The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-25 00:00:00

avowed aim to give, it has not given ; that the vast
mass of the working-classes whom it was to benefit,
in common with the middle-classal, it has not bene-
fited ;—in a word, that, while in some few points
it has been of service, in many essential ones it has
proved little better than a delusion. We deduce
these facts—which, by-the-bye, all clear-sighted
people have known long ago—from the spirit that
pervaded the provincial Meeting in question, which
was one of entire unanimity, and in which both
Chartists and Radicals zealously vied with each
other in their endeavours to rouse the people, and
through the people, the Ministers, to a moreprompt,
manly, and straightforward course of action than has
been pursued for the last four or five years.
We repeat that the Leeds Meeting is an em-
phatic warning to Ministers. Will they neglect
thßs warning, and treat it as of no account, as a
mere meteor-flash that lightens and dies in an in-
stant ? If they do, they will rouse a spirit of op-
position throughout the country, that will force
forward Reform at a rate of which at present they
hare not the slightest conception. 'When the zea-
lous Radical and the still more zealous Chartist
are willing to forget their old differences, and hold
out the right hand of fellowship to each other ; to
follow the same broad path of improvement, in-
stead of each, sullenly and solitarily, pursuing his
own ; and unite in a cordial determination to obtain
by the same means the ends at which both aim ;
—when we see these things, we see at once that
the " beginning of the end". has arrived of that
shallow system of expediency and political truck-
ling and trifling,which has so long been the reproach
and the weakness of the Reform Ministry
To those cautious but well-meaning men who
may be disposed to doubt the justice of our asser-
tions, we recommend a careful perusal of the
speeches of the Leeds Reformers, Chartist as well
as Radical, in which they will find as steady a spirit
of unflinching resolution—of resolution growing out
of conviction, and strengthened by intelligence—
as ever yet was made manifest in words. The
Chartist orators, in particular, pursued a vein of
sentiment and reasoning which it is impossible to
praise too highly. The conciliatory disposition
they evinced was manly—generous---worthy of
themselves and the cause they profess to have so

much at heart ; and not less exemplary was the

firm but temperate language in which they expressed
themselves. It is in this skilful union of tempe-
rance with firmness that their great strength lies.
As mere Alarmists, they have not the slightest in-
fluence. As enlightened and energetic Reformers,
who seek for constitutional privileges by constitu-
tional means, they possess a giant's strength.
While alluding to this subject, we must not omit
to notice the remark made by Mr. COLLINS, in
reference to the Whig system of temporizing :
" I hold," said this able Chartist orator, " that
there is no real expediency but that which
is right ; and to do that which is right, is
the best expediency that can be adopted."
These few simple words, pregnant as they
we with truth and sense, should be in-
scribed over the door of every Government-
office in Downing-street, where—we regret to say—

the useful moral which they enforce, is much needed.
In a few days Parliament will meet, when it will
be seen whether the great business of legislation is
to jog on at its old sleepy, tortoise pace, or to go
forward at the brisk rate which the temper of the
times and the exigencies of the country alike de-
mand. If the approaching Session is to be pro-
ductive of no more fruitful results than the
last ; if to every remonstrance of the more

zealous Reformers, the Whigs are to make
their old answer, "We can't go on—the

'ories won't let us ;”—then the sooner the country

comes to a definite understanding with these men

e better ; for there can be no time so fit for ae.

tion as when the Chartist and Radical are alike
agreed in the necessity of prompt, energetic, and

solid Reform. We have had enough o(shadows.
It is now high time that we get the substance of
improvement. liming sown the seeds, we are en-
titled to look for the harvest.

What is the reason the aistocracy are so dread-
fully suspicious of the people ? They are conscious
of wronging them. Why do the aristocracy, and the
writers connected with the aristocracy, continually
attribute to the people, in relation to the Govern-
inent, the worst designs ? The aristocracy borrow
the imputations from their own practices. We men-
tioned on Thursday that the aristocracy knowingly,
and designedly, passed the Corn-law to keep
down the manufacturing, the new or demo-
cratic population. They have an insuperable
aversion to our Birminghams and Manchesters, as
the pedlars had an aversion to good roads and
stage-coaches, or as the ancient copyists had an
aversion to printing. In them new trades are prac-
tised, which the bolds of the soil cannot understand,
and wealth surpassing their own is acquired with-
out paying them, as formerly, either tolls or homage.
hence arise in the landowners envy and hatred,
which they sneakingly gratify by a law, pretending
to act for the good of the
public, while their
bolder ancestors, animated by similar motives,
sallied forth from their castles and ravaged the
towns or pillaged the merchants. For ages—for
ever, in fact—there has existed this kind of feud
between old arts and new ruts, between an old po-
pulation and a new population ; but it is only in
our time that the possessors of the old arts, being
also in possession of the power of making laws,
have endeavoured to gratify their base passions by
reducing them to the form of solemn enactments.

The aristocracy bear about them the conscious-
ness of their own bad deeds, politically speaking,
and that makes them jealous and suspicious of the
people. Their consciences make them cowards.
They live in dread of their fellow-countrymen, and
they spare no means to keep them in subjection.
They have a monopoly of all the powers of
Government. The legislature is in their hands.
The Executive Government is composed of
some of them, and is their instrument. Every
branch of the public service is officered as it
were by them or their creatures. The Army
is entirely in their hands. The Church is
established to promote their ends, and preach
doctrines agreeable to them. Their existence as
an aristocracy is a standing conspiracy against the
rights and liberties of the people. 'What they do
themselves they dread in others. They know that
they are oppressors, and they accuse the people of
wishing to be so. We do not share their alarm.
Political power is only mischievous when concen-
trated ; diffused through the community it is as
harmless
n o
mischief from any individual, merely a s physical power. The public antici-
pate
because he is
stronger than another. In
a democracy, voter controls voter, just as in
a large population one man controls an-
other. To obtain a lasting influence, the aristo-
cracy must lay aside their oppression, and then they
will lose their suspicions. The restoration of con-
fidence must proceed from them, and a voluntary
resignation of their tax on the people's bread in the
approaching Session would do much to restore
that harmony betwixt the classes, the want of which
threatens, at no distant day, the destruction of the
empire.
vas

It will be seen from the Bow-street police report,
that a respectable
publican, against whom only one
complaint
had been made for the last fourteen years,
was fined for serving refreshments after twelve
o'clock on Saturday night, to persons frequent-

ing the Adelphi Theatre. Two other publi-
cs were summoned under similar charges, but
sir. JARDINE, the magistrate, convinced of the
absurdity of the law, or rather of its interpretation,
found plausible reasons for dismissing the cases,
and at the same time remarked that the licensed
victuallers would have opposed the clause in the
New Police Act, had they known the object of
it, but they were deceived by the ambiguity of the
phrases. This is a fine compliment to the framers
of the Bill. 'We really thought the Police Com-
inistioners had become ashamed of their med-

dling interference with the convenience and
comfort of respectable ►radesmen who fre-
quent the theatres on Saturday night. For some
months no charges have been brought against pub-
licans on that account, but the crusade is again re-
newed, and all of them are now to be fined for the
heinous offence of supplying refreshments to those
who have been confined in a theatre for five hours,
who have no accommodation at home like Mr.
HAWES, or Mr. Fox MAULE, or Lord NOR-
MANBY, and who are therefore obliged to go
to bed hungry and thirsty because their
representatives say the Sunday would be dese-
crated if a drop of beer is sold to the most

thirsty of them after twelve o'clock. Nothing that
SWIFT ever wrote in ridicule of absurd legislation,
is half so ridiculous as this. It is a mock-
ery of the Sabbath. It punishes the pro-
' prietors of theatres, publicans, and trades-
men, and only gratifies the miserable caprice
of a hypocritical lawgiver. We therefore call on the
licensed victuallers of London, and the countless
numbers that frequent their houses, to get up peti-
tions against this tyrannical Act, and present them
to Parliament by any of the City Members but Mr.
HAWES, and in a very short period, even with this
House of Commons, they will get rid of the nuisance.

Nothing can save the man who is so unfortunate

as to have in himself a mortal enemy. It is pre-
cisely the same with a nation. Nothing can pre-
vent the ruin of a country intent on ruining itself.
In therefore endeavouring to place prominently be-
fore the French people the incalculable evils which
will flow from a perseverance in their absurd deter-
mination to change the capital of European civili-

zation into a bastioned, turreted, and loop-holed
fortress of the thirteenth century, we have an im-
pression, almost amounting to a conviction, that we
are performing a very fruitless, as well as a very
thankless office. As one of the avowed objects of
the walls is to enable France to get England the
more readily at defiance, we are prepared for hav-
ing interested motives imputed to us by all parties,
We begin, then, by stating at once, that the advice
e give to the people of France is not disinterested.
As a commercial people, we have a very deep inte-
rest in promoting the physical prosperity of France,
and therefore it is as much our interest as our duty

to oppose any scheme of the French Government
or the French people, calculated to arrest the pro •
press of the national welfare. As an arm of na-
tional strength, the walls have no terrors whatever

for us. France would not be a jot more formidable
in a war with England were her capital surrounded
with a triple wall of brass an hundrod feet each in
thickness, than she is at this moment. Our battle-
field is the sea ; and if an English army has paraded
the streets of Paris in the well-earned character of
a conqueror, it was under circumstances which, in
all human probability, can -never occur again ; but
which, did they occur, would have precisely the
same result, were the fortifications of the capital
ten times as extensive as M. TRIERS proposes to
make them.

But there is little chance of persuading a people
inoculated with the madness of faction to listen to
the dictates of sober reflection, and upon the ques-
tion of the fortifications of Paris, the bulk of the
French people appear to be actually mad. " Give
us but wails," shout the Liberals in full chorus, from
M. ODILLON BARROT to M. TRIERS ; " Give
us but walls," echo the courtiers and legitimists;
" and we fling to the winds for eight years to come,
all care about canals, railways, roads, bridges, and
all other agricultural and commercial improve-
ments. For our darling walls we are willing to
sacrifice everything. What care we for lagging in
the rear of Europe instead of marching in the van
among the pioneers of popular prosperity, when we
have walls to defend us from enemies which we have
yet to make, and who when made can never pene-
trate so far into our territory as to catch a glimpse
of them ? Half thefmoney spent in building walls
and forts, would cover the face of France with rail-
ways, and thus in the event of a war enable us to
transport our troops and the requisite munitions for
a military campaign to any point of our frontier
threatened by the enemy; but railroads, though thus
useful as ministering to our passion for military
glory, do not so exclusively remind us of war as
loopholed-walls and towers, and therefore we prefer
placing walls between us and the foes of France.'i
It is only a strong sense of public duty that can im-
pel foreigners to attempt to save:a people thus bent
upon their own destruct;on. But as France can-
not offer to her starving population, asking for
bread, the stones forming the walls of Paris, without
exposing the rest of Europe to the direful conse-
quences of their famine and despair, it is the duty
of honest journalists to place the question before
them in its true light.

Society is now in the very whirlpool of change.
Nothing is stationary. Theworld is undergoing a series
of experiments the most momentous, the most wide-
spread in their results, and the most extensive in
their modifications of human thought and action,
that ever influenced the destinies of mankind. The
invention of gunpowder did not make a greater re-
volution in the art of war, nor did the discovery of
printing more completely change the previous mode
of communicating written knowledge, than reoent
discoveries in the power and application of steam
by land and water is destined to alter and improve
the individual, social, civil, and national character
of the whole people of Europe. Now, no great
member of the European family of nations can fall
to leeward without inflicting deep injury upon
others. No nation exists for itself, still least of
all a nation so central as France. Therefore in
putting herself out of the path of improvement she
not only ruins herself, but she injures the pros-
perity of her neighbours. And that she is putting
herself out of the path of improvement cannot be
denied, seeing that the Finance Minister, M.
HUMANN, honestly and distinctly stated that
France had to choose between walls and all other
commercial and agricultural improvements. If the
walls were built, he told them plainly that they must
be content with the walls, as the Government
would have no money to spend in making railways,
improving canals, and erecting bridges.
But as regards France the most important point
remains to be stated. It is a singular instance of
either the corruption or the blindness of the
Press, if not of both, that of the Paris daily
Journals, the Commerce is the only paper that pro-
fesses to see, in the fortification of Paris, its true
object—namely, to place the republican mob of the
capital entirely at the mercy of the Government.
The average distance of the proposed forts round
Paris, from the centre of the city, is 5,000 metres
(a metre is three feet three inches and a half En-
glish measure), whereas it has been ascertained
that several towns, and Antwerp among the num-
her, have been most destructively bombarded at
6,000 metres distance. Should, therefore, the po-
pulation of any of the faubourgs manifest any dis-

position to kick up a revolutionary dust, the'Go-
vernment will be able quickly to lay it, by throwing
a few shells from the nearest fortress. This will
quickly extinguish the glory of the barricades, by
making it a matter of the utmost indifference to the
Government whether they blockade the streets or
leave them open. Build the wall, and we shall
hear no more of inob-made and mob-banished kings.
The system of centralization will be then complete,
for the guns of Paris will govern France from
Calais to Marseilles. Their voice will travel
quicker than the telegraph, however bright the at-
mosphere. When danger whispers fear has long•i
ears ; and from the mouth of these guns only sounds
of danger to liberal Fra'ice will proceed. It is la-
mentable to see a nation in chains under any cir-
! cumstances, but if there be an occasion calcu-
lated to make us distrust humanity itself, it
is when we behold a people voluntarily forge
fetters for themselves, and even go so far
as to fasten them upon their own limbs.
This is the case with France now in cla-
mouring for fortifications. She courts the yoke
which will destroy her independence. Her jour-
nalists are constantly reminding us of the disgrace
offered her by the Allies in 1514. The Allies, in
their proudest hour of victory and the deepest of
her humiliation, never thought of inflicting upon
her a wrong equal in magnitude to that which she
is now in the act of doing to herself. They dreamed
not of compelling the genius of arts, letters, and
commerce to seek an asylum elsewhere by proposing
to surround Paris with walls and fortresses. Had
they done so, we would have been at no loss to account
for the mortification which Frenchmen generally
feel in alluding to that, memorable event in their
history. But it was reserved for French tyrants
and their parasites, and fur French pseudo-liberals
of the Republican school, to put the despot's hook
in the nostrils of France by degrading her capital
from being the centre of European civilization and
the stronghold of European freedom into a mere
fortress, where the most limited freedom of word or
action can only exist by permission of the military
Governor.

We have received the whole of the French Journals
of Thursday. On that day commenced the debate in
the Chamber of Deputies on the Fortifications of Paris

Bill. The Chamber was crowded, and the greatest in-
terest excited by the expected discussion of a question
so important to France and to Europe. Singularly
enough, the first to address the Chamber was M. GUL-
BERRY, in opposition to the measure. His speech was
replete with good sense, and with the soundest maxims
of pokey. He observed that the military glory of
France was acquired on fields of battle, and not behind
walls and bastions. In 1815 NAPOLEON consulted
CARNOT relative to the fortification of Paris, and the
opinion of that eminent person ryas, that to fortify the
capital would cost two hundred millions of
francs in money, and three years in time, and
that when so fortified, an army of 60,000
men would take it in twenty-four hours. If the Bill
was persisted in the country would be prevented
frcan prosecuting all useful works for eight years, and
thus apiculture and commerce would be completely
paralyzed. If only eighty millions of the money pro-
pthed to be thrown away on fortifications was expended
on the construction of railways and other necessary
improvements, mere respect for,France would be created
abroad, and more happiness and a stronger sense of
security felt at home than if they erected a thousand
fortresses and raised walls as high as the summit of the
Tower of Babel. M. JUST CHASSELOUP addressed the
Chamber in support of the Bill, but his speech was a
mere repetition cf M. TIMERS' Report.
In the early part of the sitting Marshal SOULT in-
troduced three Bills into the Chamber, the first de-
manding a supplemental credit for the army of
1,500,000 francs ; the second for calling out the con-

tingent of 80,000 men ; and the third for improving the
recruiting system, and extending the period of service
from six years to seven.

The Court of Rome has consented to give a Cardi-
nal's hat to one of the French Prelates.

'The Portuguese brig Paella, captured by the French cor-
vette da Prevoyante, is going to be tent from the Isle of Bour-
bon to Brest, escorted by the Lancier brig. According to the
inventory made in the Isle of Bourbon it appears that the
cargo, money, and goods found on board the Pacha is worth
250,000 franca at least. The negroes were landed at Bourbon.
There some died in consequence of the privations which they
suffered. The crew consisted of 45 men, who will be brought
to Brest to undergo their trial.
The Pacha had papers issued by the Portuguese authorities,
but it carried on the slave trade by violence, and seized on free
persons at the several places at which it touched ; this is tho
ground of its being captured. It was to land its cargo of
slaves at the Ilavannah. It is said that the l'acha is a Mexican
brig (the Iturbide) which was one of the prizes made by Ad-
aural Baudin, and sold with other vessels of the same origin.—
Le Temps.

I? AILNVA Y SHARES.

St:Germain

C 95 tsgs

B 425 425 495 425
L.B. ..... ...... 312 50 315 312 SO 3t2 50
Orleans .
Nouen

Madrid Journals, of the 14th inst., have come to
hand. In consequence of some seditious cries on the
previous evening, the troops were confined to their bar-
tacks, to be ready to act in case of emergency, but
no further disturbance took place. The Duke of Vic-
TORY declined acting as Alcalde of Passages, to which
office he had been elected by the inhabitants.

A private letter, dated Bilbao, the 15th inst., states that a
General Junta, composed of all the Deputies of the commu-
neros of Biscay, was to assemble on the 19th instant. The
Deputies for Guipuscoa and Alav s had been invited to attend
this reunion. The object of this extraordinary Junta is to exa-
mine the proposal to suppress the commercial ostrepot at
; likewise the proposal to deprive the merchants of the
privilege they enjoyed on all importations made under the Spa-
nish flag ; and, in fine, to consider the order given by the Re-
gency to dispense with requiring the assent of the feral de-
putation for the execution of the laws according to the fueros.
Letters front Malaga state, that in spite of the surveillance of
the Spanish coast-guard boats and the numerous carabineers
stationed along the coast, 4,50 horse-loads of handkerchiefs, mus-
hilts, and other English manufactured goods, had just been landed
in the neighbourhood front Gibraltar.
The Five per Cents, continued to improve. On the
14th some bargains were made at 30 and 30i for cash,
and 30Z for 60 days.

MONEY and COMMERCIAL NEWS.

(From The Sun of S.turday evening.)
LIVERPOOL COTTON-MARKET, FainAy.—Since our last
week's report, a large business has again been done, but as re-
gards American descriptions, we have observed a gradual
failing off in the spirit of the demand, the market being at the
same time more abundantly supplied. Yet, though it is very
difficult to obtain the extreme rates of Friday last, holders are
on the whole unwilling to give way in price. The transac.
tions in Egyptian are large. Speculators having bought freely,
consequently an advance of about id. per lb may be quoted.
Brazils are ♦ery firm at our last quotations, which are also very
fully supported, for Sea Islands and Surats. Speculators have
taken 8,000 bales of American ; d,500 Egyptians, and 1.206
Surats ; the sales to-day are 4,500 bales of all kinds. The
market without animation.

LIVERVOOL SHARE LIST; J.N. 22.—Eastern Counties
Debentures, 5' ; Grand Junction, 212% ; Great Western,
91 ; Fifths, 10 ; London and Birmingham, 173 172 V. ; 321.
Shares, 58 ; Quarter Shares, 271 ; Brighton tinitea Com-
pany, 43 ; South Eastern, 13.
MANCHESTER STOCK EXCHANGE, JAN. 22. —Our market
is still very quiet, prices declining. Bristol and Exeter, 31 to
33 ex-New ; Edinburgh and Glasgow, 29 to 291,-; Great
Western, 91 to 92 ; Liverpool and Manchester, 166; London
and South Western, 58; Manchester and Birmingham, 25;
Bank of Manchester, 94.
Consols opened this mo-ning at the same prices :they left off
yesterday, Money, 89% 90 ; for the Account. 904 ; Exche•
quer Bills, 6 8 prem. ; Bank Stock, 169 171 ; India Stock,
250 252.

In the Foreign Market Spanish Active is a shade lower, left
off 25/ ;-1; at present 251 i ; Deferred, l 2 13A ; Passive,
6i 1 ; Portuguese same as they left off, 32/ ; Three per Cents.,
201; Brazilian, e 3 74 ; Colombian, 23} 4 ; Mexican, 28i 4 ;
Chilian, 58 60 ; Dutch Two-and-a-Ilalf per Cents, 504 & ;
Five per Cents., 99/.
SliA RES.—Great Western, 261 to 271 prem. ; New, 12 13
prem. ; London and Brighton, 6-i- 54 dis. ; Blaekwall, 41 3i
dis. ; Birmingham, 82 84 prem. ; Southampton, 57 58 per
share; Croydon, 121 per share; Greenwich, 81 4- per share;
Manchester and Birmingham,,ls 14 dis.
PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE.
RAILWAYS. Paid. Per Share.
Great Western ..
Ditto New
Ditto Fifths ... 4 .... 10 ..... to 9
.
London and Brighten
50 43
1, ... ..
London and South Western to
We still continue without any arrivals to the present time.
38 57/
The British Funds are nut quite so good as they were in the
Exchequer Bills, 8 6 prem. ;
which were 25,
early part of the morning, when they were 90k, at present 90
°,lriad9ioa; Stock,A2sl ; Bank Stock,
flonrdtiaheß2.sonthd3l:ebl.omdoiini.ey;
169 170 169.
per 'Cents. 50/ a';
Passive, at
have I n
recededtl ie Foreign
t 241k1 Market e; t
DSpanish d
,Actives,
, -4 ; Braz:-
Ilan also lower, 734, have beenl74l ; Portuguese Three-and-
a.llalf per Cents„ 201 ; nothing done in the Five per Cents -
Dutch Two-and-a-Half
Colombian, 236 ;
Five per Cents., 9N a•
In Shares very little doing at present. Great Western:l9l;
New, 62; Fifths, 9; ; Brighton, 434 ; South-We ster'n, 571.
16990 . India 73toonedk; .....
CLOSING
BRITISH FUNDS.
Bank Stock
Ditto Old Annuit.i.e"s" . 1,01 dis
3 per Cent. Red
9998:i Ditto "Nlew Annuities......
33AppererCceennt
tCßmends .. .. ... .. ..
New 3/ per Cent
New 5 per Cent 1 Ditto 500/ 6pm
Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small lO pin
Jan. 1860 l3 3-16 Bank Stock for Acct ...
Oct 1859... l3 India Stock for Acct ... - -
lan. 1860 ... ...... I`,:i Consols for Opg VOL

N

V U
MORNING EDJTI 4,
114"N'r4-
to.
, 4'd
ttcijt)
r Ittto
N.B.—We have great pleasure in inserting the followlteri q?,,T
spirited lines, which are the production of one of the
most original thinkers of the day, and have been for-
warded to us in consequence of their having been sug-
gested by some remarks that appeared in The Sun,
relative to certain gross affronts passed in a recent
French Drama on the Queen of England and Prince
Albert.

A NEW VERSION OF "AL)
ENFANS DE LA PATRIE."

Children of unconquer'd France,
Brave at the cuisine and dance !
Children of that loveliest mother I
Now outrival.one another.
Come where Glory calls you, come!
On with bayonet and drum
On with pickaxe, on with spade,
Show the stuff whereof ye're made.
On boy; on, and wipe away
Waterlo:4's unlucky day
Yes, for 'twas reserved for you,
Wipe away foul Waterloo.
See the hero in his shroud I
Weep aloud, boys, weep aloud
Dry your eyes, boys, dry your eyes
Sec the martyr-chief arise !
Him who never found you loth
Whether to break head or oath :
Here the Little Corporal
Owns his children, one and all.

Clench your fists, boys, clench your fists,
Hark to your brave journalists.
Who upon the earth like Thiera
Sets a people by the ears?
'Would you let him lie in vain ?
Lie again, boys, lie again.
Never shall false Britons say
(Just because you ran away)
They (the cowards) won the day.
There may be who swore you fled
Heel o'er head, boys, heel o'er head,
Threw off knapsack, kickt off shoes,
At Toulouse, boys, at Toulouse,
And some fifty other places
Showing the reverse of faces;
Never mind a pin for that,
Did not you deny it fiat ?
Did not you, brave boys ? tho' Soult
Boggled at it like a colt.
Let all Europe grin, boys, grin,
Never you, boys, mind a pin.

You have now done braver things
Than your fathers aid, with kings.
You have dared to pelt the nest
Love built in Victoria's breast
You have shown more valour there,
Striking Britain's infant heir.
Who against such feats shall set
Slander'd, shiughter'd, Antoinette?
Honour is the Frenchman's cry,
Honour, brooking no reply,
Honour, with his head much higher
When his fist has learnt to fire.
What ! young France! art thou afraid ?
Never shall the thing be said.
Scream and swagger, stamp and swear—.
Never wert thou beaten there.
Turkey should unbroken lie,
Like thy own integrity :
And, to this effect, thou didst
Cut her fairly thro' the midst,
In thy merry mood deriding
Those who censured such dividing,
And who fell into the blunder
To call " broken" cut asunder.

But away, my boys, with words._
Hide your daggers, whet your swords.
Heroes from the hulks, advance !
Glory leads the sons of France.
Glory urges you no less,
Sons of the Machine and Press !
That Machine whose vengeance flings
Death before the path of kings;
And that Press whose safer skill
Scourged and threatens Europe still.
She may rise and, soon or late,
More than half exterminate;
Never mind, boys, never mind—.
Valour is, like Fortune, blind.
Your invulnerable napes
Have miraculous escapes.
Come along, boys, come along—
Justice dwells but with the strong.
To this axiom ever steady,
Strike before your foes are ready.
If they drive you back, what then ?
They aro women, you are men.
You have often made them see
Such superior gallantry,
And have rather run away
Than occasion their dismay.
Seventy-fours, in the disguise
Of small frigates, have made prize
Of perhaps some eighty-tours
(Unprepared for it) of ours :
That was perfidy or chance;
Honour is the soul of France.

Children of gay Guillotine I
Worthy chips of that machine,
Which no longer shall let slip
King so sluggish as Philippe,
Who, by all the devils posscst,
Wants to leave the world at rest,
Shall cur pride be thus cast down ?
Break the sceptre, crush the crown ;

Horace says original thinkers
Never have been water drinkers.
Nothing can do Frenchmen good
Like a hearty draught of blood.
Chabot ! Carrier ! Robespierre!
Reassemble proudly here 1
Hebert Marat ! all that you
Left undone a Thiers shall do.
\Vhat bright visions there arise
To delight the patriot's eyes I
Loire's fair bosom heaves again
Throbbing wader thousands slain.
Happy Loire ! but happier Seine 1
Whitened with young girls, like foam,
Dancing as they danced at home.
See the ruddy current run
0, what fun, boys 1 0, what fun 1
Who's afraid, boys, who's afraid ?
Barricade, boys, barricade !
And against the worst in wars
Lay in plenty of cigars.
But, before all other things,
To defeat the pride of kings,
In whose hearts creep myriad fears,
Since our armies won Algiers.
To defeat their cursed pride,
And five thousand crimes beside,
On with pickaxe, on with spade,
Crying out, invade! invade!
And around, where freedom calls
Build the walls, boys, build the walls.
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOIL

Jan. 16, 1

FALSE WEIGHTS AND

erless the
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
SlR,—The numerous convictions which have recently
law is at
prhtaken
un
rt placeefso,r
.pt
rove of
oef v
sopu epiri
pso orwen
ss s
ui
ottne guiltyrolyf ofsp uoh.
using
nefarious false weights and
practices.
Indeed,
when we consider how very light is the punish-
ment with which the law visits this crime, its frequent
recurrence can be no matter for astonishment.
exists rot a greater fallacy than the There
fur-famed axiom
that in England the law is no respecter of persons. A
homeless starving wretch snatches from a baker's win-
dow two ounces of bread —lie
r ai is detected, convicted—
perhaps transported ce t *rily imprisoned for a long
term. The baker who
cus-
tomer, to whom he lsprosecutes him robs every
bread,cos-
of two ounces, by
'
means of false weight-, and he is fined in a paltry sum,
which damount sloes not to one-half per cent. on his dis-
honest gains, So much for the even-handed justice of
the law.

Were the working classes alone the sufferers, I should
despair of the Legislature troubling itself to apply a re-
medy to this crying grievance ; but as Noble Lords and
Houour,ble Gentlemen are also affected by it, although
not in an equal degree, I think we may venture to in-
dulge a hope that they will, for their own sakes, endea-
vour to remedy it. To do this effectually, I would sug-
gest that a law should be passed, enacting, that in every
case of a conviction for using false weights or measures,
or unjust balances or scales, the record of such convic-
tion painted in large white letters on a black board
should be affixed in a conspicuous part of the shop,
warehouse, or other place of business, of the person so
, or obliteration
before
it,
oft, ssuch
board,as
convictevidh,eatnhder.thbyattlhaecinrgemgooso'als es‘
d
to hide it, or otherwise, should be punished with fine and
imprisonment.—l remain, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
HONESTUS

Lord Portman and the Masteeneral of tho Ord
nance had interviews with the Marquis of Normanby,
at the Home-office, on Saturday.