The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-12 00:00:00

the affairs of Ireland? The principle which the English
Government had laid down appeared to him a most dan-
gerous one, and one which was capable of the most se-
rious and injurious application. lie therefore made the
motion of which he had given notice, although with deep
regret, for he felt that the occasion for such a motion was
One which-could not be productive of anything but
danger to this country and injustice to others.—(Hsar.)
Mr. OSBORNE seconded the motion.
Lord HARRY VANE then rose, but in consequence
of the confusion prevailing in the House he was for a
short time inaudible. His Hon. Friend had quoted the
dispatches of different agents of the Government in behalf
of the principle which he advocated—that interfe-
rence of the present description was unjustifiable.
He (Lord Harry Vane) admitted that the general
principle ought to be that of non inti rvention, but
there were cases of exception, unzler certain circum-
stances, which clearly mode some interference necessary.
The diplomatic agents had, in their representations to
their respective Governments, objected to all interfe-
rence, and it was not, till it was signified that France
and Spain would interfere, that it was considered right
the British Government iould assent to the principle
of intervention. Had the insurgents been allowed to
proceed unchecked, there could be no doubt that they
would, in a short time, have undermined the throne of
Donna Maria, and, perhaps, seated Don Miguel upon its
ruins. The consequence of this would be, that Spain
would have been obliged to cross the frontier, and et-
tempt to restore the monarchy to its rightful possessor.
This would necessarily have led to the interference of
France ; and from the dispatches of M. Guizot there is
no doubt but measures would be taken by France, in
conjunction with Spain, to put down the pretensions of
the new usurper to the throne. He thought, therefore,
that under those circumstances the British Govern-
ment was called upon to take the steps which
it did, and thereby prevent the evils which would have
inevitably taken place had she remained quiescent. No
doubt the Administration of the Qtr. en of Portugal bad
been very arbitrary, and had been guilty of acts which
made it liable to the greatest censure ; but this could not
justify the extreme measures which had been resorted to
by the Junta for the purpose of redressing them. He
admitted the Queen bad violated the constitution, and
that if she had attempted to govern through the means
of a fair representation of the people, the scenes which
had occurred would not have taken place. He thought,
however, if the British Government had not interfered,
Portugal would have been overrun by a Spanish
army, and far greater evils than those which
now existed would have been the result.
He answered, if they had not interfered they would have
have been obliged to send an army to put an end to the
far worse state of things which would have resulted in
the event of the interference having been left to Spain.
Now, he did not think that this, which would have been
a matter of necessity on the part of the British Go-
vernment, wonld have met the approval of the Hon.
Member for Maidstone. —(Hear, hear.) He was of
opinion, therefore, that a complete case of justification
was made out. It was impossible that a great nation like
that of England, should not interfere in order to protect
her own interests. Under these circumstances, he
should give his decided opposition to the measure.—
(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord thin resumed his seat.
A pause then ensued for some minutes. Loud cries
for Lord Palmerston succeeded, but the Noble Lord did
not respond to the call. A curious scene then occurred.
Mr. B. ESCO I'T loudly called " Question, question."
After an interval of some minutes, in which the cries
of " Withdraw " and " Divide " alternated, thus failing
of its object in calling up the Noble Lord,
Mr. B. ESCOTT drew the attention of the House to
the fact that strangers were in the gallery.
The gallery was then cleared, but in a few moments
the press were re-admitted.
Mr. M. MILNES rose to support the policy of the
Government. He contended that it was not only right
but necessary that Great Britain should interfere, and
he trusted that when she did so, it would always be in. a
way befitting her dignity. It eas not to be expected
that a country such as Portugal eould of itself—so
young in all the constii u.ional principles of Government,
and in the necessary experience, speedily eff-et those ob-
jects to which reference had been made. In Nov., 1846,
The Palmella Administration was suspended by what
was called the Ultra-Tory party, and which finally
established the Marquis of Saldanha in the Councils of
the Crown of Portugal. If they looked at the course of
events which led to that result, they would discover
nothing but one issue of illegal acts and unconstitutional
proceedings which could not in England be enacted. He
found that Mr. Bulwer, in a conversation with Count
Thomar, advocated the non-introduction of foreign
powers in the affairs of Spain. Count Thomar, however,
took another view of it, and evinced a strong feeling on
the part of the Spanish Government to interfere, and
Mr. Bulwer wrote to Lord Palmerston that it would be
impossible to avoid interference. In the meantime, Sir
H. Seymour used every means which were in his
power to moderate the asperities of the contend
ing parties. The Honourable Gentleman quoted
another dispatch to that effect. He was sure
that it would be admitted by the Hon. Member that
every effort had been used to end hostilities without
force ; but all failed, every effort was vain, and what
remained? Nothing but an armed intervention remained,
and now it became an important consideration with every
country, and this country, how they would act in case
of an armed intervention. (The Hon. Gentleman then
quoted a dispatch from Baron Munhausen, stating by
authority, that the French King had announced his
good disposition to the Queen's cause, and asking Eng-
land also to interfere.) Now he said they were come to
the crisis when England had to consider whether she
would interfere in the affairs of Portugal, and to what
extent she would do so. Then came the dispatch of the
sth of April, a dispatch whieh he believed was, under
the circumstances, the best policy. That dispatch set
forth those very principles which had been advocated by
the Hon. Member for Montrose. The Noble Lord set
forth the broad grounds on which be based
his interference. The interference of England was
introduced on principles which in no way discouraged
the expression of the popular opinion, and the result
intended was to restore all to their former position in
the kingdom. Propositions contained in that dispatch
were laid before the Junta, who expressed themselves
highly satisfied with them. Terms at length were of-
fered on the part of' the Government, treaties were being
negociae d until an ultimatum was offered, supported
by an armed force in case of refusal. The Junta,
at the unhappy moment, was, he believed, over-
awed by „various parties and considerations.
This appeared by a dispatch from -Colonel Wylde.
What would be the effect of giving sway to the violence
of the impetuous national character? Why, it would
have been most injurious, and he th 'ught that Colonel
Wylde had acted perfectly right. It app-eared
from the public journals that the Conde das Antas
was in reality a prisoner in the hands of the
British Government—(flear, heir.) Conde das Antes
and the troops under him were conquered, but as
brave men might be by the force of overwhelming
numbers. Fur Conde das Antes, or any other person,
to suppose that this country should go and make a
formal declaration of war he considered '.bsurd. H.
thought on the entire that they hof a right to congra-
tulate themselves upon the conclusion at which they had
arrived. He thought the Notele Lord was called up
to do all he could to secure for Portugal constitutional
liberty. All that could be done by the English Go'
verntnent should be done for those brave men in Por-
tugal who were endeavouring to maintain inviolate the
constitutional liberty, and he trusted that the Crown of
Portugal might be taught—if Crowns could be taught
lessons—not to attempt to invade the liberties of the
people.
Lord W. POWLETT said that he thought that Govern-
ment might have intertered to protect the Queen, but
should not have gone further.
Mr. WARBURTON said that the opinion of Sir
Thomas Monroe on the interference of this country in
India was so applicable to the present question, that he
would big leave to read what he stated in a letter to the
Secretary of the India House, who produced it when
under examination before a Committee of the House.
The Honourable Member here read an extract from
the eoeument in question, which strongly deprecated
the interference of a foreign power in the affairs of
India, as it was calculated to sustain oppression on the
part of the Sovereign, and to suppress all efforts for
liberty on the part of the people. The Hon. Member
also read extracts from some letters of Mr. John Mills,
who asserted that foreign interference had the effect of
supporting despotism, and engendering a tutilage on
the part of native Princes, who, from a custom of de-
pending upon foreign assistance, would naturally be en-
feebled. As a man that wets accustomed to go on
crutches would never be able to use his limbs perfectly.
Mr. H. BAILLIE said that he did not attach much
importance to the delay of these papers, because he knew
that that habit of delay was an old failing on the part of
the Noble Lord opposite ; for as long ago as 1841 he
found that great complaints were made of the delay of
papers in the affairs of Portugal. The question for
them that night, was not the infringement of the charter,
but the right of a foreign power to interfere in the in-
ternal affairs of a foreign country, when that country
was not threatened with aggression by a foreign foe ;
and he should like to ask the Noble Lord if their former
interferences with other countries bad redounded to
the credit of the British arms—from interferences
which he could not designate by any other name than
unjust and impolitic interferences ; and however anxious
he might be to ascertain the opinions of the Noble
Lord (Palmerston), he should feel it his duty, in the
ales, nee of that experience, to illustrate his own opinion
by reference to the history of other interferences ; and,
fur this purpose, he should not go further back than the
origin of the late di! turbances in Portugal. What had
their interference with the affairs of Portugal got for the
people of this country while Miguel was de /two the King
of Portugal? They had a commercial treaty, which was
liberal to this country, but they chose to interferein behalf
of Don Pedro, and after a bloody struggle, Don Miguel
was driven out of the country. What had they gained?
Nothing. Their commercial relations with that country
were in a worse state than before. What had their in-
terference with Spain done them? They found Spain
in a state of civil anarchy, and they thought, improperly
thought, that they were called on to interfere. They
proposed to raise a large body of men in this country
to assist •in the warfare of that country ; these
men to be commanded by able British officers.
What was the result ? Late events had shown them.
Spain had truckled to Louis Philippe, and Enogrltaungdais
.
former services were forgotten. And now they were
again prepared to interfere in the affairs of Portugal,
despite their former experience. They were again pre •
pared to embroil themselves in the civil warfare of Con-
tinental Europe.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that
this course would ;not 'receive the sanction or ap-
probation of that House ; he trusted that steps
would not be taken which would prevent them reced-
ti4gatecrt withtheu honour,vonnotttse,y twouldh e pa .nodr..p withouttteoog fnite thist
hicots
us
principle
andirnyc:
pnl
nhn eell.hoped
fully
triteivention with forsivi ontuitis you gbitaalir urkithult
sad dways

alarmed many individuals who were disposed in her
favour. He would not weary the House with. a detail of the
aty:lrdaewnhieast ctwimastniultt,7.l4t; tdaixsgesrahcaedfuteetnhele)atehdadwistehnotut,l)arewr,
inSP athnei hc
obuonndstry sairmidilawrhti,c,hthow,le whichhi had been
pe,,peletisl
,elitg
,sup-
peso gave the holder a claim upon the Government.
And this was the Government they were called upon to
support. It was of importance for him to adduce autho-
rities to show the real state of the ct4estion. He (l r.
Hume) recollected the time when Lord is rey, and when the
Noble Lord, now at the head of the G
office on the express understanding
thaoeyd sahboouveldablle,
Government, etnht, )e obtainedwould
friendlyatt end t o
to three
reform,
that their Government should stand in a position of non-
advocatesimportant
of points—thatemy,
ono
interference in the affairs of other foreign countries.
Lord J. RUSSELL—Peace.
; peace between foreign countries.
He Mr.
m U
w.i!idrlelald—Ye
the sentimentss of Earl Grey, and leave
the Noble Lord to speak for himself, fie said, if they
wished to be at peace with other countries they must
maintain the principle of non-interference, because
any departure from
i such a course would in-
evitably lead them into war; and, further, that
every Englishman must rejoice that Louis Philippe had
been placed on the throne of France. Earl Grey made
one of these expressions when they had expelled Charles
111. ; but he was not guilty of one twentieth part of
the conduct of which the Queen of Portugal had been
guilty.—(Loud cheers.) And if infatuation had ever
possessed any man, it surely had possessed Phi-
lippe—(flear)—he who owed his crown to the barri-
cades—(lmmense cheering)—he who, but for the Duke
of Wellington, would not have been placed
upon the throne of France, because the
Holy Alliance were against him, and the
Duke of Wellington was the man who acknowledged
the power of the people, for he would not allow any in-
terference of this kind ; and he believed no man was alive
at that moment who took a more determined and popular
part than the Duke of Well:14;ton, because he supported
the claims of Louis Philippe when the revolution took place
to France, and was it not miraculous that the man who
was so careful of his own interests as Louis Philippe
should be a party to a measure of this kind, and his ex-
cuse was, that France and Spain were
going to do something. What had they
done ? Let the House hear, for it appeared
to him that they had done nothing—could any man of
common sense believe that the man of whom Earl Grey
spoke in these eulogistic terms would have so acted ;
and what were the Englishmen doing? But here are
the Portuguese ten times worse in their Government,
and led on in their opposition by the most virtuous men
in the nation. After making inquiries, and satisfying
himself in reference to their character, he repeated that
ne believed them the most virtuous men in the nation,.
Some of the papers he saw called them " Chartists ; '
where they have got the name he knew not, or what
they mean by it ; bat if anything disreputable was in-
tended, he must say that they were men possessed of a
character which commanded the confidence of the people,
and was it not painful to see the flag of England flutter•
ing over the supp:ession of a movement led on by men
like these. The Noble Lord said peace, Lurd Grey
s lid nothing about that. Lord Grey, in the case of
France, approved the ready recognition of the new Go-
vernment, and applauded the might which had been
allowed to the voice of the people, in a matter of this
kind, and hoped that the ready recognition of the new
Government, would tend to a good understanding be •
tween the two nations, as the foundation of peace.
Lord Grey when in office, being asked a question of the
same kind said, he had but to repeat then what he had
-aid when out of office. As for peace, he (Mr Hume)
could not answer for the consequences wnich would
follow. Perhaps tne Government might think that atter
taking Conde Das Antes and his two thousand men
prisoners they had obtained th; it object. They were
further from it than ever. C.,u1,1 they persevere ?
Tney must keep a British army in Portugal to support
an infarn els Government.—(Herr, hear, and cheers.)
Was that the only authority en the subject ? Why, the
Duke of Wellington, in .1833, on this very question,
moved, " that an address be presented to his Majesty,
praying that his Majesty would be graciously pleased to
give such direcions as would lead to the English troops
preserving a strict neutrality in the affairs of Portugal."
And then the Noble Duke gave Lord Sioweli's definition
of neutrality, namely, that " netvralitv meant not giving
succour to either side." Lord Stowell also said, that
interference should not take place without a notice or
Cl,Clartitloll of war." Had they dime that ? No ;
quite the contrary. A paper had certainly been sent; but
by did not Sir George Hamilton find a party to ensure
its arrival in time ? The General who commanded
the troops in Portugal did not believe that
they would run the risk they had done.
They had a firm belief that justice would result from
the interference of England, and that such an act of
injustice would not be perpetrated. And he must say
that a stain had 11. en c +at on this c iuntry which would
never be removed. Now, lest there should be any
doubt on the subject, he shoull read a question that
had been asked of Earl Grey. That Noble Lord was
asked, whether they were perfectly safe ? He had not
het seen the order under which these proceedings were
taking place. But Earl Grey said, we sent Admiral
Parker to the Tagus, with orders to observe the strict-
est neutrality. On the Ist of June, Admiral Parker
was told by the Admiralty that, under all the circum-
stances, he was to observe the strictest neutralit).
" Why was it that England, in 1833, had acted such
a just and honest part, and in 1847 had acted
In a manner directly opposite. He believed that if they
had sent 5,000 men from England, and excluded Spain
altogether, that the Portuguese would have submitted as
to a stronger power; but if Hon. Members had heard,
as he had done, the expressions of annnosity that had
been heard on the frontiers of Spain, they would have
some conception of the bitter animosity that existed be-
tw.en them Bolder feuds were nothing to it. An
Honourable Member near him, said that Louis Philippe
we; concerned in this. He believed himself that Louis
Philippe was at the bottom of it.—(Laughter.)
Mr. Sutheron, in his letter, had stated that there was, on
the part of the people. every desire to make peace, but
that taxation hail been greatly increased, and that rates
were levied to make new roads, while there was not in
all Portugal a road fit for any continued use. External
commerce had been kept away by a system of high
duties, and an inquisitorial system which was carried on
against the masters of merchant vessels. There had
teen the abolition of trial by _ jury, and many other
inflictions upon the people in comple contravention of
the articles 16, 17, and 18, in the treaty of 1842.
13" the abolition of the right of trial by jury the eub-
jects of her most faithful Nitijesty were placed at the
dispos.il of the executive, and such an executive.--
(Hear.) Mr. Bulwer, in his letter, gave it as his opinion,
that interference was most objectionable, he alluded to
his le ter so late as on the 29th of Qctete r last, when
hearing that a party of troops were moving down, he
wrote to inquire as to the truth 01 the report. He would
also quote the opinion of a public officer, Mr. Sotheron,
who, writing so late as the 19,11 of December last, says,
that interference is oojectienable, and that it pro.
due, s more evil than good,teal that it was
..ap,dly giving a ted.,,,nal colour to the pr,sent contest.
He said that no Han. M..ieber who hail r: a I them- docu-
asents coul,l tail to be ~t option but the) h.ol added to
he eeac, of the civil war widen had broken out, and that
they had increast.d the thfficulttes of the country • and
it appeared to him that they would find much
more
.difficulty In settling the affairs of the country than they
ttnagin. d. He should tint, he fear* d, discharge his duty
it he made any excvption of the Noble Lord the Member
ft.r Tiverton (L .rd Pamerston)—(Hear, hear, nd
latiehter)—hecaase intended to read several of his
etrer, and thus, as it •i ere, to make him speak for him-
sel*. (The Hon. G• httetnan then read a di,ptrch, dated
the 29th of Novianner, stattn4 that ev, ry opportueicy
ought to be t dire advantage of to impress the Portu-
guese Government with the desirability of entering into
some arnica:,le arrangement with the discon•
tented parts of the country, for the pur-
pose of putting an end to the insurrec-
tion. It went on to say that the English Go-
vernment saw with regret that a great proportion of
the people of Portugal were in insurrection, and that it
was advisable that steps should be taken when it was
once suppressed from allowing it to break out again).
What was to prevent it from bursting out again?—
(Hear, hear.) It went on to say, that the practical
question then was, whether the Queen could consistently
with her dignity and Crown, consent to an arrange-
ment satisfactory to the nation, and which could put an
end to the insurrection. That was a very wise considera-
tion. —The dispatch went on to say, that the fleet should
abstain from taking any other part in this civil war
than that of a friendly power. The Hon. Gentleman
then read the dispatch from Lord Palmerston of the 4th
of January, and a dispatch from Mr. Sotheron on the
10th of January from Lisbon, stating that the
prisons were full of members of . the best families.
Many persons of high rank had already been imprisoned
upon the very slightest grounds: 'He had probably
failed in stating what he intended to state—the causes
of complaint upon the part of the people. There was one
ground which he had forgotten, namely, that the con-
stitution by which the Queen derived her power from
the people, enacted that the Cortes alone should regulate
and prevent the introduction of foreign land and sea
forces into the country. And yet the British Govern-
ment supported Donna Maria, in violation of that con-
stitution.—(Hear, hear.) There was another act of vio-
lence' which he forg tto state. On the 3d of N ,vember
the following decree was passed, namely, that all ecclesi•
astics, or laity, or officers arrested with arms in.their
hands, should be immediately shot—three of the officers
of the troops arresting them to form a court-martial, to
hear them verbally, and the execution of the sentence to
depend upon the will of the chief commanding officers.
This was in order, as the proclamation stated, to keep
the country as much as possible from the horrors of a
civil war. Many of the officers taken pri 'oilers had been
sent e) Africa, to the most unhealthy settlement there,
and sent out in such a manner as to call forth the re-
monstrances of the captain of the ship which conveyed
iiornh.extheummbrienrityth.eint
them. One captain was superseded, and another
t
Foreignap-
pointed, merely for having, in that case, made an appeal
there Government.—([Tear, ovetrrotennet.l7nc4ttlhe,al.ll',
paper from
The
conatractiou of the treeaxt
the
-offiCtet;ednaiaed. Aprila. .5. with reference to the
existing toin glBt3n4.
H e Portugal,tiid
state f things
naontdt htion kthiet
necessary to ref
Portuguese G Overer to the proceedings of the
Many acts of m)turnoeuritt
.at any greater length.
,ion of the treaty, jut interference, but. of viola-
Government support of beeni committed by the
which were in any way ju.,tifi,bionna Mena. None of '
thought that he had made out a coart4;:.een called tor. He
of a treaty, and an improper interference' gross violation
of another country. It' Russia, Prussia, mantell ie affairs
were to send troops to France and interfere in their
ternal arrargements, could the English say anythingulto.
it? If they were desirous of Interference, why did they
'not pr,-vent Meaaieo from being overrun by America? By
what tenure did the Queen of EAland hold ber power ?
Might at suctlicr rower war or sad Luterthre with

A considerable time having elapsed before any Hon.
Member's 'Hering to address the House, and loin: cabs
for Lire!mesed. haying been made in vein,
Mr. B OSBORNE rase and sad, diet he had tried to
have had the experience of any of the Members of
the.. Government who might have chosen to ad-
dress the House on this subject, but having
been unsuccesstul in this endeavour, (although he cer-
tainly expected that some of the Lords of the Treasury,
who were as mute as they were distinguished, would have
been put forward,) he was forced to content himself
with the explanation given by the two Hon. Members
who had spoken on the side of the Government. Had
the Hon. Member for Pontefract not appeared to the
rescue ; had he not illustrated in his own person the
advantages of intervention, the " red box" would have
been in considerable danger, for a division would pro-
bably have been in danger, and the Ministers we mid
evidently be in a minority tie considered that the
Hon. Member for Pontefract had drain on his poeti-
cal invention—(Laughter)—when he said that a young
country required schooling in constitutional government.
There was only one way by which they could explaite
this. If they only allowed one person to tell his story
continually from morning till night every clay for a
twelvemonth. that person would in the end become their
master. On no other principle could he account for the
otherwise unaccountable conduct of the Noble Lord the
Secretary clinging
ltiingino in 1845 because of
h gf
to a Cabinet which
he refused
capacities of the present Secretary for
Foreign Affairs. It might be said that this inter-
vention was a great scheme for the improve-
ment of Portugal, but if it could be shown
that this intervention, so far from pacifying Portugal,
was laying the seeds of a general European war. en-
dangering the existence of Portugal, and upholding
anarchy and despotic principles ; he maintained that
every Member of that House who preferred liberal
principles was called upon to support the motion of the
Fon. Gentleman, the Member for Montrose. What
induced the Noble Lord, on the 25th of May, to arrive at
He was unable to account for it by the
of reasoning. There certainly were at the
ordinary
time whispers about mysteriousinfluences, but noimport-
icnoanryclursuiloens ?
noimport-
ance was attached to them, and he could not believe
that the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
suffered himself to be influenced by them. The only
conclusion, therefore, he could bring himself to arrive at
after an attentive perusal of these papers was, that the
Noble Lord was averse to the whole proceeding. The
Noble Lord must have been out-voted in the Cabinet.
Now it was necessary in coming to this debate that they
should have a definite meaningof the word" intervention."
He believed he was right in saying that the term was
modern, and he could not, he thought, put the subject
on a better footing than by reading the definition of the
word " intervention," given by a statesman of
great influence and experience. Here was the
definition. The term " interve noon" he defined to
be, " the principle that every nation has the right of
managing its own internal affairs, and regulating its in
ternal policy so long as it does not injure its neighbour;
and no nation has the right to control by force of arms
the appointment of its Govenwents or rulers." That
was the definition of the Noble Lord the present Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs on June the Ist, 1829; and,
therefore, he felt bound to ask the Noble Lord who
ought not, he thought, to retain his seat with such
pertinacious obstinacy. why, if in June 1829 he held
this principle to be sacred, how was it that he now
violated it in his own person, and outraged the liberties
of Europe by his own proceedings?—(Hear, hear.) I;
was well to remark that all this intervention bad been
done secretly, and the greatest fuss had been made it.
that House about the production of the papers relating
to it.—(Hear, hear.) Why, at the very moment when
the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Montrose wa
pressing the Government for them, the protocol was
actually published in Paris.—(Hear, hear.) In readings
these papers, and examining all these transactions, he
was most forcibly struck with the astute conduct at Louis
Philippe. That great genius did not appear in these-
transtietiens to the extent of the part he had taken it:
them. Whenever there was any dirty work to be done,
Louis Philippe, like a second Mephistophiles.
urged on the Noble Lord, who was at the hese
of the Foreign Department, and the time would come
when he would reap all the advantage of the intervene
tion, while the Noble Lord would have to bear the whole
odium of the precseding.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon,
Member for Montrose had told them that the Queen of
Portugal sareificed her Crown, and broke her oath when
she sought for the intervention of a foreign power. Th•
Noble Lord readily re- ponded to the call, but how dos
f vent was the course pursued by Mr. Canning in 1826.
when the intervention of this country was aught the s-
by Portugal. That great statesman would not allow &
single British soldier to embark until the concurrence of
the Portuguese Legislature had been obtained to the
In 1847, however, the Noble Lord sets.
aside all charters and treaties, and only loaking to ae
absolute monarchy, paying no regard to constitutioea
liberty, he did not wait to ask a single question, bu
actually put the army in possession of the Junta, befor.
the Cortes had taken any consideration of the subject.--
(Hear, hear.) It was not very difficult to discover Irate
the contents of the blue book, the real object of the.
Court of Portugal since October 1846. Its whole object
had been foreign intervention. That was distinctly to he
traced from the very beginning of the ceunter-revolution
and the military " wove " executed under the auspice:
of the Court itself.—(Hear, hear.) They had heard a
great deal which did not appear in the blue book ; be:
are Hon. Gentlemen really aware of what Costa Cabral':
administration was ? Costa Cabral, like many others,
commenced his career as a furious Liberal, but. the mo-
ment he got into power he became the patron of abso-
lute monarchy. Teey had some instances of this,
though on a humbler scale, on that side of the House.
They had some Gentlemen who had been very loud its
opposition, but became very quiet in office. Now, by the
intrigues of Cabral the charter of 1826 was got rid oi,
because there were articles in that charter which pre-
vented him from carrying out his designs, and substi-
tuted in its stead the charter of 1838. Not content
with that, however, his first act, under this new char
ter, was to appoint his brother Jose Cebral to be Mi
niter of Public Duties. He then took to levying taxes
without the consent of the Cortes—he imprisenee
psople without trial—and, at last, he took a policy,
which on all occasions, and at all times, had pro
yoked the resistance of the people.—(Hear, hear.)
He began by levying two taxes, one upon
salt, and the other upon burials, a tax of 10s. was leviec
upon the friends of every person who was buried, and
this gave rise to the insurrection, in the provinces. Tn.
minister was then dismissed, and the Duke Falwell.,
was seta for, who was indented to accept office, but or
the 6th of October he was desired to sign his own des
missal. At first he hesitated doing so, but he was tole:
he must consider himself a prisoner, and arse e
having being confined one night in the palace.
he signed the decree of his own dismissal. The di,
missal was brought about by the King Consort, who ha(
taken the army under his control ; and when the corn
mending officers would not bend to hie will, he substi
tuted creatures of his own in their place. He offered
Das Antes, a Marquasa if he would tske part in th-
counter-revolution, belt that di> tinguished man refuse,
the bribe, and he (Mr. Osborne) was sum •
had the Honourable Member for Pontefrat
been as celebrated for war as he was fen:
verse, he would have followed the same course.—(Heae
and laughter.) When Cabral was disposed of—to use
common English phrase—he wes kicked up stairs. Th•
Queen wade him court:er, and sent him to Madrid,
where he had concocted the whole of this scheme .4
foreign intervention, which had brought eternal disgrac..
upon the British name.—(llear.) At that moment Gahm.
ruled Portugal ; at that moment he ruled this country.
and he (Mr. (..).horne) believed that, however well-in
tentioued the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreig..
D•-partinent might be in his interference, the Nob:e
Lord, in this instance, had been caught napping. The
Noble Lord, in fact, was nothing more than a chile:
in the leading strings of Costa Cabral and Louis Philippe,
Although she was waited upon by the wives and daugh-
ters of those who bad suffered in her royal father's
cause, she sent these prisoners to a convict ship, ADO
from thence to a penal colony. What was the conduc
of Mr. Sotheron? he remonstrated with the Government,
although without any orders from his own Government;
but what did they do? they lied to him.—(Hear, hear.)
Yes, there should be speaking out. They said that they
would send those prisoners of Torres Vedras to Madeira.
and was this now the Government whom they were
about to bolster up? Could any one believe that the
Que•-n, starting with the prestige of royalty, and a peed
and disciplined army, that she should be driven into a
corner, relying for her protection upon the British fleet
in the Tagus. unless the voice of the people was unani-
mously raised to hurl her from her throne, he must say
that the appointment of the gallant officer, Colonei
Wylde, was most injudicious. They said that they only
appointed him in order to give a military opinion, but
it was a very curious circumstance that throughout the
whole of the discussion and the reports not one of those
military opinions was hazarded. He -did not suit the
views, however, of the Noble Lord, and his commis-
sion was recalled in consequence, as it was alleged o:
his having spoken disparagingly of the Marquis De Sal-
danha's troops, let them remember that. This was only
the statement of the Marquis, for Colonel Wylde deniee
having given
any offence to the Marshal
Saldanha, al
theugh he found him forging his name. He wont'
quote several passages to prove that Colonel Wylde was
sent in any character but that of a military one; tee
was rather sent as a mediator, and if he came from the
Foreign.office, he would leave it to the Reuse, it we
most injudicious to send a person like Colonel Wylde
who was a most gallant cfficer, but who was so muci:
connected with the Court, to get information about tie-
army He was not the person to be ietrusted with the
management of those affairs, and he ehould like to have
seen one of the Noble Lord's dispatches reproving bite.
for exceeding the bounds of his authority, when he
threatened the Marquis Se da Moldier*, Viet it
should be suceessful, he should have to meet the Britis:
troeps. ‘Vhat rieht, he should like to know, had he to Lake
the name of the- Queen and the people of England in vain
he protested against such conduct, he protest. d agates
it being even tat: tly approved of by the Minister, a.
there was no appearance that he had been rep: toed to.
it. It appealed that the Queen had broken throng:.
every oath, and it was impossible to rely upon what he,
Ministers would say. But as soon as sir Hamiltor.
Seymour appeared, the whole scene changed. All th.
dispatches assumed the character of rese water. Tee
Queen went out and attended the woun led. He was
sent out in order to make a case for the Ceurt. Th
Nob:e Lord was very much mistaken if he,
thought that M. Guizet or Louis Philippe would ti
esught in a blue book—(Laughter)—and he certaini,
thought that he could not make out his case, through
them. Now he considered that it was necessary, in sue:
a crisis as the present, to speak out the whole truth, ane
in his opinion, Sir Hamilton Sc) mour exceeded his at:.
thority, for they were only bound to guarantee the lit-
of the_Queeni and. .not her throne; but he had guy
ranted the throne and in this he overstepped th
IMArlarivaof hie (Sty: Emory 0119 knew ,

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVINING% .11.1,44 E l2, lBl.

that there Wag no treaty which guaranteed more
than the protection or the throne in eases .4 f,reigri in
vents' ; fait they had no i,ght to tided.t'!• e oti too
wishes 01 ;i.e p eple. The area ii *nuered in o with
Portugal did net guarantee coy particular it)iiast:,.
; IThey did not pledge this ettuetry to mix - up with
the internal disputes of Pui toga]. Hr. Canting had
maintained this doctrine, and so di,.7 Mr. P. el in 1829 ;
, and he hoped that the Right Honourable Baronet
would be prepared- in 1847 to support that
view. The Noble Lord (Palmerston) t elievi d that the
quadruple alliance was atan end, and it was not even pre.
tended that this convention was made in conformity
with that treaty. He did not know then what to call
this new arrangement, and he hoped the Noble Lord
would get up in a s.,ort time and explain uncle:
what treaty or understanding this pretecol wits
issued. lie th.might it th. re was air cotetionional
feeling in France, the people .if that c, uiiiry
would demand from Louis Philipoe the cause • f tits iu
ft ingement of the Liberties of Eurepe. He aoul : ask
this House and the country, what they tied gained by
:hese conventions that had been lately entered into ?
—(Hear.) The NoLle Lord might ask, what he (Mr.
Osborne) would have done under the circumstances ?
He would reply that he would have given inetrucriens to
the British representative in I'‘,rtuga4 to communicate to
Spain, that on the very first soldier that would cross b)
the frontier into Portugal, a British army would be
directly sent there to eppese them —(H ar.) The Go-
vernment organ had to night intimated that the whole
affair was settled—that the policy was triumphant. Ho
would ask the Noble Lord to get up and tell them how the
the atfeirs of Portugal were settled. They were not
, settled.—(Hear, hear.) They had done more to unsettle
them, and to disturb monarchical ptinciple in Europe
than any Government that ever preceded them.—(i tear,
hear.) What guarantee had they that the same scenes
would not occur again in the space of three months.
The speech of the Noble Lord in 1429 went counter
to almost every Act which he had authorised since, and
; %tit speech was made on the affairs of Portugal, and
was administered as a rebuke to the Right Hon. Baronet
(Sir R. Peel). He would. in conclusion, ask him to get
up now, and say, as he said then, that he was defending
the cause of liberty from the banks of the Tagus to the
shores of the Bosphorus.—(Cheers.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I was anxious that the
earliest possible day should be given to the Hon. Member
for Montrose that he might have an opportunity of
bringing his resolution before the House, condemning
the course which the Government is pursuing with
respect to the affairs of Portugal; but, Sir, after hearing
his speech, and that of the lion. Gentleman who has
just sat down, I am in doubt whether our natural anxiety
to have this question brought before the House,
and not to shrink from any accusation that might be
made against us has not brought upon the House the
inconvenience of Gentlemen preparing their opiniene
and their speeches upon this subject, without reierence
• to the facts upon which they have to speek—(eleur)—
because, Sir, both the Hon. Gentleman the Meueber tor
Montrose, but more especially the lion. eientletuan who
has just sat down spoke entirely from a reference to
some papers which did not exist, whilst the details of
the subject were to be found in the p -per, which
have been placed on the table of the Hogue.
The Honourable Gentleman who has just :Taken has
tounded his speech and his censure entirely upon the
supposition that her Majesty's Gevertauent were en
gaged in establishing an absolute Government in Porta•
gal--(Hear, hear.) That it was their intetaien to
maintain a despotism in that country and he therefore
hroke out in declamation, and gibes, and infer,nc, s
against the Ministry who could be guilty of such pro-
•pedings. But the simple fact is, that we had it, such
thing in view at all—that, on the contrary, the pre-
positioes made, "hich my Noble Friend proposed first
to the Queen of Portugal, and afterwards to the Jute ite
of Oporto ; those terms were that all previous decrees
should cease, and that everything done .in the fish of
October should be revoked ; that the jury should be
nlle 1, and thet the constitutional law of the country
should have full play ; and that simple ob.ervation de-
stroys, 1 think, three-fourths of the specious ass::•rtions
et the Hon. Gentleman. With respect to the ititerveta
eon, it appears, a- I shall afterwards remark, that he
cannot blame es for interference, when he would have
Interfered in this mincer--he would have told the Crown
it Spain that no Spanish force should enter Portugal.
—(Hear.) Sir, what I have to centend, in olpositeein to
the Hon. Gentleman who has made this sp -ecti—attack-
ng the conduc of the riovernment is this—that it was
necessary to interfere,first for the welfare i.f the int.- ests
it Portugal, and secothily for the interests of this
country ; and further. I am ready to maintain, that by
-hat interference we not have risked the danger of an
European war. These three propositions I think can be
proved from the pipers which have been laid before the
;louse, and from the events which have taken place
within the last few days.—(Hear.) Sir, I will net
tollew the Honourable. Gentleman who has just sat
•lown, upon the subject of the previous administrations
•-f Portugal during the time of the Cabrals. That body
was destroyed by a revolution—by a military revolution
—like others which have since held office. The Duke
et Palmella was at the head of the administration when
that meeting of the Cabral party took place, which
caused the Government so much alarm, and to ali
parties then out of power, because they threatened the
-oppression of the constitution and the destruction of
the power of the monarchy. The Queen thought itneces-
sary, being acted upon by these alarms, partaking of the
fears that were entertai ned,joining with tnose who tortned
considerable party ; she thought it necessary to ask the
Duke of Palmella if he could save her from the dangers
which she apprehended. and on his professing himself
ready to continue the Ministry, but not offering any gua-
:-antee as to what might occur, he desired :hat he might
oe permitted to resign and immediately form another
elinistry.—(Hear, hear.) Now, so far there was nothing
unconstitutional. There might be sort e imprudence in the
conduct of the Sovereign of Portugal, but so tar as the
lismissal of the Ministry was concerned, that
was an act of the Sovereign, arid one
to which the Minist- r of any Sovereign might
oe subject. Lord Howard de Walden, who was
then at Lisbon, seems to have supposed at first that the
temination of the Ministry of Das Antes would be
favourably received. Upon a party waiting upon him,
And asking him whether they would be safe. and whether
they might depend upon the execution of the law. in
reply he stated that, he expected that the law could be
.drninistered without any revolutionary move-
nett t ; but in a few days after, the parties
ipposed to them, and who urged the Dike
.1 Palmella to change his Ministers. joined Das
Antas, and they formed a Junta in Oporto. They teia
eicular addresses to the Sovereign, in which they
remanded that the new Ministry should be nismi-sea,
did expressed their fears of what is d Cabraliseic
'tetien in Portugal. Upon that demand being ret used
hey placed themselves in arms against their Sovereign.
I am not now to argue whether they were justified in
heir fears, or whether that which they apprehended
would k-.ive takes place, but I ton quite ready to admit
hat at Oporto and various other places the provi- ions
;if the constitution were entirely thrown aside, and the
eiest, disgrecerul and arbitrary acts of the most de- petit:
,lure were the consequences, which were sanctioned.by
:a, Government. ''he Hon. Member fir Montrose went
,rough the narrative if these various acts as it
e,ey were theee which her Majesty's Gtiv rnm- nt
v: re prepare d to defend, and which they teceived
vita initulgence. I say, on the contrary, that
nose ver) acts form a part of our case.
.s it was to put an end to proceedings like these, and to
e - vent the eimenuante of that arbitrary system of
4overnment, that my Noble Friend wrote the dispatch of
and the
hsaeynh, dj r i)un.
utwah.wi
will
Tilt
fiahkneedp
trthih,
ape:, babed cetrst enl
at
j,ieeursemte)se.
the
i Minister
a Q en
ealt,
Lisbon disapproved of what they did afterwards. and
arnestly remonstrated with the Government at Lisbon
epon the arbitrary character of these acts. Take one :if
,hem, which was the deputation of the prisoners
aken at Torres Vedras, an act of great
njustice in itself, and certainly most cruel to those
persons. Unfortunately, the Queen of Portugal had
placed herself in the hands of a party who seemed to
have thought that the indulgence of cruelty should be
part of their policy, and who continued so to act, in
defiance of every remonstrance. Now, sir, the Hon.
Gentleman who spoke last has said much in favour of the
people, and much against the conduct of the Queen of
Portugal. I will now read to the House a report of Mr.
S theron, with respect to the Torres Vedras
question. (The Noble Lord then read the re, ort,
which stated that the subject had received
the most careful deliberation of the Council, anti
he was happy to think that the benevolent feelings of
her Majesty towards the prisoners would not unlikely
lead to an immediate resignation of the Ministry, and
the same might be said with respect to every act then
adopted). My Noble Friend wrote to the Junta to pro-
pose that the terms should be altered, and communicated
the same intention to Das Antes, urging that he should
resign the command of the army and return into private
life. We are easily induced to consider in this country
—we are easily induced to believe that those who are
in the service of the Sovereign are responsible
t
for the acts of the Sovereign. I think it was a m
imprudent thing for the Queen to put herself int, the
hands of a piny which governed for several months.
But I think it is too much for the Hon. Member for
Wycombe to lay the blame personally upon the Sove-
reign, and not to consider that this party, who had the
Ministry in its hands, and who proposed to leave the
Queen without a Government, or without direction of
Ihe army, that they aro not responsible for their acts.
On the other hand the Junta becatne less arid
less a body, representing the feelings 0; the people, or
of the national party. After referring to another ex-
tract from the report of Mr. Sotherote, the Noble Lord
went on to say that the country was divided into three
parties, the one adhering to the Qu en, who governed
in the most arbitrary manner ; the second were
the Junta and its edits:reit:ft, wine of whom en-
tertained the most violent demeecraeic pritaa-
ples, who professed themselves ready to take
ip arms in defence of the liberties of the people, bit who
icted in the most oppressive manner. Tuts third were
aliguelites, who were a numerous party, who for ned
with the others, and added to their pew, r then- by, sup
aerting Das Antis, who was r mbohlened l.y his military
successes at Torres Vedras. Things went on in this
state, and neither party seemed like ly to gain a victory.
r.irtugal was being destroyed, her commerce and agri-
mltur, were neglected, and danger and rapine arose.
l'ne whole country was divided among the soldier).
Every dispatch which arrived deplored this state
sf things. If i!J these circumstances a termination touts
ive beer' put 01 these civil broils. and the constitution
,f the country secured from danger, which would hay
at stied these who had token part on one side or tae
their, and which weuld hate recalled, at the saline tone,
sw,e,(f)cwitaihi
nthhiao. des
those
he
measure.,ceaoerntet tohs: Itathi.:gme(gcr,tipti,:tvm.,i)(riuisnttghebreeipratt;hs:
fig
l
egisH,l'leutis,l4,,iteuviegt2;;l:aeutdhdikatveptushcteheb.greuazttesittaxiaegt,ood;u34WsoUotifthleaac,vrei

The Noble Lord then read the dispatch rc,f,rrPd to. It
Was considered b) the Councl, LO,, Qu:. T 1 was ad-
t- adt

ing

t the

SUM'. time, the exi!e he leaders • r the tnsuri, cnorn
sir It Seymour, whose Z ai and :,teloy de,e, sed the
praise, nisisted twat the r, d by this
coaotry should be witedrawn, arc: all negetiation ,heuld
mist., if these conditions were ins sled upon ; and the
t Cabinet coincided in this opinion, eonside: leg the original
proposition fair, as placing the-emintry upon a constitu-
tional basis. Before that reply went haek, the Qtn tn
had aecepted the conditions or the British Government.
`he had also acceptod the resignation of her Minjsters,
and replaced them with more motter-ite men. Th.: Go-
vernmeet of this erten. sited, that it 11. e Queen
would be boned by the ti tins as ue pr p d,
they would rate stets. in ere.t :o (ent, I ,h. Jto,ta
subunit to them. New. e r.! he Greve reteeet justitled in
so tieing. tee%) He th-neet papers.
which le weuid nut range, the 11, us,.• by tpittiieg at any
length, would prise iliac the interest of this country in
the affairs of Portugal, was such tha • it was impossible
that the co,dition of this aecteet oily, with tr./eels) they
had such intimate cemmercial relatives, aid the must
bro:hetly ceenexiiins in arms, was such as to induce
the m to take any step by welch the fre,d-iill or Pelee
gal was secured. But theie was another questniti which
pressed itself upon their coesidetearen—e hist as the
interest of England in the matter ?—(Cheers)
what would fellow from her ad leing that couM'„
• and what, Eisen reeisieg so to de. Let iiim re-
' mind the House of the ancient tel subsisting
between the tteuntries. and the preieds of ml: file; lty
in which Portugal was their :shy. Seice the cohneeece-
' ment of the lase century there hail not bete, less teat
four wars, in which Spain had
,just ed with France, yet
whilst they were at war with ihis country, Portugal re-
mained firm in her alliance with England. At
the end of the seven yearS' war, Spain
joined in an alliance against England, but
Portugal still remained firm At the end of
the American war Spain was similarly engaged with
France, and still Portugal was toued faithful in their
ranks. And during the cobfl:ct with respect to the
Bourbons and the revolutionary war in France Por-
timed was equally true.—(Heer, hear, and cheers.)
What would the Spaniards and Portuguese together
have done ? They would have insisted on the banish-
ment of the Junta, and then indeed ,he liberties of Por-
tugal would have been prostrated. It' the Spanish army
had been allowed to interfere only, then the state of
anarchy predicted by Hon. Gentlemen would indeed
• come to pass. Mr. Bulwer said that they could not in-
terfere in Portugal unless under circumstances., but if
those circutus.inces- arose, then, indeed, England
would be prepared to interfere. The circuinstathes
had arisen, and her Majesty's Government did iuterfere.
If they had longer delayed, the position end ultinette de-
termination of the Spanish Government was interfere.
11- ht.t, then, became of the Hon. Atenber t, r Wycembe
and the Hen. and peaceful Member fur Mcittrose, who
introduced this discussion?—(dear, hear.) Now let
the Hous,, censithr for it moment what was the situa
Lion in which we were threatened with war? Donna
Maria was reigning in P. ugaletud we telt it teissible that
Don Miguel might have übiished a townie,. in Portugal.
If the Government had net taken part against Spain,
they must have taken part with Don Miguel, and against
the ancient house of thelganza, with which this country
had been on terms.of intimacy for centuries, and whom
we are ceded upon to sustain in splendour and security.
What, them did the Junta of Oporto propose? Das
Antes was staled to have lost his authority over his fol-
lowers, anti every person residing at Lisbon who did net
belong to that party dreaded, it they •howel succeed, that
a state of anarchy would follow, alai that bloedshed and
murder would be pepiereted in the street. Inmense
difficulty would have followed it the Government had
undertaken to defend the Portuguese against the armed
intervention of Spain. Had Spain succeeded in her
armed intervention, she would leave had the ge id wishes,
it not at least the active support of Fiance, for the Minis-
ter of France had d•-clared leng ago that he thought the
case was cute in which the terms of the quadruple alliance
was applicable. What then would be the consequence if
Spain, 'backed by France, shoulit succeed in establishing
a supremacy in Portugal ? Was they House prepared
for such a state of things as that ? ‘ll as tt prepared to
see that ancient alliance, which se long existed betwetet
this country end Portugal, destroyed by Spanish supre-
macy in that country ? This was tt point, which through-
int :he discussion, he had not tailed to adopt. After
,hat long connexion with Portugal, he should be sorry
that this Governinent which was called upon by the
Government of Portugal to interfere, having the means
and the power to dictate the terms ot the ititererence,
should shrink from so doing, and giving that assistance,
and thereby become disconnected for ever with the Go-
vernment of Portugal. It had often been said that
the safety of this etaa try was fOunded upon
a system of alliances, and except this country
mairitained its alliancss with Pertugal, her ancient ally,
there was no security for the peace of Europe, and this
country would be o• liged to accent dishonourable terms,
or to keep a large army and a considerable (lest fur the
purpose of preserving the independence. He was speak-
ine language in contermity with that of a very great
man. In the year 1786, there was a democratic party
in the Netherlands, which was supperteu by. France;
the authority of the Prin.,e. of O; singe was aleigeher
subordinate, and all the power of the Government was
placed in the hands of the democratic part. England
interfc,:ed on that occasion. The King of 'Prussia cook
occasion of an insult. off red to the Princess of Orange,
when passing in her carriage ; he accordingly displaced
that Government, and put the Government of the stat-
holdrr in its place ; and England stated that it France
attempted to disturb that s, ttletneet made by Pi ussee
they would inlerfere. Both Mr. Pitt and Sir. Fox
concurred in that opinion. The present tees pro
cisely a sitriler cite to that of Prussia a d the
Netherlands. The terms which had been dieted by this
country to the Juts wore such as lie hil:y thought hey
would have acceded to. Das Antes himself scared that
the terms were excellent and onexceptiotrlble. The
question is, a hat inducement could the Junta have lied
in refusing these terms? They hat peued at the same
time to have received advice, of some successes wlech
had taken place. The third pint was, that the leaders
of the Junta hail not offered to disobey their orders, and
that they feared not only datigrr to their authority
but to their persons.—(Hear, hear.) Such were the
reasons why these terms were net accepted in the
first instance. Sir Hamilton Seymeur, seeing the state
of affairseseeing the urgency of the ovett•tiou, and in-
formed by the dispatch of Aeril that Esiglund intended
to interfere, desired Sir William Palter to send te eps
to Oporto. Notice had been given, and letttrs
written, stating to the Junta that the has iic proceeetegs
would no longer he carte- d (tit by tt: s country. '[Tie
Count Des Auras had • inherited his troops at this
period. Sir Thomas Matti did had recei,ed those
orders sent to Mr. Salter, that if his ships pro-
ceeded they would be captured by her .Majesty's
vessels. Another letter had been written which gave
rise to the opinion that a due nutlee had not been given
to the Junta. There only 'remained one last letter
a hich they had not received. He believed that the
Junta, Count 1)-is Artois, and those who wee with
him. must have been fully aware of what was to tellew
it they persisted. Sir Thomas hlnitlar,d, seeing what
had been advuneelt, thought it light to carry
his in t,uttit qui into execu.ien lie nitormed the
officers that be would not allow them to proceed south, or
cutter the port. They then surrendered, the Count Das
Anta: stating that they surrendered themsrlvea to the
British troops, and only desired not to be deltvered
to the Portuguese Government. This wits
up to
to, and with the honour that has always marked
British troops, that agrette-,nt was strictly a there a
and they mere placed in confinement under British su
perintend,nce, and treated in every- respect as prisoners
war. The censequence of this he teiped would be,
that both the Junta and the Goverhue nt of Portugal
would accept the terms °delta) preps( d by her
Majesty's Government, namely, that all ihese offences
should be passed over, and that the Constitution
should be re-established.—(hear.) Therefere, so tar
from establishing despotism, what they (the Govern-
ment) had dime was to do away with that despotism
that existed at Lisbon. They interfered for the peace Of
Europe.--([liar, hear.) In the last place, let the House
considers what would have been the danger if they
had taken the course which was now recommended to
them. If they had insisted that Spain should not inter-
fere, they would make a cases Lclli. Such a de-
termination of Government at that juncture
might have been disastrous to the peace of Eurve.
! Le them consider that with regard to tle se questio s ,:fp -
' litical constitutions, they were not iii a state very &dere-tit
from that in which &trope -was placed during the wars
the,: succeeded the Reformation. The French Pro-
testants then sympathised with the Protestants of Eng
land, while the Cathoß-s of Spain sympathised with the
Catholics of England—Queen Elizabeth endeavouring
to promote a revolution against the Catholics, while
Philip of Spain endeavoured to excite a revolution
in this country. He thought it must be evident to any
one who gave any attention to .the events of Govern-
ments, that Governments could not be indillerent t i the
form of the constitution establish, d in neighbouring na
tions. Thus they had seen that numerous cases of inter-
ference had taken place during the last twenty years.
Interference had eaten place 'within that time bet", „
Turkey and Greece, and in 1831 inierforeece also
was considers d to be necessary with respect to
Bigium. The algians had revolted against the
treaty Of Vienna. and withdrew their allegiance front
Prince of Orange, though they had bound them
selves to that Oh glance by oath. What happened?
When the Prinee of Orange was marching troops into
Belgium, Sir Rot-ert Adair was aftit to stop him, and
told him that he must not proceed any further. Was
that not an interference to establish a nee eotistitutioe iu
Belgium, apart from Holland?—(Year.) Subs. quit ntly
With regard.to Portugal itself there was an int: rv-ntiou
on the part of this country. There was an iit r erete e
in the :Nis:, of Don Miguel and Darina Maria was plaecd
on the throne by the assistance of France, Spain, u„.,
of E..4.41and. He would net go through the different
cases in which this cote,try interfered in the .affairs or
other countries. 11, was merely showing that ads
country had inter:ered, and that there was te.thing ru-w
i„ the principle which they introducel—not as the
holy aliances to establish despotism, but to establish a
limited monarchy, arid to sftstiz'e the freedom of the
people; and he believed that, in this instance, their
interference would Vad to usetal results. The
revolution of 1688 had been adverted to in the
emu-At of the debates, and it had been ulleged
that that was a revolution brought about without
the aid of foreign interference. Ile had every- respect for
the settlement which hail put the reigulitg family on the
tt roue ; but he could not forget that William
Prance of Orauge was net invited until he ILA
secured foreign interference, and br-'ugea some good
engineers with hini.”—(l.a,getcr.) iA hen they wishe+l
to establish
prince of German, on the throne, they
called in tin: aid -of thousand i )wets troop, to 1,81 n•
blish hi.. atims. The NAI, Lud then continued—So
much for the absence uf f irtsign ititerivr(•nc,... in our own
Airs dwelt up% p eltquoutly by It, Lim Cicala.