The Sun.
London, England, 1847-02-08 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 8, 1842.

the letter of Lord Aberdeen to the Duke de, Setomayor, and
I ~,' " irr!..,rSt,,,'.• d'S' "- •.f.' t,,i, to: that in the latter
. .
e ranee the less.—(dear, ;leer.) That, thee, IS the timer-
ence between the two situations, the two policies. It is
now said, Lord Palmerston ceased to support the Prince of
Coburg, and admitted that the candidateship of Don Enrique
was preferable. Let us see the value of this double fact.
On the 20th of /u•y we proposed to England to concert with
us to support the candidateship of the princes, the sons of
Don Francisco he Paulo. and on the 28th of August only we
received a reply. I shall now point out what was does in
hat interval. (The Hon. Member here read the dispatches
of the Count de Jarnac of the 21st and 24th of July, and the
13th of August, and continued.)-1 ask the Chamberwhether
these dispatches are reassuring on the subject of the can-
didateship of the Prince of Coburg. In fact, it was on the
28th of August only that England spoke of Don Enriqne,
and of him alone to the exclnsion of every other. I ask whether
this was not rather late? But I take as an hypothesis, for a
moment, the exclusive candidateship of Don Enrique. It was
evident that the Prince had little chance of being favourably
received at Madrid by the Queen, by the Queen-Mother, or
by the Government. We should, therefore, have been very
imprudent had we reduced our wishes to that sole candidate.
Are you aware that if Don Enrique had triumphed it was a
revolution? A change of policy in Spain must hare ensued.
The agent of England Lad several times written to his Go-
vernment that it was his conviction that Don Enrique might
become the husband of the Queen by a revolution; that he
might enter the palace of the Queen as a conqueror, though
not as a pretender to her hand. The entry of Don Enrique
into the palace as a conqueror implied the destruction of our
policy of Madrid. We could not accept such a combination.
—(Approbation from the Centre.) I now return to the
Prince of Coburg. I admit that the influence of England in
no way pushed him on ; I admit that she left the question to
the choice of Spain alone. I am here compelled to repeat
what I have many times said, both in the Chambers and in
my dispatches—the Spanish Government has always wished
for one or other of these two marriages, either the French
or the English one. She wished, after that event should
have taken place, to have the support either of France or of
England. The Spanish Government, menaced by revolu-
tion, was anxious to conclude the marriage. It would no
longer postpone the solution of that great question ; the
Queen-Mother, the Queen, and the Government—all were
anxious to have it completed. The Spanish Government
absolutely wishing to terminate the queetiou, what took
place? A proposition was made to us by the Court of
Madrid ; and at the time the case for us was pressing, for
there danger threatened. On the 9th of August the Spanish
Government proposed to us to marry the Queen to Don
Francisco de Assis, on condition that the other marriage, that
of the Infanta to the Duke de Montpensier, should be also
agreed to. In this state of the question we should have been
blind and culpable—we should have failed in our relations
with Spain, to have refused that. proposition ; for had we done
so, we should have thrown Spain under the influence of Eng-
land. I was right, then, in saying at the commencement, that
there was for us a necessity, which arose from the difference of
our situation with respect to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Pal-
merston. I consider this to Ise established in irrefragable
evidence.— (Approbation from the Centre.) I now arrive at the
question of honourable dealing. For my part I have never ac-
cused the intentions or good faith of any one, but in discuss-
ing them have always assumed that they were only errors
and faults of conduct. I have always respected and observed
this rule in every situation; the liberty and dignity of
diplomatic relations and of Parliamentary discussions depend
on it. Whatever, therefore, may be the conduct observed
towards me, or by whom, I shall always follow this course.
I protest, first of all, against the introduction of a name which
has been improperly employed at London in this discussion.
Not more abroad than at home, not more between two con-
stitutional Governments than in each individually, ought
that name to mixed up in political discussions. To in-
troduce it, to make use of it, is conduct deserving of the
strongest censure.— (Hear, bear.) I shall, -as I do at pre-
sent, always protest against such a violation of constitutional
rules, from whatever quarter it may proceed.—(Movement.)
I now enter into the question of good faith, and what is
called procides ; and in doing so, I feel the necessity of lay-
ing textually before the Chamber the documents and the
language of the Government. I speak not of documents
concocted after the event has taken place, and for the pur•
poses of defence, but of documents that passed during the
conduct of the affair. The Chamber will see that everywhere,
at London. at Paris, and in Spain, our proceedings have been
upright and honourable, such as they ought to be between
Governments that respect each other.—(Here the Hon.
Minister read a long dispatch written by himself, in which
he expressed surprise at the reproach made by Lord Palmers-
ton of a failure of procides ; insisted on the facts which in-
timated, on the part of the English Government, not a policy
of cordial understanding, but an isolated one ; and indicated
that France might also have an isolated poicy in Spain. )
Such (he continued) was our conduct at London, departing
in no respect from the consideration and good faith which
the Government of Great Britain had a right to expect from
the French Cabinet. Let us now see what were our proceed.
ings at Madrid. The employment of violent means, of mo-
ral coercion, of a consent wrung from the Queen in the mid t
of an orgie, have been spoken of. A dispatch of Lord Pa s-
inerston contains these odious accusations, and I repel thelm
in the strongest manner. As soon as M. de Bresson heard
of them he was profoundly moved, and hastened to deny
them. (M. Guizot here read letters from M. de Bresson,
protesting strongly against such allegations; he stated that
he passed the evening of the 28th of August at home, in his
house at Madrid, and that it was only on the morning of
the 29th that he received a note informing him that the mar-
riages were settled.) The Queen adopted, therefore (con-
tinued M. Guizot), her resolutions in full liberty. M. de
Bresson said not a word, took not a step that could influence
her determination ; never did he go out of the range of com-
monplace proceedings, and whenever he obtained an audi.
ence of her Majesty the doors of the Cabinet were left open.
There was then no moral coercion, no cunning tricks, no vio-
lence, but all was done freely. Let us now see the procedes at
Paris. The Chamber will pardon me for entering into de.
tails, but I desire to leave no doubt in the minds of my ad-
versaries. When I informed Lord Normanby that the mar-
riages were settled, he asked if they would both be concluded
at the same time? I replied that they would not, and I was
right in so replying ; for, at the moment at which I spoke,
not only was nothing as yet decided, but we were labour-
ing at Madrid to prevent the simultaneousness of the two
marriages. The Queen-Mother insisted strongly on that
point, but we opposed it; and M. de Bresson wrote to me
that he bad had to contend a whole day against Queen
Christina, and that it was with the greatest trouble that he
had succeeded in maintaining in the stipulations the words
autant Tue faire se pourrait, which constituted our liberty of
action. We were then in the right in saying that the two
t th an
that
t
at
marriages would not be simultaneous, for we laboured to
prevent them, and M. de Breststoirne,iennhoirgdteor
atnondonbl Btaail r i
point, even went the length of
had been done. At a later period. however, M..fesetedredseseep
wrote word that the Spanish Ministers mani
regret that the marriage of the Infanta had not athne-
nounced to be celebrated at the same time as otthabt
Queen. He recognised all the gravity of the
.reasonsrttahnactethoef
Spanish Ministers put forward, namely, the imp
closing the lists against pretensions and intriv,gmasupesn;eoaet
the Opposition was preparing its thunders, it '
gatetio
to hurry on the affair, or incur the risk of never being par-
doned by the susceptibility and dignity of the Spa gave
necessary
a t;s•
The two marriages had been agreed on ; if .
up to all the chances and all the uncerteiut;
the marriage of the Duke de Montpetisier, we t. We had
failed in all we owed to the Spanish GOvernal
ctrl.
with Don
decided on concluding the marriage of the eos tin, thedf uhtausr,ee
Francisco de Assis ; we could no longer resiQstu
of the Duke de Montpensier with the Infant
our faith
been the condition for the first, without breaking
Our Ambassa-
ealloz!inogh thathad
and deceiving the confidence reposed in us.
dor pointed out to us incontestable dangeirs, in.
e d not only in
marriage of the Infanta ; we were
Pie( -ieultaneousness of
honour, butt also in policy, to aeree to the sin delaying the
the marriages ; we had still many shoalsotoor
Aavmobidasea; the
Spanish Cabinet might go out of dr"' 0. dto the mea-
every day became more urgent, and
Sep-
sure. Just as much as I was right on wtll
let uot take place
teniber in saying that the marriages woutn.
t September, on
at the same time, so was I right, on the 4th
It is true that I
31-steeand 2d of Sep-
deciding that they should be simultaneous.
did not inform Lord Normanby of it ; but in pre-
havedn if,
been wanting in the most common P u:
- r bad given Lord
sense of a declared and active opposition, I
(Agitation.) I
Palmerston time to prepare his weapons.--
I think I should
now arrive at the second dispatch of the
he conversations
sador, dated the 25th of September, and to t,
nary remarks
which I had with him. I have a few prehe
honour to cell
fish Ambas-
to offer. When an ambassador does me than
on me and to ask me questions, it is not to an
truth, but
that I submit ; I am in such a case bound to
my
country.
I only reply so far as suits the interest tteterrogatory
to make, is that I cannot admit the accournn
ent as an authen.
(Applause from the Centre) Another observtastioofn
athettotnlvehrasvae.
time sent by an Ambassador to his Govern
In order to simplify
tic and unobjectionable document•
the question, I will say that the English
tamed the same opinion on this point,
re
me his dispatch
on the 2d of September to communicate
rendered an exact an-
Afurnr bhaeiseaadmo re
te
on t
renr -e
of the Ist, and to ask whether lie had rendthat
and
count of our conversation. The Amhassa
a dispatch could not acquire a character o
core this to the
• 'lit in his opinion, and I will pr
shown to me
of irrefragability until after this proof. The Ambassador
as right
Ambassador r authenticity considered
Chamber, by remarking, that whentiitte .'B5
I pointed out an omission tehich
which, on my
sup-
plied. Gentlemen,
'43 on myself. I care .
itv• Ihe Cham-
great reserve part, I considered it inprotpleer documentstoii
or uneertan _ • . ,
had a character of personality alykewpituhticid, laiiiinvii,olisicehd
If of this by examining the
her may
idelrn
astbsitsricntl;
I only read those .
cession, also,
testable. Ido not wish to reproach any
documentsbaNyVleliCchonhla'ien-ecebdeent7liwdhiboebfo
neces-any and Ir ec
o ins.
lone me the honour of showing me his
one, but I must be allowed to say, that if the Englisli
Ambassador had
and perhaps better, than lie has made
dispatch of Septeniber2s, as he did that of the 22d, I should
have spoken otherwise,
Agi atri)(2n and laughter.) On the 25th of Sep-
met affairs was completely changed; the
dor roneht
s me the
protest of his l;overn-
British Atnbassa . eof the Duke de 111 t •
teinsbleeraktb—(e state b
them
that , on penster—a
that England would do everything in
protest announcing
nt
that marriage. I received d• h
ment against the
power to prevent 'spate es
from Spain, announcing to me that, in fact,
her
a lected to accomplish that end. I saw a
at home and abroad against the solution
great effort ma
the
I saw and felt myself—and nothingt.the same tittri e
which we had ar
feed to.
see about to use is not intended to offend
expression' fell
_self. in the presence of an adversary.—
(Se
an 0"c—I f 1. • imyself obliged to saynothing fet
nsation.) , 'also
to refrain from saying • •
was true, lnit Here, then is anything that
my cause. , the second
might irijtfre
I set at rest, and as completely question,
that of good feet 1, dat P • . cleared up
etion, an arts, as the question
at Nladrid, ateo.
!lout dont nothin but- jn
of neces-
sity. We hav throug g what we ought
: --(touble
to have done. Tins •, . question, then, is resolved by
that it was Impossible for us to
the proof t •conclude
marriages without the
one of the • that good faith had
other, and by
the demonstration Webeen scrupu-
lously respected.. serious consid •
erat ion
into which we lied entered,
the engagem,nts
;which arose A
also to the tiecepety
than. first; second question now
remains, more imp“rtant , e but I shall lie brief
upon it. I
allude to the coesequences that the solution given
to the Spanish marriages may produce 011 our eituation in
`pain, in England, in Europe.- (Hear, hear.) Ido not deny
the gravity of the eituation ; on th • contrary, I wish that the
Chamber and the collar)" may perfectly understatid it. Grave
situations create wise conduct, and wive conduct decides
I ft
grave situations.--(Hear.).repeat, . Jen, i
drat 1 will •
the effect of leasti • 33) no-
thing that can have ning th
e gravity the
eituatiou ;so far from it, I could de-ire t hat me- words should
make the Chamber more alive to it. But, at ti s
it lillbet not be represented as graver or more'ecomplexseine
time,
than
it mills is. M. Thiers has perfectly defined the
that ere ought to maintain with respect
to
Spain.t .
We
euation
nothing to ask, nothing to desire from her, but a friendlyijas.e
policy. If there be in that country a •
Government friendly
to France, we desire nothing else; it is not true to say that
we have made ourselves the patrons of a
Cham-
ber will see the proofs of that in dispatchesparty, The
in 1843 and 1844 On the fall of Regencythe
which I wrote
by the union of the Moderado part with of Eepartero,
portion of the
Progreesistas, I wrote to recommend to Spaina
con-
ciliation, and condemned everything approaching union
toend
at,
rancoar. (The Honourable Minister read
adispatch
that
he had written to that effect.) we had not the ise idea of

making ourselves the followers of a party, but it is true that
we have been faithful to our friend'. We would not besi-
ti•:
csoi,equeece That 'ranee and spain have cuticimt,d.
great act—have contracted new ties. I do not exaggerate
the value of family unions ; bat when the interests of two
countries are identical, the marriages of princes have a
powerful effect in drawing closer their connexion. And in
that lies the importance that I attach to these marriages.
Do not believe the grave error which becomes day after day
more credited, that relations betwcea nations result only
from material influences, and nothing of interest, when the
trinh is that personal sentiments play a grand part in them.
Policy is founded on the sentiments, on the instincts, on
the wants of the soul ; and this mechanical system to which
it is at present desired to reduce the life of societies is
false, and to be deprecated.—(Hear, hear.) We are evi-
dently in a better situation with respect to Spain than we
were before the marriages. These marriages were contracted
freely, and the elections that took place afterwards in Spain
were also made in full liberty. At the present moment the
Spanish Cabinet is undergoing a change. But does not
that completely prove the independence of Spain—the free
play of her institutions? Yes; the Ministry which concluded
the marriage gives up its place to another; but is that a re-
action against us? No; for one of the principal members
of the new Cabinet was the reporter on the marriages in the
Cortes. There is no anti-French movement—there is free
play of institutions—that is all, and our policy sustains no
injury ! Such is our position with respect to Spain. A word
on England. Deceive not yourselves, the interests, the in-
stincts, the causes of action which induced England and
France to desire to live well together, in spite of so many
circumstances incessantly arising in opposition to harmony,
are so powerful that they will surmount passing dissensions.
England believes that what has occurred is injurious to the
liberty and the foreign policy of Spain. I trust to time to
prove to England that there may be good relations between
Prance and Spain, without dependence on the part of the
latter country. England believes herself to be threatened
in the Mediterranean. This is a serious error. When the
treaty of Utrecht was concluded, the influence of England in
the Mediterranean was not what it is at present., That treaty
gave Gibraltar to England, but then she had not yet Malta,
on the other side. For the last hundred years the equili-
brium of the treaty of Utrecht has been always broken for
the benefit of England and to our detriment. The posses-
sion of Algeria, and the good intelligence between France and
Spain, are at the most but a compensation for what England
has acquired. lam very far from regarding the Mediter-
ranean as a French lake. That is one of those unfortunate
expressions calculated to cause difficulties between nations.
The Mediterranean neither is nor can be a French lake; but
it possesses too much importance for France fur her not to
watch with much solici'ude on all the changes that may take
place in that quarter. I repeat, that for a hundred years all
those changes have been to our detriment. The uneasiness
of England is unjust and erroneous. Facts will, before long,
demenstrate this, and will prove the justice of the conside-
rations which I submit to the Chamber. I begin to feel
fatigued, and I shall in consequence be very brief in my
remarks on Continental Europe. As to the three great
Powers, their conduct and their attitude with regard to
the question of Spain have given us no sign of complaint.
They have not adhered to the policy of England, notwith-
standing that solicitations have been made to induce them
to do so. Only—do not deceive yourselves—these solicita-
tions will be probably confirmed, and fresh eflorts will be
made. If the King's Government guards well the position
it has taken—if it continues the policy of preserving
European order without abandoning anything of the prin-
ciples in accordance with the revolution of July —do not
fear that the great Powers will engage themselves against
us. You cannot reckon on their sympathy, but You may
on their prudence, their intelligence, and on their well
understood interests.—(Sensation.) They have proved this to
you for the last sixteen years, and they will continue to prove
it if you do not depart from the line of policy which is our
own. A last word on the secondary Powers to whom M.
Thiers alluded en passant yesterday, and who must be taken
seriously into account. 'Will you allow me to say what has
happened to them in this affair of the Spanish marriages?
When the secondary Powers do no 4 fear France has a revo-
lutionary and conquering Power, they are well disposed to-
wards her, and uesire to see her strong. I venture to say
that they have not now any apprehensions from her.—
(Laughter on the left.) And I congratulate myself on it for
the interest of my country; for, be assured, that on the day
when France shall no longer be regarded as a revolutionary
and a conquering Power, her strength already so great will
be considerably increased. The secondary Powers have
seen in the affair of the Spanish marriages a proof of the
strength and of the independence of our policy. They have
all declared this opinion. Gentlemen, the affair of the
Spanish marriages is the first grand thing that we have
effected completely single-handed in Europe since 1830.
(Sensation.) Impartial Europe has delivered her judgment
to that effect. Be assured that this event has strengthened
us in Spain and given us strength in Europe, particularly in
the ideas of the secondary Powers, who witness with joy the
success of our policy. Let tie not, then, depart from the
line of policy which I have traced out ; with Spain, good
relations and common interests; with England, good con-
duct and sentiments of kindness; with the continental
Powers, provided you persevere in the policy of Conserva-
tism.—(Loud interruption on the left.) If it is necessary
every instant to recommence the struggles which we have
sustained iu this Chamber; if it be again necessary to prove
that the policy of order and Conservatism is not one of abase-
ment, but that it has increased and honoured the name of
France in Europe—(Approbation in the centre, murmurs ou
the left)—discussion is no longer possible. We must start
from points already settled—results obtained by our discus-
sions here during the last seventeen years. No; this policy
of order and of Conservatism has not humbled France, but it
has elevated her, has doubled her influence, and has made
her name respected in Europe. And, if that policy had not
been followed, we should not have been in a state to have
resolved the question of the Spanish marriages; or, rather,
the decision would have been against us.—(Loud marks of
approbation, followed by great agitation.) The sitting was
suspended for a quarter of an hour.
M. Billault—The Minister for Foreign Affairs was right
when he said that wise conduct arranges difficult situations;
but he ought to have added that it foresees them also. The
discussion yesterday showed the great gravity of the present
situation ; that of this day has not diminished that gravity,
and we are on the eve of again seeing in Europe four Powers
against us. During 17 years the great difficulty of our
policy has been that eventuality, and we have already en-
countered it on more than one occasion. The task of a great
Government is to triumph over difficulties, to seek new
combinations which assure at the same time the liberty and
the security of the country. But though we have had this
difficult problem before us for more than seventeen years, I
demand if a single step has been made towards its solution?
Have the embarrassments of 1840 prevented a new cloud
from arising in 1846 and 1847? The Government has never
dared to grapple boldly with the difficulty; but successive
palliatives have been employed, sometimes towards ore
Power, sometimes towards another. Such conduct is not
worthy of a great people; it is perilous to a Government;
and it is important to ascertain this day how the danger
may be conjured away. For seventeen years the three
Powers have entertained the same sentiments towards you;
they have been the same in the affair of Belgium, in the
affairs of the east, and in other questions. Recently, too,
you found them in this Cracow business offensive in what
they did, and in the manner of doing it. Thus a Govern-
ment, which for seventeen years has sought to maintain good
relations with all, has seen the treaties of 1815 torn to pieces
before its eyes. Daring that period England has created
for herself a marvellous position ; each day she profits by
our difficulties with Europe, and menaces us. The Minister
for Foreign Affairs has told us that reiterated efforts would
be made against us among the continental Powers. What
is the reason, then, of this difficulty with respect to the con-
tinent and Eng•and ? Between the continent and ourselves
there are no reasons which prevent an alliance. Russia, for
her interests, has more reason to dread England than France.
ee
nearer geographical
and positnea nearer
ei orNi
enuhds
set
hlvi
eee
every day;
supposesai spirit o
;f Ibi
neurts psaehonet:nilde
ra,
etaaep,di
With Austria also we have no commercial rivalry, Prussia,
s
pbLay hcehr
the spirit of conquest, by
The northern Powers are well aware that the Frame of the
thosepreceding
appearances
tdtoe generations,wsaArpsiremove
ttbtxoh vote
the i
nations
ai
ens necessaryw which they
tfioleryt hgentiviertno. guardtrida
present day- does not possess the spirit of conquest felt by
h
for us to protest against such auebasencous
cettrheu,T:
nsoaabestiiynli supposition,
no
i‘nnlif iowatfohnadpidsaiei
perpetuating
nespdestroy
nco:
Itahhmeeeaosnrendtgce
ahsaetivuesumaus
mrnetiedehsai.
of conquest,
ersnotmenhnenieudmqr s
and by M. Thiers.—(Murmurs.) When, after seventeen
years, the Government has done everything to destroy
the opinion that France is animated with the spirit of
conquest, and the whole' opposition here makes
declaration, it is of importance that those words should re-
sound beyond the Rhine, and that it should be clearly,
understood that those who make the accusation
calum-
niate France. As to the spirit of liberty, it depends
on no one in this assembly to stop its development—it
extends every day beyond our frontiers —it k wor s an
effect throughout Germany which no
This progress of the spirit of liberty power can
l arrest.
law of the
an obstacle will world, and far from beingit •
ll soon be
a bond between those people and ourselves. The Minister
of Foreign Affairs Las just told us that, by continuing
and spirit of our general policy—that moderation -
Con-
servatism which the Government has constantly followed
—all difficulties will disappear. For 17 years have
practised that moderate policy, and such has not been
the result. (Murmurs and marks of ' approbation.)
France, by
Las •
s performed in Europe. Whenever you have made a
special concession to the northern Powers you have not
solved the difficulty, you have only postponed it. The
situation of affairs is ruled by a necessity which
escapes your power ; but furtunately the evil carries
with it its own remedy. What will best secure the future
welfare of our country is to break the union of the three
northern Powers in the point of view of the liberty of their
people. For sonic time Germany has evinced strong consti-
tutional tendencies, and from the day when the Prussian
nation shall have a constitutional Government, the alliance
of the three Powers will be destroyed. I know that our
part is not to combat, but to aid, support, and to en-
conrage. There is a remarkable movement now going on
in the world; the smaller Powers display uneasiness at
the attitude taken by the great ones. Look at what is
passing in Sweden and en the banks of the Rhine. 'The
English alliance was in a former Fitting pointed out as
the remedy for the present state of affairs, and it is to
this remark that I would more particularly call the at-
tention of the Chamber. Were it a sincere and serious
alliance with England, we should heartily applaud it;
but the question is to know what price we should be re-
quired to pay for it. Do you imagine that the fall of any po-
litical personage from power would consolidate our relations
with the British Government? Do you not rather believe
that a good understanding with England must be re• pur-
chased at the price of fresh concessions? What it is im-
portant to our country and the Chamber to know is, by
what conduct we may avoid the dangers which have been
pointed out, and find a sure support in Europe. Is it by
concessions in words or in deeds that we shall re-enter into
flee English alliance? If the facts are as grave as they are
f • t fr
ethie an o e ect our
represented, we must do soloriceng ll
•n
wew purchase it ?
recenciliation. At what p a
(Murmurs fiem the centre.) But that is not what ought
most to excite our attention, for to re-enter the English
great difficulty which separates
alliance is not to reso;ve the
6 but to adjourn it. Doiyou
us from continental Europe,aid us to establish a good under-
believe that England will
Cabinets of the North, when, during
strinuing with the
her interests being
seventeen years,
to purchase her co-
turned towards them, and compelledethitig from the three Powers
operation, whilst to obtain :mini
t'huate union with us? Is it
she has promulgated a more
1.• • a position that
likely she will abandon. from pure era ny
great deal has been said about
enables her so to act?
A el
at
revolution of isno, but her
England having recognised t
t distrust between
le calculation to crca e
doing so was, a simple
P v re which during the Restoration
France and the Northernl otiereni.a as ,
to lessen her ascendancy.
had been on such friend
y 9
the cause is tat the recognition
The proof that suchGlea•va
eminent. At all , ter period, in the
was made by a Torey
English alliance, did England either in
heroic times of for,
Portugal, sustain a liberal and generoue
Belgium, SPain material interests did not suffer from it?
policy when her
again enter into the English alliance with-
out, then,
t t alliance indispensable to us? M.
sacrifices. But is a
b
M Guizot, who have carried it out, Lave not e-
Thiers and
lieve(l that. (Here the Hon. Deputy read extracta from the
•

speeches of those statesmen to prove that assertion.) The
attitude of England is such that you have nothing serious
or mtlble to expect f-onl it, and yet you will r commencea
th;rd time what you have already proved twice. If that is
what the alliance promises, why return to it? Why not
maintain our independence with good relations ? Do you
believe that it will suffice to be friendly and circumspect to-
wards foreign Powers. You will not advance vcur affairs in
that way. Seek not, then, an alliance with England ; seek
not alliances with the Northern Powers. But be certain
that you cannot find any better auxiliaries than the
generous ideas that ferment among nations. In that is
strength, in that is the future ! But you will be alone, you
are told. Yes, if you call it being alone to have all gene-
rous sympathies with you! In conclusion, I will call to
mind a fact. One day it was desired to place France apart,
or rather, to treat her as if she no longer existed—it was the
day of the treaty of Vienna. But, it was thought that
nothing could be stable without her, and she was called in.
Do you believe that the Powers of Europe will dare refuse
to the France so powerful by her strength of cohesion, and by
the sympathies of nations, what they spontaneously offered
to the France of the conquered empire? We fear it not. I
will only add, that I have not endeavoured to arouse the
passions of the Chamber; I have only sought to expose to it
some useful ideas, and I believe I have done that.
On the demand of M. Berryer the debate was adjourned to
the next day.
The Chamber rose at a quarter to six o'clock.