never might. Did Honourable Gentlemen mean to
say there was any thing like a similar coalition on
his (Mr. Hawes's) side of the House ? If so, he would
meet them on that point. The Noble Lord the Member
for North Lancashire had stated that he had changed his
place, and not his principles. Who then had changed ?
Was it the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam-
worth? He (Mr. Hawes) had seen no change in him,
and he declared to God he would rather have him
dictator and sole governor than to see him mixed
up with the men who were to fond part of the Go-
vernment.—(Cries of " Hear.") In former times they •
had had a coalition Government, and he would read them
an extract from a modern writer, in which it was stated
that the cause was the hostility of the King, who, hav-
ing avowedly received. them on compulsion, sought the
first opportunity to reject them, which their unpopularity
with the people afforded him. If he sought for tergi-
versation in Hon. Members opposite, he should find it in
the amendment to the address. They had come in on
the Corn-law question, and the avowed determination to
maintain the sliding scale, and the very first amendment
destroyed all expectation of an adherence to these laws,
as they had declared that it was their intention to take
them into their serious consideration. The fact was that
in order to afford prosperity to the farmers under the
present system, there must be a scarcity ti, iso
fc7or, nn, ando,)
food must be at a famine price.---(Cries of ,
Hon. Gentlemen who cried " No" had not looked into
the agricultural reports. When corn was plentiful,
agriculturists were constantly crying out, and now
when they were in the greatest distress, they had exhi-
bited the greatest tenacity for these laws ; and, in point
of feet, in years of abundance the farmers were always
In 1834, when this subject was dis-
what were the reasons urged for the
hearded tioncte;me piroiun;e,
nof these laws ? The first was the inde-
pendenceai from foreign supplies. Had
they been independent sinlcieke?l L
the
imports,
the
and
the quantity they werenext
nte maintenance
a n
of that country
yt7ook importaat
month, and the rate of duty. They had not secured in-
dependence of supply. Their whole history showed
that, under the existing laws they were still dependent,
and they ought to be so. A great commercial country
like theirs involved relations with every country on the
face of the globe. Another reason assigned was that the
manufacturers were protected. He (Mr. Hawes) was a
manufacturer, and he required no protection. His Hon.
Friend the Member for Stockport, whom he was happy
to see there as the representative 'of a great manufac-
turing district, wanted none.—(Cries of" Ilear" from Mr.
Cobden.) Another ground urged was, that the land was
subject to some peculiar burdens, and in consideration of
these burdens they were entitled to protection. Now,
would they give him a Committee (he would move for it)
to inquire into these burdens, and if the result was that
they were actually chargeable with any burden beyond
the rest of the community, he would [venture to say,
for the party he represented, that they would give the
agriculturist protection to that extent, but no more.—
(Hear.) To what a state had these laws reduced them ?
They had rejected an Bs. duty, and they were about to
let in an enormous quantity of foreign corn at one-fourth
of that duty. The corn averages for the week ending
the 16th of July last were 645. lid. ; for the week
ending the 23d of July G6s. 3d. ; the 30h of July
68s. 3d ; the 6th of August 70s. sd. ; the 13th of August
725. sd. ; and the 20th of August 745. 4d. ; and if the
average for the three weeks ending the 9th of September
were not less than 71s. 7d., the whole of the wheat then
in bond would be admitted at a duty of 2s. Bd. And
did Hon. Members know how much there was in bond ?
Taking the foreign and colonial wheat, and wheat flour,
now in the warehouses, the quantity was 813,000 qrs., and in
their great anxiety to protect the farmers the necessary
consequence of these laws was to admit nearly a million of
quarters at probably a nominal duty. The statements
he had made were from the most careful information
and authority. The Hon. Member for Yorkshire said
that he was the bearer of an answer from his con-
stituents to the appeal that had been made to the coun-
try. He (Mr. Hawes) represented also no inconsider-
able portion of the constituency in one of the largest
districts of the metropolis, and he distinctly and empha-
tically gave a totally opposite answer to that of the
Honourable Member for Yorkshire. They had sent
him to oppose no particular interest—he was not
to attach himself exclusively to any particular party,
unless there was an absolute neees,ity. And if the
Right Hon. Baronet, who was justly assumed to be about
to come into power, would apply himself to benefit the
great interests of the country, he for one would give him