The Sun.
London, England, 1847-03-04 00:00:00

IT triening Snit

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1847.

The Commons met yesterday at Twelve o'Clock.
Mr. STRUTT moved that the Committee on every rail-
way should fix the rate of tolls, &c.
Agreed to.
After the transaction of private business,
Mr. FIELDEN moved the Committee on the Ten Hours'
Bill.
Mr. ESCOTT moved as an amendment that the House
resolve itself into Committee on the Bill that day six
months. A debate ensued, in the course of which the
House was addressed by Sir J. GRAHAM, Lord Mon-
PETE, Mr. M. GIBSON, and Sir R. PEEL ; and, on a di-
vision the numbers were—
For the Amendment
For the original motion l9O

Majority -90
The House then aljourned at a few minutes after Six
o'clock.

The Ten Hours' Bill has been subjected to another
ordeal. Its opponents appear to be influenced by the
most unrelenting hostility, and determined to let slip
no opportunity._of recording their sentiments, and re-
tarding the settlement of a question upon which the
great mass of the operatives—the persons most deeply
interested—whose means of livelihood, the amount of
wages to be obtained in return for the labour of the
weaker members of their families, are not only in-
volved, but also the health and happiness, and mental
and bodily powers of those helpless creatures—are all
but unanimous. It might have been supposed that
when the principle of the Bill was affirmed by so
great a majority as that by which its second reading
was carried, a fortnight since, that no further time
would be wasted in discussing that principle ; that the
Speaker would have been suffered to leave the chair
without debate or division ; and that the arguments
would have been restricted to the details
of the measure in the Committee, particu-
larly to that on which some difference of opinion
exists amongst its supporters, viz , whether the limita-
tion should be ten or eleven hours. It could scarcely
have been expected that the House would consent to
stultify itself, as it had done on a former occasion, in
reference to this very Bill. Many influences, how-
ever, were then in operation to lead to such a result.
The fate of a Ministry was at stake ; it existence was
trembling in the balance. It was announced, that if
the advocates of the measure were again triumphant,
there would be a change in the Government of
the coun try ; and many, who were convinced of its
justice and propriety, were not prepared to obtain it
at such a price. They loved not the Factory Bill less,
but protection more ; and they believed that the cause
of protection would be seriously damaged by such a
change in the Cabinet, and therefore they voted
against the Bill ; or, if too deeply committed to its
support to appear in direct hostility, deliberately ab-
sented themselves from the division, in consequence
whereof the House reversed its former decision. Now,
however, the gigantic monopoly, for whose support
and maintenance its advocates made such a sacrifice
of justice and consistency, is numbered with the past,
and no longer cripples the resources of the great body
of the people for the fancied benefit of a class. The
measure itself, too, is an open question in the Cabinet,
the most influential members of which hold widely
different opinions respecting it. No party triumph
was to be obtained whatever might be the result of
the division, whether it might obtain or be denied
the legislative sanction. It was therefore certain
that it would wholly depend on its own merits, and
neither be assisted or retarded by extraneous in•
fluences. Why then should there be a change in the
deliberate opinion of the House, expressed by a ma-
jority so clear and decisive ? It could not possibly be
expected, and yet an entire day was literally thrown
away in a second time obtaining that opinion which
was given in an equally decided manner•-190 Mem•
hers, out of 290, being fur going into Committer
on the Bill.

The opponents of the measure have rested their
case chiefly on the impropriety of any legislative in-
terferi. nce with labour, too often the only property
of the hard-working operative, and that the regulating
the time and manner of that labour should be left
entirely to the arrangement of the masters and men
themselves. Now, we fully concede the propriety of
this argument generally, but there are many cases
in which there must be restrictions and interference
with private rights. The greatest good for the
greatest number must be the rule, and if it can be
shown that the health or morals of any portion
of the community may be, and practically are,
injuriously affected by unlimited freedom of
action, it becomes the duty of the Legislature
forthwith to establish such regulations as may pre-
vent the possibility of such injury, more particularly
when the persons requiring protection are the weaker
and feebler classes, those unable to defend themselves,
or to guard their own rights. Can it for a moment
be supposed that girls budding into womanhood, that
children of tender years, or mothers having the care
of helpless infants, can, without injury, be confined
for twelve hours a day in ceaseless toil in the close,
heated atmosphere of the factory ? No; we
have the testimony of many medical gentle-
men that such prolonged labour is in the
highest degree prejudicial to health, and tends to
promote premature decay, and in many cases leads to
early deaths. This alone should be decisive on the
question, but, in addition, we find clergymen of all
persuasions pointing out the injurious effects pro-
duced by these long hours of labour on the social,
moral, and educational interests of the people. We
find that, out of 260,000 operatives engaged in cotton
factories, no less than 230,000 have petitioned Parlia-
ment for a restriction in the hours of labour, that their
families might avail themselves of the facilities for
improving their minds afforded to them by evening
lectures, mechanics' institutes, and schools for
children, or in taking healthful exercise or re-
creation in pure air, or enjoying themselves round
the domestic hearth ; but, in addition, we find manu-
facturers employing a full moiety of the opera-
tives, and including such men as Mr. FIELDEN and
Mr. BROTHERTON, strongly advocating the change,
and not fearing the pecuniary losses which its oppo-
nents assert would be the inevitable consequences of
Its adoption. Ilow, then, can we hesitate as to its
character,t
wtee nspeaka:vnrasd;
I,\>tiopriety ? The speech of the Honourable
Member for Salford was of the most convincing
in the highest degree creditable,
to with honourable. pride that
'
this wearisome toy
hat
had been acquainted with
atdhe knew the sentiments of
ittesveerwtho l
waswere
i neipltoy position ainndwthhiacthhheehcaoduld bbe resolved,
in-
strumental in shortening factory tabour, he would
endeavour to accomplish that end." Such testimony
is Inure valuable than almost any that could be ob-

tained. We sincerely rejoice at the favourable pro-
gress of the measure, the final success of which may
now be looked upon as certain, and we doubt not
that, when time shall have tested its efficacy, it will
be found to fulfil the warmest anticipations of its sup-
porters, and not have led to the injuries prophecied
by its opponents.

The intelligence which has reached us from India,
via Marseilles, will be found generally interesting in
its contents. To those who only take a delight in
the current history of the vest Eastern Peninsula so
long as the sword is kept unsheathed, and pieces of
ordnance continue to belch forth their destructive
missiles against the enemies of British rule, the cha-
racter of the information just received will be neither
exciting nor gratifying. But to such as have accus-
tomed their minds to identify the joy which has
filled them, whenever our arms have been crowned
with victory, with the prospect it held out to England
of introducing the blessing of refined peace and the
choice fruits of civilisation to millions of human
beings, will the serial intelligence from India—that
general tranquillity prevails—be welcomed as the
most refreshing that could be conveyed. Injurious
as was considered, at the time, the result of the great
American war to the supremacy of British power, the
future historian and philosopher will view in a very
different light the establishment of the independence
of America. In the extensive population which had
sprung from our loins, and settled on the expanded
area of the United States, speaking the same language,
imbued with feelings of reverence for political princi-
ples which have proved the mainstays of the greatness
of the British Isles, and characterised by manners,
customs, and habits for the most part identical with
those of their progenitors, we had the safest guaran-
tees that the great work of universal civilisation
would satisfactorily progress, whether the inhabitants
of the states remained as colonists or assumed

the reins of self-government. When, how-
ever, the great republic reared its front,
and placed itself among the leading nations of
northern and western Europe, there can be no doubt
that England was thereby better enabled to concen-
trate her mighty energies in the east, and to shed
the fulness of her light upon the benighted races
that peopled the Indian continent. A greater task of
regeneration was never undertaken by any country
whose means and appliances were, like our own, at
all commensurate with the end to be attained.
Confidence in a foreign ruler is ever a plant
of slow growth in the mind of the native ; but, not-
withstanding the abuses which are, more or less in-
separable from conquest, still, such has been the stern
dignity with which we have, to the utmost of our
ability, from the time of WARREN HASTINGS, re-
pressed any attempts at rapacity and arbitrary ty-
ranny on the part of the servants of the Crown
against the natives, that, as well from our equitable
governance, as from the manifold advantages which
have been developed and gained by them beneath our
imperial sway, do we, at length, find ourselves come
to be frequently regarded and looked up to by va-
rious hereditary sovereigns as the paternal pro-
tector through whose good faith and alliance, sta-
bility can be imparted to their just rights, and the
general welfare of their respective dominions can be
best promoted. Of this we have recently had a re-
markable instance in the Punjaub, which we com-
municated to our readers little better than a month ago.
Whilst we refer generally to the summary of the

latest Indian news, which will be found in another
column, we must congratulate the public upon
the extensive military reductions which are taking
place in Sinde: in particular, and which
the Government of India contemplates it can
with prudence effect in the native armies. Thus, that
of Bengal will be diminished by 25,000 men, and of
Madras and Bombay by 5,000. To this end all re-
cruiting will be prohibited till each native regiment
be reduced from 1,000 to 800 men. Our mili-
tary expenditure will thus be curtailed by between

300,0001. and 400,0001. a year. This saving will be
disposed of in completing the great canals, from
which, by means of irrigation, an inappreciable sti-
mulus will be given to the agricultural resources of
India in considerable portions of territory adjacent to
the Sutlej and the Ganges. The Ganges canal
will be finished by 1851. Instead of the miserable
annual outlay of 20,0001., there will be nowfurnished
yearly fur its construction 250,0001. It is computed
that 2,000,000 of people will be thus beneficently
protected against the visitations of famine to which
they have been periodically subjected. Of such a
gigantic cast are the splendid projects conceived by
the Government of India for the welfare of its in-
habitants. Future generations will revere with
reason the brilliant career, military and civil, of Vis-
count lIARDINGE.

Our accounts from Madrid reach to the 25th ultimo,
and are meagre of information.
The protracted discussion upon the Address was still
proceeding, with no prospect of its immediate termina-
tion. The Bills of Loan and Levy had encountered
much opposition in the Standing Committees of the
Chambers, but the majority ultimately decided that Go-
vernment should be supported through its present diffi-
culties, on the understanding that the demand of
50,000 recruits were diminished to 25,000.

Queen CHRISTINA. and her spouse, the Duke DE
RIANZARES, were expected to quit Madrid on the Bth
of the present month ; their arrival in France is not,
however, anticipated till much later than might be cal-
culated from the above announcement.

Carlist movements are still reported to be rife in many
of the provinces, and to have extended even to Guada-
lajara. Notwithstanding the blustering positiveness of
the Herald°, there seems to be some likelihood in the
current rumours.

MADRID BOLSA, FEB. 25.—The Three per Cents. were
done at 31 for paper; the Five per Cents, at 191! for cash ;
the Debt without Interest, at 6; and the COUp01:13, at 17.

The Paris journals of Tuesday have reached us.
Scarcely anything of importance is contained in the
Opposition papers beyond commentaries upon the recent
reconciliation between the British Ambassador and M.
GUIZOT. More improbable conjectures or insinuations
could not well be conceived than those uttered in rela-
tion to this singular transaction. Among these we
must mention the amusing insinuation containf3d in the
A'ationaZ " After what we ha% e already recounted in
regard to the reconciliation between Lord NORMANDY
and the Minister for Foreign Affairs," says this organ, " it
must be ostensible that the initiation in the conciliatory
movement was undertaken by a very different personage
from the Austrian Ambassador, :and one much more
august in position." Considering that his Majesty King
LOUIS PHILIPPE is almost invariably, though secretly,
implicated in the state movements of the P rench Go
vernment, the inuendo is natural enough. In this case,
however, it has no foundation whatever.

Another rumour which was prevalent in the capital
was, that a semi-official statement of the :renewal of
amity would be published, with the sanction of M.
GUIZOT, in the columns of the Moniteur. The non-
appearance of anything of the kind in that journal has
shown the vapoury character of the assertion*.

Before this interesting reconcilement is £m gotten by
the recurrence of weightier matters, it maybe as well
to mention the most accurate of the variona accounts
given of the manner in which it was broutr,ht about.
According to this description of the affair, :the whole
credit of the first movement of conciliation is due to
Count APPONY. Through a suitable channel it -ap-
pears that that Ambassador from the Austritin Court
caused a communication to be made to Lord liomtartny,
to the effect that if the matter were ccaulded en-
tirely to his (Count APPONY'S) hands, he was
confident of his ability to render any •explana-
don unnecessary. As we obserVed yesterday, the first
advance might come with most grace and mcst dignity
from the Noble Marquis, the representathwt of her
MAJESTY at Paris. As in all misunderstandiaigs, the
party sinned against can afford best to make tl at first
advance, while the party sinning is morally incta 'able of
any such concf-ssion. Anxious to afford the astrian
Ati.bassador every honourable facility in his, la udable
character of peace-maker, and satisfied as to the inte-
grity of his own reputation throughout the stisuabble,
Lord NORMANDY, with an alacrity most creditsuble to
him gave Count APPONY a carte blanche, to intim ‘.te to
M. GuizoT his (the Marquis of NORMANBY'S) real liness
to allow the coolness between them to draw to a. CC inclu-
sion. One only condition is said to have accoilapanied
this communication, namely, that the English A mlbassa-
dor should require a preliminary acknowledgm. ent from
Zit. GuizoT, that, in his speech of the sth ultimo lie had
in no manner questioned the accuracy of the di. catches
written by himself (the Marquis of NORMANBY Ce
West que le premiere pas qui route. And that v TAN the
prentive pas.
In consequence of this intimation an intervit nv was
contrived at the Utel of Count APPONY. On seeing
each other Lord NORMANDY and M. GUIZOT ad 4ranced