The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-18 00:00:00

meeting the present financial diffieulties that they could
adopt was a direct taxation: of real property. 'The Noble
Lord (Lord J. Russell) was right in not adopting that
course ; but yet if he did he would be at liberty to ask
the co-oTeration of Hon.:Gentlemen opposite, as they
had on similar oceasions-iisS:the present adopted such a
course. With respect to the proposition which Ministers
had laid befers the House, he trusted they would act with
firmness and decision. If they were defeated (as he feared
they would) in the present instance, he trusted they
would not 'separate without bringing before the conside
ration of the House that other great and important qness
tion which manyout of that House desired to see again
discussed within its walls—he meant the question of the
Corn-laws. He hoped they would follow up that
great proposition, and appeal to the sense of the
country.—(Ministerial cheers, answered by ironical
cheers from the Opposition)—that they would give the
country an opportunity 'of - judging and of exhibiting
its judgment as to whether the proposition was for the
benefit of the people or not,
Mr. STRITTT conceived that the right of importing
any commodity, from whatever country they chose,
which was granted to the West • Indian merchants, was
not a boon but an act of,justice, and on the same prin-
ciple it was, in his mind, but justice to
the people of this : country to allow sugar
to be imported from every quarter of the globe.
It had been said that by admitting foreign sugar we
should promote slavery abroad. This was an important
question ; but in discussing it we mast take the matter
as a whole, and go into general psinciples.—(Hear, hear.)
This, however, was refused by 'Hon. Gentlemen on the
other side, who appeared to have no objection to the
introduction of any article of slave produce but sugar.
They were bound, if they had any regard to consistency-,
—if they did not take measures for the entire prohibi-
tion of all other slave-grown commodities—at least to
take measures for their gradual exclusion; and not only.
so, but they ought to pass a non-importation Act, for
every bale of British goods imported into the Brazils
had, according to the principles of Hon. Gentlemen, a
tendency to increase slavery abroad. Therefore, if they
relied in full consciousness on the strength of their argu-
ment, they must carry it out much further, and cut off
the produce of all nations where slavery exists, in order
to compel them to abandon that atrocious system.
He believed so far from such a course leading
to such results it would have the opposite effect, and
only excite feelings of irritation in the minds of the
people of that country, not only against ourselves, but
against the principles
,it was our object to impress upon
them. He believed this object was to be attained by per:
suasive, and not by coercive measures, but, above all, by
showing them that, in carrying into effect these princi-
ples of justice and humanity, we had been at the same
time but consulting our own interests.—(Hear' hear.)
On these grounds, and looking at the question of slavery
alone, he could feel no hesitation in supporting her Ma-
jesty's Government on the present ()tension. There was
one class- of opponents whose conduct had astonished
him not a little, and that was the West India planters.
When he considered how long they had resisted not
only the abolition of the slave trade, but of slavery itselff
he must say it was with great astonishment he heard
them come forward and charge the Noble Lord with
encouraging slavery.—(Cheers.) Were he to express
his feelings on the subject as strongly as he entertained
them, he feared lie might be tempted to use language
that would not be strictly parliamentary.—(Cheers.)
He would -challenge them with hypocrisy ; but
when he considered that the present was the first time
he had heard of these professions, he thought nosufricient
case had been made out on the ground of these profes-
sions to*efuse relief to a suffering people.—(Hear, hear.)
He only wished, to add that he felt the greatest satis-
faction at the general measure proposed by her Ma-
jesty's Government, and he was sure they would be re-
ceived with like satisfaction by the people of the country.
He was rejoiced that the Noble Lord had taken in hand
the great and difficult question of the Corn-laws, and,
above all, that he had given up the system of a sliding
duty, which he believed was foundedin fraud and delusion.
He thought that the Hou. Member for West Kent was
wrong in supposing that it was the business of that
House to determine what the price of corn should be.
The great error of the Government on this subject had
been, in not leaving this to be determined by the farmers
and those who were most interested. The Hon. Member

'or Surrey had objected to the proposed system, on ac-
count of its uncertainty. But this was the great com-
plaint against the present Corn-laws, that on account of
the unsteady price they could not be paid for in manu-
factured goods, and this occasionally led to a drain of
bullion and a derangement of the Currency. No argu-
ment on this subject had more strengthened his convic-
tion than this. He thanked the Government for having
taken up the question in the manner they had done, and
in putting out of the way all minor considerations, and
he was sure that in doing so he would receive the sup-
port of the great majority of the people of the country,
to which hebelieved they were jUstly entitled.—(Cheers.)
Mr. MARK PHILIPS said that although the Hon.
Member for Newark (Mr. Gladstone) had said - that
many would give their support to her Majesty's Ministers
with doubting minds and quailing hearts, he rose to give
his vote on the present occasion without such feelings,
either with reference to himself or those he had the
honour to represent. On the contrary, he had never
felt greater confidence than he should do, in giving his
vote on the present occasion, for he believed there ex-
isted the most perfect unanimity of feeling between him-
self and his constituents with respect to,the proposition
of her Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) If any
constituency had distinguished itself with reference to
the abolition of slavery, it was that which he had the
honour to represent, and he had therefore felt the
greatest pleasure in receiving from the Secre-
tary of the Anti-Slavery Society in Manchester,
within the last day or two, a statement that only two in-
dividuals connected with that body bad the slightest
hesitation in coming forward and declaring their adhe-
sion to the proposition of the Government.—(Hear, hear.)
He thought such a speech as that of the Hon. Member for
the Tower Hamlets (1)r. Lushington), was calculated to
do great injury. The Hon. Member had said that he
had not the slightest doubt that the people of this country
would prefer a dinner of herbs to the stalled ox so prof-
fered to them. He thought the Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber, in making that statement, had certainly outstepped
all proper and fair estimation of the feelings of the
operatives of this country. He (Mr. M. Philips) did
not deny that these individuals sympathised with the
negroes; he believed they did so far more than those who
more loudly expressed their sympathy.—(Hear, bear.)
But as regarded these unfortunate operatives, he thought
it was almost insulting their feelings to talk of their pre-
ferring a dinner of herbs. They had dined on them too
long ; with them it was no matter of choice but of
necessity.—(Hear.) And when he was among his own
constituents, many of whom he saw toiling from morning
to night, anxious, by the honest industry, to gain a live-
lihood for their families, he did sympathise most deeply
with them.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to our trade
with the Brazils, he believed at this moment it amounted
t 01,000,0001., and the importance ofits continuance would
therefore not be disputed by any except by those ,who
carried out their sympathetic feelings. Without refer-
ence to practical experience, he (Mr. M. Philips) had
had some experience in the trade to the Brazils, when he
first entered in commercial life, and he stated with pride
that throughout a long course of years they had never
supplied articles to that country that would go indirectly
into the African trade. It appeared by the
official returns that the value of our exports in
the present year was 2,600,0001. In his opinion it was
far larger ; but this was quite sufficient for his purpose,
for it would thus be found that upwards of 2,000,0001.,
representing English industry by the articles of hard-
ware, cotton, and iron, were exported to this country.
Now, what was the position of the trade at the present
moment ? It had been carried on for years, and they
had never before heard a word against it. Our mer-
chants had been obliged to give long credit to the mer-
chants of the Brazils, as in all other parts of the world,
and this had enabled them to complete their plantations.
It might be said they lent their capital to be employed in
the slave trade. But would any one say they could put
down a trade of this description ? What would be the con-
sequences of attempting to put an ehd to such a trade as
this ? Those engaged in the home trade would be thrown
out of employment, and would be obliged to resort to the
poor-house for relief ; a tax would fall in consequence
upon the machinery, which, instead of being able to com-
pete with the other nations of the world, would thus be '
excluded from competition. Let them look at the im-
portance of the trade with reference to another question;
in what position would they be placed in 1842, in seek-
ing a continuance of the treaty with Brazil ? Was this
a matter of no importance to the shipping interest of this
country ? In 1839 not a ship could find a return cargo
to the country from whence it came. It was true these ves-
sels touched at many ports, but it did not thence follow
that they would get a cargo. This was a monstrous
condition for a large portion of the shipping interest of
the country to be placed in. Then look at the condition
of the country if they should not be able to negotiate
with the Brazilian Government for the renewal of the
commercial treaty we at present enjoyed. He said that
it behoved every one who held the reins of Government
in this country to take care that so important a branch of
trade should run no risk of being ruined. It was the
duty of the GOvernment to promote, foster, and increase
that trade. He would not dwell longer on this part of
the question, but he felt he should not have discharged
his duty to his constituents if he had not drawn atten-
tion to this important subject. He was sure there were
those who required our sympathies at home, and he con-
gratulated her Majesty's Ministers on the present occa-
sion that, instead of bringing forward fresh taxes, which
would not relieve or expand the enterprise of the country,
they had had the manliness boldly to meet the difficulty,
by admitting the necessity of carrying the principle
of free trade in a manner that would give employment
to those who were anxious to avail themselves of it.
He had often been solicited by the hand-loom weavers
of Lancashire to bring forward a vote of a grant of
money in that House in their favour. He had always
thought it advisable not to adopt such a step ; but 'he
felt, that if some remedy were not devised by a new
system of legislature as regarded the necessaries of life,
such a grant would become indispensable. They had
heard on various occasions that it was the intention of
the promoters of the New Poor-law to drive the people
to use a coarser description of food. He had always
denied that statement, and had held it to be a libel on
the Rouse ; but he was persuaded that the result
in question would follow from the policy of those who
would maintain existing monopolies. The plan of
meeting the expenses of the country by renewed
taxation had already been tried, and had com-
pletely failed. It was now time to resort to
a different course. The trade of England had been de-
clining of late years. and he was confident that this state
of things would become irremediable if existing restric-
tions were continued, and that to Hon. Gentleman oppo-
site the evil might be fairly attributed.
Mr. W. BARRON opposed the resolution of the
Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool for six distinct
reasons.—(A laugh.) He opposed it first, because he
thought, however paradoxical it might appear;- that it
would tend to perpetuate slavery in every country lit