The Sun.
London, England, 1840-08-24 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, AUGUST 24, 1840.

AUS TR ALIND, WESTERN
AUSTRALIA.
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August 19, IR4O.

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THE EASTERN QUESTION.

The following article appears in the Quolidienne of
Wednesday. It is from the pen of the Duke de Valmy,
the Royalist deputy, who has distinguished himself in
the Chamber by some very able speeches on the Eastern
question :
,‘ When serious events intervene, when the
policy of a Cabinet compromises the interests
of a country, is it meet that the persons whose
mission it is to represent those interests should
keep silent and wait for the Chamber to
be opened, in order to prefer their tardy and useless
reproaches ? I think nor. I rather think that it be-
comes a duty not to lose an instant in pointing out the
blunders of those in power, in order to stop them, if
there be yet time, from pursuing that perilous path in
which they have ventured, and to indicate that which
they ought to have followed.
" It is that duty which I am going to fulfil, not with-
out lamenting the necessity in which I am placed to
defend myself, as it were, from the national impulse
to which I should wish to associate myself, and to
which I should enlist myself with joy if the honour
of France depended on the sword's point ; but
when, according to my judgment, the situation is
not so desperate but that means might be found
to remedy it, I find myself imbued with sufficient
courage to give vent to4all my opinions. I have not
here to occupy myself itlith what may have been said
apart from the question - I wish to keep always in view
affairs in a practical point of view, following diplomatic
movements in their regular or capricious manoeuvres, in
order to judge of them, to point out the errors, and to
indicate the means by which it appears to me possible
and even easy to repair them.
" I shall not say that I have foreseen all that has
happened, and that I announced it from the tribune ;
for I do not wish to satisfy my amour propre at a
time when the country is called to arms ; but I am
compelled to repeat, that what has happened was in-
evitable, and that it arose from the natural consequences
of the instability and of the confused state of our policy.
" And in the first place, let us re-establish the facts
which the Government and its official disavowals have
made intricate. Amongst the acts to which it is neces-
sary to direct attention I must remember, before all, the
declaration of the 27th of July, 1839. Everybody is
acquainted with that declaration ; but I here subjoin
the text of it, because it is the keystone to the nego-
tiations which have taken place ; therein lies the
strength of the combined Powers, and the weakness of
our Cabinet.

" The following is the declaration :-
1." The undersigned have received this morning from
their respective Governments instructions, by virtue of
which they have the honour to inform the Sublime Porte
that the mutual understanding (accord) on the Eastern
Question is ensured between the Five great Powers,
and to urge her to suspend every definitive determination,
without their consent, pending the effect of the interest
which they evince for her.

(Signed)
" PONSONBY.
Baron DE ST URMER, Austrian Internuncio.
Count DE KOENIGSMARK, Prussian Minister.
Baron ROUSSIN, French Ambassador.
BOUTENIEFF, Russian Minister.
" ' Constantinople, July 27, 1839.'
" The good understand►ng or union of the Powers
was therefore ensured. There remains but to know
upon what basis ? The Queen of England stated it
officially on the 27th of August following in the Speech
of the Crown :

" The same understanding which has brought about
the pacific solution of those questions which are se
complicated exists relative to the affairs of the East.
The Five Powers are equally resolved upon maintain-
ing the independence and integrity of the Ottoman
empire.
" The King of the French confirms those explanations
on the opening of the Chambers on the 23d of Decem-
ber following :---

" Our flag, in concert with that of Great Britain,
and faithful to the spirit of that union, always so advan-
tageous for the interests of both countries, has'watched
over the independence and immediate safety of the Ot-
toman empire. Our policy is always to ensure the pre-
servation of the integrity of that empire, whose existence
is so necessary for the maintenance of general peace.'
" Why do these declarations form the main prop of
foreign Cabinets ? Because they have always acted up
and spoken to the like purport. Why do they show our
weakness ? Because-w*litve not been faithful to our
declarations, and at the present time they may be brought

in evidence against us. lam aware that, following, the
example of the Ministry of May 12, there is still .a
discussion upon the meaning of the word integrity. But
we can admit no quibbling to be resorted to respecting
the fate of empires; and it would no doubt suffice to
appeal to the good sense of Admiral Roussin, to be very
soon convinced that he did not understand the integrity
of the Ottoman empire otherwise than the Amtrissa-
dors with whom he signed the act on the 27th of July.
In any case it cannot be supposed that a diplomatic
note can be signed without previously being satisfied as
to the meaning of the words conveyed in the said act.
Tne truth is, that whilst our Ambassador adhered
to the declaration of the 27th of July, the policy of
the French Cabinet was turning round. Mehemet
Ali, who knows the secrets of our civilization, and
the influence of the press on the proceedings of
the Government, knew how to dazzle and enchant
the principal organs of public opinion, and, seconded
by them, he brought the Cabinet to espouse his pre-
tensions on Syria, the Taurus, and the district of
Adana. Admiral Roussin had been recalled and sacri-
ficed to the Paella of Egypt, for having declared that
the 13,icha had outraged France, and that the first op-
portunity ought to be seized to punish his insolence, by
depriving him, in concert with the other Powers, of the
provinces which he had conquered. This, we all re-
member, was followed by certain public manifestations
in favour of the Paella.

" I pointed out six months ago all that was incon-
sistent and imprudent in that political tacking about
in the presence of acts concocted with the Cabinets.
I said that sooner or later the nogotiations which had
been broached by M. de I3runow would meet with
complete success, because they were based upon acts
concocted in earnest, and that if we persisted in op-
posing we should be abandoned by everybody, even by
our pretended allies, and that the Eastern question
would be decided without us, and in spite of us.
" My observations were not heeded, because it was
hoped that England would not come to an under-
standing with ltus,ia. It was expected that the al-
liance which had been contracted for the last ten years
with the Cabinet of London, and the advantages which
had resulted therefrom, would impose upon it a duty
a empire.n
not to separate from us on the Oriental question.
It was thought that it was only necessary to gain time,
in order to sow dissension in the conference. It was
with that view, as it has been avowed since, that M. Se-
bastiani sought the assistance of a Turkish Plenipoten-
tiary in London. It is 301 for that object apparently,
tfhe the
integrity Crown
ofand to leave hopes to the Powers of an arrangement,
thethe 203
Ottoman
0 ofm December
madeof that the
mentionsp eecbo
fo
That declaration cannot be explained in any other man-
ner, especially at a time when the integrity was no
longer wished for, according to the terms accepted by
the Powers.

" Notwithstanding all these intrigues, unworthy of a
great nation, the conference in London pursued the
work which it had commenced on the 27th of July nor
Europe,
,
12th of May
could it be otherwise. The Powers, which, after' ma-
ture deliberation, had taken as a basis of their compact
from
b nstt steady 1
0(
oyt.i.
tilande
the integrity of the Ottoman empire, could not consis-
tently revoke such a determination. Such inconsistency
statesmencouldAlnlo tth
i%e who
eofrdoirrtcexpected
otr the Cabinetie
the
,Ca
were to fall to the ground at the firmness of their reso-
lutions, and that ministry even was to be at an end
without even changing the aspect of the negotiations
in question.
" M. Thiers, by succeeding Marshal Soult, thought
he could do that which his predecessors had been unable
to accomplish. He imat gined that the English alliance had
been too much neglected,and that his being in power would
very soon reestablish between the Cabinets of London
and Paris an intimacy which would cause the negotia-
tions propounded iy M.
de Brunow to be of no mo-
ment. Full of confidence, M. Thiers almost compro-
mised the di,nity ,f the Government by the advances
• made to England. Ile which he publiclycommitted
therein a great error, which exposed his blindness, for
1 the President of the Council must have known
that M. de Brunow'3 proposals were so advan- i
tageous for England, and so much in conformity
with her views, that she could not remain long
without accepting
them. M. Thiers must have re-
membered that the Cabinet of London had given let-
ters of marque and equipped squadrons in order to ob-
tain eJneessions which Russia offered throughout the
medium of her plenipotentiary in London. M. Thiers
must have been aware, also, that Austria and Prussia,
were of the same opinion as Eng'and ; and that, if
there were delay in concluding the treaty, it was
with a
sinf•ere desire that France might accede to the nego-
tiations,
" The explanations which have recently been given
an leave
by Lord Palmerston c .no doubt on that
score. We do nit wish to congratulate ourselves
on those explanations—we shall not go so far as
that ; but we take them as n matter of fact, and
we conclude therefrom that it is evident the Powers
hesitated for a long time to take part therein ; but
that, owing to the refusal of France, being placed
under the necessity of separating from her, or of ad-

ourning sine die the solution of a question which places
in danger the peace of Europe, they have chosen be-
tween those two necessities, or, as the case may be,
between those two dangers, that which has appeared
the less likely to be attended with any serious conse-
quences with respect to our former declarations, and they
have separated from us. It has been publicly stated that
France has been duped, and even betrayed ; then those
assertions arc withdrawn, and then it seems that public
opinion is to be cast off for the purpose of being
brought into play a piacere. Such a position compels
us to give some explanations, which have become ne-
cessary in order to re-establish the truth of the cir-
cumstantial facts. The Powers, at the time of signing
the treaty of the 15th July, 1840, addressed a memo-
randum to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, of which it
is useless to cite the terms, but the tenor of which is
allowed to be published, since it is in conformity with
Lord Palmerston's language. The French Cabinet is
reminded that it refused every proposal that was made
to it ; the regret which the Powers experienced in sepa-
rating from France on an European question is ex-
pressed in this memorandum, but it is given to under-
stand that former declarations have allowed the
Cabinets to reckon upon its neutrality in case coercive
measures should be deemed necessary for obtaining the
realisation of the treaty of the 15th of July.
" I stop here in order not to enter into revelations for
which the time is not yet arrived. What I have stated
suffices to prove that France has not been duped, and that
she has continued to receive the kindest and most official
communications respectingthe progress ofthe negctiat
" However, it must be confessed that somebody has
been duped, for the official journal would not have mani-
fested on July 13, last, the satisfaction of the Cabinet
on the state of the negotiations if the President of the
Council had not entertained at that time some secret
hopes. In short,it appearspositive that M. Thiers thought
till the very last moment of the possibility of retaining
Eneand in the alliance of France. Whether he has
been deceived by the reports of a secret agent, who
held out in language opposed to that of M. Guizot,
or whether his partiality for England made him blind to
the progress of the negotiations, he was stilltrusting in the
English alliance at the very time when the treaty was
being signed, and whets the Cabinets addressed him the
note which I have spoken of above.
" The President of the Council was completely as-
tounded at such an unexpected coup de main, and re-
plied by an appeal to arms.
" Is it on his part a- serious manifestation, having for
object the defence of a national policy—an European in-
terest in the Eastern question ?or is it but a measure ab
irato for the purpose of dissimulating a fa:se position and
a retrogade proceeding? These are the points which
I am going to examine. And, in the first place does the
Cabinet believe in the policy which it professes for some
time ? Does it believe Mehemet Ali capable of per-
forming the part which his partisans affirm he has been
called to ? Does the Cabinet think, in a word, that the
power of the Viceroy of Egypt is necessary for the equi-
librium of Europe ? If it entertain such a conviction,
why hesitate ? M. Thiers's preparation for arming
must be applauded, whatever doubts may be inspired
by the consequences of that political determination.
" But it must be admitted that the Cabinet has no
faith in Mehemet All's power ; it does not see that
the question of the equilibrium of Europe is mixed up
therein, and it confesses thereto ; for it has declared to
the Powers that there was nothing to object to in the
arrangement which Europe wished to make, if Mehe-
met Ali consented thereto. With such a declaration,
which places the conduct of France at the will and
pleasure of the Viceroy of Egypt, it may be inferred
that the Cabinet does not see in Mehemet cause
an European interest ; for, if it saw it, it ought to defend
it without preposessing itself of the conveniences of
that Pacha. The Cabinet does not think either that
by supporting Mehemet Ali's pretensions as to Syria it
withdraws that country from the influence of England,
for if it did it ought to sustain Mehemet Ali in spite
of himself. I could say much more, for at this very
moment the Cabinet is negotiating with the Viceroy of
Egypt in order to prevail upon him to accept pro-
posals which differ but in a trifling degree from
those included in the treaty of the 15th July.
The article published in the Revue des Deux
Monies, and which emanated from the office of
the President of the Council, plainly avows the same.
After having encouraged Mehemet Ali, the Cabinet
abandons him, and supplicates him to be satisfied with
Syria as a life interest, without Adana and. the Holy Ci-
ties. What is Syria on those conditions? It is a pachalick
without a capital, and without frontiers. Mehemet Ali
would make himself despicable in the eyes of the Maho-
medan population if he accepted in a friendlymanner such
a position. And what can be said of a Ministry which
calls France to arms in order to bring about such a pitiful
result—of a Ministry which, for an almost imper-
ceptible difference, threatens the Cabinets with our
anger, and speaks of setting fire to the four corners
of Europe ? Evidently the conduct of such a Cabi-
net, not in gamest ; and all the noise which it
has "nada. is but a manceuvre to disguise another
political tacking about. It has no faith in Egyptian
policy, and disowns it in its diplomatic reports ;
it betrays it in its'• acts ; but appearances must
be preserved, and public opinion must be exchanged
for a retrograde proceeding; and, in order to arrive
thereat, the Cabinet could find nothing better than to
do that which succeeds at times with brave men in dis-
guise, and conceals its weakness by a warlike clamour.
But let it have a care, for it is a very culpable and danger-
ous game to play with the feelings of honour belonging to
a nation which knows at what point the susceptibility of
the French nation will stop—when it will be clearly shown
that the Egyptian policy was a lie—that Mehemet Ali,
whom the Cabinet had transformed into a hero, was but
an ambitious man in their eyes. Who can say that
public opinion will not recoil before such an expose as
has been effected, and that it will not bring back a se-
cond time the Cabinet, in spite of itself, to the Egyp-
tian policy ? And then what will be done with that
enthusiasm for which nothing has been prepared, and
which has neither object nor plan ? Against whom will
the national elan be directed ? What will it do for
Egypt after having abandoned it ?

.; 13t let us not dwell any longer on these melancholy
suppositions ; let us now look into the policy of the Ca-
binets, at.d wherein lies their strength. And, before I
explain myself freely on that policy, may I be permitted
to call to mind that it is that which has always appeared
to answer in the most satisfactory manner the interests
of France and Europe, that which complied in the most
formal manner with the spirit of the negotiations ;
and, in short, that which I have always defended,
always recommended to the attention of the Govern-
ment ? May I be permitted also to say a few words
on the illusions with which public opinion is cradled in,
and upon the results which may be attributed to the tri-
umph of the Egyptian cause? Suppose that Mehemet
Ali, owing to the energy of his disposition, and especially
by an intervention on the part of France, was to be
maintained in the position which we wish to give him,
and that the whole of Europe refuses it to him, would
that be a solution of the Eastern question ? No ; I say
over and over again, no : it would be a state of war
between the Cabinets who wished to lower Mehemet
Ali's power and France, which would have wished to
maintain it in spite of them. And how long might that
war be carried on with success ? How long might we
reckon upon the assistance of an old man of seventy-two
years of age ? How long even upon his fidelity ? For
what could we offer to gratify his ambition in compari-
son with the advantages Russia can ensure him to-mor-
row, as she has the keys of Asia ? No ; that is not a
solution of the Eastern question, and it is understanding
matters in a wrong light to confide therein.
" The policy which was developed before the Cham-
bers, and which the foreign Cabinets seem not to have
deviated from, is much better calculated to render
assistance to the Ottoman empire. In short, wherein
lies the greatest danger for that empire ? Is it
in the conquests which Russia and England are
meditating upon ? No ; that is not the most
urgent danger. I cannot be looked upon With
suspicion in speaking of these two Powers, for
I was the first to ask the Government to pursue a
policy which might place the East under shelter from
their covetousness. I wa3 the first to denounce the
attempts of the Cabinet of London upon Egypt and
Syria. I have said often enough what might be ex-
pected from that magnanimous ally to entitle me to
have the right of being listened to, when I state that
Russia and England do not look forward to immediate
conquests of the Ottoman empire ; what they wish for
at the present time is to have preponderating influence.
That is what they are ready to divide between them.
I had foreseen that division, and I shall presently state
what might be done to avert the same ; but let us re-
turn to the danger which threatens, before anything
else, the Ottoman empire.
" That danger is in interior revolutions, which would
cause Turkey to fall piecemeal, and which would sur-
render her provinces to the first occupant. The clan-
ger is not avoided, but provoked, by sanctioning the
dismemberment of Syria. It is with that dan-
ger in view, that the Cabinets have met together,
and have come to an understanding in order
to proclaim the integrity of the Ottoman. empire.
They have understood that the situation of Europe.
could not allow them to be passive spectators of the fall
of the Ottoman Empire, and that it was necessary to
revert to those tendencies which in former times ha
detached the Greek provinces from them. yhey !,hought,
and with reason too, that the principle of integrity being
established and recognised, it would prevent a revolution
at Constantinople from becoming an opportunity for an
European conflagration. They thought, in short, that a
I collective protectorate, which would have the destinies
• of the Ottoman Empire under the safeguard of all,

PRICE sd.

would be the best mediator for the ambition of each of
them ; and it may be observed, en passant, that France
shared that opinion when Admiral Roussin received in-
structions to sign the declaration of the 27th of July,
1839. The Cabinets have, therefore, good grounds
when they state the Viceroy of Egypt threatens the in-
tegrity of the Ottoman empire ; he wishes to infringe
the principle which we recognise ; be must be rendered
powerless. He has gained, it is said, great victories,
and therein is the greater danger ; what matter those
victories, when the peace of Europe is in question ?
" I do not examine whether that policy answers the
direct interests of the Powers ; but that which is posi-
tive is, thzt it is in direct accordance with the negotia-
tions at starting, with the principles which have served
as a basis, and that it is sufficient to satisfy the interest
of general pacification.
If I now look into the conduct of our Cabinet,
allowing public opinion to impose upon it a line of
policy in which it has no faith, then betraying secretly
that policy, I am not afraid to say that a great nation
has never so easily been made a dupe of. Humiliation
is spoken of, insults likewise. As for my part, I am
humiliated at the present time, when I read the orders
and counter-orders which the Cabinet gives their jour-
nals, in order to excite or appease the clans of national
honour, at the risk of any caprice. My pride is
wounded at seeing the noble feelings of a nation specu-
lated upon as on the rise or fall of the funds, and to
hear a cause openly supported which is in an under-
handed manner to be abandoned. However, what re-
mains to be done in the situation in which the Caitinet
has so imprudently placed us ? Are there means of
restoring to iFrance the influence which belongs to,ber
in the Eastern question ? I am fearful to say that it
would not be easy to overcome it in a great and
complete manner, after the errors committed by
the Cabinet, without running the risk of a gene-
ral war ; but undoubtedly there is a better course
than to desert one's engagements, and that which Lap-
pears to me still pusible. lam not afraid to speak it
openly ; for it doe not relate to a diplomatic intrigue,
more or less ruse, to break through the compact of the
Powers, but to resume her position with Europe,
,and
to do it honourably.
" The treaty of the 15th of July contains stipula-
tions which France has not consented to. She can ad-
here to them in their present state ; but it would not be
impossible for France to affix her signature if new con-
ditions were appended thereto. There are two to be re-
quired, if the Cabinet wishes to return to the confer-
ence with a high hand. The first is, that an additional
article to the treaty of the 14th of July will stipulate
for positive guarantees for the abandonment of the
treaty of Unkiar Skelessi. If the Russian Cabinet, as
it may be expected, realises the promises which Lor d
Palmerston has spoken of—if it renounces formally its
exclusive protectorate—it is evident that the Eastern
question changes its complexion with respect to Russia.
The Egyptian policy, even supposing that it was good
and practicable, becomes a dead letter. The equili-
brium of Europe being no more threatened by Russia,
the Pacha of Egypt may be restricted to his natural
limits. The engagements which have been made with
him may be broken off honourably, for they cannot be
personal to him, without being at the same time treason.
" With respect to the influence of England upon
Syria, you do not require Mehemet Ali to thwart it if
you stipulate, in a second additional article, that free-
dom shall be insured to the Syrian population under
the dominion of the Porte. By giving to the unfortu-
nate inhabitants of that country guarantees for civil
and religious liberty, you will preserve sympathies
which you have acquired by secular traditions, and you
will grasp Syria from the ambition of England.
" It would have been easier undoubtedly, at the time
the first overtures were made by Russia, to have made
note of her concessions, and have modified your policy
when events were assuming another form. It would
have been to stipulate for the Syrians before the Eng-
lish sought to intervene in their favour. More condes-
cendence might have been expected on the part of the
different Cabinets before the threats which anger made
them resort to. However, the Powers are too much
attached to the maintenance of peace to refuse conditions
which good faith causes it a duty upon them to consent
to. With respect to France, she would perform a
much greater part than is proposed to her ; she would
have obtained the double object which she ought to
propose to herself. She would have restricted the
Russian and British influence to their just limits, if she
caused to be inserted In the treaty of the 15th of July
the liberty of the Bosphorus and that of Syria.
" DUKE DE VAL MY, Deputy of Haute Garor.ne."
" Stors, Aug. 17."

NAVAL INTELLIGENCE.

(From the Hampshire Independent.)

PORTSMOUTH, AUG. 22.—The Salamander steamer
arrived here on Thursday last, from the coast of Spain,
with 1.50 men of the Royal Marines and Marine Ar-
tillery, and after disembarking them at this port, re-
turned the next day, to bring home the remainder of the
battalion.

The Vanguard, Captain Sir D. Dunn, is still at Spit-
head ready for sea, having nearly completed her crew by
a draft from the Victory.
The North Star, Savage, and Comet, are ordered
home from the North coast of Spain, to be paid off.
Orders were received here on Monday last, to dock
the Britannia, 120, and fit ber for the flag ship in the
Mediterranean. Her officers and crew will be turned
over to the Queen.
The Shearwater steamer bas been commissioned at
Woolwich, for the West India station. She is to have
a complement of 50 men and to carry two 32-pounders
of 25 cwt. each.

The Earl of Hardwicke, Henning, sailed on Thurs-
day last, for Calcutta, and the Wellington, Kendrick,
for Cape and Madras.
The Norwegian sloop-of-war Omen, Captain Peter-
sen, sailed on Friday last for Christensen.
The greatest activity prevails in the completion of
the repairs of the St. Vincent, now in dock. No less
than 250 shipwrights are now employed upon her. It
will be two months before she can be completed, unless
extraordinary means be employed to effect it.

NAVAL PROMOTIONS AND ArkiNTNRN7II.
PROMOTION.--Acting Master.—H. J. London •
Salamander), to the rank of Master and Pilot.
Commander.—Timmas Henderson, to the Vesuviq
Midshipman.—G. R. Compton, from the Vangudro
the Britannia, vice J. M. Boyd, to he Niger Expedat
Clerk-in-Charge.—Charies Richards (second son
the late Commander G. S. Richards), to the Strombot
from the Bellerophon._

Gunner.—John Griffiths. supernumerary in Victory
to the Nautilus ; Thos. Oliphant, 3d class, from the
Victory, to the /Etna ; Wm. Merriman, acting k
Excellent, to be supernumerary 3d class to William
and Mary ; Wtu. Craven, to the Magnificent.
COAST Gu A RD.—Lieutenant—Jacob Sampan& t.
be Chief Officer.