The Sun.
London, England, 1847-05-07 00:00:00

DIORAMA.

IThe Diorama has re-opened with two new pictures—the
Interior of St. Mark's, at Venice, and a view of Tivoli,
near Rome. The Interior of St. Mark's is painted by
M. Diosso (pupil of M. Daguerre), the worthy pupil of
a worthy master. This Interior is a marvel of dioramic
art, rivalling by its effects the far-famed Holyrood
Chapel, the chef d'oeuvre of Daguerre, which was exhi-
bited in the early days of the Diorama. There is in
this picture, as there was in that, a basket of tools,
standing so in relief upon the pavement, that it seems as
though one might pick them up. The picture is first seen
by daylight, and the sun's rays streaming through the
windows gild the light and elegant pillars of the church;
gradually the shades of evening close in, the church is
darkened, the chandeliers are gradually illuminated
until the whole interior appears one flood of artificial
light, and the previously empty aisles are crowded with
worshippers kneeling on the pavement, while the organ
peals forth its solemn sounds. The effect is sublime.
The view of Tivoli is from the practised pencil of M.
Bouton, and this accomplished artist has done full jus-
tice to the, perhaps, most picturesque landscape in the
world. The view is taken from the terrace of the Temple
of Vesta (commonly called the Temple of the Sibyl.)
From this point the principal beauty of the place is
seen, w here the water of the Teverone (the an-
, cient Anio), being confined between the hills as
it approaches Tivoli, is driven with increased velocity
over the rocks which it there encounters, and fulling
from an immense height, forms the great cascade.
and is afterwards precipitated down a narrow channel,
into the abyss, called the Grotto of Neptune. On either
side of the river are seen the fragments of ancient walls.
On the left of the spectator, are the ruins of the palace
of Meemnas—the walls—and one of the modern gates
of the city. The palace of Mecrenas extending as far as the
gates of Tibia-, and the public road passed through it.
Below is a Subterranean Gallery, called the Stables, by
some supposed to have been baths, by others reservoirs.
Beneath run the Cascatelli, or little cascades, formed by
a branch of the Anio, divided from the main stream, for
the use of the inhabitants of the town. Although ob-
jects of minor importance, the surrounding scenery with
the accompanying rocks and verdure, render them
scarcely inferior in point of beauty to the falls of the
main stream. The houses on the right of the spectators
are chiefly manufactories.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS, May 6.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool-
sack at Five o'clock.
Messengers from the Commons brought up several
Bills.

LAW OF ENTAIL.
The Earl of ROSEBERY presented a petition from
Edinburgh praying their Lordships to introduce some
measure to improve the law of entail.
The Earl of ST. GERMANS presented a petition
from Lancaster in favour of a poor-law for Ireland.
Lord KENYON presented a petition in favour of the
Factory Bill.
Lord BROUGHAM complained of the want' of ac-
curacy oft clocks of the new Houses of Parliament.
LUNATICS ASYLUM BILL.

The Duke—of RICHMOND regretted the second
reading of this Bill had been taken with so much haste
and little warning. He had strong objections against
the Bill, partly because it was an amendment of the
Bill of last year, and because the seventh clause took
away the control which last year's Bill gave the quarter
cessions over the county money. He hoped the Noble
and Learned Lord would not press it into Committee
without giving those opposed to the Bill an opportunity
of noticing it.
Lord CAMPBELL assured the Noble Duke that he
was not aware that any Noble Lord had the slightest
objection to any of the clauses. He had laid himself
out to know whether there was any objection enter-
tained to it, and he had not pressed on the second read-
ing unnecessarily.
The Earl of HARDWICKE said he had come into
the House that night about five minutes after five, but
the Bill by that time had been already read a second
time.

Lord CAMPBELL said there would be ample notice
given of the Bill fining into Committee.
MONETARY DIFFICULTIES.

Lord BROUGHAM rose to bring before their Lord •
ships the present difficulties felt in commercial transac-
tions. He said that the wool ar.d cotton trade had never
been so good in this country. The orders for America
could not be executed for the want of money for wages.
But he would recommend that both Houses of
Parliament should agree not to let any Rail-
way Bill pass without a clause, spreading over
a large portion of time, limiting the payment
of instalments to very small sums. They could do
this with the new railway Bills, but not with the old.
His reason for this was that he had traced to some
quarters an evil, the removal of which would benefit
the money market. His Noble Friend (Lord Ash-
burton) had told them that interest varied from 2}
to 12 and 13 per cent., but he had been informed
that 20 per cent. was a common per tentage within the
last few days. He could assure them that the very best
paper, within the same period, was refused to be dis-
counted under 12 per cent.—(Hear, hear.) The money-
lenders watched the proceedings of the House, when anew
Railway Bill would pass, they would say in a very short
time instalments will be called for, and such a fear will
exist lest a forfeiture of shares would take place by non-
payment. that we can make what terms we choose.
Lord LANSDOWNE said that he did happen
to know that within the last two hours his
Noble Friend had had a communication on this very im-
portant subject, and the Government would not loge sight
of the suggestion.
Lord ASHBURTON, who was most indistinctly
heard in the gallery, was understood to approve of the
suggestion.
Earl FITZWILLIAM said that it might have an
injurious effect if the opinion that the present
monetary crisis was to be attributed to railways
gained ground among the public. They had had
railways going on for some years back, and yet
no difficulty was felt in the money market. He thought
that the present state of affairs was owing to many
causes, among which railways perhaps might take a
prominent place, but they were not the sole cause of the
present embarrassment.
Lord BROUGHAM explained. What he said was
merely a continuation of what he said the other night.
He wished to be understood as not expressing any opinion
as to what was the principal cause of what he com-
plained.

they were to stand, they could not with any sense or
pr. ritt decide as to the pertnanebcy of the measure.
Thep temporary operations of the Bill would be a sure
index as to what should be permanently adopted.
Lord WIIARNCLIFFE offered a few observations
wileich were inaudible in the gallery.
Lord BROUGHAM would venture to say that of all
the anarchy that would be introduced, he could conceive
nothing greater than the want of a Commission on the
Poor-law Bill for this country, which was the main
spring of that measure.
Lord STANLEY—The Noble Lord opposite had
failed to show that this measure would not produce an
undue pressure on the landlords of Ireland. He had
supported the second reading of the Bill, for he thought
that under the existing circumstances her Majesty's
Government were justified in introducing this measure.
He thought that the conviction of this being a perma-
nent measure, which he believed it would be, would lead
to greater circumspection in its consideration. He
would cordially support the amendment of his Noble
Friend, because he thought that further interference of
Parliament
Archbishop of DUBLIN said,
inthiswould
measure
leadtoits perfection.
The
in support-
ing the amendment, he did so without any hostility
to the Bill, even if he were in favour of
that measure. It was universally admitted by even the
supporters of the Bill, that without a very cordial co
operation of many different classes of the people of Ire-
land, the measure could not succeed. It was admitted,
on all hands, that this was a very perilous experiment.
He gave credit to her Majesty's advisers for good inten-
tions in the introduction of this measure. but he did not
think that any reasoning person would think it did pro-
vide a remedy for
,the abuses which he admitted did exist
at the present time.
Lord ROSS—There were a great many errors in this
Bill. He believed that even if the landlord had com-
menced long ago in their efforts for the amelioration
of the people of Ireland, they would have failed in their
object. He would, therefore, support the amendment.
'The Marquis of CLANRICARDE could assure their
Lordships that, from his own knowledge, in one in-
stance, by the outlay of 1001., a great number of
families were placed in a way of earning their
bread. He alluded to the fisheries in Ireland. He be-
lieved that whatever of evil or risk there might be in
this Bill, both would be considerably increased by
inactivity at the present period.--(Hear, hear.) He
tboueht they could not throw any obstacle in the
way of the usefulness of this measure more powerful
than this, to tell the people of Ireland, that this relief
was to be only temporary. If their Lordships dealt with
the Bill in the manner proposed;by the Noble Lord, their
Lordships would at once do away with all confidence
that might be placed in its future efficacy.
The Marquis of WESTMEATH explained.
The Earl of HADDINGTON was decidedly of opinion
that, if they were to establish the principle of out-door
relief, it ought to be made temporary and not permanent.
Lord MUNTEAGLE objected entirely to the princi-
ple of out-door relief.
Earl GREY said, that if be understood the, Noble
Lord aright, he objected that that portion of the Bill
which extended relief to the out-door able- bodied
paupers should be not a permanent, but a temporary
measure. He did not express any dissatisfaction with
the remaining portion of the Bill. Ho (Lord Grey)
conceived that this was endeavouring to get rid of the
measure by a side wind, and it their Lordships affirmed
by their vote the amendment of the Noble Lord, they
expressed by that vote their opinion that the Bill as it
stood was a dangerous and unconstitutional one. Their
Lordships, by adopting the amendment, would not only
express that opinion, but they would convey to the
public an impression that their Lordships were
about to try an experiment of the success of
which Parliament already entertained doubts, and
uncertainty. He therefore entreated their Lordships to
negative the amendment. The principle of the Bill was
to give support in time of need to those who always
added value to the land, and in the present state of Ire-
land—in the present state of feeling which prevailed in
that country, and considering the inefficient manner in
which the poor-law was administered in the sister king-
dom, their Lordships would disregard the public interest
if they refused to adopt this Bill, unfettered with a
limitation clause. The Irish pauper when he landed in
Liverpool was entitled to outdoor relief, if no room or
no work could be found for him in the workhouse ; and
it was too bad for their Lordships to tell this country
that the same principle ought not to be extended to
Ireland —(Hear, hear.)
Earl FITZWILLIAM said it was a mistake to sup-
pose that the statute of Elizabeth provided that the poor
should be supplied with out-door relief. What the
statute of Elizabeth provided was, that every parish
should be bound to supply the poor with work, and it
never contemplated nor did its framers contemplate
giving the able-bodied poor out-door relief. He un-
doubtedly agreed with those who thought that this was a
dangerous experiment, and he was of course on that
meat.atcountgTlhade tnhhajtehetis NnfobtlheeFarimenenddhmadenmove; a thtnis armeceonmdl
mend to Parliament, not to bind itself permanently to a
system of out-door relief, and he strongly urged upon
their Lordship's the necessity of adopting that recom-
mendation. If they passed this Bill as a permanent
measure, then their Lordship's would put it out of the
power of Parliament hereafter to adopt any improved
plan, and he should, therefore, give his decided support
to the amendment.
The Earl of DEVON reminded their Lordships,
'that Ireland at the present moment was placed in
a most extraordinary position, and it was with
that condition that they were now called upon to deal.
It %%as wated upon undoubted authority, that a large
portion of the population were dependent for a part of
the year upon temporary relief, without having recourse
to work or labour of any description, and this Bill, if he
was not mistaken, was intended to remedy that evil. It
would serve as a stimulant to induce the landed interest
of the country to exert themselves to procure work for
the poor, because it would induce a belief that without
they did so, the measure itself would enforce them to
maintain the able-bodied destitute poor, and he could not
conceive of a more efficient means for securing the obj, ct
they had in view, namely, a remedy for the existing
sintatetentoiofnthnfingthseißnilllr,
temporary,itt
nihoirns
refusing
Billfuosfi ntenoapnppdan srsnt
country,uotnht opportunity
presents
port the amendment making the oeration of the Bill
ehlaenedn.uldThat
not beeinnngsehieisntviteLyofsuthpe
wouldbiu o wbemeasure.stood, afforded
permanent.
of
preventing
n
distress, and providing ample employment for the people
of Ireland. He believed it would be a measure of justice
and necessity, and their Lordships would not act wisely
to agree with the motion of
The Earl of RIPON said, that from the actual condi-
tion
feel it his duty to vote against the resolutions as
proposed by that Noble Lord. -
The Earl of SHREWSBURY wished to know whe-
hciosuNldnhnleotFrbireinndg,
ahnimdsehlef
whe-
ther the Bill did actually give a right of relief to all the
distressed persons of the country, if so, it would, no
doubt, impose a burden upon land which it should not
be called upon to bear. If it did not afford that relief,
then for what purpose was the first Bill introduced, ex-
cept for the purpose of raising hopes which it would be
unable to satisfy. Government had already with-
drawn ono of the measures that was to accompany
ebe he
stood.i
inclined thought,it, and nothing was heard of those measures which were
promisedfheectthought
onusg, hatts
he
follow
shouldto lhn
0w it
would have to take the present Bill, with all its imper-
,,luinned det ortt circumstances
y
ta nc
e
propo-
sition of his Noble Friend below him.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, when the
House divided, and the numbers were—
Content ....................................... 63
Non-content ........... 50
Majority in favour of the amendment —l3
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH then proposed a
clause to the effect that the relief which was provided by
the Bill for poor women with legitimate children, should
be extended to those with illegitimate children. If such
a clause were not enacted, it would be inflicting the
punishment of death on those who were so circumstanced.
Atter a few words from the Marquis of LANS
DOWNE which were inaudable,
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the guar-
dians had a discretionary power to provide for such
cases, and there was therefore no necessity for adding a
special clause to meet it.
The Earl of CLANCARTY objected to out-door re-
lief under any circumstances, as he thought that crime
and improvidence would be the inevitable consequence;
and it would be holding out a premium to immorality.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH adhered to his opinion as
to the necessity for such a clause, but as it might he
more conveni.-nt to introduce it on the bringing up of the
report, h. would withdraw it for the present.
The clause was accordingly withdrawn.
The Earl of WICKLOW proposed an amendment to
insert against the word " Commissioners," in the 12th
line of the second clause, the words, " with the consent
of the laird Lieutenant," in order that the sanction of
the Government might be had.
Earl GREY thought the words unnecessary, and
hope) the Noble L °Wel withdraw his amendment.
Lord MONTEAGLE was of
.opinion that there should

ARMY SERVICE BILL. -
Earl GREY postponed the Army Service Bill.
POOR LAW RELIEF BILL.
On the order of the day for going into Committee
upon this Bill being read,
Lord RODEN rose and said, that he had mistaken the
purport of the Bill; it did not give a positive:right to re-
lief, it merely conferred large powers on the commis-
sioners. It would create a great revolution in property
in Ireland, but such was necessary. He could not but
remember that Ireland was an integral portion of this
empire, and in all the measures to be brought forward
with regard to that country, it should be dealt with as
Middlesex, or any county in England. He regretted
lvaenrdy_<muachearth, the
eailrl)n—and
nof dhtehce ouldnotLord-Lieutenantallow this oof Ippore-
r-
tunity to pass without paying his tribute of gratitude to
that Nobleman for the ability and judgment with which
he administered the affairs of Ireland in the present
crisis. The Lord-Lieutenants who bad hitherto governed
Ireland, were many of them wanting in those qualities
which the Viceroy should possess. Many of them had
much to learn and much to unlearn—(Hear, hear)—be-
fore they were fitted for such a situation. With regard
to the Bill before the House, he thought no danger
would ensue from it if it were limited to four or five
years, as in that case an opportunity would be afforded to
re-consider it; but if it passed as a permanent measure,
he thought it would be found accompanied with the
greatest difficulty and danger.
The House then went into Committee.
On the Ist clause, Lord MONTEAGLE moved the
amendments of which he had given notice, limiting the
operation of the Bill to August 1, 1848, and to the end of
the thsn next session of Parliament, it,.d omitting the
clauses authorising relief to the able-bodied poor. He
should not enter into the question of the continuance of
the Bill for 1,2, 3,4, or 5 years. The issue he was about
to try, was whether the Bill was to be permanent or
temporary. The Bill was comprised of two series
of enactments ; the first was whether the able-bodied
poor should be entitled to relief, and the second was
in reference to the way in which the food was to be dis-
tributed. There was no Noble Lord wbo would get up
in his place and say that the operation of this Bill would
not be attended with doubt and danger. These were
times of extreme distress and excitement, and therefore
extreme caution should be exercised in legislation. It
had been stated that this Bill would have the effect of
confiscating the property of Ireland. If it had that
effect it differed from all other confiscation in this re-
spect—that confiscations in general took property from
one and gave it to another, but this took from
one and gave it to no one ; and, worse than
all, its effect would be to strike at the root
of property altogether. In one electoral division,
the rating for the poor, for three months, amounted
to 11s. in the pound sterling, which would be 445. in
the year; and the House might form an opinion from
this case, which was not a solitary one, what would be
the operation of this Bill. In addition to this, however,
it would debase the national character, which would be
the worst effect that could result from the measure.
The Noble Lord then read letters from different autho
rities. to show the demoralising effect which might be
anticipated. What he asked the Government to do was to
assent to his proposition. He asked them not to put this
upon the Statute Book as a permanent law. If ho. were
asked where was the difference, whether they made the
law permanent or temporary, since Parliament had the
power to re-consider the law in any future session—he
would reply, that he could give many examples where,
in such important measures, a temporary Bill was advo
cated first. But apart from this, there was another con-
sideration. This Bill must be taken, not as regards its
express enactments so mach as the expectation it would
excite among the people; and if this were properly
considered, he tepsheowsnuoot:me at once apparent. As he had
uhlmdt
butu the
en advantage of a temporary
eh,
rnies
taimeasureodny
t
t would
aakt
measure,
taken
rehu become
oot
nfr
ect
sl their
sd
fLuboryrt dh sephrr
ooppns
0' s t ti
emgi
re
the
at-
on
amendment as to the limitation of time.
Lord ABINGER, in reference to the challenge of the
Noble Lord who had just sat down, to say that this Bill
would have any other than an injurious effect, agreed
with him that the Bill would have a most injurious
influence, and this would be felt with ten-fold force in.
Ireland, in consequence of the recklessness and impru-
dence of the inhabitants of that country. He had the
greatest objection to the Bill ; but if it appeared to be
the feeling of the House that it should be carried into
law he was of opinion that a clause should be enacted to
prevent disabling those in Ireland who might afterwards
contract marriage, or any one dependant on
'hem, from receiving relief under it. Much of the evil
which had arisen to the population of Ireland, and to
the country at large, was caused by the early and
imprudent marriages of the people. These marriages
were, to a considerable degree, encouraged by the
priests, a great part of whose income depended upon
these occasions. This Bill would tend further to encou-
rage such marriages, and would therefore increase many
of the evils by which Ireland was at present afflicted.
The provisions made for the relief of able-bodied persons
were too extensive in their character, and were calcu•
lated to encourage idleness, and a confident reliance upon
the Government for the relief of all distress which might
hereafter prevail.
The Earl of WICKLOW confessed that when he saw
the number of amendments which stood for consideration
upon the paper that night, he thought that the question
of the permanency of the measure had better be post-
. oned until the measure had been duly considered, and
would therefore suggest to his Noble Friend that he
Mould let the Bill go through Committee, and then
bring forward the question as to its duration.
Lord BROUGHAM said that he hoped the Noble
mover of this amendment would not adopt the advice
offered to him, for he (Lord Brougham) thought that
the question raised was a most proper one to be con-
sidered. He did not say so in any spirit of amity to the
Bill, for the amendment was by no means one in its
favour. His Noble Friend having expressed his opinion
that a measure once passed was permanent, and then
moving that the operation of this Bill be limited to one
or two years, went pretty strongly to the point that the
the measure ought not to be tolerated at all. He thought
that the question of the permanency of the measure was
one that should be at once discussed ; and, as he thought
that it ought not to be a permanent measure, he should
vote for the amendment of his Noble Friend.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that his Noble
Friend called upon the House (as he had a perfect right
to do) to consider the question of the duration of this
measure ; but he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) thought
that it was literally calling upon them to decide as to the
duration of the measure without their knowing what
shape the measure was eventually to assume. He was
rather surprised to find that view of the case suppore,d
by the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, for he must be
aware that until the House had considered what the nu
merous amendments proposed were to be, and whether

be a nunions to provide for de-
serted
Pelialsoitig
providing that they should be
enactmentehikrchildren,
andcon a
educated in pauper schools.
The Earl of WICKLOW then withdrew his amend-
ment.
proposed the following amend-
The Earl of DESART p
ment :—" That after the words by order under their
seal to authorise and empower the guardians of such
union,' be inserted 'to build or hire additional houses
for the reception of such destitute persons, or to ad-
minister. &c. ; and after the words on the receipt by
the guardians of the union of any such order authoris-
ing,' be inserted the erection or hiring of such houses,
or relief,' &c. ;' also, that after the words shall be given
in food only,' be inserted, ' to tie in all cases distributed
from a store to be provided, by the guardians for that
purpo:e, save as hereinafter, &c.
Lord STANLEY said that although the Poor-law
Cominn:sioners were stated in the claim to have the
osuw s'asaasu much
authorised vested
to demand in the poor-lawemand the sane-
power of making this order for the relief of a district,
yet
hine rdta'll'i mfa the Commissioners, by the wording of the Act.
The p, wehro
amendment were
for enahlinv, out-door relief to be dis-
tribute,l, was most imperfect. They must either send
round food to the home of evy destitute person in the
district, or they must comer pel every able-bodied man,
who was destitute, to walk, perhaps, a distance of five
or six miles, when he might, perhaps, be
better em
ployed in looking for work.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE rose and made some
observations, which,
from the low tone in which they
were uttered, did not reach the gallery.
After a few words from Lor-i CLANCARTy,
Lord DESAR r withdrew lus amendment, end the
clause was agreed to.
On clause thee being proposed,
Lord STANTEY rose to propose an alteration to the
eff.et, that the relieving officers should be ap
pointed by the Pour law Commissioners, instead of the
board of guardians. In England, the average

IfIE sus, LcINDON, FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 7, 1847.

population of each union was 24,845, in Ire-
land. the average was no less than 65,384. In England
there were but 2 above 200,000 acres in extent, 43
above 100,000 acres, and 600 under 100.000. In Ire-
land, however, there were no less than 18 unions above
200,000 acres in extent, 104 above 100,000 acres, and
541 only under 100,000. The Noble Lord having con-
trasted the mode of managing the poor in England, as
compared with what it was proposed to be in the Bill,
concluded by proposing his amendment, that the re-
lieving officers should be appointed by the Poor-law
Commissioners, instead of by the guardians.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not object to
the clause being so worded as to make the appointment
of the railway officers subject to the approbation of the
Poor-law Commissioners. _ _

The Earl of RODEN supported the proposed amend-
ment of the Noble Lord (Stanley).
Lord LUCAN thought that the board of guardians
ought to be exonerated from that duty, for the Govern-
ment were, in fact, the real directors of those boards.
Earl GREY said, that the whole of the effect of the
Noble Eatl was to take off the responsibility from the
board of guardians, and to throw it on the Government.
At least it was directed against the Poor-law Commis-
sioners. who now constituted a part of the Government.
every statesman who had observed the course of the
proceedings of the last fifty years must have perceived
what a continual tendency there was to relieve the local
authorities from their responsibility, and to throw it on
the Government. What was it that the amendment of
the Noble Earl required ? Why, that all the manage-
ment was to be taken out of their hands, and to he given
to the Commissioners. The Government had hitherto
interfered but rarely, but in Ireland it was desired
that all the management should be taken out
of the hands of the board of guardians, and
should be given to the Government or thrown upon
the Commissioners, but it was above all desirable that
these matters should be managed by their own Ministry,
and to that point the efforts of the Government had been
constantly directed. So far as he could observe the
effect of this amendment would be to render the effect of
these abuses constant, and to occasion advances from
the Treasury, which the inhabitants would have no
means of repaying. On the contrary, when these
expenses were thrown upon the rates, there
would be a direct interest in the board of
guardians to do their duty, and he felt
assured that if Noble Lords would but pay attention to
the provisions of this Bill, they would see that there was
no reason whatever for transferring the responsibility
from the board of guardians to the Government.
The Earl of CLANCARTY conceived that the object
of the Noble Earl was to impute blame to those whose
duty it was to administer the poor-law in Ireland.
Earl GREY believed that if the Noble Earl would
only consider the observations which he had made,
he would perceive that he had no intention what•
ever to inculpate the boards of guardians, whose duty
it was to administer the law ; and the Noble Earl on
the other side had entirely mistaken his meaning.
The Earl of CLANCARTY intimated dissent.

Earl GREY had certainly no intention whatever to
throw out imputations against any one. Indeed, his
chief object was to show that blame had unnecessarily
and frequently been imposed on the boards of guardians.
The Earl of CLANCARTY thought that if the Noble
Earl had not interrupted him in the middle of his obser-
vations, he would have perceived that that interruption
was quite unnecessary. The Noble Earl had thrown
out imputations which were quite unnecessary, and he
believed that the reply of the Noble Marquis (of Lans-
downe), was a complete answer to the allegations
which had been made.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that no one
was more desirous than he was to see the affairs of
Ireland, conducted by local officials ; and if Noble
Lords made an effort at the present time to introduce
the poor law of England into Ireland, at the present
time, they would be making a great mistake, and would
he postponing, to an indefinite period, that advantage
which they were so desirous of obtaining for Ireland.
Deeply as he regretted the necessity for it, he
was still convinced of the necessity for moving
an amendment, such as that of the Noble
Lord, which would have the effect of, at
once preventing the introduction of a measure which so
vitally affected the whole of the population of Ireland.
In fact, to carry this Bill out they ought to possess a
machinery which would enable them to employ persons
who were ready and willing to do their duty, but who
did not refuse to be shot at once a day at least.—(Cheers
and laughter.) The whole, of course, of society, so far
as this Bill was concerned, was alien alike to its opera-
tion and to the feelings of the people of that country,
and what he would like to see was a central body
to regulate the whole of the movements in Ireland.
Ho knew nothing that appeared so ruinous as to shrink
from the means of carrying out relief to the destitute
poor of Ireland. Ireland was not England, and if the
House attempted to legislate for that country as they
would for England, they would only increase the mise-
ries of that unhappy country.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that if the
poor of Ireland were to be relieved by the property of
Ireland, it would be necessary to have the co-operation
of all classes. The Government believed that the Bill
before the House would, if sanctioned, be useful in bene-
fitting and improving the condition of the country.
The Marquis of WESTMEATH said that when the
poor-law for Ireland was passed, he brought forward a
mass of evidence in support of the appointment of a
Committee to inquire into the laws.
Lord MONTEAGLE saw no reason why the power
of choosing the relief officers should not be vested in
the guardians rather than the Commissioners, as was
the case in England. To show the effect of out-door
relief he would instance the case of the South Dublin
Union, where the other day no less than 40,000 persons
wero relieved, though under the old Poor Relief Act
there were .never more than 2,000 persons who applied
for relief.
After a few words from the Earl of HARDWICK. and the
Earl of Wick Low, who were both in favour of the
amendment,
The Earl of ROSSE believed that while the relieving
officers were appointed by the board of guardians, or the
Commissioners, an increase in the number of workhouses
would be necessary.
After a few words from the Earl of CLANCARTY,
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said if the clause was
carried, he would move the insertion of the words " sub-
ject to the approbation of the Commissioners."
Their Lordships then divided, when the numbers were—
Content
Not content
Majority against the amendment — 6
The clause was then agreed to.
The House having resumed, the consideration of the
other clauses of the Bill was postponed till to-morrow.
Their Lordships adjourned at Twelve o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. May 6.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
The Ayrshire and Galloway Railway (Smithstown to
Dalmellington) Bill:was read a third time and passed.
The following reports were brought up, agreed to, and
ordered to be engrossed :
Bingley Gas.
Boston, Stamford, and Birmingham Railway (Peter-
borough and Thorney line).
British Commercial Insurance Company (No. 2).
Eastern Union and Hadleigh Junction Railway (Sale to
the Eastern Union Railway Company).
Martin's Divorce.
Southampton and Dorchester Railway (New Forest De-
viaion and Branches).
Wexford and Valencia Railway (Killarney to Valencia).
The reports on the following Bills were considered
and agreed to :
Bolton Improvement.
Cornwall Railway.
SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY.
Mr. W. 0. STANLEY moved the further considera-
tion of the report on the South-Eastern Railway (Mid-
Kent and Direct Tunbridge).
Mr. FREWEN took that opportunity of complaining
that his evidence had not been taken before the Com-
mittee on the Bill, as that evidence would have gone to
show what had been the conduct of the South-
Eastern Railway. He thought the House ought
not to sanction the passing of any more Bills
applied for by the South-Eastern Railway until
they had completed those lines for which they had
already obtained Acts of Parliament. Acts had been
obtained by the South-Eastern Company no less than
two years ago, for the carrying out of the provisions of
which they had not yet ev,n purchased the land. lie
could not see why such a company should oppose
the proposed lines for the sake of opposing
them, and leave that part of the country with-
out any railway at all. Ile would move that the
report be taken into consideration that day six months.
The SPEAKER said that that motion must be made
on the bringing up of the report.
The report was then agreed to.
The reports on the South-Eastern Railway (North
Kent line) and the South-Eastern Railway (Strood to
Maidstone) were agreed to.