The Sun.
London, England, 1840-02-26 00:00:00

SPAIN.

On the reading of the Order of the Day,
The Marquis of LONDONERRY assured the
House he rose with great diffidence to address their Lor-
dships on a subject which he confessed no longer invited
the same interest which it attracted some months ago.
—(Hear, hear.) He also laboured under a difficulty
from the absence of the Noble Lord, who was the
most acquainted with the foreign policy of this coun-
try, aud with the affairs of Europe, of all the
men in the kingdom, not excepting the
Noble Viscount at the head of her Majest'y Govern-
ment, aud the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs.—(Hear, hear.) But yet he was ready to do
those Noble Lords the justice to acknowledge that
they concurred with hi:n in deeply regretting that
the illustrious Duke was not in his place.—{" Hear,
hear," from Lord Melbourne)—and that they had not
now the assistance of his wisdom and discretiou, of which
their Lordships had so many times experienced the
value in discussing the foreign affairs of England. He
trusted that amongst their Lordships there
was only one prayer, that the illustrious Duke would
soon be amongst them.—(Hear, hear.) He confessed
that, after all the teiscussion which had taken place, in
the course of the present session, it required some degree
of nerve on his part again to address himself to the sub-
ject of our relations with Spain —(Hear, hear.)
He felt the greater embarrassment, because from
what he saw going on in another place, it appeared that
the great interest of_efieh country at present was on the
question of the privileges of the House of Commons,
and on the propriety or impropriety, of sending Mr
Howard, the attorney, to gaol. tlaelr Lordships
also had been entertaiaed with several interludes
on the pregress of Socialism. A'd these 1
things showed that the attention of the country was
mitered on their own internal concerns, and the con-
sequ2iiet was, that the conduct of affairs abroad was
hardly ever alluded to. But he could not but
remember that the Noble Earl, the father of
the Rsiform Bill, had stated that he considered
the House could never be better employed than
in discs rig the foreign po:icy of the country. He like-
wise remembered that a Noble and Learned Lard, whom
he regretted not to see now in his place, because he
always illustrated the debates by his eloquence, and
elucidated them by his clearness—ha remembered hear-
Mg that Noble and Learned Lord say that the fo-
reign policy o! the Government ought always to be
before the country.— (Hear.) The Lord Privy Seal
Lkewise had, on a former occasion, stated his anxiety
t' have the foreign policy of the country discussed.
Marc particularly had be expressed himself anxious to
hare a field day on the affairs of Spain, in order that he
might hate an opportunity of justifying the policy
which had been pursued in that country. He (the Marquis
of Lendenderry ) we; not unwilling to give that Noble
Lord the opportunity of advantageously displaying those
abilities which ha (the Marquis of Landoaderry) would
he the first to admit and to honour. Flaying stated the
embarrassments under which he laboured as incidental
it: the subject which ho w is about to bring forward,
he begged to be permicted to say one word as regarded
himself. Their Lordships might ask why he should take
upon himself to DC constantly bringing this subject forward?
To that he would reply, that in early life he had
been intimately connected with that country—he, per-
haps, was the first British officer who had landed in
Spain. He had accompanied Sir John Moore through
the whole of his campaign ; and during the years 181:3
and 1814 he had served in that country under his Noble
and Illustrious Friend the Duke of Wellington. He
had taken a very great interest in every thing con-
nected with that country from that time ; and lat-
terly he had made a tour through that country,
and he would say that the kindness and attention which
he had received, both from the Carlists and Christinos,
noel increased his interest in that most interesting
country and that most magnificent people. He de-
plored the course which her Majesty's Ministers had
pursued in their foreign policy towards that country,
and he attributed in a great measure the misery which
Spain hid endured for the last six years to that
policy. He was free to conks; that during the last six
months a great change had taken place in the character
of the war in Spain. He was free to confess that there
had taken place a temporary suspension of that war,
which for the last six years had been carried on ;
but how had that suspension been accomplished ?
That army which, during six years, had sustained
the attacks of the Noble Viscount's Auxiliary Le-
gion, assisted by the fleets of this country
blockading the coasts, and by the effective Pyrennean
blockade on the other side. He would admit that that
army no longer existed, but how had its annihilation
been accomplished. Had it been broken up and de-
stroyed m• action—had the Duke of Victory annihi-
lated it by planting his victorious standard on the lines of
the Carlists ? However great the Duke of Victory might
be, he must say he was not great on the field of battle—
he loved not turmoil—he loved a life of repose and
quiet, and seemed to be one of those officers described
by the Noble Viscount the other night, who had earned
their distinctions in other places than the field, and by
' other means than arduous service. He could not boast
that by any great battle he had driven the defeated
Carlist legions into the sea by the force of his arms,
neither could he boast that by fair and just negotiation !
the measure of their destruction had been accomplished.
They had now before them the transaction by which this
event had been brought about, a transaction the most
treasonable and treacherous that had ever been recorded.
He confessed that in moving for those papers his great
desire was to chew that the British character, British of-
ficers, and the Briti,sh Government had no share whatever
in this transaction, because all Europe had resounded with
the treachery of the proceeding, and it would be very
satisfactory if the Nolse Lord would give proof of that
by documents laid before the House. He knew that
it had been said in another place that they had so
s.hare in these transaction:. That statement might
be satisfactory to the Government ; but unfortunately
they had an idea that what was satisfactory to
them was also satisfactory to the country at large
lie thought that this was not the case. Itwas e;s
singular circumstance, that \Then, on a former evening,
he had mentioned the treasons of Maroto, the Noble
Viscount and the Noble Lord the Secretary for Fe_
reign Affairs both stated, or wished rather, in their
tender sympathy, to commute these abominable
treasons into a return to allegiance. If he believed—
if the Noble Viscount could entertain—such principles,
badly as he already thought of his politics, he should
think still worse of their dangerous consequences. He
should take the liberty, with respect to this man's con-
duct, to refer to a publication which had been
sent to him as an individual interested in the aft
fairs of Spain, and to which he begged to call
the attention of their Lordships ; and until bet-
ter evidence was produced to the contrary by the Noble
Tissount and his colleagues, it would be found to bear
out all the accusations ou the subject which had been
made against the Government, while the individual who
had sent him the book staked his honour and veracity
for every word in it. The author's name was M. G. Mit-
chell, and in the course of the work he found in two places
reference made to Lord J. Hay and Lord Palmerston
and their communications with Maroto • and not only
after the date at which lie had moved for papers had
communications been made under a flag
n of truca sent
Bilboa ; but after the second communication
n had
taken place, Maroto had issued a proclamation bear-
ing ri'nte the 28th day of July, to which he wished their
Lordships' attention, to show the treachery of the man,
for after :hes.: communications he said in his proclama-
tion The cause of the King and their religion were
h committed to their defence-=domestic treason and
tits-
cord were emongst them. Sand called upon thernto prove •
their loyalty by their coeduct, and endeavour to
prove
1 that such gas: passioes never feund place in the breasts of
! loyalists, who were armed for the mostsaesed purpose."—.
[Tile Noble Marquis here read some papers in French
to show that the communication ha alluded to had been
going on between the Spanish Government and our

officers.] On these grounds he thought that they
should prove to Europe that the British Government
had been no party in those transactions. He also thought
it necessary to have it stated whether such a man as
Maroto had been countenanced by the Noble Lord.
If Maroto had betrayed Don Carlo'', might he not
also prove a traitor to the cause of the Queen ?
That individual, however, had been decorated
with orders, as the reward of his treachery.—(Hear.)
Was it possible that the Spanish Government could
have thus encouraged him, if the country were re-
gulated by the common principles which regulated
other nations ? He supposed, from the honours al-
ready bestowed on Maroto, that if he had
come over to this country the Noble Viscount
opposite would invite him to dinner--(Laughter)--or he
might possibly have introduced him to Court with Mr.
Owen. He would now allude to that portion of her
Majesty's Speech which expressed her satis-
faction with the present state of affairs in Spain.
The words of the Speech were as follow :
" I rejoice that the Civil War, which had so
long disturbed and desolated the northern provinces of
Spain has been brought to an end, by an arrangement
satisfactory to the Spanish Government, and to tie
people of those provinc,es." He (the Marquis of
Londonderry) did not see how an arrangement,
concluded as the one in question had been, could
be called satisfactory.—(Hear.) With respect to
the Basque provinces being satisfied with it, they all
knew that those provinces would not be content unless
they had obtained their privileges.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.") The object of the Queen's Government had
been throughout to do away with the privileges in
question. Espartero had merely held out a promise
that he: would do his utmost to obtain their ratification,
but he had nothing in the shape of a guarantee on
which the people of those provinces could rely. All
the acts of the Government had tended to disappoint the
hopes whichthe Basques were encouraged to entertain.
The Government had, in the meantime, obtained posses-
sion of the best fortresses in those provinces, for the pur-
pose of preventing the people from any further rising.
Those provinces were still far from being settled ; and he
asked how could her Majesty's Ministers soy that the people
in the North of Spain were satisfied with the manner in
which the temporary pacification was brought about ? The
speech of the King of the French took quite a different
view of the matter. That speech said that a great change
had been effected in the situation of Spain, but that his
Majesty had still to regret " that he could not announce
that the civil war which had so long desolated the north
of that country was at an end ; although i• had lost the
gravity of its character, by which it endangered the stabi-
lity of the throne of Donna Isabella. The greater
part of the northern provinces were pacified, and
there was reason to hope that those in the
south would not be long behind them." His
Majesty attributed the improvement in the state of the
country to the wisdom and firmness of the Queen's Go-
vernment, and to the assistance which
,she had received
from his army, and from the subjects of her Britannic Ma-
jesty. But that was not the fact. The annihilation of
the Carlist army was effected by treasen. The British
Government did not venture to assert that the pacification
was brought about by the assistance of the French army,
and the British Legion. But it was not to be wondered
at that they should state their satisfaction at the result.
For six years they had been sending arms and ammunition
and troops—they sent nut the Legion. But they knew
that the pacification would not have bean effected if it had
not been for the treason of Maroto. It was notorious that
when he betrayed the army it was in the best possible con-
dition, and was more elcient than it had been at any other
time. The policy of the British Government had bees
most unfortunate, and they must now be convinnad it would
have berm better if there had been less intervention, and
the people had been left to themselves. What had been
the result of the efforts made by Great Britain for six
years.—(Hear, hear.) There had been no improvement
in the condition of Spain after an expenditure of fifteen
minima sterling, and of one hundred and fifty thousand lives.
According to the returns which he had moved for last year
the total amount of expenditure by the British Government
during the six years of the civil war in Spain, taking into
account tae expenses of the auxiliary legion, the artillery,
the snips, and Lord John [legend the oecers, ovaa 616 639/
and if to that was added 260,000/. due to the legion, which
this Government might yet have to pay—there was a mil-
lion of money for leaving the affairs of Spain in as bad a
condition as we found them. He wished the English peo-
ple to know that. That was the fruit of the mistaken pa-
iiey of intervention. He wished, if they said that the war
in the North had subsided, they would recall the ships ; he
wished they had sent out ships to protect our trade with
China, when we would be in a better condition than we now
were. lie (the Marquis of Londonderry) saw in the
Bay of 'I arragona the frigates Tribune, which was one
of the hes'. frigates :n the navy, driven ashore, and
that was a very small part of the injury which
the ships had snffered upon these dangerous coasts. Such
was the result of the expedition of one million of British
money. It was stated also that the South provinces were
in a state of probable tranquillity, or at leant in such a state
that her Majesty's Government hoped they would soon be
tranquillized. lie had visited some part of these provinces,
and he could state that Cabrera was in possession of the
strong fortress of Nlorella, which was well provisioned, and
commanded a large portioa of the country, and that Gene-
ral had at his disposal full forty thousand men. In Cate-
lonia and in Aragon the people were quite as musty in
favour of the Carlist cause as they were in favour of that
of the Christinos—nay he knew that the great body of
the Spaniards were more attached to the cause
of legitimacy than that which the Noble Lords
opposite supposed to be such a bleesing—whet
was called a Liberal Government. That so-called Liberal
Government was not able to collect the revenue, or execute
the laws in the south of Spain. At Madrid they went on,
but in no other place. Suppose Carlism was put down,
there would still be the two great parties of the Exalts-
does and the Jioderadoes, which would alwaya keep Spain
in a ferment. One day they were embracing each other,
and the next day forgetting it all. and again they were in 1
fierce opposition. The Noble Earl opposite bad been
very severe upon him, because he said that he (the Mar-
quis of Londonderry) had charged the Spanish Govern-
ment with dishonesty in buying up the a3signats.—He had
not made such a charge. He stated that they were gene..
rally circulated amongst the Jews, and that a report did
exist, that they were purchased by the Commission in this
country. But was it anything new to charge the Spanish
Government with dishonesty ?—why it was impossible to
walk the streets without seeing it paraded upon every
wall. He would relate an anecdote in order to show
the feeling upon that subject existing in Spain itself. In
Grenada he met ono of the most enlightened and intelli-
gent of Spaniards whom he had ever met. He introduced
himself, and asked him what was to be the end of the mise-
rable and unfortunate state into which Spain was plunged ;
and his answer was, that if they could only get six honest
Ministers to govern Spain, within twelve months every-
thing would be right, so that even the Spaniard; them-
selves were quite aware of the dishonesty of their Govern-
ment. He had stated so much, because he was unwilling
to be held up by the Noble Earl as guilty of a heinous
crime, by making such a charge. At the close of last
Session the Noble Earl made a speech, which had certainly
had a great effect in this country. In that sneech the
Noble Earl stated that he had always found the Christino
Generals most anxious to attend to his recommendations
respecting the convention. It was true that parties were
established in order to carry the convention into effect, but
it remained as a dead letter until it was found that
Cabrera was enabled to make reprisals ; then the
Queen's Generals decided upon putting it in force.
When they were advertising for a new loan they had
stated that the finances were in a flourishing condition— '
that property in Spain was more secure than it had ever
been before, and that capital had had opened to it now
and extensive channels for employment by the sale of the
Crown lands. Ho must protest against all these repre-
sentations. He would say that the revenue was not worth
more than half its nominal value, and that it was in a
great measure forestalled. The Crown lands had been
formerly held by the monks, who tilled theta, and their
cultivation was then carried to the highest possible pitch.
They had sinced been sold to speculators for half their
value ; the monks had been driven out, and great impo-
verishment had been the consequence. It was me-
lancholy to see the unfortunate state of the monk.
and friars. The Spanish Government had seized
the Church property, and before they had done so,
they had said that they would give the menks and friars
pensions for subsistence—they had taken possession of the
property—they had seized and sold the convents—they
had turned the people out, and never from that day to
this had they given the unfortunate monks and friars one
single farthing for their support. He had been in a
nunnery at Scville—( A laugh)—and the unfortunate
women there had told him that they lived entirely upon
charity. Now, he would ask, could anything be stated
so disgraceful to any Government? The Noble Lord
opposite knew thin to he a fact, and yet he would say, as
had been stated elsewhere, that they had conferred a great
benefit upon Spain by the establishment of a Liberal Con-
stitution. There was no prospect of any cessation to this
state of things—there was no prospect of any recovery of
their finances, and ho would ask the Noble Lord
what principles he intended to adopt for the future
towards that country ? Was he prepared to go on
with his intervention to any extent that the Chris-
tino Government might demand. Don Carlos was
troop!
I, v
driven out from Spain ; he was now a prisoner in
e
; what occasion was there for them still to continue
ti
intervention?
why
Whydi
ddi
they
d theyat
still
i stille o continue
toccupy o
blockade Passages
with their
' the coast with their They were surely not afraid
that Carlos would re-enterfleets? Spain ? They had stated in
the Speech from the Throne that peace was established.
Now he would say they ought to declare either one thing
'h
ace was not established, and
they were going en wit
blished, and they ought not t war ; or peace was esta-
o go
addi-
tional expenditure ad infinitum. onThey
incurring this
that upwards of a million had already b should recollect
if the Noble Viscount continued his systemtcen expended, and
don, he was very likely to be embarked in of interven-
now carrying on between the two great parties
the contest
And what would be said, if thee were to in Spain.
Noble Viscount holding up the Moderados see
the
the Exaltados, the ultra-Radicals of Spain ?—(l7,a,,inr,.t)
Another part of the Noble Earl's speech stated that . the
Queen's party were ,gateful for every thing that had been
done for her—he should like to know how they had shown
it. Words were fine things, but would the Noble Earl
toll them, if he had been able, during his administration
in Spain, to accomplish a commercial treaty with that
country, and why not? The great body of the people
' in Catalonia were liberal manufacturers, and prevented as
long as they could a treaty with this country. Their ob-
ject was to get French goods i • and though English goods
,
were introduced, the trade ?ii them in Catalonia was car-
ried on bv an hundred thousand smugglers, who paid no
duty to the Government. Then, as he could not get a
commercial treats', what did he do in the slave trade ? If
he were rightly informed en the subject, if
' we did not as to
Portugal, give half a million of money, we treated with

them; but in the Isle of Cuba the slave trade was carried
on by the Spaniards to a great extent, and though he had
given the Noble Earl all the information he possessed on
the subject, the Noble Earl could not accomplish the abo-
lition of the slave trade, nor anything like it. What, in
any other manner, bad Spain done for England, for
all England had done for her, in the six years
she had fought for the Christino Government, and
for the expenditure she had incurred for its es-
tablishment?—(Hear, hear.) The last part of the
Noble Earl's speech said—." All the nations in the world
sympathised with the liberal institutions established in
Spain." The Noble Earl had lived a long time in Spain,
and had great experience, no doubt ; and it would be very
bold in him (the Marquis of Londonderry) to presume to
put his opinions in opposition to those of the Noble Earl,
but he fancied the Noble Earl's residence had been chiefly
with the Government, and that be had travelled little in
the great cities in Spain, for if he had, he would have
found that the prevalent feeling there was in favour of the
old established institutions of the country ; and he thought
they must live long before they would see the day when
those feelings would subside. He had now gone very
imperfectly and shortly into a subject of immense extent,
and was unwilling to detain their Lordships. He there-
fore threw himself on their indulgence, assuring them he
had but one object in the course he had pursued respecting
the foreign policy of this country.—( Hear, hear.)
In that course he had stood almost alone,
but he had derived some consolation in receiving the ap-
probation of many of their Lordships, and more par-
ticularly of a Noble Friend at a distance, who stated his
opinion that he had pursued the right course. The
Noble Lord concluded by moving that a humble address
be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty that
there might be laid on the table of the House copious
extracts from all communications between the Foreign-
office and the Admiralty, and the British authorities in
Spain, which bad taken place betweea the Ist of May
last and the present period, relating to the Convention of
Bergara, together with copies of the said communications.

The Earl of CLARENDON said he should address
but few observations to their Lordships, for it was impos-
sible to reply to a speech embracing so many, and such
various arguments, which seemed to be a budget brought
back by the Noble Marquis from the Peninsula,
which had far better have been opened in the Cortes than
in their Lordships' House ; but he felt anxious to give a
different version of the arrangements which had taken
place in Spain, because, with their Lordships, he attached
considerable importance to the matter under consideration,
not only in reference to Spain, but because the character
of officers and others Iliad been maligned for the supposed
part they bad taken in the arrangement; and ho rejoiced
that an opportunity bad at length arrived for putting their
Lordships and the country in possession of the truth. The
Noble Marquis had alluded to a speech of his made last
year, and ho commented upon it very severely ; but he
shrunk from nothing he had then asserted, but, on the con-
trary, considered that event had come to pass more quickly
than he had expected, and quite as satisfactory, which
proved the truth of his assertions on that occasion. He
had not expected the Noble Marquis would so long have
delayed bringing forward his motion on the subject, and
he thought it somewhat inconsistent. When he found
the papers relating to the Convention of Berge ,a could not
be regularly laid upon the table, and in order to arrive et
the arrangements made by certain classes in Spain, with
which the Government had nothing to do, it might have
been supposed he would have moved for correspondence.
It was not his intention to follow the Noble Marquis
through all those parts ofhis speech which had no reference
to the motion, such as the French book—the probability of
his (the Earl of Clarendon's) inviting Maroto to dinner,
and also what the Noble Marquis had done in a nunnery
to which he obtained admission ; but so far as he could
collect the opinions of the Noble Marquis, they were, that
an arrangement had taken place neither honourable nor
satisfactory, and that he threw much blame on the Go-
vernment for allowing such ail arrangement to take place.
He would state a few facts, for the purpose of calming
the Noble Marquis's apprehensions both as to the ar-
rangements themselves and the course adopted by the Go-
vernment. In the first place, ho would observe, the Spanish
Government determined to make the most strenuous exer-
tions to bring the war to a close ; ho did, in the early part of
the summer of last year, place at the disposal of Espartero
resources such as he had never before at hie command, and
which would enable him to act with vigour against the
enemies of his country. The Cdrlists saw that from
arms their success was hopeless, and that no greater dis-
aster could befal the country than the triumph of a prince,
of whose unfitness to reign there had been abundant evi-
dence. Carlos was now in exile and misfortune, and
therefore, lee would not say of him what otherwise he
could hare stated. It was sufficient for hire to say, among
the most esteemed of the Prince's followers there was
, now a general feeling that hie character was of that order
which produced misery to subjects, and that it was desirable
for the benefit of the country that the contest so long car-
ried on should be terminated. With these feelings the ne-
getiations were commenced, which terminated in the Con-
vention of i3ergara. Those negotiations had been orizi
nally begun by the officers arranging the exchange of
prisoners. These officers felt that it would be cruel
to continue longer the barbarities of civil war. And
General Maroto received significant hints from the
Chief under him, that the Bi.eayans would not
any longer endure the deprivation of that peace which
they were desirous of obtaining at any price. No
'miter was the Convention known than 21 Carlist bat-
talions laid down their arms, which were piled, and in
spite of Espartero's suggestion that thoy should resume
them, and await the ratification, they proceedeil home
without them. Eapartero had gone through the country
afterwards, and had been met by the joyful population,
who enthusiastically responded to the cheers he proposes
for Queen, peace, and constitution. Let not the Noble
Marquis imagine that this had been done by the magic of
Maroto's name, or any influence of his. The troops had no:
been led into an ambuscade—they bad not been prevented
from resisting if they wished to do so. Maroto had only
yielded to the feeling he knew, and had long known, to
exist. He was glad that the Noble Marquis had not
adopted the foolish suggestions which had been thrown out
in the papers; for he (the Earl of Clarendon) had the
curiosity that morning to look to see what the papers had
said on the subject, and be found it gravely asserted that
the pacification had been the result of bribery by British
gold; and that Maroto had received 150,0001. from the
Secret Service Fund. Now he believed not a shil-
ling had been devoted to the purpose. He was
convinced that there never was a transaction more free
from motives sordid and pecuniary. Tet he must state
that be did not think Espartero would have been to blame
had he used such means, if he found them necessary, to
save the effusion of human blood. It was a new doctrine
that a belligerent party might not avail itself of the defec-
tion of its opponents. Generals always were glad of it.— '
(The Marquis of Londonderry, " No.") No I Why, did
the Noble Marquis, when Martnont left the capital of his
country to foreign troops, or when Bourmant, on the eve
of the battle of 'Waterloo, betrayed his benefactor and his
friend—did the Noble Marquis complain that the British
generals took advantage of that ? or did he accuse the
British Government of availing themselves of it ? It was
not at all a similar case to a war among foreign nations—
no disgrace attached to desertion in a civil war—it was a i
mere change of opinion, and might be a very praiseworthy
,one, but the Noble Marquis appeared to think that her
Majesty's Government ought to have interfered to
prevent the reconciliation which had taken place
amongst the belligerents, and have goaded them on
to their hated warfare. He was glad that that opportu-
nity had offered of rectifying what had gone abroad re.
specting Lord John Hay, nor could he believe that the
Noble Marquis could in his heart feel it right to cast
blame upon that Noble Lord. Tho Noble Marquis must
feel how deeply responsible her Majesty's Government
was—first of all, to the Queen of Spain, her Majesty's
ally ; secondly, to all those who thought it better that our
ancient ally should enjoy the blessings of peace in prefer-
ence to the turmoil of a civil war. Again, to all those
who had unfortunately with truth declaimed loudly against
the cruelties which had taken place during that war. And
again—and he was most happy to say that they formed the
large majority of the people of this country—again how
deeply responsible were the Government to all those who
sincerely desired to see an end put to that war where brother
fought with brother, and wherein all ties of relationship
were torn asunder. Instructions were sent out to Lord John
Hay and Colonel Wylde to aid by every means in their
power to put an end to that disastrous war, and, speaking
as an Englishman, he wished that it had been the ex-
clusive work of her Majesty's servants. Colonel Wylde
and Lord John Hay had upon all occasions done their ut-
most to put a stop to the effusion of blood, but it had
been brought to a close by the determined resolution of
the belligerents themselves to terminate their own affairs,
and it would be in the history of Spain one of the most
glorious incidents yet recorded. Victorious as Espartero
undoubtedly was, notwithstanding the opinion of the Noble
Marquis on the subject, occupying a great extent or
country, to which her Most Catholic Majesty's arms had
not before been carried, ho was in a condition to dictate
any terms--( Hear, hear)—and be (Lord Clarendon)
would say that he did not know of any instance of greater
prudence, patriotism, or generosity than that of Espartero,
when, on the part of his Sovereign, he guaranteed to the
officers and men permission to retain their rank and full
pay in her Majesty's service, or to return to their own
homes—( Hear)—and guaranteed to the people of the
provinces those privileges of which every Sovereign of
Spain for centuries had endeavoured to deprive them. Tue
Queen and the Cortes were not long in proving to the
world that the General well understood the fair, and for-
giving, and charitable spirit which, he must say, on every
occasion had distinguished the Liberal party in Spain.—
( Hear.) The Cortes unanimously addressed the Queen,
promising to support her in redeeming the pledges of the
General, and the people throughout Spain rejoiced wish'
acclamations at an event which had so long and so ardently
been desired. It was only in a portion of the Press in
this country that regret at the conciliation was expressed,
and the peace denounced in terms of indignation. In this
Christian country, so distinguished for religion and bone
volence, it was painful to see such denunciations poured '
out against the cessation of bloodshed—the termination of
the misery in which so many thousands of families were
involved, and the conclusion of a civil war. It only
proved how far party spirit can obscure the judgment end
feelings of man.—( Hear, hear.) To party spirit alone
could be attributed tho vituperations poured out against
the Government. That party feeling was disappointed and
defeated in its objce,, by the overthrow of the attempt
to establish a principle of Government incompatible with
liberty. Those who supported such despotic views, by
ju9titytng resistance, supported the cause of revolution;
whereas popular institutions secured the monarchy, and
renderedh
obiitylsaitablhste'oeer
liberal
lhzeuoi
nli possessioe of freedom.—( Hear, hear.)
No man who reflected could deny that this country had a
grteuirtie_thA interestligiicin in, the independence and prosperity of Spain,
distti
institutions.
obr
net denied,sh.e_ allii
ce
awLr
.oa)uwl 'al
tnbdwe
~t ghs
,er
therefore,
establish-
mentyr e
f pro-
motedore,
that every aid
sihlloibuziabl,earn,div,eiinldteocdth,
the usurper,
uestio
the
ee
successloyalt
of whose cause could rot be but injurious to us, at the 0.-nne
time that it would
(bliee.direstiructive to the liberties and hay-
cry
pP
rnis ei
:in fs 0 ci‘t‘fliN 0 Popery" was Ss
Pt
aairnLo—utcry should be raised for the re cstblish-
raiei:erd. )in
thisAt this
country, time
it wt•vhaesn
itu:ri e..