The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-29 00:00:00

of the world had been distinguished by vigour and accompanied
by success, but he would call his attention to a few remarks, as

bearing upon the diplomacy of the Noble Lord. In 1833 and
1834 Persia was an independent State, and might have been a
successful barrier to Russian encroaehments. The Noble Lord
boasted of having effected a change in Persia, and it was re-
markable that Persia, thus altered in 1836, became estranged in
1837, and hostile in 1838. Another specimen was the transac-
tions at Java, where our trade amounted to 200,0001., and
where the dwies, by treaty, never varied nor extended beyond
6 per cent. Those duties, contrary to treaty, were raised to' 5
and even 40 per cent. during the negotiation of the Noble Lord.
When the Noble Lord commenced those negociations we
had a flourishing trade with Algiers, a country possessing
ten millions of inhabitants, where we enjoyed the right
of importing and exporting at a duty of 5 per cent., but the
" friendly" Government of France passed an ordinance in
1839 to exclude all British ships, extended the tariff, and most
seriously incommoded our trade, and almost destroyed it. At
Rortendic in 1834 the British merchants had sustained through
France a loss of 100,0001., and Session after Session the Noble
Lord had assured the House they should obtain redress, but
they had not done so to that hour--(Hear, hear)—and the
French, •perceiving the impolicy of the Noble Lord, stepped
from Senegal to Gambia, and there put a stop to British com-
merce. The same course was pursued in America. He need
not call attention to the injury our trade had sustained in
Mexico in consequence of the feeble policy of the Noble
Lord. Rio de la Plata was most willing and able
to receive our merchandize, and there was a large
British population at Buenos Ayres receiving it. What
happened there ? a similar blockade was declared there,
because the French saw that it would be tolerated as in Africa,
and they had now absorbed at Monte Video the small remnant
that was left of our South American trade. He should say
nothing of the Noble Lord's policy with regard to North Ame-
rica, for the Noble Lord was aware that our trade with the
United States had risen in an unprecedented degree, and it was
of the utmost importance these two great countries shiauld
remain in harmony , but he would ask the Noble Lord haw it
happened that for nine long years he had allowed negociations
to proceed without leading to any result. His Right
Honourable Friend had said nothing about the Colonies.
It hid been proved by indisputable evidence, and confirmed by
Lord Durham, that the Canadas had long been in a state highly
detrimental to our trade. Lord Aberdeen's policy would
speedily have effected a settlement. But in 1835 the policy of the
present Government had been delay. They appointed a Com-
mission, not to act, but to inquire. At last, in 1837, the
Noble Lord (J. Russell) thought it time to attempt something,
and he proposed ten resolutions, which, however, had soon
fallen to the ground, because, forsooth, it would not be desira-
ble to "tarnish a new reign with an appearance of energy."
He would shortly advert to the small but important
island of Newfoundland ; he would not allude to the
proceedings of the Assembly contrary to all right and
law, he only wished to state that a zealous, able, 'and
upright Judge, Chief J•istice Boulton, had been at the
instigation of that assembly dismissed from his office by the
Government, because it was alleged that he had been " indis-
creet"—" a strong politician," that is, firmly attached to the
maintenance of the connection with the mother country.
Why, her Majesty's Ministers had not always been so careful.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) If, as had been stated, they had
offered the Bench of a sister country, to a gentleman who cer-
tainly had not retired from political life, among whose virtues
even his warmest friends would scarcely reckon discretion—
( Hear, hear, and a laugh)—surely this was a strong contrast
in the proceeding of the Government, and powerfully exhibited
their impartiality.—( Cheers.) Now, the mover and the
seconder had been taunted with having said nothing about
Ireland. He would leave it to gentlemen more closely con-
nected with that country to go into detailS on that topic. But
this he would say, that, however the state of thing there
might lately have been mitigated, yet so long as
he found that her Majesty'.: Ministers avowed, and so long as
the present Lord Lieutenant (justly respected as he was in his
private capacity, and in many particulars entitled to admira-
tion for his public acts) adopted the principles of Lord Nor-
manby's Administration—under which gaols had been sum-
marily opened and emptied--criminals of notorious atrocity
cast loose upon the country—juries selected on a plan which,
by the acknowledgment of the very Crown Solicitors themselves,
was fatal to justice—(Hear, hear )—and the sheriffs elected,
in defiance to all law and precedent, in some cases, as in that of
Carlow, the most violent agitators appointed; and when to
all this was added the ignorance of the Noble Mirquis, the
closing of his eyes to the wide spread conspiracies against 'Pro-
testantism, he could not augur well for the future state of Ire-
land.—(Cheers.) • He would not enter upon the subject of
Chartism. But when he recollected .the proclamations
of the Noble Lord (John Russell) in the spring and summer
of 1839, against illegal meetings and trainings, and the selling
and manufacturing of arms, he could not but regret that the
Noble Lord had not taken such precautions earlier.—(Lord J.
Russell—" I did.") The Noble Lord would excuse him fir
adverting to that former proclamation of his—the proclama-
tion at a certain Liverpool dinner.—(Loud cheers, in which
Lord Stanley's voice was peculiarly audible)—the effect of
which he (Mr. Celquhoun) had at the time ventured to pre-
dict, in Ayr, would be to encourage and inflame the Chartist
disturbances. Now with regard to the late changes in the
Cabinet. He avowed at once that he did not think religious
opinions of any kind honestly, sincerely entertained, should be
ground of exclusion of any man from any office in the State.—
(Cries of " Hear," in which Lord Stanley also cordially
joined.) Therefore on this
.head he should urge nothing
against theie appointments. Although differing, of course,
widely from the Right Honourable Gentleman the Member
for Edinburgh (Mr. Macaulay) on public policy, yet he
must confess that so long as the present Government were in
office he rejoiced, as an admirer of the personal talents of the
Right Hon. Gentleman, to see him placed in the high station
which he now adorned. Neither had he any objection to the
present Chancellor of the Exchequer, as to whom no one,
whether friend or foe, would deny that there never was a
more assiduous and unwearied servant of the Crown. Nor had
he anything to urge against the appointment to the Secretary.
ship for the Admiralty. But there was one appointment which
had created great dissatisfaction, not on religious but political
grounds, and which he feared was calculated to deepen the
distrust with which the Government was viewed—and that was
the appointment of the Right Hon. the Member for Tipperary,
to the Vice-Presidency of the Board of Trade. (Hear,
Hear.) Admiring as he did the Right Hon. and Learned
Member's talents and eloquence, he could not but reflect that at
his election he was nominated by one of the fiercest agitators
of that most turbulent country—that he had been the fellow
teller with Mr. Feargus O'Connor, in favour of a repeal of the
Union—( Hear, hear, hear)—and had taken the troulsle to de-
clare that there were but few points of difference between him-
self and his " Hon. Friend"—Hear, hear)—and further, he
could not avoid recollecting that the Right. Hon. and Learned
Member was the chosen Mend and follower of the Learned
Member for Dublin. (Hear, hear, hear.) What faith,
then, could he have in the reconstruction of the Cabinet under
these circumstances?—( Hear, hear.) Now, some satire had
been vented against the want of union in the Conservative
ranks, because, forsooth, they did not quite agree upon the
point of privilege.—(Hear, hear.) Why, would the Ministers
declare on what
.points they were agreed ?—(Loud cheers.)
On the Ballot ?—( Cheers,) On the Corn-laws ?—( Cheers. )
As to the Corn-laws, one member of the Cabinet conscientiously
advocated their repeal, which the head of the Government
avowed it to be folly—( A voice from the Treasury bench,
" madness.")—Madness ! so the Ministry wished to take refuge
from folly in insanity.—(Hear, and cheers.) Then, as to the
Ballot, one Member of the Cabinet (while the others were
against it) expressed his doubts, questioned its efficacy, yet
would vote for it.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Bart.
(Sir G. Gray) had laid it down as a principal that the ex-
tremes of political opinions in the Conservative party would
guide the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth, that, to use the
phrase of the Noble Lord (J. Russell), rather inopportune,
by the bye—" parties were guided by their tails".—( Laughter
and cheers) If so, was it net true in a still greater degree of
gentlemen opposite ?—( Cheers.) What were the opinions
avowed, not by inconsiderable sections, but by influential
parties among them? Extension of the suffrage was one.
And it was an unfortunate thing that all the new additions to
the Ministry brought it nearer to the cold and chilly Nova
Zembla of " Extension of the Suffrage," gave it more
the complexion of " extreme opinions." (Hear, hear.)
They wished for a fixed Government, and they knew that they
had no chance of a fixed Government in one which permitted
open questions.—( Cheers.) The Noble Lord knew it also,
or if he did not know it, why did he not give them a chance
of trying the sense of the country on it? There was a time
when the Gentlemen opposite advocated popular control, and
contended that all should depend upon the will of the country.
Did they hold office by the will of the constituency of the country?
If they did, would the Right lion. Gentleman follow the wishes
of many Members of their own party, and try the experi_nent
of Triennial Parliaments ? Would they grant a dissolution ?
They might for a while be propped up by the vote of that
House—by a majority of two, or, perhaps, by what they might
consider a more splendid majority, they might receive a post-
ponement of their sentence—a remission of penalties fora short
period longer; but he felt assured that the principles they were
pursuing, the principles to which they were approximating, as
indicated by every change in the Cabinet, the principles of
ttie extreme party among their supporters were not the princi-
ples of which the people of this country would approve.--(Loud
Cheers. )

Mr. bISBORNE rose, and pointing to the Opposition
Benches, said, " Behold what a blessed thing it is for brethren
to dwell together in unity !"—(Cheers and laughter.) The
Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had declared that he
was far from disapproving of the recent appointments in her
Majesty's Government on account of the religious principles
of the gentlemen who had received them. He was sure, after
what the Hon. Gentleman had said about unity, that such must
be the universal sentiments of his party.—( Cheers.) The
Hon Gentleman had spoken of great political bodies being
driven forward by their tails.—(Opposition cheers.) He
should wish to know whether the present motion had emanated
from the head of the Conservative body, or whether it had
been produced by the agitation of the less noble organ.--
( Ministerial cheers. ) He admitted he had considerable doubt
when he saw how this motion had been introduced. During the
wbo!e of the Recess the Conservative animal had been lashing
his tail with great vehemence, but the who', of the bishing had
reference to one particular object. There was but one particu-
lar subject of condemnation of her Majesty's Government, and
that was religion ; but nothing was said about it in that House.
—( Cheers.) Was the subject of religion tabood in that House?
—(Loud cheers.) Could it have been supposed that the Hon.
Gentleman who had just sat down could have addressed the
House for one full hour, and yet not one syllable on the subject
of religion could be found from:one end of his address to the
other 2—( Cheers.) He believed that during the Recess the Hon.
Gentleman had had opportunities of addressing large bodies of
people. Did the Hon. Gentleman lay the same restrictions on
himself then ?—(Cheers. ) Would those people have formed
any idea that the foundation of the Bill of Indictment brought
by the Hon. Gentleman against her Majesty's Government
would have been the diminution of our trade with America—
that we had lost our trade with Cracow—and that the sands had
blocked up the mouth of the Danube—(Cheers and laughter)—
for these were the charges that were prominent through-
out all the entire part of the speech of the
Hon. Gentleman. He did not intend to defend the foreign po-
licy of the Government, to which the Noble Lo:•d who presided
over the Foreign Department was so competent ; neither would
he touch upon the colonial policy. But as an independent
Member of that House—(Laughter from the Opposition, an-
swered by cheers from the Ministerial side of the House)--as
an independendent Member of that House —(Loud cheers from
the Ministerial side)—he believed he had a right to canvass
how the motion of the Hon. Baronet addressed itself to his
mind.—( Hear.) It was not a qualified motion, he admitted,
it was an; open, manly motion ; but it was also a
barren Motion ; he willed to know if it was to have issue or
not, and if so, what the nature of that issue was to be.___
(Cheers and laughter.) If the Hon. Baronet carried
motion, he would follow it up by an address to the Crown,
praying for the removal of her 1117jesty's Ministers; and ho
wished to know if in that address they intended to as,
sort, as was the constitutional privilege of that House,
who were to he their successors? There was one grand
peculiarity respecting his motion—it was one of the mos demo-
cratic form possible. It did not declare that the acts of the Mi-
nistry were good or bad ; it did not declare that their principles
were good or bad—but it said that the Ministers of the Crown
ought to possess the confidence of that House.--(Hear.) That
was a principle that he had always maintained, hut it had
not always found such countenance from Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite. He remembered in 1835, when the Right Hon.
Baronet opposite was at the head of the Government, the very
first day they met they had shown him that the House had no
confidence in his Government. They had rejected his Speaker
—(Cheers)—they had amended his Address—(Cheers)---they
bad dismissed his Ambassador—(Loud cheers)—they had suf-

fered, for a period of more than two months, to have a dal)"
city only on one occasion.
Sir R. PEEL—Not once.—(Laughter.)
Mr. GISBORNE—The Bight lion. Baronet did not re-
collect even thist one majority. They had given him abundant
proof that he did not possess their confidence, and yet he did
not admit that as any reason for resigning.—(Cheers
laughter.) He said they were unfair—true he did nett possess
their confidence, but he was willing to pass all their measures.
(Cheers.) He would observe their foreign policy—( Cheers
and laughter).-,he was going to pass their Tithe Bill.—(Loud
cheering from the Opposition.) He bowed te_the correction,
but at least he said that his Tithe Bill was the same as the
one that had been proposed the year before.—( Cheers from the
Ministerial side.) " What objection," said the Right Hon.
Baronet, " have you to the reform of the corporations—it :is true
I hold an office in the corporation of 'l'amworth, but that a
most pure corporation—l can have no objection to reformsig
the corporations;" and because they would not wait for the
Right Hon. Baronet's Acts, but wished to remove Wm because
he had not the confidence of the House. The Right Hon.
Baronet called them a tyrannical majority.—(Loud cheering
and laughter.) He rejoiced that Honourable Gentleman op-
posite had at length come round to the opinion that a Ministry
ought to be removed which did not possess the confidence of that
House, although it was not from that side of the House that ;le
had expected such a proposition to emanate. Now, a word with
respect to the time at which this motion was brought forward—he
thought it was as well to call things by their plain names. Her
Majesty had just announced that her nuptuals were about to take
place; and on the occasion of Royal marriages, it was usual for
sundry promotions to take place—also for certain Peerages and
Baronetcies to be created—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—
and for certain other offices to be given away. He admlttecl to
Hon. Gentlemen on the other side that it was an exceedingly legi.
innate object of desire on their parts to have the giving away of
these appointments; and although Hon. Gentlemen on his side
the House had not had their cravings whetted by long abstinence
like Gentlemen opposite, ye': he doubted not but they also had
good substantial appetites; therefore he would not lay anything to
their charge on that account. But he had uedersteod, when the
Address was moved at the beginning of the Session, that their
chi valrous feelings would not allow them to interrupt the harmony of
therproccedings by attempting any ameadment.—(Hear, hear,
hea .) They had not even attempted to introduce the word
Protestant, although they had high authority for saying that such
an introduction was absolutely necessary. A high authority with
Hon. Gentlemen opposite had said that it was highly einportant the
public should have the satisfaction of knowing that the Prince
was a Protestant, and that the word ought to have been introduced
into the Royal Speech. True, they had heard of some proceedings
in the Privy Council. but still the important word ought not to have
been omitted, and the House of Lords should take that opportunity
of introducing the word so as to put the public mind at rest on that
important subject. He had not found that such an amendment
had been brought forward in that House, and although the Hon.
Baronet, the Member for Oxford, had brought the subject specifi-
cally before the House, their chivalrous feeling had induced
them not to insist on this important point. Perhaps this had been
done lest it should remind the House of what had taken place
when Mr. Martin had brought in his Bill for preventing Cruelty
to Animals, when the Chairman of the Committee was reading
the clauses, and came to the clause prohibiting any cruelty to :ny
horse—" Stop, Sir," said Mr. Martin, " and before the word `horse',
insert the word ' ass.' " Now, this was done, not because the
horse was not sufficiently protected by the previous enact-
ments, but because the ass was considered so important an
animal that he was entitled to a specific mcntion.—(Cries of
" Oh, oh," from the Opposition.) That was the very ground for
the introduction of the word Protestant in the Address of the
House of Lords.—(Cheers.) It was not because the public did not
know of the Protestantism of Prince Albert, but on • the ground
that on so important a subject no doubt should be left on the public
mind, and the Protestantism of the Prince should be avowed in her
Majesty's Speech, and specific mention made of it by her Ilinisters.
He said they had omitted to make the amendment in that House
and he certainly for one, did not blame them far not takir.:gthat
step. They had relinquished now, however, their chivalrous o. WY,
of not desiring to disturb her Majesty tinder present circueSi-
stances, and had at length determined to join in an attempt to dis-
place her Majesty's GOVertlMellt in the present Session. As re
!serried the administration of public affairs, he left them—for he
was sure they were in better hands—he left them to be dealt with
by the members of the Government which administered those affairs.
He would state to them what had been said in that House by Mr.
Fox, in 1803, on a motion for a vote of censure on the Government
of that day. Mr. Fox at that time had said :hat he could not agree
to the vote of censure, because he did not think their successors
could prove themselves in any way more competent. He (Mr.
Gisborne) recommended the practical good sense of Mr. Fox,
to the consideration of many Honourable Gentlemen of that
House. In the .early part of his life he had received vivid
impressions of the great men who had once electrified that House
with their eloquence—of Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, Tierney, and others—
but he would venture to doubt whether, when the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet opposite rose on great occasions—free fr nn the trammels of
party—whether, on such occasions, he had ever seen any one more
qualified to take a leading part in the deliberations of that assembly
constituted as they then were. And it was his (Mr. Gisborne's)
opinion that the Right Hon. Baronet opposite was greater in the
Reformed House of Commons than ever he had been in the unre-
formed House, and he said that more willingly, as after long and
close observation he had arrived at that conclusion, for he had come
nto -that House with a very different opinion of the talems of the
Right Hon. Baronet. And again, when he considered that the
Noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Colonies had come into
that House very young, and throughout his long Parliamentary ca-
reer had advocated the same principles of Reform, and all popular
measures—he said also, when he considered the character of the
Noble Lord, his great moral worth, and his power upon
the House, he said that he believed no Member
was more qualified to conduct the business of that House than the
Noble Lord to whom he had alluded. It was not on account of a
want of confidence that he declined to vote in favour of the motion
of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Devonshire, but he (Mr.
Graham) took his stand on the Reform Bill, and he could not for-
get that the Hon. Memberpredicted the failure of that measure, and
he believed gloried in the accomplishment of that prediction. In
his (Mr. Gisborne's) opinion, that measure wanted an important
amendment for the machinery of the Bill. He believed, as then
constituted, it would deprive the people of their rights, and place
them in the hands of those who opposed popular power and
popular support. In conclusion, then, he believed that the posses-
sion of the confidence of the House of Commons was the only
safe foundation on which the Government could then stand.—
(Cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) That confidence
was not possessed by the other side. The motion ho believed, as
he had stated before, would have no issue, it was not desirable that
it should, and certainly he should give his vote most cordially
against the motion of the Hon. Baronet.—(Cheers.)
Mr. D'ISRAELI then rose and said, he believed Noble Lords
and other Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House would
not be induced to continue in office with all its responsibilities for
the mere gratification. He certainly did not think that the pa-
rallel between Protestant and ass had any application. He hoped
however that it was not a specimen of the religious influence of the
other side of the House.—(Cheers from the Opposition side of the
House.) He confessed he felt some difficulty in replying to the
observations of the Hon. Gentleman that had just sat down. Judg-
ing from the eulogy the Hon. Gentleman hail bestowed on the
captain whom they on that tide of the House were proud
to follow, he (Mr. D'l.) indulged in a fleeting hope that the Hen.
Member had intended to give his support to the Hon. Baronet,
the Member for Devonshire. The Hon. Gentleman had said that
he was prepared to take his stand on the Reform Bill, but then he
said that that Bill required a most important amendment. The
Hoe. Gentleman had said that no Government could stand without
the confidence of the House of Commons. Whether the present
Government had the confidence lof that House was the problem
about to be solved —(Heer, hear.) They had admitted rather re-
cently that they did not possess the confidence of that House.—
(Cheers from the Opposition.) And perhaps some Member of the
Cabinet would let the House clearly and distinctly understand
what had transpired, and what had occurred—what change had
taken place in the prospects of the country, that had induced
theta to believe that they then possessed the confide.nce of the House.
The question was, was the country in a satisfactory state : to that
question the country itself had given an answer—then came the
question, were the present Government able to right the vessel of
the State in these times of great peril, and to that the great body of
the people had answered "No." The Ministry before they came
to that House for a vote of confidence must be prepared to show
that England was in a state of domestic peace—that our foreign
relations were in a satisfactory state, and one honoutable to her
station among nations—that her financial affairs were slot dis-
similar to what they had been for a century, the great bulwarks of
the credit of the country. He said it was the duty of the House
of Commons, without reference to party, not to allow another Ses-
sion to pass without inquiring rigidly . oto the causes of the present
distress—why we were embroiled with almost all Foreign Powers
—and why our finances were in such an unfortunate condition.
He apprehended that not even a Cabinet Minister would get tip in
his place and say that the domestic state of the country was satis.
factory, and as to the state of Ireland he was prepared to enter
upon that question at the proper time, but he thought it was ex-
tremely unfair that when they spoke of Chartism immediately
to 3 fly to Dublin.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheering.)
It was said there was an alliance between those on his side of the
Houseand the Chartists.—(Hear, hear.) He was not ashamed to
say that he sincerely wished that more sympathy had been shown
to them by both sides of the House.—(" Oh ! oh !" and laugh.
ter.) When they found vast masses of the population in a state
of discontent, it was their duty, as Representatives of the People,
to make some attempt to find out what was the cause of that
discontent. He remembered the Noble Lord, late the Secretary
for the Home Department, coming down to an almost empty
House and levying troops, and on that occasion he gave what ho
considered to be the cause of that discontent—he then said
Chartism was the offspring' of the agitation of the New Poor-law,
and he laid the whole of the blame on the shoulders of he who
had that night been called the incendiary Oastler. The Hon. and
Learned Member for Dublin was also a great agitator—those on
his side of the House had often taken his dimensions—(Laugh.
ter)—but his own friends now brought him down to the level
of a poor insignificant individual. The Attorney. General, after
last Session, had gone down upon a flying visit to his constitu
ents at Edinburgh, and there he boasted that he had put down
Chartism without a blow ; and in a publication in October, to
which Cabinet Ministers were contributors, it was boasted
that Chartism was at an end ; Parliament was prorogued, in spite of
all warning, and the consequence was insurrection—not in a part
of the country where there was any Poor-law agitation—not where
it. was what was called a bread and knife question, but where wages
were high and work plenty. The Chartists would soon find out
that in Aristocratic England even treason would not be successful
unless it was Patrician, and they might get a Nobleman to head
them, and again surprise the Noble Lord. Jack Straw might head
an insurrection and be hanged, but if it were headed by my Lord
John Straw it might be successful.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.")
The Ministers must tell the House that they had a profound
knowledge of the causes of the insurrection, and had taken steps
in Statesmanlike manner to prevent them, before they asked that
House to say they were the fittest Government for the country.
He admitted that the great want of Great Britain was a strong Go.
vernment—could such be found on the Treasury Benches ? Alas,
no; they had acknowledged that they were not, and could not be.
—(Cheers,) They confessed themselves to be the middle party—
the weakest party, in whom was centered all power—they were like
the gentlemen who took the inside of the oyster, and gave their
adversaries the shells. It was said that a strong Government could
not be formed from the Opposition—the responsibility rested on
them, let them try it.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Governtnent
appealed to their strong measures—they were the evidences of
weakness, and the consequences were Special Commissions, asking
for troops at the end of the Seision, when sixty men were present,
and altering the whole of the Police force of the country in
twenty.four hours. There was no communion between the Go-
vernment and the great body of the people—they were supported
by Corporations of their own creation—it was not a natural state
fo things, and would not last. The supporters of the government
r excellent
e was n o
oune
found the Government guilty, but they recommended them to
mercy.lf they looked through the list of the different individuals who had
left the Liberal Cabinet,the materials
_wouldth e
forwould
tho formingr e find theretido
a o
see
e what
;tm
forthe
fowanted—namely,ttire.
Secretaries,tControl,
ao d m many
yLoottdherPr
officersi'y Seal,w Minister,; Cabinetmuch
e
and a
plcoersdidCoh,tanocfeltihoer,Btolairre hi
de
oCfceofoo
among them, if he (Mr. D'lsraeli) mistook not, a ri(w
neral. This showed the employment of 3 steady master-Ge-
. Executive—steady
he admitted them to be, but only in their purpose to enjoy office.—
(Hear, hear.) One of their steady supporters had that night stated
the real desire of the Government holding office
House think that desire was ? Why a wish to'and
hold
power
rdfiodr
the
e
purpose of snaking a Peer or creating a Baronet.—(Heaorw hear.)e
Sir H. VERNEY—Thought Ministers had so
selves as to deserve well of their country • all the measures
they had brought forward had been found to
work' well. Ministers
had a right to congratulate themselves upon what they lied done
for Ireland, notwithstanding they had been opposed by the Aristo.
cracy of the country.
hear.) He had' in vain attempted to
ascertain what were the specific grounds of attack of the Gentle-
men on the other side, against the Government. The Hon. Member
for Kilmarnock had referred to several charges, but he had fixed
upon nothing definite.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, Ile saw no