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London, England, 1841-03-27 00:00:00

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zens of other States his advice as to their management, and the
form in which it is tendered is left to his own discretion and
sense of propriety.
It may be observed, however, that organised associations of
citizens, requiring compliance with their wishes, too much re-
semble the recommendation of Athens to her allies, supported
by an armed and powerful fleet,.
Our confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by
forbearance. Our citizens must be content with the exercise
of the powers with which the Constitution clothes them. The
attempt of those of one State to control the domestic institu-
tions of another, can only result in feelings of distrust and
jealousy, the certain harbingers of disunion, violence, and civil
war, and the ultimate destruction of our free institutions. Our
confederacy is perfectly illustrated by the terms and principles
governing a common copartnership. There a fund of power is
to be exercised under the direction of the joint councils of the
allied members, but that which has been reserved by the indi-
vidual members is intangible by the common government or
the indiv'dual members composing it. To attempt it finds no
support in the principles of our Constitution.
The General alludes distinctly and unequivo-
cally to the attempts making in some of the
States to abolish slavery in others ; and he de-
clares distinctly that the Constitution lends no
countenance to such attempts, and he censures
very severely those citizens of one State who in-
terfere with another. In this passage, as in
other parts of his address, the General, though
at the close lie professes a profound reve-
rence for the Christian religion, obviously
looks, as most statesmen do, only to
principles of worldly policy, and the laws
he is called on to administer. When he declares
that the citizen of one State is positively pre-
cluded from any interference with the reserved
powers of any State but that of which he is a
member, he casts to the winds those doctrines of
Christianity on which some of the inhabitants of
the North-eastern States and of our own country
deem it to be their duty to assert the dignity of
man wherever he is in a state of bondage. He
places the laws of each State, and the laws of the
United States, above Christianity, supposing
them to be in conflict as the laws of the Sou-
thern States undoubtedly are, and plainly tells
Irespect the reserved rig,tits-arelfctilditheY duties,

So far as that concerns philanthropy and the
great progress of humanity, it is an important
doctrine, but it becomes intensely interesting
when we are aware that the same principles will
be acted on by the General Government as ad-
ministered by the new President in its relation to
the different States. He is a strong advocate for the
independence of each State, and for respecting
the rights which have been reserved to it by the
Constitution. He contenGs for abusing the power
of the President, and also for limiting the
power of the Federal Government. We are
afraid, therefore, that he will be slow to interfere

with the State of New York, in its assumed
jurisdiction over Mr. M'LEon. But as that is a
very peculiar case, it was impossible to conjec-
ture how the General will apply his principles to
it. We only at present observe that the demo-
cratic views of the General extend to the power
of the Federal Government, as well as to the
power of the President. At the period of his
election, many expectations were held out that
he would effect a great alteration in the Govern-
ment; but we see none of importance promised
in his Address, beyond an extension of the paper
currency, and the separation of the Treasury
from the Executive.

The motion of Mr. GROTE, the evening before
last, and the recent demand made on the public
to provide for the expenses of South Australia,
are calculated to show that our people do not
enjoy the honour of possessing a large colonial
empire without paying something for it. The
object of Mr. GROTE'S motion was to obtain
more for New South Wales than it now gets.
The result of the late investigations into the
affairs of South Australia has been td take
155,0001. out of our pockets to pay its expenses.
We shall have to pay more yet. These two,

however, are amongst the most flourishing of our
Colonies, and the rest require similar nutriment
from our resources.

With such results the system must be erro-
neous. The penal colony of New South Wales
was enriched by the convict labour which Eng-
land paid, and the inhabitants, now that they are
to be deprived of the continual influx of, con-
victs, demand that we should pay them for
taking away that advantage. South Australia
has been brought into debt by its Government.
Amongst the expenses incurred are great sums
for surveying the land and for police; but in the
American system, from which ours is said to be
borrowed, except that the price of land is fixed
much higher, all the expense of the survey is
paid by those who benefit by it, and the whole
expense of the Government of every new dis-
trict is paid from the time of establishing it by
its inhabitants, who also contribute their quota
to the taxes of the State they belong to, and to
the expenses of the Federal Government. Our
colonies, however, do not pay the expense of
their own Government, much less contribute any
thing to the expenses of the Government at
home. From these different results there is
abundant reason to infer that our system is not
so good as that of the United States, though by
some persons it is described to be the same. ,

One essential difference, the clue we think to
the whole, is that colonization in the United
States is begun and carried on by, and for the ad-
vantage of; the colonizers. They do not pur-
chase ground in order that the Government may
import labourers with the money to till it for

hem ; they purchase it for the purpose of tilling

, ~ ...
it themselves and by their own means. They do
not spread themselves into new districts to pro-
vide places for a multitude of dependents on the
Government and on the aristocracy, but to carve
out their own welfare. They never appoint a
single officer of any description, civil or military,
whose services they do not regard as useful and
essential. They carry with them no institu-
tions not adapted to their condition, and
while, as they spread over the continent, they in-
crease the power and dominion of the United
States, they add to the public revenue.
Our system of colonization is neither begun
nor continued by and for the advantage of the
colonizers. It is in general something exotic,
planned by the Government, or some speculative
individuals, and carried into effect by sending
away from the country persons to labour in the
colony for the advantage of others. The system
of a labour fund to promote emigration, accord-
ing to which purchasers of land at the antipodes,
who remain in England, send thither parties to
cultivate it arid improve it for them, is not the
same, but the very reverse of the system pursued
in the United States.
The colony= =of New South Wales, originally
establishe/as'a -penal settlement, as well as that
at Van Diemen's Land, with the new colony of
South Australia, and those which have of late
been begun in New Zealand, intended to pro-
vide a home for emigrants who are to be carried
thither as labourers, are examples of colonies
established rather for the advantage of others
than the actual colonizers. Some persons go.
thither to improve their capital, to carry on
large sheep farms, or to make their fortunes.
At the same time it is a matter of notoriety that
many of the purchasers and owners of land in all
our colonies, even those most recently esta-
blished, live at home, and emigrant labourers
are sent thither to work for their advantage.
Such a system carries with it most of the defects
of the old society, and entails its expenses, while
the colony is also liable to expenses peculiar to
itself.
If it be true, as some Economists assert, that
it is much more the artificial restrictions of an
old society, than any want of room, which im-
pedes the prosperity of its people, it must be
true that men emigrate from an old country to a
new one rather to throw off these restrictions
than merely to have more room. Mr. WAKE-
FIELD'S system is, in fact, founded oil the princi-
ple of not allowing the colonists to wander
abroad and plant themselves where they like i
he proposes, on the contrary, to achieve all the
advantages of an old society by concentrating
the emigrants on one spot. It is not, according
to this system, therefore, the want of space, but
improper social regulations, which impede pros-
perity, and which emigration is really intended
to avoid.

Our system of colonization compels the emi-
grants to carry with them the rules and the prac-
tices of the old country-. They must have in the
hush and the IKi.rren plains the fopperies of a mo-
narchy-. They could not expect to thi-ive if they
were so to act of their own accord, but when
these fopperies are often forced'on them by the

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