The Sun.
London, England, 1841-03-27 00:00:00

yfiE SUN, 'lJONl'in'sf,...4l4..Citifixt3. MAituri7 2,7, I_B4l

with it.—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Fre hid Oita
notice of the amendment, tnd be therefore considered that
he bed a right to be heard on it.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Hon. Member could
riot, under the title of the Biil, move the amendment he
proposed. The Honourable Member was entitled
to ask leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the Poor-
law, but as the object of the present Bill was to
continue the Poor-law in existence, and as that Bill had
been read a second tirre, and the House was now in Com-
mittee, considering how that object could be best carried
into effect, the Hon. Gentleman could not, according to
the usages of the House, propose an amendment to the
Bill, purporting to repeal that law. The Hon. Gentleman
might as well move the repeal of the Habeas Corpus Act.
Mr. WA KLE Y was as strongly opposed to the Act as
his Hon. Friend the Member for Oldham. He thought the
measure an odious and detestable one. Nevetheless, in the
performance of their labours, he thought it absolutely
necessary that they should adhere to certain rules
and regulations. lie would therthro recommend to
his Honourable Friend to withdraw the motion for the
present, if he found it inconsistent with the usual 'practice.
Besides, his Hon. Friend should remember that that was
not a fitting occasion, as it appeared to him (Mr. Wakley),
for bringing the entire subject under consideration, as
many Members who were opposed to the Act might not
have been prepared f,r such a di,cassioe.
The CHAIRMAN said that the motion was certainly
contrary to the prac ice of the House, to which it was his
duty to conform.

it ROBERT PEEL said that undoubtedly the ques-
tion then was, whether or not the motion was it, conformity
with the rules of the Houoe. It did nct appear t.. him that
it was. Leave had been given to bring i s a 13111 for
the continuance of the Commission, which the proposed
amendment would do away with altogether. He was
clearly of opinion, thers fore, that the motion could not be
entertained.

Mr. WAKLEY thought that if the proposition of his
Lion. Friend was contrary to the rules of the House, then
he would be wrong to persevere in it, but if it were
merely contrary to the practice of the House he would be
right to persevere in it, because tie more frequent the
practice of the House was violated the better it would be
for the public.
The CHAIRMAN was very sorry to hear whit had
just fallen from the Honourable Member. He ought
to be well aware that unless attention wai paid to
certain rules and regulations—( Hear, hear, from Mr.
Wakley)_their proceedings must inevitably become a'
scene of confusion. —( Loud cheers.) If he were asked if
there were any rules fur the government of Committees, he
would reply that there were none, but such as could
be gathered from the Journals and printed proceed-
ings of the House; bast that there were rules for the eo-
vernment cf Committees could not be doubted, which
rules were to be gathered from the experience of attentive
Members, who had been in the habit cf attending those
Committees; and so long as he had had the honour of
filling that cha;r he had never heard a doubt expressed that
there were regulations on tee subject, nor had such regu-
lations ever in the slightest degree been questhred.
Mr. Fl EL DEN—There is no rule then.—( Loud cries
of " Chai-, chair, orde , order.") Am Ito be allowed to
address the House er not? if not, she. I I go down to my
constituents at Oldham and tell them that I am not t 5 be
allowed to do so ? I was sent here an a repiesenta-
tive of that borough, every man of which objects to this
law; there is not one but what is indisposed to the law;
so much so, that not one of them would carry a veil;
paper for guardians ; they could not even get the burn-
bailiff to carry a voting paper for guardians.
Lord J. RUSSELL rose to order. The Hon. Gen-
tleman was out of order in discussing the quention.—
( Cheers.) The rule cf the House had been stated by the
Chairman, and it was not of the least importance whether
the rule of the House appeared printed with the regula-
tions cf the Standing Orders, or whether it was a rule de-
duced from the constant practice of the House ; in either
case it was equally binding ; and the Hon. Gentleman
had no right therefore to bring forward the amend.
meat of which ho had given notice, or to proceed
with the discussion on which he had attempted to enter.
The Hon. Gentleman endeavoured to create a prejudice
against the House, by saying that he would have to go and
tell his constituents that he was net allowed to be heard
on that occasion. The lion. Member was perfectly at
liberty at any day that he thought proper to move for
leave to bring in a Bill totally different from that Mote
the House. If he succeeded in carrying that Bi,l, and
the House of Lords agreed with him, the Poor-law
Amendment Act would be totally repealed. The Hon.
GereVeman's constituents should be informed that the Hon.
Gentleman would have a perfect and fair opportunity,
whenever he pleased, upon a regular day, and upon regu-
lar notice, of bringing forward that question. But the
Hon. Gentleman had no right to set aside all the rules of
the House, and to proccede in a course which he ought to
know was irregular; and then, because he was prevented
from netting at defiance all the rules of the House, and
throwing the whole of the discussion into confusion, to tell
his constituents that which was not true ; namely, that he
had ,not had an opportunity of addressing the House on
that subject. _ _ _

Mr. VIE LDE N said a few words in explanation. We
understood the Hon. Member to say t'lat he hai intended
to state his reasons for altering the rule of the House.
Mr. W YNN said the Hon. Member was not at li-
berty to assign reasons at that time for altering the rule f
the House. The rule in such cases was stringent. The
Committee of the whole House wes no less subject to the
orders of ti.e House than a Select Committee.

nished txith information as to what extent parishes having
local Acts bad been included in the operation of the Poor-
law Act. It would also be a fair question to be considered,
whether a parish ha:ving 20,000 or 30,000 inhabitants, and
haVing a local Act, should be exempted from the operation
of the Poor-law Act.—( Hear, hear). But at present the
House was in such want of information upon the subject,
that be thought the better way would be to have the clause
postponed. —( Hear, bear.)
Mr. EDWARD E L LICE, in illustration of what the
Right Hon. Baronet had mentioned, instanced the city he
represented (Coventry) That city was governed by a
local Act, and the affairs of the poor had been very satis•
fActotily administered under it. He hoped that some little
time would be taken to consider the clause.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. LEADER said the House must ktel satisfied that
of er the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet the Noble
Lord would be compelled to give way, and postpone the
clause.—(" Ilea-, hear," and " Oh, oh")—for they all
knew that in fact the Government existed only upon the
forbearance of the Right Hon. Baronet—(Cheers)—and
whenever he chose to make any suggestion the Govern-
ment were obliged to submit to it.—(Continued cheers.)
When the Right Hon. Baronet proposes that the Corn-
tri,sion should be continued for five years only instead of
ten, the Noble Lord was obliged to give way.—( Hear,
hear.) In Westunimster there was a very strong feeling
respe:ting this cause. No complaint had been made of
the parishes which were governed under local Acts in
Westrciuster, and as there was great ambiguity or dis-
honetty in the there ought to be a declaratory
clause respecting parishes that were governed by local
Acti.

Mr. FOX MA UL E thought there was some misun-
derstand.iiz with r, Bard to the powers of the Commis-
sioners is respect of local Acts. In the parish of St.
Pancras, for instance, the Commissioners hsd the power
of superiatendirg the regulation of the workhouse, but
they could not by law interfere with the electoral consti-
tution of the board of guardians under the local Acts.
That was precisely the position in which the Poor-law
Commissioners stood.

Lord SANDON hcped that the Noble Lord would allow
thosa parishes that had local Acts to retain their power of
self-government. The lx,rough of Liverpool, from which
he had presented a petition that evening, was governed by
a local Act to the satisfaction of the rate payers, and the
receivers of relief.

Lord HO WICK did not rise to object to the postpone-
ment of the clause, for he thought it desirable that it
should be postponed, a; he conceived it required some
amendment. He bad no objection to deprive the Poor-
law Commissioners of the power of altering the or-
ganization of lcctl boards of guardians, but he was
anxious that whatever alterations were proposed they
should not be carried so far as to deprive the Commissioners
of the power, and authority which he considered indispensa-
ble, of super intending and controlling the manner in which
relief was administered by those local boards of guardians,
however constituted, and whether existing under Local
Acts or the Poor-law Amendment Act. It was of great
importance that the Commissioners should have that gene-
ral power of superintending the administration of the Poor-
law. So far from agreeing with the Hon. Memker for
Coventry (Mr. Ellice) that the Poor-law was well admi-
i htcred under local Acts in large towns, he (Lord H.)
feared that the contrary was the case. In those places the
rincipal inhabitants were not in the habit of looking after
those matters so much as they ought, and, in consequence,
the concerns of the poor fell into the hands of persons who
were liable to no responsieility, and hence many abuses
originated. Some of the newspapers were in the habit of
dii ectirg attacks against the Poor-law—in many instances
those attacks were, no doubt, made indiscriminately. How-
ever, pith respect to Coventry, it was lately stated in one
of 'hose journals that abuses to a frightful extent were pre-
vailing in the workhouse there. So much for what the
lion. Member for Coventry stated.—( A laugh.) The
statement of the newspapers was, in all probability, without
foundation. But the real fact ought to be made out, and
it was of importance that there should be some central
authori y which would inquire into the existence
or non-existence of abuses when thus alleged
as having taken place. On a late occasion
a number cf improper females were sent out to Aus-
tralia, agreeably to a decision which the Local Board
of Merylebone had come to. It was the casting vote of
the Chairman which decided the question in that cane.
Nothing could be more improper in his (Lord Howick's)
opinion, than sending out those females to that colony.
That and many other cases would, he thought, go far to
prove that they should be careful in amending the clause
at present under consideration.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that they would
destroy the efficiency of the Bill if they prevented the
Commissioners having the power to superintend the ad-
ministiation of the Po, r-law in large parishes.
Sir B. HALL thought that tree effect of the clause
would be to leave the Commissioners exactly in the pos-
session of the same powers as they enjoyed under the pre-
vious Act. He concurred in the opinion that the clause
ought to be postponed. He hoped, therefore, the metro-
polliae parishes would be exempted from the operation of
the Bill.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said with regard to what had
een stated respecting putting the House in possession of
a statement of the number of pat ishes under local Acts,
he answered at once that there was such an account, and
that it would be convenient to have it laid upon the table
of the House. It contained an account of 364 parishes
under general Acts, and of eleven under separate local
Acts. He did not think the Poor-law Commissioners
would endeavour to do that indirectly which they could
not do otherwise, and there could therefore be no objection
to its being forbidden by the Act. He, therefore, should
not object to postpone the clause.—( Hear, hear.) He
agreed in all that had been stated by the Noble Lord the
Member for Northumberland.
Mr. WAK LE Y said he hoped the Noble Lord would
also not object to a return, stating on what grounds legal
proceedings had bean commenced against parishes, in
order that the expense might be avoided in future.
Captain PECHELL thought the House should also
be informed of the numbers of parishes incorporated under
Gilbert's Act. There were 2'38 with a population of
two millions. The Noble Lord shook his head, but there
were 2,055,000 under the local Acts and Gilbert's Act,
and eleven millions under the rates and regulations of
the Poor-law Commissioner-.
Mr. HAWES thought the same favour ought to be
shown to large parishes, such as Lambeth, as to those ac-
cidentally in possession of local Acts. Justice should be
done to all, and ho therefore put in a claim for them.
Mr. HODGSON HINDE thought the Hon, Gentle-
man
.should carry out his principle of exemption further,
and join those who were desirous of exempting the parishes
altogether from the power of the Commissioners.
Sir DE LACY E VANS thought the case brought
forward by the Noble Lord (Lord Howick) was but
slight ground on which to found a charge of misgovern-
ment against parishes, and to call for more stringent sur-
,

Mr. GROTE said the lion. Gentleman had misunder-
stood the Noble Lord (Lord Howick) who bad merely
said that cases such as he had cited, showed the necessity
of exercising the same authority in large as well as small
parishes.
After a few words from Sir A. DALRYMPL E,
Mr. MUNTZ said he could not see why the Commis-
sioners should interfere in the large towns any more than
they did with Municipal Corporations.
The motion for postponement was then carried.
On clause 4,
_ _ .

M. HODGSON HINDE, moved that the word
"every " should be left out, and " no " substituted. (The
clause regards the construction of the words " rule, older,
and regulation.") He thought they were bound to go
much more into the roles and regulations of tl.e Commis-
sioners, than they had done at present. It was not right
to
_hand over the poor to three individuals to
Le''. dealt with necerding to their pleasure. With
regard to the aged and iefirm married men and
women, the Poor-la,v Commissioners had not at first car-
stem of separation, but tbey had subse-
ried out their sy
quently taken away all discretion from the board of
guardians on the subject, and had carried out the system
of separation to a cruel extent, insisting upon t'ie separa-
tion except under special circumstance=, of which the Com-
missioners alone were to judge. lie also objected to the
separation of eh ldren from their parents, who were their
natural guardians; there was also an unnecessary strict-
ness observed in prohibiting the inmates of workhouses
from h sing interviews with their friends and relatives.
He thought it extremely harsh to lay down down a rule
such as that laid down by the Commissioners with regard
to diet—that the diet of the pauper should never exceed
ie creaetity or quality that of the able-bodied labourer.
There ought to be a great discretion left to the guardians
on all these subjects. lie could not give his confidence to
the Commissiuners, because be observed on their part con-
stant endeavours to extend their powers. They had at-
tempted by their orders to set aside even some of the pro-
vi,ioes of the Poor law Act itself, particularly those giving
to the guardians the power of affording out-door relict.
The lion. Gentleman concluded by moving the omission
of the word "every" from the clause, and substituting the
weed " no."
Lord J. RUSSELL said that it appeared to him that
the tendency of the Hoo. Member's motion would be to
cenfine the authority of the Commissioners to the forma-
tion of unions, while he would take away from them all
control over their proceedings. There could be no doubt
of the abuses of the old system when the guardians had
',eel left to their own discretion. The House as well as
the country hiving become sensible of those abuses, it was
gtehmoeug that the measure then
atht, while they formed the
thought advisable te form a Commission, which would im-
maHnea
adopted had hitherto succeeded. He would not undertake
to justify every act of the Commissioners, but he thought
parishespr •e th the
into system t
unions.
0 n of
that in general their conduct had proceeded on wise and
just principles, and was neither inhuman nor tyrannical.—
( Hear, hear.) That was the course, he repeated, which
the House had already adopted, and they had no other
choice left them unless they allowed the guardians to take
their o.sn course, and to follow their own will and discre-
tion. He bad no doubt but that many boards of
guardians would in that case go on steadily, acting on
enlightened views; but he was equally persuaded that
many others would, for the sake cf gratifying popular
feeling, return to the abuses of the old system, while there
would be no power which could correct that evil. As it
appeared to him that
the motion of the Hon. Gentleman
would have that tendency, he certainly could not think it
would be wise on the part of the House to adopt it. Let
them look to the conduct of the Commissioners which had
boa) pronounced to be so harsh and oppressive. He found
that in the quarter ending in Lad)--day, 1840, the number
of paupers who had received in-door
relief in England
alone was 134,000, and in England and Wales, 143,356
while the number who had received out-doer relief
amounted to 747,000.—(Hear-) The number of able-
bodied persons alone who had received such relief was
93,134. He thought that these facts did not prove any
undue severity on the part of the Commissioners. The
Noble Lord then concluded by expressing his determina-
tion to oppose the amendment,
Mr. HODGSON HINDE expressed his conviction
that the flease itself should lay down the rules for the re-
, {;ol,tio:L of the linotlF, and not .!.e.tve, sba frank; of them
Ito the Commisesieners,
Mr. WARD said that he would be a very mistaken

friend of the poor who would hold out to them a cer-
tain prospect of ease and comfort in a workhouse,
matter what their previous conduct might be. The work-
ing men should be taught above all things to look to them
selves and their own exertions. He believed, therefore,
that the discussions which had taken place in that Huse
might be attended with an injurious eff,..ct, inasmu.:ll as
they would create false expectations in the minds of many
of the poorer classes. With regard to the conduct of the
Commissioners, he thought that in very difficult circum-
stances they had acted on the whole wisely and humanely.
They had, no doubt, committed mistakes, but he was per
suaded that there were fewer than might have been ex-
pected in their position. He did not think the dieta-y
tables were so very meagre as stated by the Hon. Mem-
ber; there were six dietary tables from which the guar-
dians might choose, and when he found eiat the cost cf
a man, his wife, and four children was 11s. 3A-4., and
took into consideration the wages obtained by an-agricul-
tural labourer, he did not think the system deserved the
censure of the Hon. Member.

Sir H. FLEET WOOD said the Magistrates of the
county and boards of guardians generally complained of the
dictation of the Commissioners.
General JOHNSTON said there never was a law
which had given s) much dissatisfaction as the Poor-law
Amendment Act. He saw no reason why the whole of
the poor in England should be left to the caprice of the
Commissioners at Somerset-house.
Lord G. SOMERSET could not vote for the amend-
ment of his Hon. Friend ; he could not agree to abolish
the powers of the Commissioners unless some other con-
trolling power were established. At the same time he
felt bound to say that the unpopularity of the law was
owing to the manner in which they had carried it into
effect.—( Hear, hear.) Their arrogance was too pest ;
they had interfered too much in many things which ought
to have been out of their consideration. Still he did not
think their power ought to be abrogated.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL believed there never had
been appointments made by the Government vi i•h more
anxious care than those of the Poor-law Commissioner!.
—( Hcer, hear.) One of them, it was well known, was
of opposite principles to himself; another hal been secre-
tary to a Noble Lord, whom he did not then see in his
place ; and the third was not of any very marked political
principlee —( Hear, hear). lie had seen nothing in their
conduct which had ever made him regret the appointment
of these gentlemen.—( Cheers.) He believed they were
all well acquainted with the practical working and details
of the measure, and they had adopted the very wisest and
most judicious principles for carrying the provisions of
of the law into effect. With respect to the charge of
arrogance, he realiy- did not think that they had laid theei-
seise' open to any such imputation. They had cer-
tainly a very disagreeable duty to discharge ; and where
the great objects of the Act were to reform abuses and
to reduce useless and extravagant expenditure, it
could not be pleasant to the parties whose power was
about to be taken away from them to have the law strictly
and impartially administered.—( Hear, hear.) It was sup-
posed by some persona that these gentlemen were actuated
by the most harsh and tyrannical feelings, and that they
felt a reluctance to make any concessions to the unfortu-
nate paupers who were placed under their control ; but if
Hon. Members would look at the Reports w hicks had been
laid upon the table of the House, in which they pointed out
the important duties they had to perform, and the improve.
meats that had taken place in the moral and intellectual
condition of the people, they would find that they had most
conscientiously and honestly discharged one of the highest
and most important duties that had ever been conferred
upon any body of men, and that, instead of being subjected
to odium and abuse, they were deserving the admiration and
respect of that House and the country. —( Loud cheers.)
Lord SANDON did not think the Hon. Members on
his si ;e of the House should be prevented from question-
ing the mode in which the Poor-law was administered by
these gentlemen. He thought the observations of his
Noble Fr:end (Lord G. Somerset) were fully borne out
by the fact, and he believed there was no instance in which
any party who conscientiously opposed the Poor-law
Amends. eat Bill had not been run down end assailed by
the Poor-law Commissioners.—( Hear, hear.) He would
remind the Noble Lord (J. Russell) that the sole function
of the Commissioners was not to reduce and limit expen-
diture—they were bound to see that the wants of the poor
were attended to, but there was no case of the kind on
record.—( Hear, hear.) Whenever a charge of cruelty or
oppression was brought against an officer intrusted with
the administration of the Pool-law, the Commissioner
who was sent down always appeared as the protector of
the rff.:nding party. He believed these gentlemen were
too much the slaves of a certan theory, which induced
them to throw overboard and sacrifice their private f• e'-
ings and the comforts of the poor. He admitted that a
large discretionary power should be placed in the hands
of the Commissioners, but he thought there ought to be
some restrictions imposed upon them. He should, there-
fore, oppose the amendment of his Hon. Friend.
Sir H. VERNEY could assure his Noble Friend that
there were many instances is which the Commissioners
had iaterfi red for the purpose of promoting the comforts
of the poor.—( Hear, hear.) He could assure the House
that they had done a great deal of good in the district
with which he was connected, and that they had discharged
the duty with which they wero entrusted. faithfully and
' zealously.
Mr. HA LFORD, although he had never taken part
in the ag tetion that had taken place with regerl to the
Poor-law Bill, ha I felt it his duty to vote agenist it, and,
acting on the same principle, he should support the
amendment of his Hon. Friend. His great objection to
the Bill was the system which had teen adapted uf per-
petuatioo the leaner of the Commissioners, when it was
originally' understood that they were only to be used as
auxiliaries in establishing the provisions of the Act, and
then to be discortinued. He did not think there was any
necessity for the establishment of a central author:ty to in.-
terfere ette.cen the poor and their natural protectors the
rich.

Mr. GALL Y KNIGHT wished to take an opportu-
nity of s'atir.g in reply to what had been mentioned by the 1
Hon. Member opposite ( Mr. Wakley) relative to the
Bistford union, that he (Mr. Gaily Knight) had it upon
the authority cf one of the guardians of that union, who
was not a friend of the Poor-law, that the circumstances
connected a ith that c Ise were founded on a misapprehen-
sion of the order of the Commissioners, relatieg to medical
men. He thought the Commissioners had shown them-
selves desirious that proper allowances should be made to
the poor, with respect to outdoor relief and otherwise.
He confessed, however, that he would be better satisfied if
the legislative powers of the Commissioners 'were some-
what abridged.
Mr. SL ANEY rose to defend the characters of the
Poor-law Commissioners trom what he conceived to be an
unmerited attack upon them. The Noble Lord opposite
( Lord Sandon) had given all due praise to their private
characters, but he cast much obloquy on the character of
these gentlemen in their public station. He (Mr. Taney)
contended that the aged poor were greatly benefited by
the orders and regulations of the Commissioners, whose
duties were of a 'nest difficult nature, and were performed
by them to the best of ther power, and with advantage to
the poor. He insisted that they did not merit the censure
cast upon them.
WAK LEY submitted to the House that
it appeared to him to be occupied in discussing
a matter that was not before them. Tho business of the
House was to discuss the clauses of the Bill—( Hear,
hear)—and not to discuss the private and personal charac-
ters of the Commissioners.—(H;ar, hear.) He never
heard, since he had been in that House, any individual,
whatever might be his feelings with regard to the Poor-
law, threw out any imputation whatever agerinst the cha_
racters of the Commissioners, or of any servant of the Com-
nrissianers. He was sure, whatever might be tire feelings
of any individuals in that House, they would re-
frain from any attacks of that kind, seeing that
those parties were not in the House to defend them-
' selves.. For his own part be knew of no circumstance
prejudicial to the characters of the Commissioners, or
of any persons in their service, and he felt great plea-
sure in making that statement. With respect to what
had been stated by the Hon. Member for Nottingham-
shire (Mr. Gaily Knight), he (Mr. Wakley) begged
to remind tire Hon. Member thet that was an explana-
tion and not a refutation. The order alluded to did
exist, and tire medical officers had applied for six suc-
cessive weeks to the Chairman, entreating him to have
the order rescinded. The Chairman acknowledged that
such was the fact. The order, however, was main-
tained. He had it upon the authority of the medical
attendant in the parish of Paddington, that ho
could not order wine or other aliments without
rho sanction of the union. Ile also learned
from the same medical gentleman that the
aged poor under the old system used to receive eq. a week
each, and he (Mr. Wakley) made it his business to inquire
of some of those old persons what were the allowances
under the present system; he was informed le, 61. a
week, a pound of beef, and a loaf of bread. He had also
asked Mr. Philpots if Ire ordered wine or other stimulants
to patients, did he believe that they would be given ? Mr.
Philpots replied that lie thought they would be given for
a short time, and then withdrawn, and that the patients
would be told they should go to the workhouse or forfeit
those allowances. Now he (Mr. Wakley) had learned
from many of these old and miserable creatures that
they would sooner starve than go to the workhouse.
The Hon. Gentleman concluded by stating that be
would have several additional facts to lay before the
House on Monday next regarding the rules of the Com-
missioners, which he would show were repugnant to
humane feeling and common sense, and by stating that the
speeches delivered in that House in opposition to the con-
tinuance of the law, would have no useful effect com-
pared with that which would arise from Hoe. Members re-
cording their votes on the journals of the House.
Lord HOWICK said that it was complained of the
other evening in the House that a rule was made in the
Bastford Union prohibiting, even in cases of emergency,
the medical officer from administering wine rind other stimu-
lants to patients ; that in order to do so the medical officer
should refer for permission to the board of guardians ; that
great delay arose in consequence, and that in ono instance,
owing to that delay, death was produced. Now he held in
his hand resolutions come to by the whole board of guar-
dians of that union on tire 23d of February last, denjiag
the existence of such an order. The Noble Lord then
read extracts from the resolutions referred to, and con-
tended that !hey proved how necessary it was to scrutinize
and inquire into statements thus put forth. He thought it
due to the board of guardians of that union to make this
explanation.
Mr. HAMILTON thought the powers now entrusted
to the Commissioners ought only to be exercised by the
Legislature of the country. He did not suppose that any
Member would stand up and advocate a restoration of the
old Poor-law.—(Cheers.) He certainly would not, but
the unrefuted statements which had been made to the
House ought to make them pause before entrusting unli-
mited powers to the Commissioners.
Colonel ROLLE STON characterized the document
read by tire Noble Lord, the Member for Northumber-
land, as a most adroit attempt to get rid of the effects of
the statement be (Colonel R.) bad made the other
tvo,ning That se te 7.•.nt, however, eras supported by
I ;1,0 0a,015 of three individuals, and by the statement v.:ad,'
by the surgeon to him (Colonel R.) in the face of
the board of guardians, then and there assembled for

she Purpose of
,insvecsotnigtaratidnig,c.4tetndhaltt
sh‘aCei
ccsyt ai casenl
could rot
a nctdfott
hneo t
o the
geon. He (Colonel Roue.— be so,
and one of the guardians said it ;:";.s true, for one
of his own paupers had bren refused nourishrat.;:: on a
surgeon's order just previously. The statement was a
mere play upon words ; it was true no order had been i
given, because ti,e term order was applied exclusively to
what was writer' in the book, and the injunction the sur-
geon had received was a verbal one. He was glad the
subject had been Lrought forward, because he thought
that such things would not now again occur. He would,
however, advise his Hon. Friend not to stir more in the
matter, because this was not the only instanee, and if that
course of contradiction were pursued he should feel it his
duty to bring those matters forward.
Mr. C. WOOD hoped the matter would not drop, for
a more extraordinary case of contradiction he never beard.
Now, how the fact stat rd in the resolution of the
Board, that the surgeon had ordered wine and meet
for others, which were supplied between Dec. 28, and Feb.
8, could be reconcilable with the existence of the rule al-
luded to, he could not imagine. These were facts, or they
were not. If true, those tacts could be ascerteinGd; and
those facts proved what the practice was better than any
orders could do.
Sir ROBERT PEEL sail, supposing the surgeon
was chargeable with misstatements, supposing the guar-
dians were chargeable with misstatements, and that it was
impossible to get at the truth amidst this contradictory
evidence, was it safe to ent.ust the administration of the
Poor-laws to guardians alone ?—(Cheer s•) He vi ibed to
see the Commissioners continued as a tribunal to which the
poor man might appeal, as well as a power for regulating
the guardians, and he was convinced that at present to do
away with the Commissioners would not be consistent with
the interests of humanity.—(Loud cleers. )
Mr. W. DLINCOMiIE said that tie argument of the
Right Hon. Baronet went to perpetuate the Commission.
Now no similar cases.of inhumanity had occarred in places
not under the jurisdiction of the Commission. Petitions
from all parts of the country had been presented against
the Bill. There was no evidence that the Bill had ele-
vated the character of the labouring classes. It made po-
verty a crime, and embittered the feelings of the poor.—
(The lion. Gentlemaa sat down amidst loud cries of

" Divide, divide.")
Mr. BLACKSTONE denied the necessity of having
Commissioners to superintend boards of guardians (which
had been contended for by the Right Hon. Baronet), and
contended that the guardians were more competent to ad-
minister the law than the Poor-law Commissioners.
Mr. FIE L DEN said that had the Commissioners exer-
cised their power is favour of the poor man, he could
have forgiven for a time the power with which they had
been invested ; but instead of being a board of appeal for
the poor man, as they ought to have been, according to the
Right Hon. Baronet, they had unfairly exercised their
power to oppress the poor man. He did not blame tiie
Commissioners, but he blamed the House that passed the
law giving them power.
Mr. HODGSON LUNDE replied. Those who wished
to give the Commissioners the power of legislation would
vote against the amendment he had proposed; those who
wished to deny them such a power would vote fir it.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the amendment of
the Hon. Member would take away altogether from the
CommLsoners Cie power of making any regulations.
The House then divided when the numbers were—
For the Amendment
Against the Amendment
11,N,,rity against the Amendment ... —l5O
Mr. RICE then moved the following amendment on the
clause—" And be it enacted, that every rule, order, or
regulation of the Poor-law Commissioners which shall be
issued after the passing of this Act, and which shall
apply to the amount or description of relief to be gieen to
the poor, or to their management in any workhouse, shall
be deemed to be a general rule subject to all the provisions
relating to general rules contained in the Act first herein
recited ; and such rule, order, or r:gulation shall be ac-
companied by the minutes or instructions of the said Com-
missioners, issued in explanation of such order, and every
other rule, order, or regulation of the said Commissioners
shall be deemed a particular order, notw itbstancling that such
rule, order, or regulation shall, at the time of issuing the
same, be addressed by the sad Commissioners to more
unions than one, or to more parishes or places than one."
In answer to a queition from 1,.,rd G. SOME RSE
Mr. RICE said, that he meant his clause should apply
to all orders for the relief of the poor both inside and out-
side the workhouse. _ .

Sir Er KNATC lIBULL observed that it was a singu-
lar fact that although the Commissioners had been so
many years in office they had laid on the table only five
general rules.
In answer to a question from Mr. G. PALMER,
Lord J. RUSSELL said it was true that few general
rules were laid up :n the table of the House, or made by
the Poor-law Commissioners, and the Noble Lord pro-
ceeded to explain the reason why, but his observations, in
cons, quenee of the great noise which prevailed in the
House, were ❑ot heard in the gallery. The clause pro-
posed was one to bring before Parliament all general rules
applicable to any class of cases. He thought his lion.
Friend's clause would effect that object with more cer-
tainty. He did not think the amendment proposed more
definite, but that it would give rise to confusion.
Mr. J. JONES said he wished the first part of his
Hon. Friend's clause had been more general. It was his
opinion that all rules made by the Poor-law Commis-
sioners should be under the supervision of the Secretary of
State, and subject to the control of the House.—(Ht ar,
hear.) It appeared to him also that the second part of
the clause was contradictory to the first.
After some further discussion, which was quite inaudible,
the clause was withdrawn.
Lord G. SOMERSET then moved, et tie end of the
clause, to add, " Provided always, no such general rule,
order, or regulation shall be of any effect, unless duly
signed by two at least of the said Commissioners, and
sealed by their common teal, and countersigned by one of
her Majesty's principal Secretaries of State.
After a short discussion the clause, as amended, was
ag•eed to.
On clause 5 being proposed,
Lord G. SOMERSET moved, in lines 4 and 5, to omit
the words "so authorised, or," " so."

After a short conversation the clause was postponed.
Sir F. POLLOCK thought that after the alteration
in clause 4, the clause then under discussion would have
an injurious (ffect.
M-. GOULI3URN suggested that it would be advis-
able to alter this clause alter the alteration which hal been
made in clause 4.
Mr. FIELDEN said that at that lato hour he thought
they ought not to proceed with tho discussion. He
should, therefore, move that the Chairman do report
progress, and ark lease to sit agsin on Monday.
Lord J. RUSSELL oil not object to accede to the
preposition of the Hon. Member, hut he gove notice that
he timid move that on Tuesday the considerw.ion of the
Poor-law Bill should take precedence of notices of moti;n.
The House then resumed.
THE CENSUS.

Mr. F. MAULE moved for leave to bring in a Bill to
amend 3 and 4 Vic., c. 99, and 3 and 4 Vic., c. 100, for
taking an account of the population of Great Brit.in and
Ireland. The intention of the Bill was to take the
census three weeks earlier than it could be taken accord-
ing to the present law.—Leave was then given.
The Hos. GENTLEMEN then moved for leave to bring
in a Bill for regulating the employment of children and
young persona in factories.
Leave was given accordingly, and the Bills wore sere-
raly brought and read a first time.
Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice that on Monday he
should move for returns of certain proceedings connected
with the Hoo Union.

The House then adjourned, at Half-past Twelve, to
Monday next.

THE GUIANA EXPEDITION.—Letters were
received on Wednesday, announcing the arrival at Demeraa
of the Guiana expedition, and containing some interesting
particulars of its future route and destiny. The Cleopatra,
in which the expedition sailed, reached there in 28 days with
a fair passage from the Lizard. On their arrival the party,
consisting of five persons, were severagy introduced to Co-
lonel Light, the Governor, who expressed his desire to for-
ward their contemplated operations to the utmost of his
power, and provided them with a house in the best part of
George Town, to which they had removed the whale of their
instruments, having had two tents erected in the garden.
Mr. Sehomburgek was endeavouring to procure the Pa-
rade-ground, a Tice, open, and commanding tract on which to
erect a temporary observatory, forming a position from
which, as the centre of the colony, all the observations he
may hereafter make will be connected. The Mayor and
Town Council were against this appropriation, although
the Governor and Attorney-General had given their con-
sent, but it was thought their objections might be over-
come. Mr. Richard Schomburgek, who was attended
by Mr. Hancock, both in the sersice of the Prussian
Government as naturalists to the expedition, had
made a short tour in the country, when the former
was seized with the epidemic of the colony, and
for some time his life was despaired of. The ex-
pedition was to start in six or tight weeks time fur
the interior, proceeding up the coast as far as the Parima,
where it would place a boundary mark to distinguish the
Spanish from the British territories ; from hence it would
make a detour towards the Cuyunuinry, and sailing down
this river till it arrives at its junction with the Essequibo,
return to George Town, thus leaving the more dispu ed
or seuth-vre.t boundary until they have summed up ob-
servations and recruited themselves. In concur-
rence viith the views of the expedition, the Governor
had just de,patched to Pirate (on the Portuguese
boundary line) the Inspector-General of Police
for the colony, together with two officers of regi-
ments, to show the claim which Great Britain had to
so distant a spot, and to see that no more encroachment
should be made, nor atrocities committed upon the natives,
our subjects. It is feared that when they arrive at this
spot, the expedition may meet a skirmish with the Brazi-
lians, for which purpose they and their attendants are
well armed, and are to be placed under military law. The
officers of the expedition are very sanguine as to their
ul-
timate success.
THE FRENCH STAGE.—If there
#e-- French
grideintion,
thing that would tend more than another to raisneisttheaenny one
character of the English stage from its
a, Geor es
delightful Me-
just made their
it would be a due study and appreciatfrPolnr:cernlf
stage at its most paimy period—that Fol z
_3 g ,
lay, 1 Ar.
and Duchcsnois in trage •
dy,l and ?I. the
nauld, &c., in comedy :
moirs of Fleury," written by
appearance in an English (ironies express purpose
of affording us this facility,/ As Fleurya7asthe favoured
riitahvee
friend and companion, every and variety of the
choicest spirits of hilday— from
aiest of the cou isses—we were right in
palaces to t e j
anticipating a work d
of singular and varied entertainment,
even without the important and appropriate aid that the
English version of it has received at the hands of its lively
and humorous editor, Mr. Theodore Hook, who supplies it
with many notes and commentaties.
Silver coin and bulli6n shipped at Dover from
17 le Match 23) arnotuttod to 91,000 ounces ; gold
500 ounces.

MORNING EDITiOAT

THE DAILY BREAD SOCIETY
OR HOW TO REPEAL THE BREAD-TAX.

We hope the aristocracy will ponder over the follow-
ing recommendation, which we find in a pamphlet en-
titled Daily Bread, or Taxation without Representa-
tion Resisted," and learn, if they has e not wholly lost
the capacity to learn, something of the thoughts with
which the brains, or rather the hearts, of the people—
for these thoughts spring from their affections—are
teeming :

Those of us who have read the Bible for ourselvei, or
who have heard the parson read it fur us, will recollect,
that alien food was difficult to be obtained in the Land
of Canaan, the Children of Israel, bearing there was abuts-
dance in another country, sent over a sum of money to
we don't hear that even in those barbarous
procure
was any law to prevent fetching corn from
vv
was superaboudant, to places where it was defi-
cientrhyeesst, ter c
it there it
; or, th.t tile landowners levied a tax of five-pence
out of every shilling's worth. Jews or Heathens though
theyv,itrn ashearem,ethbeey preeJacitdidspnnokten_ca
i such inhumanity as—
ist:,ans,
yea,
Protestant
Christian English landowners practise row. Well then,
the example of the Children of Israel is to G. followed by
us : but, it may he said, in what manner is tie, money to
be provided, and in whet way is it to be sent? Thus, a
Society, to be forthwith commenced, to he called, " The
Daily Bread Society," having for its motto, " Give zi:s
this day our daily bread." Each person to contribute the
sum of one penny, and no more, but each member of the
faintly might contribute a penny, so that a man, his wife,
and four children, would contribute sixpence. The
Society to extend itself, in every town of importance
throughout England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. If
one million two hundred thousand signed the petition for
the Charter, one million will be a very small number to
be members cf the Daily Bread Society. One mil-
lion persons, contributing a penny each, would raise the
sum of more than four thousand pounds, which, it is un-
derstood, they should subscribe for the purpose of fetching
daily bread. It is proposed, that the upper and middle
classec, such as the Members of the Anti-Corn-law
League, and the Anti- Cern law Associations, who arc
anxious for the Repeal of the Bread Tax, should subscribe'
more largely, and a separate fund, to pay the expense of
sending lecture's, or accredited agents, to form societies
in each town, and give information on the subject, so that
no part Cf the pence should be expended except for the
purpose of purchasing foreign corn. It is also proposed,
that three, rive, or more gentlemen, of high standing, a;
to wealth, and character, should receive the money, when
collected, it being collected for the purpose of sending for
daily bread : the persons appointed in each town should
be turait lied with printed or engraved receipts, to give to
the parties of whom the pence are received, that it may
be seen who are members, and how many. We have ree
ceived the information from a quarter Ss here the accuracy
of the statement may be fully relied on, that, at places in
other countries, separated from us by only a few miles of
water, which our vessels can cross in a few hours, or at
most a few days, the price of corn is less than two-thirds
of the price it is ia this country. In Germany, at the sea-
putt town of Hamburgh, the price of a quarter, or eight
bushels, of fair average quality, of red wheat, was,
on the 19.1 r day of February, thirty-eight shillings;
and at the seaport of Dantzic, in Prussia, where the corn
f.om Poland is brought down for tale, the price of a quar-
ter of fine white wheat, was, on the same day, forty shil-
lings per quarter, whilst the current price in the Corn
Exchange of the London Markets, was, at the same period,
sixty-live shillings per quarter for the Hamburgh red
wheat, and seventy-five shillings per quarter for the Dant-
zic white wheat. The expense of bringing wheat from
Hamburgh to this country does not usually exceed three
shilliegs per quarter; and the expense from I.:3ntzie does
not usually exceed five shillings per quarter, but the great
disproportion between the prices in those places and in
England is occasioned by the Bread Tax of the land-
owners, This is a tax which fluctuates from time to time,
and varies, not only from the nature of the seasons, but
from stratagems which are resorted to by those who carry
on the trade. Sometimes, it is more than thirty shillings per
quarter, at other times it is suddenly brought down foe a
week or a fortnight, to a low point, but it never remains at
the low point long enough to admit more than very slight
and temporary relief. The tax has, for several years past,
averaged between twenty and thirty shillings per quarter;
and on the day the foregoing prices are stated, namely, the
nineteenth of February, the tax levied by the landowners,
on every quarter of wheat, was twenty-five shillings and
eightpence. ln the article of oats—from which the
bread of so largo a proportion of the inhabitants of Lanca-
shire and Yorkshire is made, and the porridge of the
Scotch—the disproportion in price, and the landlord's tax,
are still more enormous. The current price of a quarter,
or e ght bushels of oats, on the days before-mentioned,
was, at the various seaports on the continent of Europe,
from which oats are shipped, from ten to twelve shillings
per quarter; and the price on the London Corn Exchange
was from twenty-two to twenty-four shillings per quarter ;
the tax levied by the landowners, on the same day, fifes')
shillings and threepence per quarter; the effect being,
that if the working man, too poor to afford wheaten bread
for his family, endeavoured to obtain oaten bread, and sent
cloven shillings to purchase a quarter of oats, he could not
be allowed to use them, without paying a farther fifteen
shillings and threepence, for the landlord's tax !I
It is proposed, then, that as soon as the gentlemen ap-
pointed to be at the head of the Daily Bread Society shall
base cnrel:ed a sufficient number of Members, and received
a sufficient number of pence, they shall purchase corn in
those countries where it is cheap, whether in Germany or
Poland, and send over ships from England to bring it to thin
country, for the Members Lithe Daily Bread Society. Dur-
ing the time teat the ship or ships are gone to Germany or
Poland, to bring the corn, every possible means should be
taken to explain the matter to the Nleintiers of the So-.
ciety, and the inhabitants generally throughout the
country ; and they should be taught to repeat the motto of
the Society, " Give us this day our Daily Bread." Titee
men should chelk it on the walls of our steets ; the little
boys should write it in their copy books; the hive girls
should work it on their samplers; and the women should in..
scribe it on the flags and banners of the people ;—so that, by
t!:e time of the zirrival of the corn of the people, they
may thoroughly understand the busine,,s. If only one
ship be sent, it is proposed that she should come to the
seaport of Goole, in Yorkshire, that being the nearest
point to Leeds, and the manufacturing town in the West
Riding of Yorkshire ; but there is no reason why more
than cue ship should not be employed, and then they
might come to Liverpool, Glasgow, Newcastle, London,
or other ports. Now the way the Americans obtained
the suffrage, and exemption from heavy taxation, fur-
nishes us with an example worhy of imitation. The
English landlords said to the Americans, " We impose a
tax on your tea."—" No," said the Americans, "we
shall net be imposed upon ; we are not represented,
and we deny your right to tax us." A cargo of tea
was sent to one of their !ea-ports (Boston), and an
exciseman teas sent to collect the tax ; the exciseman
was tarred and feathered by the Americans, and the tea
emptied into the ocean, rather than they mould submit to
pay a tax upon it. Here, then, we see a practical way of
abolishing Corn Laws, and obtaining the suffrage. When
the ship anises at the destined port —or a few days before
—let meetings of the Society be held in every town and
city in the kingdom, and let her Majesty be memorialised
to give an order in council for the abolition of the Bread
Tax ;—peehape she may hear and regard the cries of a
famishing people, wanting food. The fruit of their own
labour has been sent to purchase it, and who shall stand be-
tweea a famishing people and their food ? If her Majesty
shall yield the just rights of the people—well; but if she
should be ill-advised, and refuse it, a large number of the
Nlembers of the Society, say ten or twenty thousand, should
go down to the slip—marching orderly, each with an empty
bag, calculated to hold about two pecks or half a bushel—
to procure samples of the corn, which belongs to the
members of the Society. It may, perhaps, not be neces-
sary, or judicious, to follow the example of the Americans,
by tarring and feathering the Custom-house officers,
stationed on board the vessel ; they will probably offer
no impediment to the people obtaining samples of their
own corn; but, if impediments are thrown in the way of
this, and if those impediments are of a nature which it
is jutlgeci beeer not to remove, then the course is to refuse
to pay the tax, and to empty the corn into the sea. All
this is perfectly legal, the people have as much right to
send their pence to buy food, and to send ships to bring it
to England, as the large merchants have to send theirs.
They have as much right to send their agents to receive
the cargo and take samples, as the large merchants have
to send their clerks and watermen to receive their ships
and draw their samples; and sometimes merchants, rather
than pay the teix, lock it up fur several years, until it be-
comes much injured, and not worth the expense ofv ware-
housing ; in such cases the merchants would
have
fierst beenin
gainers had they emptied it into
the sea
w. . them-
selves ehina
throwr tehs;eirs Theinto
static ,Binresatedadsooefkiitiyeuwrrililngbavtehen
rightgranary t o
the sea at once, if they choose; and they ill avail
of the right, if they are denied the food earned by

loo:n(113: a ° a
must
their own labour.
the American plan to the
We confess we prefer
concluding part of our author's scheme. If the Go_
vernment, the aristocracy-, and the Custom-house should
to resist
rbersiinsgt thein and eat their own
bread—if they should be so just claims
of the
hneaislyo
liilrleaaddsrsisoeed a
ietys,
to
restraint the
ilrnawl'°casearriaelnlovrf7;nheeir i
thei.ee
uniquty, tha American
monstrously. unjust as
p
mg
time
is gone
fancy-
take the consequence of their own in-
on
remedy applied to
importation of a luxury would
be too mild for them,
justice. groenheevhy
when thedecree
of the,
aw-Di,er was pronounced like the fiat of
Omnipotence.
and they

'fbliisEw
NikiEnv No
rOkVs Ee
al;
sto be exciting a most extra-
" THE
.
ENGAGEMENT.'
ordinary sensation. The author persists in remaining un-
known, although the production has been ascribed, with
some show of justice, to more than one eminent literary
person of the day, A
Tstrlg
that "The contemporary journal justly
Engagementob-
serves" is a work which is not
merely one of the most vivid. I just pictures
of h Englis au •
stocratic so( been given
to the world, but one of the rching de.
lineations of human charm means of a
most ingenious, original, ing story.
All the characters in the a marked
degree. We are acquai .n modern
literature, or anywhere Ore, that is at once so brilliant,
and so original as Louis de Grey; nothing more lofty in
feeling than goriirwsby, and also Eleanor Belleisle ; nn-
tlying more extHsitcly artificial, and at the same time (for
the qualities are by no means incompatible), so exquisitely
true to na,ure as it is modified by society, as Mrs. Per-
oeval and Lady Mornington ; and certainly nothing 6 more
entertaining than the way in which ail these characters,
and a score of others, are put into action, and made sub.
servient to the development of a fashionable love story,
and au original and exciting plot—the latter of which is
superior to almost any that we recollect, of recent date,
in any work of this nature.
We understand the marriage of Viscount Jocelyn
and Lady Fanny Cowper will be solemnised at the close
of the ensuing month.
. ~.
e5e7.,. •
- -
.
.. .
t.

N.-id, vigorous, and ju
;iety which has ever b
e most subtle and- SCEI
,cter andpassion, by m
and intensely interest
work are original in
inted with nothing i

MORNING EDITION

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC jOURNALS

FROM THE DAILY FAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
(Prom the Advertiser.)
Our readers, we doubt not, will be delighted to know, that
upon the motion of Mr. Emerson Tennent, last night, in the
House of Commons, leave was given to him to bring in a Bill
to consolidate and extend the laws relating to copyright in de-
signs. The Hon. Member has devoted so much time, and so
much attention, as well as incurred personal expense in this
matter, that not to hive conceded to him the honour of carry-
ing into effect his views, would have been exceedingly dis-
graceful to the Government ; but, with the spirit of liberality
which does great credit to the Right Hon. the President of the
Beard of Trade, the Bill upon this most important subject is
placed in the hands of the Hon. Member; and we have no
doubt, based as it is on honest principles, will receive-the support
of both Houses of Parl lament. .Deducting all that may be alleged,
either upon the side of the extenlionists and protectors of ori-
ginal designs in a variety of British manufactures, or by
those who are non-extentionists, the whole question resolves
itself it to one small ekment, viz., whether the honest man
should be protected, er the pirate held hai mless. How the
House of Corn.tnons, after the matter having been so fully
and fairly trought before them, not only by a Select Commit-
tee, but also after the documents laid before them, should re-
fuse to accede to any of the provisions in Mr. Emerson Ten-
nent's Bill, appears inconcievable. There hai been a slight
mistake with regard to the manner in which it ought to have
been brought forward last night ; but, with regard to the ruin
principle, viz., the extension of time, we repeat what we raid
akw drys ago, that the manufacturers are better judges thin
4:.'ne Members of the House of Commons; and that they, if
they require an extension of protectioa, ought to have it con-
ceded to them.

The Morni:zg Chronicle contains a leading article on the
subject of Church rates, in the course of which our contem-
porary observes : " The Church's tenacity of the rate is in-
fatuated and suicidal. A rallying point is provided for al
other religionists and for the non-religionists. These demand
justice for their consciences, and those for their pockets. The
rate has been called the only mode in which all the English
people contribute towards the national Church. We are not
sure of that. But it certainly is the mode in which the worst
fael;ngs and mischiefs are generated. Were there a few more !nth,
and adhered to with similar obstinacy, the conflict would not be
long." The Times observes, with reference to the present
financial condition of South Australia :—" It is our deliberate
and unhiassad conviction that the virtual bankruptcy of South
Australia, apart from the inherent vices in its Constituti
which would eventually have plunged it into difficulties, is
mainly attributable to the mal-administration of the horce-Gm-
missioners, occasioned in no .small degree by their selfisli regard
to their proprii.tary interests in the colony, and those of their
self-supporting allies." The Morning Herald, in an
article on Puseyism, remarks as follows :—" The par-
tition which nominally separates the Puseyite from the
Romanist, is far too frail and feeble to withstand the power of
Popish absorption. If the Church of England is to be raised
on this narro..v isthmus, she must inevitably, ere long, fall
under the sway of her ancient tyrant. It is not in human na •
tore to remain content ti ith this near approximation to Po-
pery without becornng its infatuated victim." The Morning
Post, referring again to the Corn-law question, says—" The
operation of the Corn laws is to keep hundreds of thousan2s of
men in 'England employed in agriculture, isho would otherwise
of be so employA."

(Prom the Globe.)
Circa:llse:nee.; foilsw each other ripidly in the U
Church controversy. The Anti-Pr, t:stantt of Oxfeel
have been censured by the Universi'y. Mr. Neemen
has within a f'sv days been appointed an Examiner in
Divieity, ael avowee himself the author of the Tract
specially censured by the Oxford aiithoet es. Mr.
Newmen end Dr. Sewell have in diff r nt epistles ee-
detvoured to evade the Lentil consequences with wlecli
V-ey were threatened for their Leresiee and which thee
Lai so chat iratly lahoure 1 to Oleo upon Dr. H.impdeti ;
and in doing so have evinced different degrees of prcfi.
tiericv in the A nti. Protestant art of casuistry.
VJiren Mig-et was accaunting for tie! proficiency of
Talleyraed i► diplomacy, he sectioned that the
Prince bieee f alweys ascrited it to h a education for
the Church. Modern diplomacy and casuistry, in fact,
ale art; which owe their origin and progress in Europe
to tb' teclesastic3 of the middle ages. There
wes a reason, if net a justification, for the subtle distinc-
tions of the priest in the days when these were often the
only weapons men e f peace and letters could oppose to the
rapacity of the feudal batems. But Luther was not
a cesu.st. Zhe Reformation attacked the diplo-
rnscy of Rome. Breed,h, plainness, outspoken and
unealculating honesty tf utterance, were the character-
istics of the men who burned Popes' bulls a-el
prec!ahried the Bible to be the religion of Protes-
:ants. Dr. Sewsll and Mr. Newman, in their letter.,
slam what we knew More, that with the worst doctrines
they have adopted the worst casuistical arts of the Church
of Rome. Of casuistry itself we would not Fre !k with the
indiscriminate disparagement which, in our opinion, has
leen employed by several Protestant writers. Silercs is
a great talent, a great right. No man ought, or can, be
votneeded to express himself by his words alone, and un-
illustrated by his acts. The moaning of a man often tit eds
many signs, besides merely written or vccal ones.
(From the Standard.)
We are flittered by the general concurrence of the
London press in the view ot General Harriscn's speech
which tie offered yesterday. There seems, in truth,
to be ne possibility of doubt that the new P.e-
eident is desirous of peace ; and what is of not
less moment, that his aversion to war rests upon
even mo-e that the ordinary motive; for avoid-
ing such a &amity, upon a wise and p conviction that
by embroiling herse'f with her neighbours, the Republic
must et:sure her own speedy ruin from causes net depen-
dent upon the face of battles ; that war, whether pro-
porous or aelverse, must end in the dissolution of the
Union, and the cverihrow of American liberty.
The reasoning of the Address is conclusive upon
this point, although the proposition is too humilia•ing
to the commonweatth to be distinctly stated. It would be
rash, however, to conclude, from the pacific disposition of
the new Cahi. et, that a war with the United States it
impossible. But at this truth we arrive, that is
the States have what, without a gross abuse of
the word, can be called " a Government," there
will be no interruption of the existing peace ; from
which results the obvious corollary, that if the violent
democrats succeed is forcing the Executive int-)
war, the Union is on the eve of a breaking up, be-
cause eithout a government it cannot hold together.
To those who have given attention to the changes
that have lately taken place in the feelings of the
several classes in the States, and in the relations of the
States among themselves, the wonder is, that a separation
has not already taken place. The slave question and the
question tf the tariff have really broken the popu-
lation into classes more angrily indisposed the one to
the other than the population of even distinct nations
taneht to regard themselves as natural enemies ;
and this bad feeling is inflamed still more by a
thousand repugnancies in political opinion. Nor are local
divisions wanted to confirm and methodise the elements of
hostility. The southern and eastern states have a deep in-
terest in maintaining amicable relations with Europe, par-
ticularly with England ; the northern States think tha'
their interest points in the opposite direction; while the
Statis west of the Alleghenies are wholly cut off from any
sympathy with the wher portions of the Union.
(From the Courier.)
_ _ . _ .

We long ago noticed a very excellent and well-timed
speech on the Nun-intrusion question, by the Rev. Mr.
Clark, of Methven, which, at the moment, we recom-
mended to public attention, and of which we proposed
the circulition, as extensively as possible, ever Scut-
land. We observe that the author has been very pro-
perly rewarded for his labours in th,i cause of law and order,
by being promoted to one of the churches of Edinburgh,
vacant by the translation of Dr. Lee to the principaiity of the
University. This pine of preferment does gteet creeit
to the Town Council of Edinburgh; and is valuable as
indicating the views of that body on the questio vexata
on Non-intrusion—the promotion having boon made on
the avowed ground of principle, and in opposition to
another candidate of great talent and character, selected
and supported by the Lord Provost and other Church
rebels. It also comes powerfully in aid of the system
I°__.7`'h_ichthe Government is now pledged, in the diaper-
t733'l of the Crown patronage in Scotland, that such of
Clergy as have marshalled themselves against the law
and her Majesty's Judges, and by their speeches and
votes are striving to bring themf into contempt, are not
to look for the countenance
her Majesty's Minis-
ter:. No principle can be soundo r,an.d none will recom-
mend itself more fully to aelixaclasisees sfris the country than
that the man who sets the
edicts of the law is not to be entrustedp wtirtahmtElen:duocnattiheres
of
ple i youths n
our i
Established n our Universi
Churchesties, or .
the teaching of the peo-

MOP;EY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF TESTERDAT.
TIMES. —As regards the City, and subjects in which men
of business take a direct interest, the Inaugural Address
of
General Harrison has proved a very puzzling document.
refers are the
The
he
subjects to which the remark more esp.
aI
currency, and the condition,
in point of credit, of the several
States which compose the Union. The mere political question
between the United States and England is purposely
empaarskseedd
over in this section of the pater,
upon as a current opinion iut e City, that nothing
though it may
can well be
clause of the
more imperfectly declined and meagre than that
Address of the new President. The great quesiton among prac-
tical men to-day has been, whether the proper conclusionr
or
be drawn from the passage relating to the currency is for
against the establishment of a national bank, and whether the
President and his Cabinet will have nerve enough to bring for-
ward such a measure in Congress. His sweeping condemna-
tion of a currency purely metallic may justify the belief, in
those who wish it, that he really has some such intention, but
it is by no means certain that a paper circulation, such as ought
to exist, in conjunction with a metallic currency, may not be
supplied without the aid of any such institution. There ap-
pears to be na difficulty in it, if all the banks are kept strictly
to the condition of paying all their notes and bills in specie on
demand. But General Harrison's party, after having settled
among themselves whether they will recommend to Congress
the appointment of a national bank, will still have to decide upon
the mode of doing so—that is, whether it shall be merely a char-
tered bank, trading upon private capital, and subsisting upon
private credit, or a Government bank absolutely, based
upon the credit and resources of the whole federation collec-
tively. For the first of these projects, after the experience
gained during the lait forty years of the utter impossibility of
keeping any check upon Biddle and his associates, the Legis-
lature would, by any act in its favour, stultify themselves in
the eyes of the whole world. But if, on the other hand, the
bank scheme is to work absolutely under the management and
the auspices of the Executive, then people who know the diffi-
cu:ty of such a ca-e w ill allow the while of General Harri-
son's term of office to run out before bringing it into such a
settled course of action as will at once satisfy and protect the
whole trading community. It is by no means positively to be
inferred from the expressions in the address that the Harrison
Cabinet have made up their minds to such a course ; but if they
have, the result can hardly fail to be otherwise than that winch
has been described.
The clause referring to the credit of the individual States
appears even more vague than the one relating to the cur-
rency for whereas a decided aversion to a currency purely
metallic may be gathered in the one case, so definite idea
oHfarrainsoyn kind is to be arrived at in the other. General
difficulties simplyoftie says, that though he may regret the financial
States, it is the duty of the Federal Govern-
ment to encourage them, ,
best means for the maintenance of
their credit, adding that the
resources and industry of the
country are such as to lead to
is a hope that prosperity will be
restored. This " State all very
but people who hold Statewell, as far as it goes;
stocks as their only security are

~.
i

naturally anxious to know what is the precise nature
of the " encouragement" which the General Government
is to give to the fulfilment of their contracts by the States. So
decided does the intention appear of treating this matter as
vaguely as possible, that as if he were fearful of committing
himself by sentiments, however indefinitely expressed, the
President adds that the encouragement is to be only "to the
extent of constitutional authority;" words which seem at first
sight a mere matter of course, but which are no doubt intro-
duced to leave entirely open the question whether an assump-
ti'm of State debts by the Federal Government be a constitu-
tional act or not. As it stands, anybody may interpret the
clause his own way ; but the probability is that the President
will scarcely venture to introduce a measure so unpopular as
the guarantee of State debts, if any inference whatever is to be
drawn from his extreme caution on the subject.
As regards the pacific tone of the address, all that is ne-
cessary to state heie is, that it has had a very favourable effect
on the Money Market, causing a rise in the public securities
of full % per cent. Indeed, it has rather taken the speculators
by surprise, and the weakness of the market yesterday shows
they were not prepared for intelligence of so favourable a kind.
The clause in the address in which General Harrison asserts
his intention to use every means in his power to preserve
the friendly intercourse which subsists between every na-
tion. and also that he sees in the character both of
Sovereigns and Governments that harmony will not be inter-
rupted by any i laim to which the honour of the Americans
could not yield, has been read with interest, and seems to have
given general satisfaction. The only drawback that at present
exists is the fear that the President, the arrival of which is
hourly espeeted, will bring news of a less favourable character.
Business was brisker in Consols than it has been for some
time past, and prices preserved their buoyancy till just prior to
the close of the market, when an effort was made by-an influ-
ential party to depress them, to favour their own operations,
which, in the excitement, had the effect.

CHRONICLE.—The news received-from the United States
by the President steamer is considered to be as favourable in
every point of view as the friends of peace and amity between
the two couctries could reasonably expect, and the funds lia7e
in consequence risen % per cent. The general opinion in the
city is in uni=on with that said to be entertained arnan,g the
diplomatic circles at Washington—ttlat in consequence of the
British Government having taken upon themselves the re-
sponsibility of the burning of the Caroline, General Har-
rison's Cabinet will deliver up APLend, leaving the ques-
tion as to the legality of the act of her destruction, and
the relative occurrences, to be decided by the law of na-
tions. In this view of the case hostilities are considered
very improbable, as, even in the event of any difference
arising relative to the burning, it would be settled by reference
to some friendly power. Preliminary to the surrender of
APLeod, it is therefore supposed that he has been removed to
the seat of government Albany, either on the application by
his counsel for a change of the venue, or by a writ similar to
our certiorari, which would take him out of the jurisdiction of
the State of New York, and transfer him to the district
Cou,t of the United states.

The position of the boundary question is at•inowledged on
all hands to be now in a fair train f,r adjustment, and the
speeches of Mr. Buchanan and Mr. t lay are considered quite
concius've on that point. Politically, therefore, altogether, the
aspect of our relat ors with America has mater,ally improved,
and the pacific sentiments expres.ed by General Harrison seem
to be a guarantee that nothin,, veil be wanting on his part to
put an end to any remaining fears.'
Hi, remarks upon the currency, though short, are satisfac-
tory, and must convince the citizens to whom they were ad-
dressed of the fatal consequences which would follow from any
attempt to introduce a currency exclusively metallic. His al-
lusion, also, to the financial concerns of the different States is
in every respect praiseworthy, and we trust that the impressive
manner in which he points out to them their duty of making
every necessary burilen to fulfil their engagements and main-
tain their credit, will receive the requisite weight and be ho-
nestly adopted; for, as the President justly observed, "the
character and credit of the several States form part of the cha-
racter and credit of the whole country."
It is stated in some of the American papers that Mr.
Webster has evinced some notion of the plan on which he con-
templates the formation of a National Bank. That he does
not mean to seek for a creation of new banking capital, but
to combine " the cap tats of several of the old New York
banks in Wall-street under a charter, to be given them by
Congress." There is some feasibility in this. If Congress
were to entertain the project; and an Act were passed, allowing
such banks as chose to subscribe their present capital to be
consolidated into a National Bank, a sufficient amount of bank-
ing capital might he obtained, and risk of excess diminished or
avoided. The plan need not be confined to the New York banks,
but might be allowed to ramify over the Union, so as to in-
clude other banks, whose capital would thus merge into a
fixed amount of stock in the new National Bank, of
which, where expedient, they would become the agents. This
is the plan which, we presume, is hinted at in th,i New York
Herald, but we cannot place reliance on the authenticity of
any intelligence emanating from that quarter, and, at all events,
it could only as yet be in embryo. Many difficulties will at
once occur against the practicability of this measure to any one
silo reflects upon the jealousy and collision of interests which
would arise amongst the various existing institutions, in ar-
ranging their relative influence and position in any such united
establishment. At the date of the advices by the President,
the price of the Shares of the United States Bank war 17i to
18, but we find the belief still was that the Bills drawn upon
he London agency "had not been accepted, and that they
the
a proscription of all American paper on the part
of the Bank of England." When it is ascertained that theso
fears were groundless, it may be expected that the prices of
American Stocks will be somewhat improved. Exchange on
London 7i to 8. •

POST. —The Inaugural Address of the newly-elected Presi-
dent of the United States, although it proves rather too prolix
and heavy for the careful perusal of our active men of but•i-
ness, has, nevertheless, afforded much satisfaction to tho,e who
have found time during the day to take a cursory view of it, in-
asmuch as its tone and tendency are decidedly pacific, and
there seems to be a determination on the part of the Federal
Administration, to give what support it may be ab!e to the
individual States in regard to their financial affairs, as well as
to return to a more rational system of currency and banking.
The in'elligence generally brought by the Patrick Henry is
viewed as conciliatory. Even in Congress the war fever seems
to have almost totally subsided. We now see the two parties
who have contended for political ascendancy in the Union
agreed in the sentiments they express of the high sense of jus-
tice and honour which Great Britain has exhibited, in treating
of some of the difficult questions by which the friendly rela-
tions of the two countries have been jeopardised. It may thus
be safely assumed that Mr. Pickens's late Report on foreign
affairs has had but little weight even with the section of which
he forms an unimportant unit ; for when it is found that such
persons as Mr. Buchanan, who is the leading, active represen •
tative of the loco foco interest, condemn a war and commend
the conduct of England, it is impossible to come to any other
conclusion.

HERALD.—The political complexion of the intelligence
from the United States by the Patrick Henry packet-ship,
coupled with such slight but conciliatory allusions to foreign
affairs as are to be found in the Inaugural Address of the Presi-
dent to Congress, has exercised a favourable effect on the prices
of the Funds.

A