The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-26 00:00:00

Two• thirds of Profits divided annually amongst

'he Assured.

DEFERRED ANNUITIES DEPARTMENT.

By the plan exclusively developed by this Society, a single
Deferred Annuity is made, nut only to answer the same object,
but to far exceed in amount the ent►re benefit of all the ad-
vantages heretofore only obtained by the middle and industrious
classes through separate investments in Savings' Banks, Be-
nefit Societies, and Loan Banks.
1. A small yearly or weekly contribution will secure the
most ample return for after life; thus-21. 12s. per annum (Is.
a week) at the age of 20, will give the policy holder the fol-
lowing option. at the age of 65
Annuity for remainder of life... £47 16 6

Cash
Policy, without further contributions, of 466 0 oat death.
Other periods of life (of 50, 55, and 60) may be also taken
with similar advantages.
2. Two-thirds at any time lent on deposit of policy, being a
fund always available during sickness or want of employment.
3. Two-thirds of all payments returned to representatives in
case of premature death.
N. B. Policies, as collateral money-security, for periods of
one to five years, effected at lower rates than are charged by
any other Office, (Sce Tables A. and B. ), with option of con-
tinuance for Life at the usual rates.

F. FERGUSON CAMROUX, Sec.

PORTRAIT OF THE WINNER OF THE
DERBY.—Bell's Life in London of Sunday next, May 30,
will contain a Portrait of the Winner of the Derby, with a
copious account of all the " Doings" of the " Epsom week."
—Price of Bell's Life Fivepence.
RAILWAY TRAFFIC.--The total receipts from
the several railroads in England and Scotland (29 in number)
for the last week—that is to say, up to the date to which the
returns are calculated, were 71,6321. ; of this there were
13,7451. for merchandise, and 57,887/. for passengers, parcels,
carriages, horses, afidinails. The greatest receipts appear to
have been taken by the following railways :—London and Bir-
mingham, 16,526/. ; Great Western, 8,165/. ; Grand Junction,
8,693/. ; Liverpool and Manchester, 4.5511. • Manchester and
Leeds, 3,09')/, ; North Midland, 3,569/. ; and the London and
South Western, 5,500/.
EXTRAORDINARY LEAP.—On Tuesday last
a medical gentleman of -Abingdon. while visiting one of his pa-
tients, whose residence is close to the line of the Great Western
Railway, at Steventon, left his horse and phaeton in the care
of a man, who took off the curb to give the horse some hay;
shortly afterwards the horse took fright at something, and
darted off with impetuous fury, and being obstructed by one
of the railroad side gates, between five and six feet in height,
leaped at and cleared it cleverly, dragging at its heels the
phaeton, the fore wheels of which cleared the gate, but the
hind 'wheels coming in violent collision with the top rail, ar-
rested its progress. The horse was thrown down, and the con-
cussion thus caused fortunately enabled some persons who
witnessed the occurrence to seize him, and thereby prevent se-
rious consequences, as one of the trains was at the moment
about to start, from the station. The horse received little
or no injury ; and, strange to say, the vehicle none.— Oxford
Journal,

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—The proceedings in the House of Com-
mons last night were of the greatest importance. About the
time when the more important business usually commences,
Sir Robert Peel rose; and thus addressed the House :—" I rise
to give notice that I shall on Thursday next move a resolution
to the following effect :---That her Majesty's Ministers do not
vufficiently possess the confidence of the House of Commons to
enable them to carry through that House measures which they
(km of essential importance to the public welfare, and that
their continuance in office under such circumstances is at va
rions with the spirit of the Constitution." And why do
they not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House of
Commons? What has happened iu the interval between the
opening of the session and the 24th of May ? Lord John
Russell gave notice, on the night of the budget, that he in-
tended to attack the Corn-law. On the same night the sugar
and timber monopolies were denounced. The corn, the sugar,
and the timber monopolists constitute a majority in the present
House of Commons, and their confidence was lost the mordent
that their interests were threatened. Ministers lost the confi-
dence of the House of Commons, because they proved them-
selves deserving of the confidence of the people. In the ho-
nest and conscientious discharge of their duty to their Royal
Mistress and to her subjects, they felt that the time
was come when to keep terms any longer with mu-
nop ily would be attended with the most ruinous
eoneequences to the country ; and, aware of the pre-
ponderance of the monopolists in the House of Commons,
they yet did not hesitate to propose measures which they knew
must deprive them of their confidence. They said to them-
selves, We owe it to the Queen, not of the monopolists merely,
but of the whole people of these kingdoms, to propose such
measures as we conceive necessary for the general welfare,
and as these measures will be opposed by a majority in the
House of Commons, to afford the people an opportunity of
returning to a future House of Commons representatives
disposed to support us in our well-meant endeavours.
From the moment that Lord John Russell proposed to
invade the corn monopoly, -every Man of the least
political discernment knew that old party connec-
tions were dissolved—that the representatives of agricultural
constituencies would instantly desert Ministers. The proceed-
ings which have since taken place in the House must have been
anticipated by Ministers as they were anticipated by all others.
They are all so many steps towards what from the first was in-
evitable, namely, a dissolution. The notice given by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer on Wednesday last, that on next
Monday (yesterday) he should move, in a Committee of the
House, the renewal of the sugar duties ; and the brief answer
of Lord John Russell to the question of Lord Dar-
lington, that on the 4th of June he should proceed with his
motion on the Corn-laws, annihilated the hope with which
some of the monopolists had flattered -themselves that Minis-
ters would be silly enough to betray the cause of the people,
and resign into their hands the Government, without allowing
the people an opportunity to fight their own battles. What
took place on Wednesday night was a sufficient announcement
of the dissolution, and as such the monopolists understood it.
But we confess, though we wished, we hardly dared to hope,
that Sir Robert Peel would, by such a resolution as that
of which he gave notice last night, afford Ministers any
opportunity wich could be avoided of advocating the cause
of truth and justice, and denouncing the iniquitous preten-
sions of the monopolists. The Right Honourable Baronet is
himself too much impressed with the rottenness of that cause,
of which the defence has been imposed on him by the evil ge-
nius that has doomed him to abandon every opinion he ever
professed, to have voluntarily given notice of such a resolution.
He must have been impelled by the Buckinghams, the Knatch-
bulls, and other zealots of his party, to afford an oectsion that
might have been withheld, to Ministers and the supporters of
the good cause in the House of Commons, for exhibiting to the
country, in all their hideousness, the parties who are leagued
together to trample on the rights of the people, and to sacrifice
their best interests to a blind selfishness. We thank Sir Robert
Peel for the favour which, however reluctantly, he has confer-
red on the people. The vote on Thursday will be of no value
whatever as a mere trial of party strength, for the strength of
Ministers is not in the House of Commons, but in the nation ;
but the debate will be of infinite value as a means of enabling
the people to know their friends from their enemies, and to
appreciate the character and views of the men who are seeking
to possess themselves of power, in order to promote their own
class interests at the expense of. the welfare of the country.
We therefore trust that all Members who wish to stand well
with the people will avail themselves of the occasion which
Sir Robert Peel has afforded them, and show by their pre-
sence and their vote, that in the approaching crisis they
are entitled to the confidence of their countrymen. The people
will carefully watch the proceedings to which Sir Robert's mo-
tion will give rise.
ADVERTISER.—WANT OF CONFIDENCE IN MINIS-
TERS.—SO, Sir Robert Peel has signified that it is the pleasure
of his party to move a vote of want of confidence in the Mi-
nistry on Thursday. If he succeed, which is by no means
certain, what then ? He will but pronounce more clearly and
decisively what was very well known, but not said, before, that
the House of Commons, being for the most part composed of
class interests, is a very unfit body to determine upon the me-
rits of a Ministry whose measures are designed for national,
and not for class objects. He will but hasten the appeal to the
arbiter of the respective claims of parties—the people. But
for the disadvantage of not having the Corn-laws well and tho-
roughly discussed before a dissolution, and thus having too the
whole case opened, the motion of Sir Robert Peel would be
to us, and, we believe to the party generally, a welcome, nay,
a highly acceptable proceeding. For what does it do ? It
puts the Whigs, indeed, upon their trial, but do the Tories
escape? And how will the two parties stand in the compari-
son ? Let the ten years of the Whig reign be put in parallel
with the ten yesrs last preceding of the Tory reign. Compare
the periol of 1820 to le3o with the period of 1830 to 1e,41
the former period one of excellent counsel and urgency and
support on the part of the Whigs to good measures, though
introduced by Tories ; the latter period one of dogged resist-
ance,
on the part of the Tories, to good measures, because be-
neficial to the people, or, worse, because introduced by the
Whigs. We do trust that the Liberals will not be sparing—
that they will at once and boldly carry the war into the enemy's
territory ; and fearlessly demand of the country its judgment,
Peel or Russell, Tory or Whig—restriction and monopoly, or
free trade and the fair interests of all. Taking this view, we
are not sure that even it may not be fit to glance somewhat
distinctly at the Corn-laws; for as the Tories regard the pro-
posed measure as one calculated to detach some of the sup-
porters of the Whigs, they are not likely to leave it out of
their budget of charges against the Government. Our party
must take care not to suffer Sir Robert Peel to play the same
trick upon them, which he did on the closing night of the ,
sugar duties debate. It was then his forte to plead his right to
a patient hearing on account of having been so markedly chal-
lenged by the opposite side. Accordingly, when the Liberals
seemed inclined to point by a cheer some of his most glaring
plausibilities. he stopped and looked a look of surprise, as if a
compact had been broken ; while all the time his own party
cheered most voci'erously every one of his noodleisms, with ad-
ditional courage and force too, because their antagonists were
,ilent. We watched with some interest, not altogether of a
pleasant kind, the success of this tactic, to which we believe '
Sir Robert Peel owed much of his temporary triumph, for if
the irony whish must have been provoked, had found its i
vent in cheers, it would have staggered the sophist,
and most probably defeated his attempt. The peculiarity
was more marked, as the Tory party by no means
treated Lord Palmerston, who followed, with the
same forbearance. Now, this practical lesson should not be
lost on the Liberals during the coming discussions. Let it be
plainly shown that the measures of the Government, with all
their short-comings at times, have always tended to improve
the condition of the people, to extend their liberties, civil and
religious ; and that if they have sometimes given occasion for
censure, it has been partly owing to the strength and invete-
racy of the Tories, and to their own weakness, compared with
that of the advocates of monopoly and class-interests, who have
since the Reform Act exerted themselves perseveringly in the
pursuit of the same objects, which they so scandalously ac-
complished, at the nation's expense, by the instrumentality of
the boroughmongering Parliaments. It is true they have
sometimes held a wolfish tone of regard for the people, but only
for the purpose of covering their had designs.
POST.—Our anticipations of yesterday morning were con-
firmed at the commencement of public business in the House of
Commons in the evening. As soon as notices of motions were
called on, Sir Robert Peel rose, and amid the breathless atten-
tion of a very crowded House, gave notice that on Thursday
next he would move a resolution of the House, " That her Ma-
jesty's Ministers do not sufficiently possess the confidence of
the House of Commons to enable them to carry through
the House measures which they deem of essential importance
to the public welfare, and that their continuance in office under
such circumstances is at variance with the spirit of the Con-
stitution." This notice of motion was received with tre-
mendous cheering by the Opposition side of the House,
which continued far some time. The Right Honourable
Baronet has evidently given great satisfaction to his
party by this constitutional, bold, and explicit course, and we
feel perfectly confident that it will give equal satisfaction to the
country at large. Intelligent men of all ranks and conditions
will not fail to contrast this honest and manly decision of con-
duct with the sneaking ambiguity of Ministerial meanness,
which knew not how either to proceed with courage or to re-
tire with dignity. It may be asked, " What but this were the
Conservatives to do ?" they might have done, as their oppo.
nents probably would have done under similar circumstances—
they might have interfered to prevent the Government ob-
taining the ordinary sugar duties. Her Majesty's Ministers
attempted a course of policy at variance with that of the
ordinary sugar duties, and were beaten by the Oppo'i-
tion in the House of Commons. Instead or resigning,
they then propose the very duties which they had tried
' on the policy
to alter, and failed in altering. Had the opposition been a
""factious opposition," it might have said that the Govern-
n. e
of which it had disputed. But so far from doing this, Sir Ito.
Bert t Feelhs' h no m
Exchequer for going into Committee to agree to a resolution
continuing the oeiiov undid
motion
f id duties
rdinary sugar duties, and took the opportunity
to state that he would not embarrass the Government
either by opposing the duties, or moving thg they
nrights
to avail
the itself
on of the Chancellor of the
more limitedperiod should be taken for than usual.
The Government has Pot hoer' met by any tortu-
ous or vexatious proceeding, silnh as would have
been adopted had Whig example been followed ; 14; it has
been met, as we said it would be, by warily, vigorous, straight,
forward, and constitutional opposition, But the resolution of
which Sir Robert Peel has is as •
given notice ev4tiougfin it 4
bold. It is admiral worded. What can Ministerialists say
against it ? Surely i 1 is nndeniable that the measures which
Ministers have lately propose tothe House of Commons are
deemed by them of essential importat.4.2 tea the public welfare.
This proposition we do not thniiikanyamount of tr, y can
deny ; and it is equally beyod controversy that Ministers do
not sufficiently possess the confidence of the House to enable
them to carry these measure!,
HERALD.—The sword is drawn for the cause of Conser-
vative principles ! The scabbard was throwt,
; bvSir Robert Peel, at an
early hour last evenings incapacity with this merger
sable denunciaticu of Whigand presumptio •
1-41 move a resolution " Upon Thursday next g • on to the follow-
ing effect That it is the opinion this Howe that her
does not sufficiently p s
Majesty's Government es; the eanfis
donee of the House ofCommons toenable
of essential benefit to the •
sures which they deem puolie welfare,
and that their enntimiance in office under such circumstances
is at variance with the- the Constitution. " Thus,
then, it appears that the rneaslP:a P. of filAtire and of imbecility,
on the part
of Lord Melbourne tiovernment, is fqll. Even
moderation and forbearance of the nine,
rous, the best organised, the most triumphant
s s (impositions, which have acted in the ;
of any among the F •. the la t
House of Commons clArtltg s century—an oppo-
sition flushed with repeated e eterms,
find which, with
a noble disinterestedness, and the most honourable considera-
tion for the publie. welfare, has repeatedly replaced in their:pp-
which it had dislodged from them sitions the antagonists ; anct
supported, in all measures which had an undisputed connection
with the essential interests and service of the public, their, more

crafty and less scrupulous competitors for power, and for the
confidence of that public ;—even this forbearance and modera-
tion are at last worn out.. The pertinacious determination of
the present Government to carry through its unintentionally
suicidal measures, designed as they were to bear with
overwhelming pressure on the present energies of the
colonial, the shipping, and the linded interests, has accele-
rated that downfall which the daily-increasing power and
popularity of the opposition was securing by every constitutional
andlegitimate means which the moral and intellectual inferiority
of Government, as a bode, had already rendered inevitable. On
every side thick swarming tidings come in of defeat in one
quarter, defection in another, defiance in a third, ill-dissembled
disgust in a fourth, decaying influence and extinguished favour
in all. The intelligence of yesterday compressed into 24 hours
a fearful aggregate of discomfiture and disgrace sufficient—(will
our readers excuse the apparent exaggeration of the figure ?)
—to disturb even Lord Melbourne's equanimity ; to ruffle the
marble surface, as polished as impracticable, even of the Pre-
mier's indifference. In Birmingham, as we understand, their
party, their resolutions, their promises, have been (at a large
meeting) treated with so much rudeness and impertinence that
we should not wonder if Mr. Fox Maule and Mr. Edward Stan-
ley were to induce the Alarquis of Normanby to forward, by the
railroad, a detachment of ," rural police" to repress for the
future any exhibitions of public feeling so distasteful to noble
diners out;—so difficult for that class, notwithstanding all
their transcendent powers of pleasing and conversation, to give
any handsome account of to their intelligent entertainers.
TlMES.—Nothing can exceed the desperation to which the
Whigs are reduced, for the one sole purpose of retaining their
offices till the latest possible moment. Having been defeated
upn r their atrocious pro-slavery proposal by such an over-
whelming majority as ought instantly to have produced their
resignation, they have, ever since, by giving notices of motions,
and by otherwise indicating an intention to proceed with pub-
lic business, endeavoured to keep up a dogged air of noncha-
lance, as if their expulsion from power were still as distant as
ever. Not a week has elapsed since these degraded Ministers
were signally disgraced in their own Parliament under circum-
stances which, if not exactly tantamount to a stoppage of the
supplies, afforded conclusive proof that they are viewed by the
Legislature as a set of reckless financial empirics—set, at
this moment, were it not for their ascertained impo-
tence and confusion, one might almost imagine, from their
manifest anxiety to resume the routine of treasury leadership,
that not a single defeat had been sustained. In spite, however,
of all their mean manoeuvres, their weakness and trepidation
are rendered every now and then quite as conspicuous as their
impudence and obstinacy. Our readers will bear in mind the
strong asseverations of Lord J. Russell as to the absolute ne-
cessity of prosecuting the Poor-law Continuance Bill without
the delay of another Session. When the Ministry, previous to
the Nottingham election, believed that they could tyrannize
over the poor with impunity, no consideration of reason, jus-
tice, or humanity, could induce theist to pause in their per-
secuting career. The studied and refined cruelties of their
workhouse unionism, being elaborated to the last finish
of cold-blooded Whiggery, were to be forced down
the throat of Parliament with the most arbitrary
and indecent impatience. But happily the Whigs hare at
length been taught to know that this infamous style of legisla-
tion cannot be safely proceeded with. A salutary check has
been put upon their headlong inhumanity. The ordeal of the
hustings is now threatening them ; and consequently, as
another evidence of their vile want of principle, their Poor-law
Continuance Bill, about the importance of which they have
ex'iatiated so much for months past, is, for the present, thrown
overboard, for the sake, if possible, of saving the sinking ship.
Last night Lord John Russell announced that that damning
item of Whig unpopularity is postponed till next Session. But
the country will be glad to see that the contemplated escape of
the Whigs, even from their immediate fate, is likely to be no
less difficult than dishonourable. From this day their tenure
of office is hardly worth a week's purchase.
GLOBE.—If the present Government possess the
confidence of the Sovereign, which we assume they do,
there is no violation of the spirit of the Constitution, our
opponents themselves being judges, in their refusing to
retire even upon a vote of want of confidence ; nor in the
Sovereign's requiring a distinct, specific-ground of a " want
of confidence' motion being passed by the Commons, as
a- reason for calling upon the Crown to exercise its
prerogative in dismissing them from her Councils.
George the Third, " the best of Kings" in Tory
estimation, protected the Government in which he re-
posed confidence against a powerful coalition which
sought to destroy it. The present Ministry is opposed
by a coalition of monopolies, which strengthen the Op-
position in their designs upon the Government. Why
may not Queen Victoria adopt a similar course to that
which George the Third pursued under similar circum-
stances, and refuse to dismiss her Ministers even upon
an Address from the Commons for their dismissal ?
And why may not the present Ministers be allowed—
without having it charged upon them that they " act in
variance to the spirit of the Constitution"—to bring for-
ward their whole plan of national finance before Parlia-
ment and the country, era they appeal to the country—
just as Mr. Pitt brought forward his " India Bill" before
Parliament, that the country might judge between him
and his opponents, before he appealed to the country
by a dissolution of Parliament ? Thus, even if Sir R.
Peel's motion be carried by the aid of the members who
deserted Ministers .on the sugar duties, and will vote
against them on the Corn-law question, the Right Hon.
Baronet and his impatient place-expectant adherents will
gain nothing by the "bold and decisive step"which has filled
his party with such delight. This step political resembles the
step military, in which the soldiers " keep the step "
without advancing a single inch. But if the " bold and
decisive step " should fail—if, by a majority, however
small, the House of Commons reject the motion into
which Sir R. Peel has been coerced by his followers, the
fitilure would inflict " a heavy blow," which would not
fail, in the present posture of affairs, to have a stunning
effect upon them. Of this we have considerable hopes.
The general policy of the _Government has been emi-
nently approved.
STANDARD.—The interests threatened by the
Budget are too narrowly described by the Morning Chron-
icle—they are not merely the corn, the sugar, and the
timber interests ; they are the whole agricultural interest,
and all dependent upon it, including all professional
men and all retail traders—the whole West Indian
and East Indian interests—the whole colonial and
shipping interests. These are the interests with
which the Ministers thought it prudent to declare war,
after having first, by their O'Connell connection, alienated
all the moral and religious feeling of the nation, and, by
their Poor-law, all the humbler classes. To all reflecting
men it was plain that, having once committed themselves
with the mill-owners, the Ministers must come
to this state of nearly universal hostility with whatever
is sound and respectable in the nation ; and it was the
wisdom of Sir Robert Peel to curb the impatience of his
indignant friends, until the open declaration of war against
the country had put all who were threatened upon their
guard—to wait until men should no longer be restrained
from defending themselves and the nation by the delu-
sion of " old party connections." Again, had the blow
been struck even but a day or two earlier, Ministers
would have escaped much of the responsibility for
that high crime against the Constitution which they
have been committing, and in which it is now plain
that they intended to persevere—the retention of the
Government without the confidence of either House
of Parliament. Had Sir Robert Peel given his notice
immediately after Ministers were defeated by a ma-
jority of 36 this day week, it might be said "Minis-
ters intend to resign, and your notice is superfluous ;"
or, "Ministers mean at once to appeal to the people by
a dissolution, ar►d your notice becomes an impertinent
and unconstitutional interference with the prerogative
of the Crown." By abstaining for a week, however,
Sir Robert Peel left the Whig-Radical party without
these pretexts—left them, mark, after a defeat upon
the budget by a majority of thirty-six, to give notice of
their intention to continue conducting the Government
through questions of such magnitude as the New Poor-
law Bill and the Corn-law resolutions. They cannot
now back out of the acknowledgment of this criminal
purpose.

" (JOU-RIM—It is not alone on the House of Parlia-
ment, but on the whole empire, that the announcement of
Sir Robert Peel that—" Upon Thursday next I shall move
a resolution to the following effect :—"That it is the opinion
of this House that her Majesty's Government does not suf-
ficently possess the confidence of the House of Commons
to enable them to carry measures which they deem of
essential benefit to the public welfare, and that their
continuance in office under such circumstances is at
variance with the spirit of the Constitution' "—will pro-
duce an electrical effect. " The resolution will,hc hailed
with acclamation wherever new Poor.law barbarism has
been established, and Bastile torture declared in per-
manence. It will be welcomed as the death knell of
agitation in Ireland, and the healing promise of happy
reconcilement for. the feuds by which the Church of
Scotland is afflicted, By every groat interest of this
great country, Sir Robert will be cheered on to 'die
rescue (for a glorious rescue it will be) of their trotaiing
fortunes from the palsied hands and NTlVkliOhre struggles of
an expiring, but desperate factiont banded for their injury
or destruction, By every colonial dependency of this
viaosti
irl el ,
commemorated
mwhatevereeeez4atgahiso:k thetiodt
taiinwonl
hope,v
os
fa
ao
andnne e onif, such
con-
summationau
Pesurhllaensly4°apoialret
brighter era of prosperity.. There may
class of exception to the. general rule 1 om ais4 which,
from the
fillilfeeirl4ol4lPc7elilin'e:4'tYheSacilliks4s of millowners
and manufacturers who have committed themselves so
unreservedly and nnadyijodly, ter the most part, to the
factious schtmes or. selfish Interests of comparatively a
few agitators. But we despair not of the returning
(rood sense of the majority of this class L when the
fever or excifemei4 11411911 OM have autttTed them-
selves to be exasperated by a clique of persons only
more unprincipled than ignorant, shall have abated, and
they find their best interests confided to the care of men
and the protection of principles 'lo9r whose long and
former reign they were called into existence, most wisely
fostered, and most largely flourished, the envy and ad-
miration of the world.

MADEMOISELLE RAOHEL.—This accom-
plished actress performed on Monday for the second time the
character of Hermione in the Androntaque of Racine, She
This
tribute elicited bTo her delivery
genius
oo
ff
riveted the attention of. an audience more numerous certainly,
perhaps more fashionable, than attended any of her pre-
vious
as less valuable than the
generally manifested by the au-
dience
btmav
the
.in.
aeoedao:tyschtipreea.
sssss
iamgtte
saeperformances.maybe
es
attention
re Gni
ahhTriudehshe
dei a
w:tapplauseaihsco.
w ev
whenever Mademoiselle Rachel was on the stage.
l'Fi COBN-I.AWs.—Petitions, praying for the
abolition of the bread tax have been placed in different
parts of the borough for signature
; and, it is said, that
of a change in our
so convinced are many of the Chartists and Conservatives
present c-11Piclerable number of them,
to the aglieoable St urprise of the Reformors, have come
forward voluntarily and uninvited to append their names
of Wigan
f(:rfnt.hi4ewsa,htshoalutte4 necessity
to the petition.—Bolton Free Press,

At 3d April, 1838, the bnllion was .
On the 27th of April, 1841.

£5,588,000
Had the Bank been in a sound position, at present the ratio
of the gold to the circulation should have been the same as it
was in April, 1838; but instead o: that the diminution of the
bullion has been, in round numbers, 5,500,0001., while the de.
crease of the paper currency has been only 2,400,000/., so
that the Bank is unsound at present just for inasmuch as that
difference of proportion, or 51i per cent. in the space of three
years. This is the result of applying the rule of soundness la d
down by the Directors themselves, and no one can find fault
when they are tried by the test of their own doctrine.
The Securities in April, 1838, were £22,838,000
At April 27, 1841 22,02,000

Making a difference of 756,000
Which does not affect the matter either way.
But the facts thus deduced from contrasting the proportion
of bullion in the Bank with the amount of her circulation as
she stood at the last return, with the bullion and circulation
when her position was declared to be sound and prosperous,
must make the Proprietors of Bank Stock think seriously on
the present state of our continental trade, and convince them
that prompt and energetic measures must be adopted to give a
healthy action to the foreign Exchanges, and to turn back the
flux of gold to the bank coffers. The importance of such a
measure is not confined to the class interests of Bank Stock
Proprietors. The Bank of England, as manager of the na-
tional currency, is the mainspring of public credit, and if that
be snapped the whole chain of commercial confidence must
be broken, and a general convulsion and panic in the Money
Market inevitably ensue. All men, therefore, have an inte-
rest in supporting confidence in the Bank of England, be-
cause all men would suffer if the Bank were obliged
to suspend specie payments. It is with the view,
therefore, of inducing the monopolists to pause and
to reflect upon the feeble state of this mainstay of public credit
that we have illustrated, by reference to the Bank returns, how
far the position of the Establishment renders it prudent for
them, with due regard to their moving principle of action, viz.,
their self-interest—to persist in a course of conduct opposed
to the principles of free commercial intercourse with other
nations—how far it is safe and prudent for them, under these
circumstances, to resist the demands for cheap bread, and for a
reduction in the price of other necessaries of life. It is no-
thing but public confidence that sustains the Bank at present.
It is not her own strength, but the interest which all classes
have in supporting public credit that maintains the value of the
currency. Let the monopolist, therefore, beware of pressing
too much upon the miseries of the people. Hunger is not to be
appeased by parliamentary majorities ; and if the monopolists
carry out their opposition to the measures of relief proposed for
the country, the people have the remedy in their own hands.
But the truths which we have here stated as regards the Bank
of England are too palpable and unquestionable to admit of
a continuance in the system of monopoly. The profits
which particular classes have reaped and still enjoy, from the
restrictive duties on trade, are no doubt great, and it is not
to be expected that they will be abandoned without regret—
without a struggle ; but when it is seen that the alternative is
between concession on the one hand, and a general money
panic on the other hand, and when these consequences are
fairly weished, we are satisfied that the preponderance of pri-
vate interest will stand so much in favour of a liberal commercial
policy, that monopoly must ultimately kick the beam, Sinc the
spring of 1841 the exchanges have evinced something of a
better appearance, but the change has not been pro-
duced by the legitimate operations of trade. The low state of
the circulation, and the tightness of money, have been the chief
agents in the work ; and, to some extent, the bills on the Con-
tinent have been drawn against shipments of silver. The best
part of the season is over, and yet there is no life in our ex-
ports, and the home trade breathes nothing► but stagnaion.
I he weather is no doubt favourable, which is a most fortunate
occurrence, and with a good harvest the Bank may be able to
rub on, but there is nothing in the future which presents a
cheering aspect. There is no way by which fresh life avid
vigour can be imparted to the wretched condition of the ma-
nufacturing interests except by revising the fiscal duties on im-
ports, and displacing protection by revenue as the rule of
taxation.

POST.—To-morrow being account-day in Consols, the de-
claration of options took place this afternoon, at a quarter to
four o'clock, when an extraordinary scuffle was witnessed ;
speculators for the rise or fall having to establish the point
whether the quotation should be determined 90 (buyers), or
90 sellers. The "bull" party prevailed. Consols were kept
up to 90 (buyers), at which price a great quantity of Stock
was "put." The continuation from account to account was
currently done at per cent., the rate given being, however, in
some rare instances, as high as %. Money for short periods
was commonly to be had, on the deposit of Stock, at 5 per cent.
per annum. The closing quotations for the English market
were pretty much the same as on Saturday.
An attempt was again made to stimulate the prostrate Span-
ish and Portuguese markets. The intelligence of a further
remittance having been made on account of the Portuguese
half-dividend—and what a pretty ally Portugal must be to pay
half-dividends to her generous English creditors and support-
ers, while her home creditors continue to be paid in full
was the only pretext offered for renewed dealings, nor were
they carried to an extent to produce an improvement in prices
of more than per cent. _

The news received of a large steam-vessel, the same sup.
posed to have been seen off the Cape de Verd Islands, having
been discovered progressing on her voyage towards England, has
greatly revived the hope that the latter may prove to be the
President. The colour of the funnel, and some other parti-
culars given of the vessel alluded to, seem to present a dis-
crepancy which should furnish grounds for caution, but the
whole statement is confused and imperfect, and the public will
naturally catch at the main points as correct, and such as may
justify the conclusion to which they are disposed to come on
the subject.

CHARTIST MEETING AT THE
CROWN AND ANCHOR TAVERN, STRAND.
On Monday a Tory-Chartist meeting was held at the
Crown and Anchor Tavern, in the Strand, ostensibly for the
purpose, as declared in the notice convening the meeting, " to
adopt resolutions, having for their object the release of all po-
litical offenders, and carrying, out the peoples' charter," but
in reality to attempt, by a side wind, to depreciate the moa.
sures brought forward by her Majesty's Government for pro-
curing for the working and poorer classes the necessaries of
existence at a cheap and reasonable rate.
An intelligent working man named NAGLE was called to the
chair, on taking which he expressed a hope that the meeting
would not experience an Irish rebellion in the course of their
proceedings.
Mr. ROSE proposed the first resolution, to the effect that it
was the opinion of the meeting that no Government was de-
serving of the confidence of the people who had unconstitu-
tionally broken down the spirit of the law, by introducing an
army of foreign spies and bludgeon-men ; who had deprived
the poor of all protective aid; and, under the pretenoe of re-
lieving, incarcerated them in the accursed bastiles ; who had
denied the workman the constitutional shield of the suffrage
possessed by his ancestors ; and who, whilst contemplating
other acts of aggression, treated the petitions of (be people
with studied indifference and contempt.
Mr. SMART (a provincial delegate) seconded the resolution,
and, in doing so, said that he held T,;ryism in abhorrence, but
he would vote for any Tory, may, for the very devil himself,
with his seven hoofs, ten horns, saucer eyes, and long tail—
( Cheers and laughter )—before he would vote for a Whig:.
The Chartists now made use of the Tories, in order tq out,
politically, the throats of the Whigs, but when they had all
that the-people required, then they would turn round and
cut the throats of the Tories. He trusted that the conduct
of the provincial Chartists would be followed by their metro-
politan brethren. The measure brought forward by the Go-
vernment was not meant for the benefit of the workie
classes, it was intended to enrich the exporters—it 'PC.
mere tub to the whale, a sprat to oatch a mackerel • was a
and hisses.) --(Cheers
Dr. M Douala., a member of the for.
..ner Chartist Conven-
tion, spoke to this resolution, and de.
_died being actuated by any
factious or party spirit. He h-
been victimised by the Go-
avernment—(the doctor had '
.. Peen only recently discharged from
protracted conlineme-n
)--but their necks were now in the
grasp of the Charc,itt
:and he Pledged his life and liberty that
they would dr; e In that
.Government now told them that
they Wer:t2Oing to lowegrracse%tain duties, and thereby confer on
the P'nple a great boon. whe was an advocate for the re
"veal-of el taxes on the necessaries of life k but he was no
-ad-
vocate
for having it removed from one single commodity, as
the benefit would not be felt by the community. As to the
Corn-laws, although he was prepared to accept the repeal, yet
it would not make a difference of a halfpenny in the quartern
loaf. He questioned the wisdom of those men who could bring
forward such a measure, or the yropriety. of their diverting the
people from the pursuit of their just rights by a bubble like
this.--( Immense cheers.) After dwelling at considerable length
on the principles of the Charter, and urging the necessity of
their adoption,
the speaker sat down amidst loud cheers.
Mr. SANYEY next
addressed the meeting, after which the
Chairman put the resolution, which was carried unanimously.
itMr. Rtni.zy proposed the next resolution, to the effect that
, was the opinion of the meeting that the exertions of Thomas
Duncombe, Esq., and all other members who aided in procuring,
the release of all political prisoners, deserved their best thanks
now, and their cordial support at the next election.
Mr. SEEFFINGTON, in seconding this resolution, stated
that the petition bearing a million and a quarter of signa-
tures, praying for the release of all political offenders,
would be presented to-morrow—(Hear)—evening, by Mr.
Duncorabe. It was to be carried down to the House by a
number of fustian jackets, accompanied by a procession,
which would leave the Old Bailey at three o'clock. This
speaker, in laying before the meeting the course to be pursued
by the Chartists at the next election, mentioned that the caged
lion, Mr. Feargus O'Connor, was to be proposed, and carried
ititA Parliament triumphantly, as the representative of Leices-
tor,—( Cheers. )
Mr. Marertsr (an Irish Chartist), who opposed Mr. O'Con-
nell at the meeting in Exeter-hall last week, next addressed
the meeting, and was loudly cheered.
Mr. WALL, who had created the disturbance a few hours
previously at the meeting in the Old Bailey, proposed the next
resolution, to the effect that it was the opinion of the meeting
that the House of Commons, being altogether composed of the
representatives of land and capital, totallyexcluded the labour-
ing population.
The resolutions having been all carried unanimously, thanks
were given to the Chairman, and the meeting separated.

A cat belonging to an individual in the east end
of the High-street of Coldstream having produced
four kittens on Monday week, a bitch belonging to the
same person took possession of them Immediately after
they were born, and continues to nurse them with as
much tenderness and affection as if they were her own
pups. The bitch had brought forth pups about a month
previous.—Berwed Advertiser.