The Sun.
London, England, 1823-05-16 00:00:00

PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS MAY 15.
NEW BILLS.

Mr. BROGDEN' Sir T..tiGKL-LiD, Mr. CURWEN, and
otheis brought up from the commons the Ireland Excise Du-
ties Bill, the Witnesses Abroad Bill, and several Private Bills,
which were read a first time.
IRELAND.. -

Earl 12ARNLEY wished to know from the Noble Earl op-
posite, what day it was likely that the Bill for renewing the
Insurrection Act in Ireland,shouldcome before the House.
• •.

The Earl of LIVERPOoI. Would be' happy to have it in
his power to satisfy the Noble Earl :—All he could say, however,
was, that the thing was begun in the other House; but as there
were other proceedings going on there, which of necessity oc-
cupied much time, it was impossible tta kno* exactly when
the Bill, in question should be ready to come before their
-
Lordships.
Earl FOETESCUE presented a Petition frOm Higham Fez'-
rers praying for . the Abolition of Slavery in the Colonies.—
Laid on the table.
Lord CALTHORPE presented a Petition to the same ef-
fect from the town and neighbourhOod of Birmingham anti
also one from the Magistrates,Clergy, and Inhabitants of Sher-
borne, in the County of Dorset—Lid on the table.
On the motion of the Marquis of LANSDOWN, the
amendments made by the Committee on the Irish Charitable
Societies Loan Bill were agreed to, and the Bill was ordered to
be read a third time to-morrow.
Lord.SUFFIELD presented a Petition from the Corporation
of Norwich against Slavery. in the Colonies, and one from the
same place against the Insolvent Debtors' Act.—Read,.and
laid on the table.
The Quorum Magistrates Bill, the Union. Duties Bill, and
the Belfast and Liverpool Gas Lighting Bills, were read a third
-time and passed.—Adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
SLAVERY PETITION. _

Mr. M. A. TAYLOR presented a petition from a numerous
portion of the inhabitants of Durham, praying for the gladual
abolition of Slavery—Ordered.to be printed.
Mr. DICKENSON presented a similar petition from Frome
Selwood, in Somersctshire.—Laid on the table.
Similar petitions were presented from Witham, Bridport,
Belfast, Chimney, Bronton, Gloumster (City), Louhborough,
Dudley, Worcester, Norwich, Walthamstow, Mansfield, Up-
borough, Maryport, Workingliani Dover, Buxton, Great Yar-
mouth, Swansea, Bristol, Bye (Suffolk), Caine, Bath, Chester,
Griggleswick, Maltley, Pontefract, Giggleham, Coggleshall,
Exeter, Thetford,. Huntingdon (County) Knaresborough, and
Laidlaw.—Wad, laid on the table, and ordered to be printed.
- . INSOINENT DEBTORS' ACT.
Mr. SCOTT presented a petition from Bridport against the
Insolvent Debtors' Act, an Act which the Hon. Member
thought sinned as much against justice as slavery did against
morality.—Laid on the table.
Mr. W. SMITH presented a similar Petition from Norwich;
also a Petition from the tame place praying for le remission
of the Duty on Sea-borne Coals.—Lid on the table.

Mr. HART DAVIS presented a Petition from the Mer-
chants, Bankers, and others of Bristol, praying the Hottse not
to regard the Petition from the same place for the abolition of
Slavery, as conveying the sentiments of the majority of that
City. Lard on the table.

Sir. HUSKISSON. presented a petition from the most re-
spectable inhabitants of Liverpool, stating that the religious
and civil amelioration of the Slaves in the West Indies, since
the abolition of the Slave Trade, had not bgen'such as to satisfy
the expectations of the British Public; and praying that that
gradual instruction and imProvement might be administered to
them, as would effectually prepare them for the gradual recep-
tion of those civil rights which were enjoyed by every other
class of Society. In both these sentiments the Right Hon.
Gentleman expressed his concurrence. Ordered to be printed.
SCOTCH LINEN TRADE. •
Mr. LINDSAY presented nine petititions from Perth and
other places in Scotland, praying that those laws regulating the
Linen Trade of Scotland, under which that trade had solong
flourished, may, not be repealed. They particularly desired
that the stamp, hitherto used in the manufactures of this article,
may not be prohibited.
Mr. RICARDO observed that a clause might be introduced
into the Bill, allowing those who desired it to have the benefit
of this stamp. They had no right, however, to oblige others in
the same trade to the same restriction.

Sir It. FERGUSON thought it right to state to the House,
that these petitions were got up in a very disreputable man-
ner. The Board of Trustees and Stamp Masters were impli-
cated in them, and he assured the House that he knew they
were signed not only by weavers, but tailors, cobblers, and
coal-heavers. _ _

Mr. MABERLY said he had warned the House that 'these
petitions were getting up, and he hoped when the Bill was
Rased, the Board of Trustees and Stamp Masters would not
come to that. House for retired salaries, but go to the peti-
tioners.

Mr. BIARft YATT contended that the stamp on Scotch
linen was a useful mark, and tended to chew its quality. He
supported the prayer of the petition.
Mr. lIUME observed, that the sentiments the Hon. Mem-
ber had just professed were contrary to his usual principles on
the subject of trade.
Mr. HUSKISSON hoped these petitioners would receive
that share of indulgence which was due to all petitioners, and
that the Hon. Member who had presented the petitions would
be allowed to give for answer, that the manufacturers might
stamp as much as they pleased.
Mr: BARING could not admit that those stamps, which se-
cured the public from fraud, were any infringement on the free-
dom of trade. He thought the system of stamping complained
of had rather been absurd, for which the parties ought to be
prosecuted.

Mr. LINDSAY said he did not pretend to know how the
petitions had been got up, but he knew that they were signed
by the most respectable individuals.
The petitions were read, and ordered to lie on the table.
WEST INDIES.
Mr. BARING presented a petition from the respective
Agents of the West Indian. Colonists, praying the House to
act with general deliberation in the discussion respecting slavery,
about to occupy their attention that evening. The Hon. Mem-
ber observed that he did not wish to be understood in present-
ing this Petition, as giving any opinion on the subject, fur-
ther than to point out to the House that a question of this
momentous nature, involving the property and lives of the
Colonists, could not he treated with too much caution. He
begged also to remind the House, that the property thus ques-
tioned was property which it had been admitted might be held
consistently with honour and morality, and that they were not
turned Christians for the first time that night. He might com-
plain in behalf of the Petitioners, that a motion of this kind
should be brought forward without any notice of the nature of
the propositions to be submitted being given to them. He had
always been a most resolute abolitionist, and he anxiously de-
sired to see the slaves of the West Indies ameliorated, and
eventually emancipated ; but in doing so lie hoped- the Pro-
prietors would be duly considered.—The 'petition was then read
add ordered to be printed.
BRITISH MUSEUM.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER gave notice,
that on the 30th of May, he should move in Committee of
Supply, a vote for the New Building, in addition to the Bri.
tish Museum.

Mr. HUSKISSON gave notice that, on Friday next he
should move a Resolution tending to equalize the duties on
Goods imported in English and Foreign ships.
Mr. W. SMITH averted to a motion made for Returns re-
lative to the West Indian Colonies in 1821, all of which had
been complied with, excepting those for Jamaica. He wished
to know whether the Returns were in the possession of the Co-
lonial Office, and why they had been delayed.
Mr. WILIUOT said, that the Returns were in fact on the
table, and he last night moved they should be printed. He
was not in a cdndition to state the cause of the delay, but
the Returns were sent with ample apologies and explanations.
LAW OF PRINCIPAL .AND FACTOR.

111r.,.1. SMITH rose to move, " that a Committee be ap-
pointed to inquire into the state of the law relating to goods,
wares, and merchandise, intrusted to 'Merchants, Agents, or
Factors, and its influence on property, and to report their ob.
servations thereon to the House." As a very important motion
was about to be submitted to the House, it was his intention to
confine himself to the simple proposition for a Committee.
Mx. Serjeant ONSI4OW could not let this motion come to
a decision without expressing his entire concurrence in it.
Nr. MARRYATT doubted the expediency of altering the

law on this kubject. A great deal was said about the situation
of merchants and factors in discussing this subject; but the
truth was, neither merchants nor factors were materially inte-
rested in the question. Those who stirred in this matter were
the brokers, who were in the habit of advancing large sums'of
money on goods, without inquiring of those from whom they
obtained them whether they were their own property or not.
By such practices they sometimes made great gains, but being
exposed to occasional losses, they came to Parliament to ask-
that they might be screened from the effects of their own im-
prudence by an alteration in the law of the land.
Mr. SYKES thought some alteration in the present law
Was-absolutely necessary, as he had known instanees in which

the grossest frauds had been committal with impunity.
. Mr. ROBERTSON objected to the precipitate adoption of
a plan like that suggeSted, and he thcerfore hoped time would
be Worded to give the subject due consideration.
Mr. J. SMITH replied, and set forth the importance-of at
once appointing the Committee to commence the proposed in-
quiry.
The mon& was then -agreed to,‘ and the following Com-
mittee appointed:—
Mr. John Smith, Mr. HuskiSson;-"*:..,Chat. Grant, the
Solicitor-General, Mr. Bernal, Mr. arcing, ;Chaff.
Courtenav,
Mr. Hart Davis, Dr. Philliniore, Mr. Parrand, Mr. Gladstone,
Mr. John Martin, Mr. Brougham, Sir John Newport, Mr.
Ricardo, Mr. Searlett, Mr. Marryat, Mr. Sykes, Mr. Willace,
Mr. Thos. Wilson, and NVells.
CRIMINAL LAW.

Sir J. MACKINTOSH begged to state,- as the inquiry into
the conetuet of the Sheriff of Dublin was axed for next Wed-
nesday, after that day he should claim pr4edence for his mo-
tions on-the subject of the Criminal Law,' having eonsAited
to postpone it so repeatedly, from time to.'time, he ‘rishad it to
be understood, that he could not consent to pia it of again.
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.

Mr. F. BUXTON, in presenting himself to the House on
this occasion, thought every Gentleman in it would be dis-
persed to ask him one question, to which question he would at
once proceed to give an answer. The question which he ex-
pected they would ask was this, " 'Why do you interfere in
this great cause ? What right have you to meddle with it ? Is
there not a man in the House to whom, when any thing con-
nected with slavery is to be agitated, the House is universally
disposed to look up as the individual who should take the
lead as the fdtbfal, tlie indefatigable,' the eloquent, and on the
greatest of all occasions, the successful, advocate for the
Africans ?'"I'o this question he would reply by expressing. a
hope that no man would think so meanly, and he would say it,
so unfairly of him, as to believe that he would encroach on his
Hon. Friend. It was at the request, and in obedience to the
injunctions, and only at the bidding of that Hon. Gentleman,
that he now came forward. Before he went into the important,
and as it had this night been called, perilous subject of his mo.
tion, he thought it right to take some notice of the advice he
had received, and of those warninefi which had been thrown out
as to the evils likely to arise in the West Indies from the agita-
tion of this question. He was told that it was not a slight
matter to agitate the question of slavery at all. He admitted
that it was not a slight matter to cause those apprehensions,
most groundless as he thought he should prove them to be,
which were felt by persons so estimable as were those fain)
whom those warnings had proceeded, and as he knew many of
those persons to be who were connected with the West Indies.
He most solcentfly declared, that he felt not the slightest hos-
tility towards any of the parties connected with the West In-
dian interest. He deemed the proprietors of slaves unfortu-
nate, and pre.eminently unfortunate those whose property was
hereditary}, who inherited a property once considered to be
that in which an honourable investment might be made, but
which the progress of time and events had brought men cor-
rectly to view as utterly irreconcileable with higher Den-
ciples. It was no slight matter for him to introduce a subject,
which was painful to the feelings of individuals thus circum-
stanced, and no slight matter to bring forward a question so
deeply affecting the honour and character of this nation.—
With respect to the responsibility which heeineweeLeetaeeeng
this part he thought be understotefft *ell; No man ought to
venture on such a step unless he were sure tilat his cause were
good, as be felt he was. Nor ought any one to agitate this
question unless he could spew that he was free from all personal
interest or prejudice as he was; but feeling that such was the
situation in which he stood, he ventured to reject the warnings
which -he had received, and was content to incur all the re-
sponsibility which was thought to attach to the performance of
the task he had undertaken. Why did he incur this respon.
sibilitv ? Because he was convinced that the dangers of which
they had heard, if not absolutely -groundless, were greatly
over-rated, while the blessings which success would confer
on more than millions of reeds were such as never could be
overrated. He was confident that Slavery could not stand
before investigation—that it must fall if the public eye were
fixed steadfastly on it, and this assured him that the good
which might be accomplished was incalculably great, while
the evils to be apprehended were fewer than his Majesty's
Ministers, and amen who opposed him on this occasion, had
imagined. He had heard much said on the danger of exciting
an insurrection in the %%Tort Indies. As this was the only con-
sideration which ought to deterehim from the prosecution of
his purpose, to this he would first addreSs himself. If he
were the rash man who had ever brought into discussion " the
delicate subject of the Slave Trade," and the " still more
delicate subject of slavery," in that House, he might with
reason be alarmed for the course he had taken. But it did
so happen that the delicate subjectfof the Slave Trade, and
the still more delicate subject of slavery, had been discussed
over and over again within these walls. A" Committee
had sat on the subject thirty years ago, when Committees were
not so common as they were now, and when it was not usual
to publish the evidence taken before them ; but a Committee
of that House bad sat at the period he mentioned, and pub.
fished the evidence given before them to the world. 'A Com-
mittee of the Lords had sat at the same time and upon the snore
subject, and published their proceeding to the world; and a
Committee of the Privy Council had also sat, and very bulky
evidenCe had also been published by them. Another conside.
ration had great weight with him in answer to the objections
which had been raised to the agitation of this question. It
was this, that for the last thirty years no man who had occu-
pied much of public attention at that House, had abstained,
from making known his sentiments respecting slavery. He
did not speak of those who were the known advocates for li-
berty, such as Mr. -Fox, Mre Wyndham, Sir S. Romilly, and
Mr. Sheridan, but also of those who were their opponents in
every thing, with the-exception of talent. There was Mr.
Dundas,e'who was no enthusiast; there was Mr. Burke, who
was not remarkably fond of change; anti there was Mr. Pitt
and Lord Grenville, who had all freely delivered their send.
meats upon the subject, and thus proved that there was no dan.
ger in the avowal of them. One of these had brought in a
Bill for the abolition of slavery, which, if it had been carried,
would have come into operation twenty-three years ago, and
have liberated by this time half the slaves in our Colonies.
When men like these had thus spoken, thought, and acted,
and that to in the face of warnings like those which were
row bestowed on him, lie felt that he should have been
betraying a good cause had he been intimidated into an
abudonment of the task which he had imposed on himself',
on account of predictions, which facts had hitherto .con.
stantly falsified. It was .singular, and it deserved the atten-
tion of the House, that motion had ever been made on the
subject of slaves, which had not been with the same predic.
lions almost verbatim, as those which were now hazarded
against the present motion, in 1787 a very feeble effort was
made in behalf of the Negroes, by proposing to abate the
horrors of the Middle paesago, and allow the unhappy be-
. Imes a little more air on their voyage. The cry of, ' You
will ruin the West Indies," was immediately raised, and the
Duke of Chandos declared in the house of Lords, that
his pockets were then filled with letters from persons in the
West Indies, all of which concurred in stating the English
newspapers to be read in the plantations as regularly as they
arrived by the slaves, and added that the moment they crone to
the paragraph respecting the intended motion, they broke out
into open insurrection. But notwithstanding this no incur-
rection took place. It Wilberforce,
about the same period, 1787, that
his Iron. Friend, Mr. Wilberforce, commenced his career, a
career which it would be as improper us it was unnecessary
for him to applaud. That career was continued through
twenty years, and he would ask, what insurrection bad been
produced among the negroes ? Yet, in the course of the
twenty years not one year could be selected in which predic-
tions like those he had described had not been put forth. It
would be curious to bring before the House the train of pro-
phecy, and to put by its side the train of history, to anew
how compictely the former had been falsified and confuted by
the latter. The facts had been precisely the reverse of these
which ought to have occurred to make good the prophecies.
According to them those years ought to have been marked
, by insurrection and bloodshed, instead of which they were

distinguished by a degree of peace and tranquillity which was
perfectly unexampled at any preceding period in the history
of our colonies. At that time this country was so greedy of
the advantages arising from the Slave Tiade, that we became
the carriers of other nations. His Hon. Friend disapproving
of this, had brought in a Bill to repress the practice; and, on
that occasion it was said, if the measure were carried, an in-
surrection among the Blacks would be the consequence. The
measure passed, and the prediction was falsified. In 1803,
Lord Seaforth, being then Governor of Barbadoes, discovered
a series of the most horrid murders to have been committed
that had ever been perpetrated. He would not distress the
House by describing these murders, but those who remem-
bered them, and especially the case of the boy murdered in
the Chilies, would own that more shocking atrocities had
never been known. Sonie of the murderers were tried
and convicted, and the Judge inflicted the whole punishment
allowed bylaw, which was a fine amounting to something less
than that levied in this country for killing a partridge—the
sutrhof 111. 4s. The Governor upon this applied to the Colo-
nial Assembly for the repeal of thelaw, and recommended it.,
to that body to make the killing .of a slave murder. fie was
answered in the same way us the present motion. was answer,
ed. "DO this," was the cry, " and you produce an insurrec-
tion among the Blacks, and excite them to cut the throats of
all the Whites." They subsequently punished the Governor
by a remonstrance, in which they told bun that they knew how
to protect their own interests and their own honours, and wanted
no hint from him. The lion. Gentleman proceeded to show,
that the opposition otrered, in 1801, to the motions then madein
favour of slaves, was couched in almost the very same terms
as that against which he had now to contend. In 1817, only
five years ago, Mr. 3laxivell, .Gortrnor of Dominica, wrote
home that many undue and unlawful acts of severity towards
slaves had occurred, particularly in making them wear iron
collars and chains, after having been severely whipped. He in
particular mentioned the case of two girls of 12 years of age,
much marked by the effects of the cartwhip, fastened to-
gether with iron chains round their necks, patilocked, weighing
lillbs.; that of an old man, apparently 60 years of agel after
having been severely beaten by his master, was placed in the
stocks, with an iron collar round his neck, and chains, weighing
201bs. ; and that of a boy, about 12 years of age, loaded with
an iron collar, chains, and log of wood, weighing .Ribs. All
these acts, it was to be observed, were directly contrary to
law. What was the effect of this ? Why, in consequence of
its being mentioned in the Island, the Grand Jury, who sat
shortly afterwards; presented the Governor as a nuisance.—
(A laugh !)—The lion. Gentleman here read the present.
ment, which was dated the 26th of August, 1817, and was as
follows :

The Grand Jurors of our Sovereign Lord the King do
present,—That at the particular request of the Bench, they
visited and inspected the Gaol, which they regret to find in the •
same state as in February. last, notwithstanding the repeated
presentments of former Grand Juries on the subject.—The
Grand Jury lament that they are under the necessity of no.
ticing an imprOper interference, on the part of the Executive,
between master and slave, which has caused considerable agita.
don and discontent among the negroes, and if p,ersevered in, is
likely to lead to the most ruinous consequences. ' -
If the Grand Jury had declared that these " iron tortures," as
the Governor had called them, had made the negroes discon. •
tented, and that the masters were dissatisfied with the interfer-
ence, the statement would have been fair, but when they went •
th."%pgth of representing the negroes to be discontented at the
idea or interference with their right and title to be whipped and
chained, and disconsolate for having these precious privileges
of their condition endangered, it was too much for conunon
sense to endure. But precisely similar was the argument now
used against this motion. It was said that an insurrection
would be excited. Now What was it that was proposed to be
done which could produce this efl'ect ? In the first instance it
was desired to secure Sunday for the negro as a day ie which he
should be allowed to rest and to seek education. It was pro-
posed that he should hate another day in the week allowed to
him for the,eultivatien of his nro.Y.i§itin lifrowlik..Titeatext and
mast important object In view was tb provide that his children
should no longer be sold, and that in fact they should be tree.
It was thought by those who were well acquainted with the Co-
lonies, that nothing would so powerfully operate on the minds
of the slaves as a measure of this description. It was then
proposed to get rid of the cart whip ; and now what wea there
in all this which was not calculated rather to serve than to en-
danger the Colonies ? While on this part of the subject, he
was anxious not to pass over the changes which had taken
place in the 'West Indies during the last thirty years. The
Negroes now saw another Island near them, in which every
man, woman, and child, was free. They saw an Island in
which their fellows had conquered their liberty ; anti a com-
munity of 80t1,000 Blacks, who had obtained the rights and
Acuities of freemen, and who were in the enjoyment of their
liberty, to which he would say they were entitled.—(Hear
'They had, at all events, obtained it. Such being the ease,
might it not be expected that some' Emperor or President
would take an opportunity of encroaching on our West Indian
Islands ; or might not America, in a future war, send an army
tit Jamaica, and declare the Blacks free, imitating our conduct
in the original American war, and also in that of 1813. Ought we
not then with such prospects before us, to be careful not to leave
the slaves in our Colonies in such a situation that any change
which took place in their condition must be for the better ;
ought we not rather so to alter their condition, that almost any
change in it must be for the worse ? He hoped it would not be
thought imprudent in him, if, throwing off all reserve, he
frankly stated the object at which he and his friends aimed.—
That object was nothing less than the total extinction of slit-
Very throughout the whole of the British Empire.—(Hear !)
But it was not wished to effect this suddenly, but by such gra.
dual means, and accompanied with such precautions, as would
fit the Negro for a state of freedom. Tie wished it to be re-
mendiered that those who said they wished for the extinc-
tion of slavery, said also that they wished to accomplish
this but by slow and gradual measures. He desired no
more if he could succeed to the extent of his most ardent
wishes. Ile proposed to name no time, nor year when slavery
should be abolished. In fap, if his plan were adopted,
slavery would never be abolished. It was not proposed to
out it down in its full maturity and vigour, but to leave it to
perish by a natural, and, if possible, an imperceptible deeaye—
What they meant to say was, that no more children should be
made slaves. This carried, as no increase could be made to
the existing number of slaves, that number would be next year
somewhat abated. In ten years it would be considerably dimi.
nished, and in twenty or thirty years all the young and vigo-
rous negroes would be free, and those only who were getting
on to old age anti decrepitude would remain slaves. Then
slavery would rapidly diminish in each succeeding year, till
at length it would go out" altogether, and ke forgotten.--
Ile would shew that this was no speculative plan, that it was
no visionary scheme, resulting from those new lights" to
which an non. Gentleman had alluded. It might not beknown
to some persons that slavery had actually " gone out" in
one part of that country, which was well known to the Hon.
Gentleman. This-was in New York, where, thirty years ago,
the very principle which he now recommended had been
adopted i slavery had in consequence burnt down in the wicket,
anti had in the end gone, completely out. The same thing
had been witnessed in New Jerseyein Philadelphia, and in se-
veral other parts of the United States. Gentlemen would please
to observe that the change had been gradually and inmercein.
tibly made, till slavery had been forgotten in those parts.—
This change was not more advantageous for the blacks than it
had proved for the whites. It was felt as a great benefit to all,
and it was considered that one of the greatest curses had been
removed from that part of the world. In other parts the principle
Was now in operation, and slavery was working itself oitt. lie
would just put it to the lion. Gentleman if he knew in what
part of the British dominions this was going on ? The difference
between him and the Honourable Gentleman seas this he (Mr.
Buxton) said the principle would work quietly and without
danger. The Hon. Gentleman said it would work in convul-
sions attended with violence and rebellion. If then he could
move that this work was now going on, and so quietly going
on that the fazt was, not' generally known, he established his
• case. - It was in die Island of Ceylon that this principle had
been adopted, through the active exertions of Sir A. Johnston,
in 1816. The same principle was at work in Bencoelen, and it
had been introduced into other parts of our Empire; but he
would more particularly dirmt the attention of the House to
the introduction of it into the Island of St. Helena, Much
public interest had been excited of late years by whet was
passing at St. Helena. Almost books enough to fill a
li-
israry had been published respecting it. Every fact, hew-.
ever slight, was thought worthy of recording. Even the opi-
Mons and predictions of Buonaparte had been given to the
World. Only one fact had been left unnoticed, and that a as
this, that Sir Hudson Lowe had dealt the death-blow to sla-
very in that island while lie was there. In South Amerita,
the principle for which he contended was in operation. By

a fundamental law of Colombia, all the children born aftir
the day in which the Constitution was framed are declared free.
But more than this, a legacy duty of ten per cent. had been
imposed on all disposable property, to form a fund to purchase
up slaves, there being selected first who were considered the
most peaceable and industrions. Never before had such an
opportunity offered for proving how safe the experiment which
he recommended. It was while the country was hverriih by
an hostile army, when masters were frequently obliged to Oar..
don. their possessions, it was under such circumstances that
this principle had been put into action, and that too in a coun-
try where there were MAO slaves. The Honourable Gentle-
man had doubted that such was the fact. He (Mr. Buxton)
held in his hand a letter from Mr. Revenge, which atated the
Blacks or their descendants in Colon-114a to amount to be,
tween eight and nine hundred thousand, in a population of
three millions. The mighty change which had taken place had
produced a degree of docility among the Blacks, rind of security
among the Whites, which had never been known before, and
this he believed was ascribed solely to the adoption of the very
principle tbr which he now contended. What heamibily desired
was that noanore Children should be born slavea. He begged
ikask what right had any one, what right even had the Go-
vernment to declare that a child born to day should eat the
bitter bread of slavery, and endure' the hateful toil of slavery
through the whole of its days ? Tie knew what the answer
would be. The proprietor would say tip the negro, " your
father is mine, your mother is mine, and therefore you are
mine." The crime committed against the parent was thus
made an apology for clomping the child to s'avery. By the
law of the land it was a crime to go to Africa to make a slave.
Why, he would ask, was it not also considered a crime to make
a child just born a slave ? In his opinion the latter was a
greater crime than the former. He . and those who concur-
red with him did not now call on the country to retrace
its steps, but they called on it to stop where it was. He
thought Gentlemen were not fully aware of the criminality
of maintaining slavery. lie felt convinced that when the
great day arrived, which must divulge all secrets, the black..
est, the foulest, and the wickedest crimes, would be those
connected with the'slave trade and with slavery. No. country
NO been so deeply involved in the guilt as this, in taking a
slave first, and in keeping him afterwards. They did not re-
quire that reparation should be made for the crime which had
been committed. ‘Vhat they said was this—" Enjoy the finie
tion of it, but do not commit a new crime." ThiS was the
object which he and his. friends had in view, and for this they
would continue...to appeal to public feeling, till -the great point.
was conceded. With respect to the present state of slaves,
if he thought they could abruptly .be raised from their. de.
gradation to enjoy the blessings of freedom he would have no
hesitation in saying that they had a right to that reparation,
for the wrong they had sustained, and the sooner the coun-
try departed from crime the bet:er. But slavery, unfortu-
nately lowered the man, it sunk his character and reduced
him to that bestial state that the very objection
.to SlaYery
became its best protection. By slavery a • man was made
so bad, that he was unworthy of freedom, and thus they
found themselves arguing in a most vicious circle. Slavery
brutalized the nip, and then his brutality was urged ,is a
reason why he ought to continue in elavery. But for this
consideration, he would have said this night " let die chains of
the slave be at once stricken off." There were men who
were apt to think that the Planter had an honest and sub-
&tenth] tide to the body of a slave. He wished for a moment
to fathom this tide. There was a certain valuable commo-
dity, for which there were two competitors—a black and a
white. The valuable commodity was the body of the black.
The black said " It is mine ;" the white s. i 1 " It is mine."
—What was the claim of the black ? It was surely the best
that could. be imagined—a claim derived directly front nature.
—This furnished a pretty good priina facie case for the
black, and be who contended with him was hound to .hew a
better. Let the planter then be asked, by what right he
claimed that which he considered to be his property ? He
might answer that he inherited it from his father. That would
be a very_ good claim, but how did his father-become possessed
of it? The answer might be, that he bought it of a Captain,
Very good again, but bow did he become possessed of it?--
Ile bought it of a merchant. But low did be get it ? Oh, be
bought it of a Slave-trader in Africa. And where did the
Slave-trader get it ? Why, he stole it. Thus, then, it would
be found the best title which could be set up bad its origin
in robbery. He would say, frankly, that the title of the
Planter to his slave was nothing at all. Ile might have a
claim on that House.—(llear, hear, hear !)-.--that be was fully
prepared to admit, but he denied that be had an right to use
force or cruelty on the person of a slave; The Iron. ..Gen.
tleman then re-stated from a letter which he bed written to
Earl Bathurst, an explanation of his sentiments. It ran thus :-..
He maintained that the House owed .it to themselves to
take up this question on every principle ;which. ought to. be
dear -to the Representatives of an honest country. They
owed it to humanity, to justice, to Christianity, which tiumght
that " they should do to others as they wished others should do
to them." They owed it to their reputation in Europe--to the
unanimous voice of the EngliSli people, and, above all, they
owed it to that African race, which they had so ,log and so
cruelly oppressed. We owed to those unhappy beings a
long and deep atonement for wars excited by our means.._
for civil wars which we had made interminable—for the
villages burned when the poor wretches • were roused from
their aletp but to behold the cAiel man-stealers app (itch_
they owed it for civilization, for peace, for the arts—and
still more important, for Cheistianity excluded during two
centuries from Africa.—They owed it for the tears of thou.
sands murdered in war; for the tens of thousandasuffocated
in the holds of our slave ships; for the tens of thousands
cruelly cast ashore, and brutally described in the invoice as
" refuse risen ;" and for the tens of thousands kept in slavery
through many succeeding years, and doomed to know every
species of misery and degradation. For these things, they
owed to injured Africa a huge and liberal atonement, and glue
they ought to be that it was in their power to do something
like an act of justice. We had a. power to step betweee
the slave the barbarity of his master's servant; to prevent bin
from being torn front the soil where he had built his cottage,
and to make his children free. Above all, we had the powei
of affording them full mid complete religious instruction. . k'ion
the children of the slave every thing like a Vestige of slavery
could be removed, and by means of education they might fat
reared into a free, enlightened, and happy people. With and
means in their power, be would only repeat the exclamation
with which he had concluded his letter to Laird Bethurst, and
say, " God grant that his Majesty's Ministers may nccorn-
plash this, or suffer it to be done by others I" He concluded,
by reading and moving the following Resolutions:—" Thai
the state of slavery is repugnant to the principles of the Bridal
Constitution, and of the Christian Religion, and that it °Ugh.
to be abolished gradually throughout the British Colonies,
with as much expedition as may be found consistent with
due regard to the well-being of the parties concerned."
The subject divides itself into two—the condition of the cx.
isting slave, and the condition of their children.
With regard to the former, I wish the following improve
tents

1. That the slave should be attached to the Island, and un
der modifications to the $

2. That they cease to be chattels in the eye of the law.
3. That their testimony be received quantum vs:iat.
4. That when any one lays in his claim to the services or
Negro, the onus sliould rest on the claimant.
5. That obstructions to manu►nissions ►should be removed.
6. That the provisions of the Spanish law (being by mnipe
tent authority the value of the slave, and allowing him to pur
chase a day at a time); should be introduced.
7. That no Governor, Judge, or Attorney-Oeneral, shoub
be a slave owner.

O. That an effectual provision shall be made for the religiou
instruction of the slave.

O. That marriage s, uld be enforced and sanctioned.
10. That Sunday would be devoted by the slave to oval
and religious instruction ; and that other mile should be allot,
ted for the cultivation of his provision grounds.
11. That sonic (but what I cannot say ), measures should
be taken to restrain the authority of the nnoter in punishing
untried slave, and that some substitute should be ibund for the
driving system.
These are the proposed qualifications of the'existing Slavery.
But I am far more anxiously. bent upon the extinction or :sea-
very altogether. By rendering all the negro 'children, born
after a certain day, free. For themit Trill be.necesesary w pro;
vide education.

--Ciotijrorliihat his .:Ihjesty's MinisterN nt), be tth.pn,c() to
Accomplish these objects, or to peril& others to uccompli.,ll
them.

Believe me, my dear Sir your's very truly,
Spring-garden Hotel, April 15, 1/1•11. T. F. B.
Air. Secretary CANNING aaid, the appeal with which the
Centitra m hull couch ded his speech to his Illsjesty.'s