The Sun.
London, England, 1840-11-06 00:00:00

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SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

TROM TrIE DAILY YAFERS OF YESTERDAY.
(From the Globe.)
Mr. Charles Attwood, and his strolling company of
Anglais pour rire at Paris, are obliged, as we have
seen, to make their bow without a benefit or bumper.
Their dream has turned out like Bottom's dream, be-
cause it has no bottom ; and their courtesies to the Cote
Gauche have been requited with as much civil contempt
as those of th :ir dramatic prototypes at the Court of
Duke Theseus. M. Odillon Barrot protested azainst
their mode of reporting his sentiments ; and M. Gar-
nier Pages now forces them to eat their words re-.
specting his views. Truly the Urquhart policy takes
no more root in France than in England or Turkey.
That which probably more than anything lost the
Attwood party their dinner (Englishmen don't find it
very easy, by the way, to get dinners in Paris), was the
impertinent propensity they showed of sermonising their
intended hosts on the iniquities of ambition, the crimes
of conquest, &c. &c. Mr. Urquhart went so far, if
we recollect right, in a pamphlet published in French,
as to lecture them on the precedent afforded by the
French conquest of Algiers for whatever other enter-
prise the ambition of others might dictate. This was
jastly considered intolerable. It is held implicitly, by
the French Radicals, that a totally new droit public has
been founded for Europe by the French Revolution.
If you ask what are the new provisions of this new
Law of Nations, you are told that Non-Intervention
stands amongst them in the first line. Nothing can
be better, you reply, as a peaceful politician. But fair
and softly! don't run away with the notion that non-
intervention means that nobody is to interfere in
intestine commotions of other nations. French non-
intervention, like Irish reciprocity, is all on one
side. France is to interfere, whenever she pleases,
either to conquer on her own account, or to
support any protege of hers who has conquests to
make from an old Power. It is only the other old
Powers that must not interpose to prevent it. If you
have no title to what you have a mind to possess, you
have, in the French Ultra-Revolutionary sense, the best
title possible. You enter under the patronage of the
new droit public ; and, as the old has been abolished, it
becomes lawful to support, unlawful to attack you.
(From the Standard.)
Lord Lyttelton has written to our esteemed cot:-
temporary, the Morning Post, to correct a misappre-
hension which his Lordship appears to consider of
some importance. We are assured that his Lord-
ship's speech on the Ecclesiastical Duties Revenues
Bill was made on the second reading of the
1311, and in opposition to its principle. It is
also further stated, on his Lordship's authority, that,
at that stage of the proceedings Lord Lyndhurst neither
v o ted nor spoke The vote of Lord Lyndhurst was
given subsequently, in favour of an amendment proposed
by Lord Lytteltoo, which did not give rise to any dis-
cussion. We do not understand in wfiat way this cor-
rection can either assist the claims of Lord Lyttelton
or detract from those of Lord Lyndhurst. The Bill,
against the principle of which Lord Lyndhurst
omitted to speak on its second reading, was supported
by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of
London, and by most of the Prelates who take a part in
Parliamentary proceedings. It was advocated, moreover,
not only by all the members of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, but by the Duke of Wellington. What was
the use of Lord Lyttelton's speech—where would have
been the utility of one from Lord Lyndhurst ? No
argument that could have been employed on the oc-
casion would have prevented the Bill from becoming
the law of the land. On the second reading, the ma-
jority was more than 2 to 1 in favour of the principle of
the measure, and this in spite of Lord Lyttelton's ener-
getic and eloquent speech. Surely, although the occasion
was one calculated to afford a juvenile debater an oppor-
tunity of displaying his capabilities, it could hardly have
been expected that Lord Lyndhurst should have volun-
teered a speech, which, whilst it might have impeded
the operation of the Bill, after it had become the law of
the land, could not have procured its rejection. There is a
wide difference, as statesmen, between Lord Lyndhurst
and Lord Lyttelton, and what may have afforded a
very fair opportunity for the display of the talents of
the latter, was certainly not a fitting occasion to call
forth the strength of Lord Lyndhurst. Why his
Lordship should have been expected to oppose many
of the friends whose general opinions he most respected,
without the possibility of any beneficial result, we are
unable to understand ; still less the pre-eminence
which is claimed for Lord Lyttelton's clever piece of
declamation on the subject.
(From the Courier.)
We have never doubted the eminent qualifications of
Lord Lyttelton for the post of his ambition. Even
could he claim no other merit, that of unaffected piety
and earnest devotion to the interests of the Established
Church would in our eyes constitute the first of all re-
commendations. But eminent as may be those qualifi-
cations, we must still believe it would be better were
they becomingly reinforced with that greater maturity
of age, which deepens early sentiment into permanent
conviction, and that the advantage of riper years and
larger experience would add to the dignity and. autho-
rity of a High Steward of Cambridge University. And
cehi st recording our humble testimony so far in favour
of one of Cambridge's most accomplished scholars, and
one of the best and brightest ornaments of an aristo-
cracy which never in its proudest period numbered so
many honoured sons, deeply should we stand convicted
of ingratitude if we failed to urge the mon ornil,,;;f
still, the prc-cminent, claims and merits of Lord Lynu-
burst upon tl;e University, now called upon to reflect
the voice, as it were, and speak the gratitude of a
great nation. First of his early days on the list of her
worthies, the genius displayed and the honours then
achieved were typicril of the splendour of his public ca-
reer in after life. High among the highest he ranks,
and has long ranked the first, firmest, and one of the
most eloquent defenders of the altar, the throne, and the
constitution. In him the dignity and renown of the Uni-
versity stand, and have stood for a large part of a cen-
tury, identified, personified before the empire almost one
and indivisible ; and assuredly now is not the time when
4)1,1 connexions should be severed, and old, long-tried, and
not roved service buried in oblivion, even though another
sun he rising in the horizon with promise of a course
as glorious as the one which in the order of nature may
set too soon. Were Lord Lyndhurst indeed not in the
field, we know of none more worthy to inherit the
mantle so nobly won and worn by a Percy.

CAPTAIN REYNOLDS.

( Contintad from our First Edition of yesterday.)
Mr. WyLns moved the third Resolution. He
said that he • a; most anxious to assist the Committee
in carrying out their uoble object. Money was pouring
in in thousands, he might say, and it was unfortunate that
arrangements had not been made at an earlier period. He
contended that Captain Reynolds had ione nothing more
than what any gentleman would have done under the cir-
cumstances, and the conduct of Earl Cardigan himself,
until the second letter, showed that he did not consider the
case as a military one at all ; it was a private quarrel and did
not at all ccme under the articles of war. The grossest injus-
tiou had been done to Capt. Reynolds, first, by the consti-
tution of the Court, and secondly by the evidence of provo-
cation being excluded. He begged leave to n.ove the re-
solution which had been entrusted him, and which recom-
meaded a subscription for Capt. Reynolds.
Mr. SHREWSBURY seconded the resolution. He re-
gretted the letter of Captain Reynolds which had appeared
in the papers of Tuesday last, because it had completely
paralysed the fine and generous feelings of sympathy
which had been manifested by the British public on his
behalf. It appeared to him that Captain Reynolds hal
been influenced by the people at the Horse Guards to put
firward the letter, in order to stop the burst of public in-
dignation, under the promise that future mercy would be
exLenderi to him by the Crown, that he would receive pro-
motion when the opportunity offered. —( Hear, hear.)
Captain BURT, R.N., observed that no person was
more deeply interested in the cause of Captain Reynolds
than himself, but he thought, in entering into a subscrip-
tion, they were injuring his cau-c in the army, inasmuch as
they were taking- the law out of the hands of the
Horse Guards and the At tidies of War, which every
officer was bound to obey. Lord Hill and the British
Army were not men to be coerced—(Cries of " We
know they are.") lie had come there expecting to find
a far
more numerous meeting ; and bad there been one,
he should have proposed a resolution that a petition
should be presented to the Queen, and he would now with
the leave of the meeting, move an amendment to the re-
solution to the effect that any subscription on behalf of
Captain Reynolds, at the present moment would be inex-
pedient, and calculated to injure rather than do him
,sood.—(Cheers.)
Mr. JONES, of the Temple,
allseeonded the resolution.
HEwiTTj%jr. was sure thatfelt
hesymhpaadth forl Captain
Reynolds ; and, notwithstanding
comemed rc-
ceiving any subsceiption, if the aublic toc'
for-
ward and raise; subscriptions on his behalf, it could notcompromise Captain Reynolds. at the Horse Guards. A
deputation horn the. city had waited on the Committee,
stating that in the city 1,0001. bad been raised for Cap-
tain
Reynolds, which he thought was a refutation of th
Ca
observation of ptain subscriptions Burt, that noa
ought
to be received.
Mr, bs;Es, who had seconded the amendment of r
Burt:', felt bound to saywa:shajtnoh:tla b
su thoughtrdn
et e
Irtfeh,sooaulbgudihi resolution
tw—noa
uPtt h for
a pubic subscription
be attended with the worst e. ects..
Captain Reynolds was was one
letter that bad been writtea by
of the most ignoble letters he iiad ever seen, and altogether
unworthy of him. He had no hesitation in saying it ad been
forced upon him, and that he bad been told it was the only
means of being reinstated at the Horse Guards... If they
entered into a subscription it would answer no !lying pur-
nose and there could be no doubt that the question would
be taken up in Parliament, where justice would be done to
41. He would have no objection to a small subscription for
the purpose of paying the expenses of the Committee, but
what would be the use of collecting money which by some
means or other might become non inventus? He supported
theam.e....ndiment of Captain Burt with heart and soul.
mr.
W LDS complained that Mr Jones had not ren-
desed his services to the Committee in place of trying to
burke the object of_ the eeting, as he had done on a
former occasion. He was most anxious for concord in the
meeting, and if the word "moderate" would please Mr.
Jones he, as the mover of the resolution, would have no ob-
jection to its insertion.
Mr. JONES explained that he had given his advice to
tbe Committee in four letters, and had in them explained