The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-21 00:00:00

114 E sUN. LONDON. ritmAY, MAY 210841.

" Napier, Napier," and great, confusion.) The course then
/ pursued appeared to him to be most inconsidera.e.—(Great
uproar. and cries of " No, no.") They ought to have waited
to settle their present unhappy differences. It was owing
to those that they were suffering the degradation
of being represented, or rather of being misrepresented,
by a Tory.—( Loud cheers.) This was one effect of the pre-
sent unhappy differences, and it was due to the Reformers to
say that they had been in the course of bringing them to a
satisfactory conclusion.—(Cheers, and uproar.) The Ra-
dicals ought to have the representation.—( Cheers and uproar. )
It was unwise to bring forward a third when two were already
in the field.—( Great uproar.) If you decide that Commodore
Napier shall be the man—(Cries of " Yes, yes ; Napier for
ever; we will have him," mingled with cries of " iso, no,"
from the partizans of Mr. Young.) Amidst the din and con-
fusion Mr. Kensett retired.
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, but from the up-
roar it was impossible to hear what he said. A placard, bearing
the inscription, " Napier for Marylebone," was held up amidst
the most deafening applause. At that moment Mr. G. A.
Young pressed forward to the front of the platform. A scene,
of the greatest uproar ensued, his supporters applauding ve-
hemently; but their plaudits were drowned by the cries of
" Off, off l" raised by the supporters of Commodore Napier.
The CHAIRMAN then put the question, and a forest of hands
being held up in its favour, it was declared to be carried amidst
the lunch st acclamation.
Commodore NAPIER then came forward and was receiva d
with the most vociferous applause. He briefly returned thanks,
and retired amidst the loud cheers of the meeting.
Mr. POTTER proposed a vote of than!:s to Mr. Hume for
his conduct in the Chair, which was carried by acclamation,
and the meeting separated.
After the platform had been cleared some person in the boiy
of the hall called for three cheers for Mr. Young. The cheers
were, however, completely drowned by the lUsses of his oppo-
nents, much to the chagrin of Mr. Ackerley, who stood by the
door in a most excited state, and gave audible utterance to his
feelings of disappointment.
The rush to the door, on the breaking up of the meeting,
was so great that it was some time before the room was cleated.

WESTMINSTER MEETING

A meeting of the electors and householders of the Cit

of Westminster, took place yesterday, pursuant to requil-
sition, for the purpose of taking into consideration the
measures proposed by her Majesty's Government for tt.e
reduction of the duties on corn, sugar, and timber. At
one o'clock the High Bailiff, Frederick Smedley, Esq., ap-
peared on the hustings, which were erected, as usual, at the
west end of Covent Garden. The Hon. Gentleman was re-
ceived with loud cheering by the assembled multitude, which
was at this time very numerous.
Among the gentlemen on the platform we observed Mr.
O'Connell,• M.P., who was loudly cheered ; Sir De Lacy
Evans and Mr. Leader, the Members for the City; Colonel
Salwey, M P., Mr. Ewart, M.P., Mr. Hawes, Al. Ik.
Bowring, Mr. Tulk, and other gentlemen.
The HIGH BAILIFF having briefly announced the object of
the meeting, and requested a patient hearing for each speaker,
Sir DE Lacy Eva Ns came forward, and said that this was
not the first time he had had the honour of appearing before
them in that place, but on former occasions the meetings, he
believed, had related to the ordinary politics of the day. On
the present occasion the question for their consideration had
nothing to do with politics. It was a question which
concerned every man, woman, and child, not only there,
but throughout the earl ire. It had no reference to
Tories, Whigs, Chartists, and Radicals, it related solely to the
mode in which the great body of the people of this country
were to be fed. Let them, then, on that occasion not hear one

word about those different classes, for it was a matter of deep
importance to themselves, their wives, and children, on which
he addressed them. It was not his business so much as their
business; notwithstanding, however, the vast importanceof the
subject it was not his intention to trespass atany length on their
attention, first, because they were probably on the eve of a
general election, and he should have various opportunities of
entering more at large upon this deeply-important subject ;
and secondly, becouse there were other gentlemen at the
meeting who were able and willing to propound the subject
to them much better than he could pretend to dn. Before
he proceeded he would ask them one question, Had they ob-
served the grandeur, the opulence, and luxury of the upper
classes of this country ?—(Cries of "We have.") 'I hey
had—but they had only seen a part of it. They were not
admitted into the precincts of the palaces of the great. They
saw the splendid carriages, the fine horses, and the superbly
dressed lackeys; but they were not admitted within the sacred
precincts of their dwellings.---( Cheers.) Then he would also
ask them if they had not seen the misery and distress that
prevailed amongst the other classes?—(Cheers, and cries of
"We hare, we have.") Then he asked them whether there
was any country in the world in which more wealth
was accumulated, or more skill and energy employed
in its acquirement ?—(Cheers. ) If, then, in this country
there was to he found a greater accumulation of wealth than
in any other, he asked them how it was that the great masses
who produced this wealth were suffering under abuses and
oppression, and in a state of the greatest misery and dis-
tress ?—( Hear, hear.) It was to inquire into the cause of
that anomaly, and into the means of remedying that abuse
and oppression, that they were assembled on the present occa-
sion. They were probably surprised that the matter had
not been before presented to them in the manner in which it
would be presented to them in a few months. They had
long known of the distress, but so long as the people of this
country had not thought proper to come forward and evince a
disposition to remedy these abuses, it was useless to expect
any Government to do so. But a !silty had now evinced a
disposition to alter the laws upon this subject. How happened
it that the people, notwithstanding their immense and prodi-
gious industry, should be so poor ? Briefly, because
the great landowners and monopolists of the coun-
try having obtained power in both Houses of Par-
liament had enacted laws by which they were able to ab-
sorb the accumulated interests of the people into their own
pockets.—(Loud cheers.) He believed, notwithstanding the
general feeling of grievance which undoubtedly existed among
a large body of the people, few were aware of the immense in-
justice that had been practised towards them for many years
past.—( A voice in the crowd exclaimed, " Not during the
Whig Administration.") He did not care about any Adminis-
tration, he would have a Chartist Administration if they
wished. Let them have this matter of cheap bread, at all
events. How happened it then, the subject came before
them ? Luckily for them there was a deficiency in the revenue
to the amount of two millions, and the _Minister of the day—he
did not care from what motives—had thought proper to say to
the House of Commons, that this deficiency existed, and that
there were but three modes to remedy it : first, by borrowing
more money (they knew the load of debt already on their
shoulders) ; secondly, by exacting more taxes (for in-
stance, the house tax, the soap tax, and others) ; or,
thirdly, by raising the taxes on articles of general con•
sumption, thus diminishing the burdens of the people, and
increasing at once their means of consumption, and the revenue.
—( Cheers.) Now he said, that from whatever source that
proposition came, the proposition was a good one. Let them
look at the heavy taxes they paid for the monopolists, two-
pence, and more than that, on every four-pound loaf of bread
that entered in their families.—( Cheers.) On what reasonable
ground was this levied on them.—( Cheers. ) Did the people
require these monopolists to pay for any thing they produced
by their ingenuity or labour ? No such thing ; they would laugh
at such a proposition. Suppose there was a proposition made
that the people should pay a tax on every six-pound loaf of
bread they ate. It would not be listened to for a moment ;
yet that would be a less injury to the people at large than the
indirect tax which they now paid for it.—(Cheers.) At pre-
sent, not only were they deprived of the just fruits of their
industry and labour, but the whole commerce of the country
was thus checked and inter' upted.—(Cheers. ) The last topic
that had been discussed in the House of Commons—that
House in which they were said to be represented—
though he would venture to say, they had little to do with it
—(Loud cheers)—was, whether they should have a better
quality of sugar than the West Indies could supply them with,
and at a cheaper rate, but then it was immediately said they
would ruin our West India colonies, and that the people of this
country did not require sugar, for labour sweetened every
thing they ate. If it were possible to surpass the injustice of
such arguments, the hypocrisy was still more revolting to the
mental eye.—(Loud cheers.) Why, six mi lions a year
of the income of the country was expended abroad,
because those who received it could there have greater luxuries
at smaller cost. The people mightlnot know, but yet it was well
known that a great quantity of the manufactures of this country
were going to Germany, Spain, France, and the United States,
and that many of our most skillful men were carrying on our
manufactures, and thus enabling them to rival us and to expel
our own commodities. This was a bad system of legislation.—
( Cheers.) Perhaps the speakers at all public meetings were
disposed to exaggerate a little, but he was bound to
say he had exaggerated nothing, and in proof of
this, he would tell them that a Committee of the House
of Commons assembled last year to consider this matter,
and call before them, not enthusiasts, not partisans,
but gentlemen who, for thirty or forty years, had
been distinguished members of the Board of Trade, and
other branches of the civil administration of the coun-
try. He would give them the evidence of that Committee.
He would give them one or two of the answers that had been
given by these gentlemen. Mr. Macgregor was asked what
were the protective duties imposed to protect British agricul-
ture and grazing ; and by the way that word " protect" was a
very important one, which might be changed for something
much worse.—[Mr. O'Connell—ltobbery. I—( Great cheering
and laughter.) ' Yes, as his Hon. Friend had said, it was rob-
bery...--( Hear, hear.) The answer of Mr. Macgregor was, that
he had made out a list of some of the articles upon which
prohibitory duties were imposed in order to protect
British agriculture. Corn and flour, and meal of all kinds
were kept out by prohibitory duties,. except when
corn was at a famine price at home. Malt, beef, pork, lamb,
mutton, cattle, sheep, swine, bacon, tongues, and the most
trifling things, even sausages.—( Great laughter and cries of
" Oh, tr. under !") Few of th . poorer classes had an idea, when
they were eating their sausages of a morning, that they were
paying 11. per lb. to the landlords byway of protection. Even
potatoes were included.
Mr....,O'CoNNELL—HurrEh for the potatoes.—(Cheers. )

Sir DE LACY EVANS—Beer and ale were alsO prohibited.
You don't like beer.—( Great laughter.) The landlords make
you pay a tax of 2s. per gallon on all you drink. Cider was
not good for their health, in their opinion, for it was pro-
hibited ; lard, onions, and the most trifling matters were in-
cluded. It reminded him of the trunk of the elephant, which
could pick up a pin or tear up a tree by the roots ; and in the
same way the monopolist landlords cou:d grasp the smallest or
the largest matters in the taxation of the country.—( Cheers.)
Mr. M'Gregor was asked in doing so did they not impose a
tax upon the consumers of these articles, and his answer, was,
that in taxing the necessaries of life undoubtedly they did so,
and they were the worst possible of all taxes.—( Hear, hear. )
Now these men were unconnected with politics altogether,
and that was why he was anxious to give the meeting their
sentiments. Another question was, what did he suppose the
present law with regard to bread and flour added to the cost of
these articles? The answer was between 40 and 80 per cent.
Now if that evidence was true it was clear that on their 9d. or
10d. a loaf they were paying at least 4d. to the landlords.
(Cries of " Shame.") They complained, and very naturally,
of the weight of the taxes imposed on them, but the indirect tax
on bread and flour was greater than all the rest put together.
Taking the gross amount of all the taxes paid into the Ex-
chequer at fifty millions, he considered the taxes on corn and
flour, in consequence of the prohibitory duties, equal to double
that amount. LA good deal of amusement was here occasioned
by an attack being made by the crowd upon a placard on which
the number of dinners eaten by Lord Melbourne and the boy
Jones at the Palace was displayed. It was speedily puled
down, and in a few minutes torn to pieces, amidst great
cheering and laughter.] The Government proposed to ame-
liorate the condition of the people by taking off some
of those taxes which pressed most heavily upon their industry,
and he was not sorry that they had met with opposition—he
was not sorry that the monopolists had combined and confe-
derated on the present occasion, because, instead of having a
portion of the benefit doled out to them, the matter was now
brought fully before the people, and would be discussed upon
every hustings in the country. The question was now put
into the hands of the people, and the whole question of their
false legislation would be fully investigated throughout every
portion of the empire.—( Loud cheers.) He should not detain
them further, but move the first resolution for their adoption.
" That it is the opinion of this meeting that any law which
causes the enhancement of the prices of the necessaries of life,
for the exclusive benefit of any class of the community, is a
gross violation of national justice."
Mr. Tutu had much pleasure in seconding the resolution.
Nothing could exceed the patience of the people in enduring

the pelting of the storm—[The ram was pouring down in tor-
rents]—except their patience in enduring the sufferings of their
hard task-masters, the aristocracy of the kingdom. It had
been well said by their excellent representative, that, ge-
nerally speaking, they were not represented in the National
Assembly.—( Hear.) Who were the laws of the country made
by? By the representatives- of the richest portion of the com-
munity. The laws were not made for the sake of the humbler
classes, but for the benefit of those who were
more immediately interested. He would not take up
much of theirstime by dwelling upon the momentous ques-
tion, which would soon be agitated throughout every part
of the country. The question fur them was, were they to have
cheap bread and other articles of general consumption, or were
they to be ground down and taxed in order to put money
into the pockets of the aristocracy. (Hear, hear. )
It had been said that by having cheap sugar they were giving
encouragement to slave labour, but these men appeared to
think nothing of the slavery and oppression existing in their
own country. 'They appeared to think nothing of the poorer
classes who would be relieved and benefitted by these measures.
Were they desirous of the continuance of a law which enhanced
the price of the priinest necessary of life.—(Cries of " No,
r:o.") Then every one who cried no would hold up th. it hands
for the motion which had been read to them.— (Cheers.)
The resolu het was then put and agreed to, a forest of hands
being held up for it, and only six out of a very large meeting
being held up against it.
Mr. LEADER then addressed the meeting, and was received
with loud cheers. He did not appear there to support any po-
litical party, 1 ut to ask the support of the electors and work-
ing men of Westminster to the pi inciples of free trade—( Loud
cheers)—without which it was utterly impossible for the ma-
nufacturing and mercantile interests of the country could re-
main in a state of prosperity, without which it was impossible
to ameliorate the condition of the working classes. They
ought to support the proposition of the Ministers because it
was designed for their benefit. He confessed the measures pro-
posed did not go far enough, but he would ask any otse present
whether half a loaf was not better than no bread?—(Cheers. )
There was an unholy alliance entered into between the West
Indian, the timber, and the shipping interests, and the landlords,
the Church, and all the other interests.—(Cheers) All of
them were united against the great interest of the com-
munity ; they were the classes who profited, to the de-
triment of the working classes and the community at
large—the great body of the working classes suffered when
they were profiling—such a state of things was not to be en-
dured in a free country. They had been told that the people
would not suffer any speaking but on one subject; but he WAS
deligh ed to see their conduct that day, because he was certain
that until the working classes were firmly united with the
middle classes, nothing could be done for ameliorating
the condition of either.—(Loud cheers.) One good measure
was proposed, three good measures were proposed, a large party
'n the State were pledged to them, but even though that was
the case, the support of the working community was absolutely
necessary, in order that they should become the law of the
land. (Loud cheers.) The time when that should
be the case depended upon their union— (Hear, hear)---
upon the exertions they should make—upon the energetic
support which these who proposed the measures should receive
from the working classes. He had often promised, and from
his promise he would never depart, that in so far as he was
able the working community should be represented in the
House of Commons. But because they were not represented,
was that any good reason why they should refuse a good mea-
sure, come from ehom it might—come it even from an ene-
my ?—(Loud cheers.) He was one who would take a good
measure from one or other of the parties. He was one
who was disposed to take a great good for the
country, from whoever offered it. The Corn-laws had
been enacted to secure a monopoly for a certain class. And
the effect of them was, to cripple the manufacturer and the
commerce of the country, derange its monetary transactions,
and cause distress amongst the working classes, which he was
perfectly certain the meeting would deeply deprecate. The
Hon. Member then moved a resolution to the effect that the
meeting would look upon those effects with feelings of the
deepest emotion and condemnation.
That the Corn-laws were enacted for the purpose of secur-
ing high rents to the landowners, and have had the effect of
crippling the manufactures, commerce, and industry of the
country; deranging its monetary transactions, and mainly
causing a state of poverty to the industrious classes, which
this meeting deprecates with feelings of the deepest emotion."
Mr. ELLIS seconded the resolution. If they were aware to
what extent the working classes were taxed, they would not
hesitate for a moment to remove the burthens that pressed
upon their industry. It was well for the nobles of
the land the bishops and clergy, to tell them to rest
quiet, but when a measure was introduced that
would extend the commerce of the country, and open
fresh channels for trade by which every labourer might have
full employment, and have some of the luxuries which the
rich enjoyed, he thought it was to their interest to do all in
their power to support them. He exhOrted them, by all
that they possessed, to strengthen the hands of
the men who were willing to carry out measures that would
have that effect. It was pretended to be said that this was for
the protection of vested interests. What protection, he
weuld ask, had the working classes for their labour?
By the measures that had been proposed all the
monopolies would be upset.—( Loud cheering.) The
Corn-laws were passed for the benefit of the landlords, to the
great inconvenience of the- working classes. He would give
his most hearty support to the resolution that had just been
proposed, and he trusted that it would be his good
fortune to live to see the day when all monopoly would
be done away with.—(Cheers.) He would say, let the
county unite as one man, and tell the Legislature we will have
cheap coffee, cheap corn, and cheap sugar—(Cheers)—and
that they, as Englishmen, were determined to sit down by
their firesides and be happy.,—( Cheers.)
The HIGH BAILIFF then put the resolution to the meeting,
and amid some confusion, declared it to be carried.
Mr. EWART, M.P., then came forward to move the next
resolution, amid the greatest uproar and confusion, occasioned
by an individual named Henderson coming forward to address
the meeting. For some time the noise was so great that
neither Mr. Ewart or Mr. Henderson could say a word ; at
length Mr. Ewart gave way, and
Mr. HENDERSON then came forward to address the meeting;
but was met with cries of " Down, down." He would ask
whether the last resolution had been fairly put to
the meeting or not.—(Loud cries of " No, no.") Ile
had an amendment to propose to that resolution,
Aith ugh the Chairman had declared, that whatever it was, he
would not put it to the meeting.—( Cries of " Shame.") He
woul I ask the Chairman whether he did not request him to
allow him to speak before he put the last resolution.—(Cries
of •‘ Get down. get down, we don't want to hear you.)
He was an inhabitant of Westminster, and would persevere
in claiming his right to address that meeting. He was a work-
ing man, and had been told by a gentleman, then present, that
he was in the pay of the Tories.—(Cheers.) lie denied that
he was so, although he saw these about him who were
in the pay of the Whigs. —( Laughter . ) He con-
sidered the present question a most important one,
and one in which the working man had peculiar interest—
( Great confusion.) The amendment he intended to propose
was to the following effect :—" That this meeting cannot but
regsrd with suspicion the professions of her Majesty's Ministers
in iiitroducing a measure for the reduction of the sugar duty." The
other part of the resolution was lost amid the uproar arid con-
fusion that prevailed, in the course of which Mr. Henderson,
finding it impossible to obtain a hearing, retired from the front
of the platform, and the amendment he had proposed, not being
seconded, fell to the ground.
Mr. EWA la then came forward, and proceeded to address
the meeting amidst frequent interruptions. The last speaker,
he said, had called upon them to cast- suspicions en those who
had proposed the measures they were come to discuss, and who
would equally tend to promote the benefit of all. He did not
wish to cast suspicions on any man, but he would ask them if
it were not for their interest to have cheaper bread, cheaper
coffee, and cheaper timber.—( Cheers and uproar.) They had
already heard detailed to them the evils which they suffered from
monopoly and unjust taxation.—(l.oud cheers.) He
was sure they were the enemies of such a system,
and that they felt that they had a right to share in the goods
which Providence had designed for all men. The present
evils, however, could not be remedied by moving amendments
which the parties themselves did not understand, and which
had found no seconder.—(Cheering and interruption proceed-
ing, however, from a very small portion of the meeting. )
Those were vital and practical questions, and he called upon
them no longer to endure the iniquities under which they now
,suffered. When oppression came taxing their bread, their
coffee, and their sugar, would they not come boldly for-
ward and resist it ? (Hear, hear.) He called upon
them to use their best exertions, in a cause in which they were
so deeply interested, and not to desist till success had crowned
their efforts. The resolution he had to propose to them re-
lated no less to the duty on meat and live stock than to that on
timber, sugar, and coffee. At Hamburgh, beef could be pur-
chased at 20. per lb., while in England it cost n-ere than
double that amount ; so that the man who was unhappy
enough to have an appetite for meat—(Laughter)—
must either forego the luxury of gratifying it, or
must pay for it twice its own value. Again he would sup-
pose that many among them were members of temperance
societies.—( Hear, hear. and laughter.) He was himself a
member of one of those societies, and he gloried in it.—
(" A cheer for the Teestotallera," from Mr. O'Connell, to
which the greater part of the meeting loudly responded.) Now
they, (the Tee-totallers), wished fur cheap sugar, but the
monopolists replied in and said, they should not have it.
The same argument was used with regard to corn, which
entered into the consumption of every man.--(Hear.)
An these reasons- were unjust, and he called upon the meeting
to struggle fur their repeal and to support the proposition sub-
initted to the Legislature, for it was their own interest that
they should do so. Let them frame associations for the pur-
pose of waging war against existing monopolies and unjust re-
stri tions. He called on the people of Westminster to assist
them in the great cause in which they were engaged. It
would not be enough to proclaim the evils under which
they suffered, but they should also evince a deter-
mined spirit to resist them.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gen-
tleman concluded by submitting the following resolution to
the meeting :
" That, legislation of class interests has become so predo-
minant in this land, not only as regards Corn, but also as
regards Timber, Sugar, and other necessaries of life, includ-
ing the prohibition of live stock and butcher's meat, that the
accumulation of evils produced thereby, ought no longer to be
continued."
Mr. O'Cosr NELL came forward amidst loud and
general cheering to second the re. olution. He wished
to tell them that there ought to be unanimity in sup-
porting the resolution, because it was the same in prin-
ciple as that which the Chartist gentleman had moved
before him. And if that gentleman had taken his ad-
vice, he would himself have seconded it, for he agreed in
every word it contained. There was not a more thorough
Radical than he was ; and he seconded the present resolution
because it was Radical in principle. The Hen. Gentleman
then read the resolution, which he said he entirely approved of.
He was there to impeach class legislation.—( Cheers.) He
was there, in his capacity of Radical, to tell that meeting of
Englishmen and of Irishmen—( Hear, hear, and laughter )
that there was not a more sordid aristocracy in the world than
the aristocracy of England—that there was not an aristocracy
mare grinding and more inimical to every principle of civil and
religious liberty.—(Cheers.) Let them not think, however,
that he came there to praise the Whigs or abuse the Tories.
He wan there as the advocate of the people, and the enemy of
every monopoly. Was that their motto, (said the Honourable
Gentleman, pointing to a placard placed on one of the
houses opposite, with the effigy Of an office- over
it. He would tell them what it meant—Homo homi ni
&Irian, that was to say," Man was often a demon to his fellow-
man." That was a fit motto for the aristocracy of England.
It was not the motto they bore upon their carriages, but it was
the motto upon which they framed their principles. He would
tell them that there should be a new formation of parties in
this country. There had hitherto been parties for the Tories,
Whigs, for the aristocracy and the.Chureh—for every
party
but the people. It .was time the people should
rouse theuse themselves in their own behalf; and let not fool:sh quar-
rels, paltry differencee—let not ridiculous falsehoods uttered
e them—let not
such
uug
rcadhi
tsy oft
things
those who
prevent
hoesud fora
00
imlnefe ramoment
hme u cn
gthere,t
hbe eishowing the ab-
surdity e,.
exertions. They
should have an honest feeling for the people _
let
that man who loves liberty endeavour to get as much
of it as he could. Let them not tell him they were '
to have nothing if they did not get all. That
was the way to have nothing.—(Cheers and laughter.) If
they could not obtain the entire charter, was it not better for
them to get a part of
't . Would they not then be stronger
to get more ?—(Hear, hear.) Did they ever hear- of a man
going up the stair case
going upon a roof without first

That, however, was the principle of his friend opposite—
(pointing to a disturber in the crowd). He would not, he said,
be satisfied to get into the house unless he were to pass by the
garret.—(Laughter.) John Bull was generally esteemed a
man of common sense, but in the present instance he would
seem to have renounced it. It was the interest of all to have
corn, timber, and sugar cheaper. It was said, how-
ever, that until they got the charter they should
use dear sugar. But what harm would it be to
the charter if sugar became cheaper?-(Laughter.) Would
not the charter be the sweeter for .it.—(Cheers and great
laughter.) Give- him commonsense . for ever: Common
sense was a jewel.—( Hear.) Let them have cheap
sugar for themselves, and their families, and the
next morning they would be better able to battle for their
charter.—( Cheers. ) He would next pass to the question of
the Corn-laws. There was a man opposite him thumping
with a hollow chest.—,(The person here alluded to
cried out, " I work for my chest, and that is more than you
do.") You were never, said Mr. O'Connell, in your
life more mistaken. I work as hard as you do, and the
difference between us is, that my good humour makes me fat;
and your crossness makes you lean.--(Cheers and laughter. )
Was it not a hideous thing that the poor mother
should stint herself to give food to her children. If the
Duke of Buckingham were to walk in and tell her that she
should divide her loaf with him, would not every one
raise the voice against such injustice? And yet that
was, in reality, what the Duke of Buckingham di t ;
he had not the courage to go into her house, but he got
an Act of Parliament—he of i precisely the same thing.
Now, he asked any Chartist if there was such an animal in
the meeting.—( Great laughter.) He asked him, was it not
better to give his wife a loaf than to give it to the Duke of
Buckingham? "Would it not be better that his family should
have it than the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Winchel-
sea, or any other nobleman ?—( Hear, hear.) Let them make
a rally then in favour of cheap sugar, cheap bread, cheap tim-
ber. and cheap provisions.—(Cheers, and a cry of " The
Charter.") The Charter would not fatten them.—(Laughter.)
He had yesterday received a return of the price of bread in
Paris sod in London, and the rate of wages in Paris and in
London, and he could tell them that in Paris the working man
could earn one-fourth more than in London. In Paris there
was undoubtedly a circumstance which made wages high at
present, namely, the fottifications ; but at present they were
higher than in London, while bread was only half the price it
was in London.—(Loud cheers, and a voice in the crowd,
66 What's the price of beef?") He was just coming to that.
Beef was higher, and why? Because there was a law, like
the English Corn-law, prohibiting the importation of cattle
into France.—(Cheers.) For that reason, shame to the brutes,
they actually eat horse-flesh, because the law prohibited meat
or cattle being sent into France.--(Loud cheers.) The law
was cruel there, and it was equally tyrannical in England.
Who did these laws operate upon ? The high and the rich ?
No. All these were able to get broad and corn enough for
themselves, but it was upon the operatives and the working
classes—it was upon the poor, the humble, the unprotected, that
they pressed most heavily. Talk of protection to land and
cattle, he wanted protection for the humble and the poor.
The 11 hig reign was over.—( Two or three persons in the
crowd cheered.) What a small hurra the Chartists made.—
( Great laughter.) But the Whigs were assuming a higher po-
sition, and placing themselves in the front of the popular move-
ment. They were coming forward with the great principles
which belonged to popular liberty, and which was, so different
from their former practice.—( Cheers.) He was not there to
advocate the cause of the Whigs ; but if he were, he could con-
trast their conduct with that of any other party in
power.—(Cheers.) They had done more for England, and
they had endeavoured to do more for Ireland, than
any other party.—(Cheers.) The Whigs were now placing
themselves at the head of a most useful popular movement.
He cared not what they were called if they worked well for the
people. They had announced new and import ant principles of
legislation, and the Tories had opposed them. If the Tories
had brought these measures forward he would have stood there
to support them. What were those principles ?—the taking off
the taxes which pressed most heavily on the industry of the
people. The Whigs had placed themselves at the head of
that mighty annd majestic principle, and whatever oppo-
sition might be given to it, it was on its march,
and must ultimately triumph.—(Loud cheers.) The moral
force Reformers, to which he belonged, who looked to moral
force alone for ;he advancement of civil liberty, and who would
obtain for every man of 21 years of age, and unstained by crime,
the right to vote (for he would be content with nothing less)
—the men who would obtain the protection of the Ballot, the
shortening of Parliaments, and universal eligibility, there
being no other justification than the voter of an honest con-
stituency—that class had been smothered by the Whigs,
and their paltry cry of finality—they had been smothered
by the Chartists.—(Cries of " No, no," and " Yes, yes.")
But they would ultimately prevail.—(Cheers.) Every rational
Chartist would join in battling for these measures—they would
have a new party—a real Convention of Reformers.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The public spirit of the
country was on its march the public mind was
aroused, and the tyranny of the aristocracy must be put an end
to. Was it not well known that there never was such bribery
as at the late elections.—( Hear, and a cry of " St. Albans.")
He did not want to screen any party. But was there not
bribery at Canterbury ?—and at Cambridge and at Sandwich,
where the Duke of Wellington sent in 81 out of 82 votes;
and was there not bribery at Nottingham, where Mr. Walter
came? He had received a letter from Nottingham, stating
the very price at Which votes had been purchased.
( Groans.) He was against all parties who bribed, and against
the perjury which was produced by bribery. He was for the
honest-ballot. How was it to be obtained? By the people
throwing off the fetters and shackles of sectional parties.
He would put that to every honest Chartist. They com-
plained of the other classes of society, but how could
they be honest if they demanded exclusive legislation for
themselves? Did not the Chartists exclaim against the middle
classes as if they did not belong to them, when they had ob-
tained some standing and position in society?—( Loud cheers. )
He rejoiced at the multitudinous meeting assembled before
him, and he augured from it better days for England. He
held in his hand a map of the manner in which corn had risen
in different years, and there was scarcely ever a period when
corn was substantially dearer than at present, while there never
was a period when wages were so low, or so many unemployed.
—(Hear, hear.) Day after day they heard of mills and fac-
tories being at work some only four, some only three, and
others only two days in the week, while others were entirely
closed. Distress and poverty was among the people, and he
implored them to listen to this fact. In the year when corn
was highest, there were the greatest number of committals,
and executions, and transportations. Why was that ? because
the people were driven to crime by the pressure of unrelenting
cruelty. The people were as moral before ; but a starving wife and
children moved many men to a violation of the law, and spolia-
thm of other person's property. There was another fact connected
with that subject, that by the returns of the deaths, births, and
marriages, it appeared that during the dear corn years, the
marriages were fewest—that was a misfortune in itself—the
children were the fewest, and the deaths were nearly two to
one of the other years. Crime and mortality were increased in
the dear corn years ; but what did the Duke of Buckingham
or the Earl of Winchilsea care for that? The people were
hunted into their graves, and the aristocracy stood over them,
and said, " Oh, it is only the canaille—they are the lower
orders ; what care we for them." Let Englishmen, then, rouse
themselves.—( Cheers.) Let them not look at small or paltry
divisions. A new division had taken place among the people
—the monopolists on the one side, the grinders of the faces of
the poor and the poor-starvers—and on the other the people,
the friends of large loaves and .plenty of food, of high wages
and of popular liberty, and of freedom of conscience.—(Much
cheering.) Who were against them? The aristocracy, and
let them not think he was bigotted when he said the parsons
were against them.— (Hear, and a laugh)—most of the law-
yers were against them—every raven that fattened upon the
public plunder was against them.—(Cheers.) He did not doubt
but that Lord Cardigan and Lord Hill were against them.—
( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Lord Waldegrave was very angry
with them—((roans)—and but for the public Press he would
Lave got off scot free, for what a pour man had been a short
time previously transported. Shame upon the law, and the
law makers —shame upon the law distributors—and shame upon
the people who did not rally one and all for constitutional
liberty. He had already said that they coxed not get all at
once. He had been all his life an advocate fur instalments,
and 10s. in the pound would give them courage and strength
to demand the remainder.—( Hear, hear.) Let the popular
mind be roused throughout the country. Mere Whig finality
Ministers could never sit again.—(Loud cheers.) Their
only means would be to join the movement, the great
and glorious movement that was now afoot.—(Cheers. )
They had arrived at a moment when one party was tottering
while the other trembled on its approach to office. Had not
the Torie, added thousands of millions to the public debt.—
( Cheers.) Yes, the people were not now blind to the perjury
the bribery, and hypocrisy of that party, and the people would
not now suffer them to ride rough-shod over them again.—
( Hear.) The public voice had gone abroad so loudly, that it had
reached even to St. Stepheit's.----(Laughter)—the MiniAry
that were for finality only a year ago, were for the movement
now.—(Cheers.) Let all join in the present movement. Some
might blame him for supporting a fixed duty —he
did not support it, but he knew that let them once obtain a
fixed duty, they would soon send the Bs. after the rest.—
( Cheers. ) He therefore called upon them to rally for
English liberty—to rally for constitutional freedom—to
rally for the extension of the franchise—( Cheers )--to rat y for the
Ballot, but above all let them rally for cheap bread—( Cheers)
—cheap bread for the poor—to give more meat to the poor
man, and mere food to his infant. Although the Whigs were
at the head of the present movement, let the people, as they said
in Ireland, form the tail. He was told the Tories had bribed
a large section of the people, but their money was run out—
they wanted to get in again to enrich themselves,_ but the
people had found them out—their triumph would be short. They
had tilled the prisons with persons against whom no offence had
been proved.—( So did the Whigs.) No, they had not. He
was ter opening the prison doors to every political offender, he
would not care whether the inmate of the cell was an O'Con-

nor, or an O'Brien, or any one else ,• but had they forgotten
Oliver—had they forgotten the Manchester massacre ten
(Cries Cries of Hear, hear,) Did not they suspend the Ha-
beas Corpus Act? Had they not greatly increased the tax-
ation of the country? He therefore called upon them to
rally, in order that a great and noble principle might
be established. The demon Tories deeply taxed the
democracy, in order to support in splendour a rich and insolent
to sp
aristocracy. Would the country stand that any longer.—( Cries
of " No, no.") He was never more grateful than upon
.
that d
hoec occasion,
not
,
for
Cheers. )ed some
Theyfora had allowed him to
enunciate his principles, and those were their own • then
he called upon them to follow out their own principles, for
they had now been adopted by the Whigs. The Govern-
ment had taken up the principles of the people, then let the
people assist them, and help them to overcome their enemies,
bea from,llo
who on this, as on all occasions, were the eriemies of the
people. He remembered a saying of Horne Tooke, who
being remonstrated with for acting with a party who did
not go far enough for him, said, " If they take the waggon
of Public Liberty so far as Hounslow I shall go with them,
because I shall be so far on my road to Windsor. "—(Cheers.)
Now, then, let the . people go with the Whigs so far as
they would go—get what they could from them, and then
try others from whom they would get more. Scotland was up
upon the question ; the working population of England was
roused, and Ireland would not be .backward in the rightful agi-
tation.—( Cheers. ) For forty years he had worked for an
often betrayed, and therefore cautious and -suspicious people,
but they gave him their entire confidence, and be
,would +e.
it in the promotion (~f civil and religious liberty to all.->
(Cheers.) Full ibeity to the poor man was involved in the
proposition of the Government, and he hoped that every poor
man's friend would sqport them.'--( Cheers. )
Dr. BOWILING then came. forward to propose the next reso. '
lution, and was most enthusiastically cheered. Every person
in the country was suffering inoconsequenee of the misgovern.
ment that oppressed them, 10,r., ,lilanY years. By the proposi-
tious that had been put lorartt by the Government, they pro •
posed to 'give to the landlords of the country 10,000,000/. ; but
L°,,.....,,,.
_130,000,01. would not satisfy their -grasping
131-"uacityw...l &ors: ) 0 the question of sugar also the Go-,
vernment had offered a boon of
.12s. per cwt. io the East and
, eird that was smother West India. prouticers, -.er 2,400,0004 taken
from the people. itild•• yel' "wlow'r "t -satisfied., 'rile, West'
India Proprietors had tiltpl , ;000,000/., frpro, the people be,.
fore. they would do anYtn!ng lor tr ,s9ppression. of slavery,
and now they came forward -. vt'oted a few millions
more, stating than they were as anxious for the suppression of
slavery as
the.peopie were. He trosted_ that the people would
be alive to their own interests, and support the ,measures pro-
posed by her Majesifs.lthniders•—(Prers4,.,The•rekolution
. . . , .'' ' •!' A''t!'it'd ,f6..it's A

liAti

he had to propose was—" That when measures were propounded
by her Majesty's Ministers for the abatement of monopoly in
corn, sugar, timber, &c.; those' interested in upholding high
prices of the necessaries of life combine to frustrate such an
object."—( Cheers.
Mr. PuouT seconded the resolution. They could not be
told too often that wages did not depend upon the price of food.
The labouring man was bowed down to the earth by the mono-
polies and ticks of those who bad governed the land, and it was
for the purpose of putting an end to such monopoly that
the Ministers of the Crown had introduced the present mea-
sur.ss; and, as they were good, it mattered not to him what
had calmed the Ministers to bring them forward,—( Cheers)—
and this he would say that, the people must be mad if they
did not support their. The people must be up and stirring,
and do their duty, by adopting such a course as he had pointed
out.--( Cheers. )
Dr. WADE supported the.resolutiou. He was proud as a
clergyman of the Church of England to take part in the dis-
cussion of this most important subject.--(Cheers.) He had
always stood forth against his own interest to advocate that of the
por and needy, and for this he had been frowned upon by the
landowners, but he was proud to see that which he had been
working for all his life was coming to pass.—(Cheers.) He
considered this question one of humanity.—( Cheers.) He was
-in principle for a total repeal of the Corn-laws.--( Cheers. )
He was for perfectly free trade, but he was also for unanimity.
—( Cheers.) The Government had pot in the) edge of the
wedge, and he trusted the people would take care that that
wedge should be driven home. (Cheers.) The tree
of monopoly was the tree of corruption, its fruit
was poison, and its shadow was death.—(Cheers.) He
would say, then, hew it down, why cumbereth it the ground ?
( Great cheering.) The Corn-law was an infernal law.—
Cheers.) Holy Writ denounced it, Holy Writ advocated free
trade—(Cheers)—as well as no prohibition of Corn. It said
that all the fruits' on the face of the earth were for the use of
man.-(Cheers.) It said that not only bad the labourer a
claim upon the land, but that he was to be the first partaker
of its fruits.—(Cheers.) The Scriptures denouneed those who
deprived the nation of 'their corn, as those who were robbers
of Jehovah himself.--( Great cheering.) Lord John Rus
sell had moved the straw, and the land-rats and the
water-rats did not know where to go.—( Cheers and laughter. )
The people must send in their ferrets among them, and rout
them cut—(Laughter)—and he trusted they would lend their
aid to the Ministers, to stop up the holes through which those
rats had got into their granaries.—(Great laughter.) Before
he sat down he must say a word or two to his friends the
Chartists. He only wished they would co operate with them,
and not be led away, as they appear to have been. The Charter
was only a means to an end—one end was to obtain plenty and
abundance for the people.—( Cheers.) This was one of the
ends they were advocating that day, and it was an end,
too, that would enable the people ultimately to ob-
tain the Charter.—[Here the figure that had been placed
on the top of the house of Mr. Burnett to rcpre-
sent the Duke of Buckingham, fell down, and caused much
amusement]. He was glad to see that, it was a good sign, for
it showed that.the landlords were on their last legs.—( Great.
laughter.) The Chartists wanted the release of Mr. O'Con
nor and the other members of their body, who were incarcerated.
but they did not proceed in the way only by which they could
obtain it. He was as anxious as any man for their release, but
he must say this, that when the people wanted anything from'
those who were in' power, the way to obtain it was not by
spitting in the face of those from whom they asked a favour.
—(Cheers.) He would lay it down as a principle for the
Chartists, that it was base and foolish to join the Tories
against the Liberal measures that had been proposed
by the Government.—( Loud cheers.) The Tories were
not to be believed, they were like the Thugs, for under the
pretence of benefiting the people they would put the rope
about their necks and destroy them.—(Cheers.) He would
conclude with saying, Peace to our Queen and her Throne,
and plenty to the labourer in his cottage..-4 Great cheering. )
The resolution was then put to the meeting by the' HIGH
BAILIFF. and declared to be carried unanimously.
Mr. TROTT then proposed the presentation of petitions to
both Houses of Parliament., embodying the resolutions that had
been agreed to that day, and praying for the repeal of all laws
affecting the necessaries of life.—( Cheers. )
Mr. TYRELL seconded the resolution. He hoped, at the next
election the people would extort a pledge from every candidate
to support the repeal of the Corn-laws,_ and that if they woula
not give that pledge, that they would have nothing to do with
them.— (Cheers.) The petitions were then adopted by the
meeting, and it was also agreed that Earl Fitzwilliam should be
requested to present the one to the House of Lords, and the
Members for Westminster the one to the House of Commons.

A vote of thanks was then unanimously carried to the High
Bailiff for his impartial conduct, and the meeting separated,
after giving three cheers for free trade, cheap sugar, cheap
timber, and which was the longest and loudest of all, for cheap
bread.

SIR R. PEEL AND THE TIMES.
SANE ME FROM MY FRIENDS."

(From the Times of yesterday.)
There was one part of Sir R. Peel's speech, however,
which we must acknowledge gave us considerable pain, and
which must also give pain to no small number of the Right
Hon. Baronet's friends, who support his general view of Con-
servative policy. He repelled the chaTe of faction absurdly
brought against him by Lord John Russell, in what we cannot
but think an injudicious manner, by reminding the House that
he had assisted the Noble Lord and hie Ministry on the pri-•
vilege question, and, on the question of the New Poor-
law—or, in other words, that he had identified him-.
self with the Whig party on two very unpopular occa'ions.
Surely this is not the time to boast of such achievements as
these. If there was merit in such a coalition, we are at a loss
to see what should hinder the Right Hon. Baronet from givina'
his general support to the Ministry which he then upheld.
Both those measures were characteristic of the party
from which they came; and to say that those were good
measures, seems to us much the sante thing as saying that
Lord Melbourne ought to continue Minister. Surely it is an,
erroneous system of action, in the leader of a great and .
influential party, to show disrespect (without any apparent,
motive or reason), not only for those who, agreeing to his ge-
neral principles, may differ from him on one or two important
points, but for what above all things ought to be dear to a
public man, especially when out of office—the affections of the
majority of his countrytnen. If it a merit to have supported
Lord John Russell in those particular measures which have
tended to make the Whigs most odious in the country,
it may perhaps be a merit to have originally brought
him into office, and placed him in a position to carry them, by
obstinately resisting the common sense of the nation upon the
subject of reform. Are we to have, in the year 1841, another
exhibition of that species of political wisdom, which in 1839 re-
fused to enfranchise even one of the great manufactu-
rin towns ? If so, it cannot be long before we
have a similar result. We respectfully think that these
are serious errors in the polioy of the Right Honourable
Baronet. They tend to throw into perplexity, not one or two
only, but great many of his most zealous supporters, and the
great body of tl-e people. It seems difficult to account for
them, except by supposing either that the Right Han. Baronet
is better qualified to gain a victory than to use it, or that he
thinks it of little importance whether the country is governed
by Lord Melbourne or by himself.
The current opinion as to the intentions of Ministers (we
attach little importance to their own declarations) seems to be,
that they will endeavour to retain office in spite of the late
division, at all events till the question of the Corn-law has
been disposed of; and that they will be guided as to a disso-
lution by the view which intermediate events pay lead
them to take of its probable regult, We have no fear what-
ever of that remit, except from the possible effect of such in.
discreet expressions as that of Sir R. Peel, upon which we
have been commenting. No doubt it is in the power of the
Conservative leaders so to act or speak as to take away the heart
of their supporters, and exasperate the working ek§r§ against
them throughout the country. tint it they will only act and
speak with courage and decision, and with a right feeling of
what is due to the people and themselves, the ball is at their
feet, and it is in their power to cut short the existence of Mi-
nisters at any moment.