The Sun.
London, England, 1840-12-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Globe.)
The organs of the " great national party," who pro-
scribe a third of the nation, find that the principle of
expelling the Papists from Ireland has been laid down
rather too broadly, and they now try to back out
by treating the question as one of good husbandry
only. The Post asks—" Do our Liberal Con-
temporaries mean to allege that when a landlord
wishes to substitute good tenants for bad tenants,
and has the opportunity, he must reject the good
tenants it they happen to be Protestants ?" We
do not think that any Liberal is likely to make
such an allegation, and whenever it is shown that all
Protestants are good and all Papists bad farmers, we
will consent to empower the landlords to administer the
oaths of abjuration and supremacy to every tenant before
he puts his plough into the soil. Had the Orangemen
at their public dinners declaimed against bad farming,
and deprecated the practice of letting land at nominal
rents and keeping the tenant poor and in debt, we should
have expressed our hearty approbation ; but the Tory
press would have left such speeches unpraised, or have
given them the same notice that they would to a remark
on under-draining, or the comparitive merits of long-
horns and Alderneys. Sir Arthur Brooke is a witness
that Roman Catholics may be good tenants. We ob-
jsbeetcatm,aedaadrted, a
to
acloak
thed
we principle
.orengstill
religious
lihiajoseunst
t a originallyawa laid down by the
rural economy to
intolerance. The Times
tells us that "the baffled destruetives are so blinded
with their o.vn rage that they are wholly unable to com-
prehend why the Conservative candidate for the county
of Carlow should have been the popular one." It
is not easy to say what the Tintes means by " popu-
lar candidate," but if the reports given in all the
papers be correct, the way in which Colonel Bruen was
received on the day of nomination was not that which
is usually treated as evidence of populcrity in England.
(From the Standard.)
The restoration of the remains of Napoleon seems
to excite in Paris a ferment of which no other part of
France affords any symptom. In the metropolis this rage
takes the form of resentment against England.. The
Courtier Prancais says.that the funeral of Napoleon will
ght
againsteewa n'
h' ai
es t
oPt r Protestation
echoedot eaf sn t
Napoleon,
ypo
on a
oaimnhg
tai nor stapet
dt v
vaßeyat
teed: l why
Yon
in a lair fight ?—and we suppose Frenchmen are too
generous and high-minded to remember that resent-
ar of spectators."
en saigilatiaaienscugtdEa—thnogi ranl
England
cry
of
yen-
fully. Why, when Napoleon fled from that capital
penalty which his invasion justly incurred under that
,aine law under which he had unjustly put to death the
Duke d'Enghien and others, England aff a.ded an asy-
lum to the vanquished man of blood, and was at the
expense of maintaining him (a cost of 12,0001. a
isn'egar,hbin ar
but eisides much annoyance) during six years. In
sparing the life of the fugitive, England acted upon
the suggestion of her own humanity, and in maintain-
ing
in keeping dly, upon the h
im a prisoner dictate of her
own
generosity
she
acted upon the request of France, and for the
sake of the peace of France ; yes, of that same
France which condemns up to this moment the whole
Napoleon race to exile, and holds Prince Louis
safely shut up in the fortress of Ham. When
the French people reclaimed the ashes of Napoleon,
their rcquest was complied with in the most respectful
manlier, amid a great deal of cant, the hollowness of
which those who did not see at the time must see now ;
and there the history ends. Where, then, is the
ground of protestations against England and vengeance
upon England? Napoleon was our enemy, and a
bitter one—we beat him, pardoned him, and placed
him in Elba, on condition that he should not nr.olest the
tranquillity of France. He broke the condition, and
for the sake of France, which he invaded, we beat him
again ; but still generous and merciful, we snatched him
from the avenger of blood, and took the trouble to be
his keeper, :restoring his ashes upon the very first re-
quest. Let not Frenchmen, then, quarrel with us for
their own acts.

(From the Courier.)
Freethinking education systems act practically, as
we showed yesterday, snore as nurseries for the exten-
sion of crime than the encouragement of virtue ; and
exactly in proportion as the co-operation of religious
culture is disclaimed as an active agent therein, so is
that reverence weakened fur law and order which knits
society together, and is indeed the cohering principle
by which it is maintainul in its duly-balanced centre of
gravi:y. Utilitarian theories, by which morality is
o he incu:cated and entorced solely as a matter of cool
calculation in the shape of eventual self-interest, can
never strike deep into the heart, or produce those
convictions which, stronger than all human laws, restrain
men from the commission of crime, and chain up by an
internal agency, of which the workings,
though invi-
sible, arc not unaccountable, the wild impulses of will
and passion in which crime, ever in its commencing ca-
reer, originates. Belief in the great truth of a Powc--- r-
a tribunal of last resort—of higher and other origin
than human laws--and human schemes, presumptuous
proportionally with the shallowness of intellect by which
engendered, can alone be the corner-stone on which to
build up education, and to construct and perpetuate a
social system which shall contain the vital innate prin-
ciple of fear and reverence, which alone imparts to laws
and institutions the character of stability, and imbues
the people with habits of cheerful obedience. These
truths are sadly exemplified is the state of Mon-'