The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-07 00:00:00

PEACE OR WAR QUESTION.

FROM THE FRENCH JOURNALS OF MONDAY.
(From the Semi-official Constitutionnel.)
If two opposite opinions, as is probable, have been
manifested i❑ the Council, we ma- judge of the sort of
doubt and mistrust which each must have of itself by
the simple circumstance of its being opposed. In these
extreme cases each party would only decide upon evi-
dence, and opinions are divided. Decision on any side
is full of peril, and to escape from doubt it is natural to
endeavour to obtain unanimity. In England, when the
life of a single man is at stake, the jury must give an
unanimous vote. It is surprising, therefore, that our
Government, which has to decide as to the fate of se-
veral millions of men, should refrain from declaring its
decision until it shall have obtained the unanimity which
can alone fortify the consciences of men who have to
decree peace or the perturbation of the universe.
(From the Ministerial Cowrie). Francais.)
Government is deliberating ; it is fully impressed
with the importance of existing circumstances, and it
will no doubt be desirous of fulfilling its duties i” all
their extent. It had been said that there were divi-
sions in the heart of the Administration ; but if the
situation of the country had caused any difference of
opinion to arise, we believe that no trace of it remains
at the present day. The Ministry is united, and re-
solved as to its proceedings ; we are confident that it
will not meet with any obstacles, and that nobody will
dare to advise it to act either with feebleness or with
temerity.

(From the Temps.)
The first act of the execution of the Treaty of Lon-
don does not necessarily call for an immediate declara-
tion of war by France. We can conceive that the
Government might reply to the occupation of Beyrout
by taking possession of some important point which
should remain in its hands as a guarantee of the very
problematical disinterestedness of the allied Powers.
An operation of this kind would keep in check the
arrieres pensees of the dangerous protectors of the
Ottoman empire ; but we persist in thinking that the
taking of Beyrout ought not to provoke on our part
the immediate adoption of extreme measures.
(From the Journal des Debats.) •
We hope England may not find herself under the
sad necessity of involuntarily aggrandising herself else-
where, and place ue under the painful necessity of
opposing her.
(Frog the Presse, Court organ.)
The Gazette de France contains the following pas-
sages :
" Sunday, Five o'Clock, r.u.—Several Councils have
been held. M. Thiers demanded that measures of war
should be taken to reply to the bombardment of Beyrout.
" The measures proposed by the adventurous spirit
of M. Tillers are to force the Dardanelles in order to
oppose the arrival of the Russians, support the move-
ments of Ibrahim, or force the blockade of Alexandria.
" If we are well informed, he was opposed io the
Council by a complete resistance. He was told that it
was all very well to continue the armaments aril the
fortifications, but that there was nothing in the state of
things to induce any fresh resolution.
" Then M. Thiers demanded that a casus belli should
be established ; but this, it appears, was likewise re-
fused. M. Thiers then spoke of tendering his resigna-
tion, and in the day's Council it appeared probable that
this situation would come to some denouement."
We are inclined to believe that these details are not
without a foundation of exactitude.• We think we
could state the casus belli proposed by M. Thiers. It
would appear that M. Thiers is of opinion that nothing
ought to be done as long as the execution of the Treaty
of London is confined to the northern part of Syria,
but that as soon as it is made to bear on the southern
part—that is to say, the part adjoining Egypt—that
France ought to interfere and take the side of the
Pacha. This is childish and absurd ; it is willing
something and nothing ; it is simply reserving himself
an eventual pretext for dissidence and withdrawal. The
Treaty of London is not a work to be thus sawed in
halves, accepting one half and rejecting the other. It
must be accepted or rejected entirely. It it wounds
the honour and interests of France, it wounds them as
well by the destruction of Beyrout as by the destruc-
tion of St. Jean d'Acre. If the violences exercised
upon the north of Syria may be looked upon with
an eye of indifference, there is no reason for drawing
the sword on account of any violences exercised
upon the south. Intervention in the latter case would
be even more useless and more dangerous than in any
other, for it would not have been put into effect before
the power of Mehemet Ali was struck to the heart,
instead of being employed whilst it was yet possible to
find strength and support in this power. An ulti-
mat urn of that kind is founded on no policy—it is mere
childishness.
That, however, which is a serious fact is, that M.
Thiers wants to establish his casus belli in the absence of
Parliament and without its concurrence. If he were to
be listened to the French fleet would receive immediate
instructions in this sense, and the Chambers would after-
wards be convoked ; that is to say, they would not be
consulted until every thing was arranged for the deci-
sion of the question without their intervention. These
pretensions are curious enough coming from a Parlia-
mentary Minister. They ought not to astonish any one
however. For the last six months M. Thiers has done
nothing but make use of the principle which brought
him into power : he has never sincerely served it.
(From the Courricr Francais.)
We are calm, whatever the Debals may say to the
contrary ; but we are determined. Those extremes
which were at first contemplated with grief we now pre-
pare for as a necessary evil. Since the taking of Bey-
rout there is in the eyes of the Powers who signed the
Treaty of London no other Power in Europe than
themselves. We wish to replace the name of France
on the map, from which it has been insolently struck
out. In destroying the Pacha of Egypt they would de-
stroy France, vanquishing and degrading her without
combat. We protested against this humiliation in the
powerful language of the press so long as the Treaty
was a mere written document ; now that the Four
Powers pass from protocols to the most insensate acts
we must reply to the defiance otherwise than by words.
(From the Commerce.)
The confusion of tongues seems to prevail in the Press
of the Cabinet and that of the Palace. The Constilu••
tionnel, so pacific yesterday, is to-day magnificently cou-
rageous. The Revue de Paris, on the contrary, dis-
plays the standard of resignation. The Courrier and
the Siecle call for energetic measures, and the Journal
des Debats deprecates them as well as it can. Whom
is it intended to deceive ? What is passing ? Why
do not the Ministers speak out ? Why leave the
public mind a prey to these painful doubts? This
double game must have a❑ end. M. Thiers wishes to
pass for a pattern Of firmness. But does he think to per-
suade the most simple by fine words? Let him re-
collect his loud note of preparation after the Treaty of
London, and his prompt retreat. Let him cause him-
self to be called by the Constitutioned the most cncr-
getic representative of our nationality ; this is only
laughable. What we now want is acts not words.
When will the Ministry convoke the Chambers?
Does it give orders to the officers of our fleet ? Is every
thing ready for the mobilisation of the National Guard
Has it returned a suitable answer, and will it publish its
answer, to the Manifesto of Lord Palmerston ? Does
it renounce its perfidious and illegal projects of fortifi-
cation ? This is the only manner which it has remain-
ing to return into the ways which it has completely
abandoned, so that it is at this moment a repetition of
M. Mole.

Of the war journals, from which we have given no
extracts, it will he sufficient to say, that they are still as
violent as ever in calling for extreme measures, and in
endeavouring to provoke the French Cabinet to a hasty
decision by denouncing against it the indignation of the
country, if it should still attempt to blend with what is
due to national dignity those considerations of hu-
manity and that regard for commercial welfare, which
can only be conscientiously laid aside when the alter-
native is really the sacrifice of national honour and the
loss of that position in Europe which a great nation is
entitled to hold.
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