The Sun.
London, England, 1823-06-18 00:00:00

[MORNING HERALD.]

In the debate in the Lords on Monday night,
it gave us much satisfaction to find, that the Pe-
titions of the Spitalfields weavers, and some of
the master manufacturers, had been so promptly
attended to, and that the Bill had been referred
to a Committee.
_This is one of the excellencies
of the British Constitution, as divided into three
branches, each one independent of the other.
Time is thus given for the Legislature to
consider more fully than it could do, sup-
posing there was only one estate, whether a law
shall be enacted or not. This is a singular in-
stance of the Peers' branch of the Constitution
attending instanter to the petition of the lower
orders, after the Commons had been so resolute
in passing the Bill complained of. Though we are
still of the same opinion as to the policy of doing
away with the old Spitallields Acts, as well as with
all Acts which go to the fixing or regulating
wages between masters and servants of any descrip-
tion, and though we believe that if this particular
Act is not done away with, the silk business
will leavi Spitalfields in the course of time, for
places where trade is free, yet we cannot but
highly applaud the Peers, for being ready to at-
tend to the complaints of the petitioners. In ge-
neral we observe, en what are called great ques-
tions, such as may affect the East India Com-
pany, or the West India Merchant, or the
Shipping, or Agricultural Interest, which in.
terests may be termed Aristocratical, that
the utmost attention is paid, and has" been
paid to their petitions and arguments. Lon
discussions from night to night, have taken
place in both Houses, and long Reports have
been laid before Parliament and the coml.
try, drawn up by Committees, appointed by
either or both Houses, We cannot see why the
same deference should not be paid to the Peti-
tions of the less affluent orders, whenever they
imagine that their particular interests are
affected'. It is surely political wisdom to
pay especial attention to the wishes or re-
monstrance of these classes, so that before any
alterations shall be made in the laws re-
specting them, the Legislature shall give such
measures the utmost possible reflection. If it
did no other good, it might be a stop to the
argument, that the rich are prone to oppress
the poor; and if, on mature consideration, the
law should eventually pass, in opposition to
the supposed interests of the, poor, the latter
could but say,—" Well, fair play was given
us." It is this allowieg of ample time,
and having a number of judges, that cause most
people to be so satisfied with the decision of a
Jury. even if that decision be against them; and
this is the more conspicuous when the directing
Judge has had the temper and wisdom to let the
accused, if he wishes, defend himself in his own
way—especially in cases of libel, either against
Church or State.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF CHANCERY, JUNE 17.
IX RE THE EARL OF PORTSMOUTH.

This lunatic petition being called on, Mr. WETIIERELL
stated that the petition was from the Committee, and only
prayed a reference to the Master to inquire what debt or debts
were due on the estate.
Mr. HEALD said he was instructed to consent to this appli-
cation. _

The LORI) CrIANcELLon immediately gave his concur-
rence, and it was accordingly granted.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JUNE 17.

ARRANGEMENT OF BUSINESS.

The Lottp CHIEF JUSTICE announced to the Bar, that his
Learned Brothers, at their Sittings to be holden after Term, in
obedience to his Majesty's warrant, would first take the circuit
new trials, with the exception
of one case from the northern
circuit; next the Crown paper; and lastly the special paper.

TIIE KING, ON THE PROSECUTION OF LORD 0. SEYMOUR,

V. JOHN CORRY.
Mr. No LA24 moved to make this rule for a criminal inform-
ation absolute, no cause being shown against it.
The rule was accordingly made absolute.

THE KING. V. TWO JUSTICES OF KENT.
Mr. PLATT moved for a rule calling on two Justices of the
County of Kent to show 'Cause why a criminal information
should not be exhibited against them. They had convicted a
person named George Cater in the penalty of 100/. for having
smuggled spirits in his possession, but the information omitted
to aver that he knew the spirits to be illicitly brought on shore.
For this defect, which was unquestionably fatal, a certiorari
was obtained to remove the proceedings, which were returned
by the Magistrates, with this difference, that they rectified the
error in the conviction.
The COURT asked, how it appeared that the information set
forth varied from.the information taken ?
Mr. PLATT replied, that it appeared by the original infor-
mation which the Magistrates had affixed to the conviction.
The COURT observed, that the conduct of the Magistrates,
in returning the original information, clearly exonerated them
from all suspicipn of corrupt design.
Mr. PLATT admitted that there was no reason to suppose
any corrupt intention; but the party
out remedy. aggrieved was now with.
M. BOLLAND, for the Magistrates, stated, that the mistake
had arisen from a defect in the printed forms supplied by the
Customs, and that they were willing to allow the conviction to
be quashed.
The COURT said this would be the better course, upon which
Mr. PLATT withdrew his motion, and the conviction was
quashed.

SUMMER ASSIZES.--NORFOLK CIRCUIT.
Before the Lord Chief Justioe ABBOTT and Mr. Justice

Buckinliamshire— RICHARDSON.
g Monday July 14, at Buckingham.
Bedfordshire—Thursday, July, 17, at Bedford.
fluhtingdonshire—Saturday July 19, at Huntingdon.
Cambridgeshire—Monday July 21, at Cambridge.
Sufro'lE.—Thursday, July 24,at Bury, St. Edmunds.
Norfolk—Tuesday, July 29, at Castle of Norwich.
City of Norwich—Same day, at the Guildhall of said City.

To -
ADMIRAL SIR JOSEPH S. YORKE, M.P

Sia,—ln these changeful times when Radical
Reform seems the ruling passion, when every boy comes from
school stuffed full of Reform-and Political Economy—big with
self-importance, and sneering at the old laws and the practice of
old Statesmen—finding this mania extending and seizing on all
classes, even to our Statesmen and Admirals, and rapidly cir-
culating its baneful influence—allow a Seaman of the Old
School (not yet smitten with the contagion) to address to you
a few observations on the Old Navigation Laws, intended as
an eulogium on the wisdom of those who framed them, and as
a tribute to those men who served the country in its ed, and
served it faithfully. lam fully satisfied that on this point we
are agreed, and that the defence of the country mainly olepends
on the regular-bred seamen ; that-you, as an Admiral, would
not like to risk your reputation as a Commander with no
better material than shovel-and-spade navigators, even on
board round-sterned ships. You have frequently asserted,
in the House of Commons, that the sailors are a necessary
body to the safety of the country ; your speeches are the
speeches of a seaman—short and pithy, and, I have no doubt,
honestly intended ; and I will give you full credit for having
the good of your country at heart. After having so, ar given
you full credit, I am really sorry to inform you, that, in my
humble opinion, you have not kept so good a look-out, con-
sidering the situation that you Once and even now fill, as you
ought to have done. You are still in a situation, from
.your
knowledge of nautical affairs, to render very essential service to
your country. You will allow that the seamen are useful, neces-
sary to, and I am sure you will go further, and say, that they are
the sheet anchor, of the state.—Whether, however, you allow
this ornot I mean to assert it ! ! ! Therefore, as the sheetanchor,
they should have full weight, and always he kept ready for any
emergency of the state. You seem to express some alarm, per-
haps justly, that the seamen may be induced to leave the
country, and enter into foreign service; your sentiments
and mine in this coincide. In fact, they have left the
country for foreign service in ship loads. In that case you
may likewise consider the Shipping Apprentice Bill as ne-
cessary to rear seamen for the security of the State, a Bill which
compels the Ship-owners to be marine recruiting serjeants, and
the recruits must have pay and rations from them. If so, then,
you must allow that there should be a protection given to the
shipping to employ them.. in.—Or have you 'been dreaming
of rearing seamen without sending them to sea..—Or have you
been sleeping in your watch, for surely you have not been on
the look-out for the last three or four years; or you must
have heard it asserted, and that boldly too, that Britain
had too many ships and too many seamen !! ! That to con.
ciliate foreign powers it was necessary to reduce the tonnage
and compliment of men to 1792, and that it was moreover as-
serted, as necessary to repeal the Navigation Laws, the famous
Statute of the 12th of Charles 11. which was the palladium of the
State.—This has been diluted down from boatswain's strong'grog,
to a thin insipid mixture of milk and water; and the country was
told that this sacrifice was absolutely necessary.—And it was
further asserted, in utter defiance of the most substantial and
convincing truths, that the country had grown great in spite of
that statute. The, experience of two centuries was set at
nought; the experiment at all hazards was to be made, and has
been made, withotit the opposition of any one of those whose
professional situation gave them an opportunity to declare their
sentiments against such et Measure. Without having read
much of the writings on the Laws of Nations, or learning to
draw fine spun conclusions, nor wishing to wire-draw nor split
hairs in argument, the plain common construction of this milk
and water conciliation is this, that if you reduce the British
navigation, some other will increase ; and as effect naturally
follows the cause, the British seamen must decrease and the
Foreign increase. It must be regretted that such vital prin-
tocipel
oe so
chtal
tvaetebfeoerne
gsancripfio
wers tan dTfoh
orn what
wherep u rpareosew?e
tlot is d,
dt
0,
flnd the effect of this humiliating conciliation? Where is it to
he seen, or heard, or felt ? Have we any tangible proof' that
this, our prodigal sacrifice, has gained us one friend or one be-
nefit ? We look for it in vain—Commission merchants, and
commission brokers, and foreign Consuls, may have made
themselves very busy, and misled the country as to the results
for their individual gain; such men as these may meet toge-
ther, and vote thanks to those who have assisted them, or
againstbtt rheaiedsn favourable to their views of how they are to gain
the
cobate
u:
nnmevnotfreofeayirswinyt
the
lhiCeaseof,trou Statuteot
anrastmleislti
restriction
r insh
Statute,
time
iestoftsseiont
asouuoi
eintonentrei
efhi,yvodaeoftta
%tdfhth,shreietaenasfpt
at rttti
Statute
d)lnumvt
cahil
it
u,
cosmopolitelf firstriaeabonthimed taz:
citizens
their
o :Ts
g!eeuvgetpho,b e
ei of
s British toh t
States-
menme-
morablerailingv
idr
ihegitscaailig
designated
oi
tanutpe thitheoa
nnemoncuwddaarasr!rigitittyiiinviimlbnelaenyges.
degradationesemhhaaasnn dof
beenoi in anw
up by our illuminated liberals, as a disgrace to the Statute
Book, for what in the jargon of the day is termed unrestricted
commerce and freedom of trade.—This may sound very fine
unrestricted commerce and freedom of trade does sound very
fine.—Are the people of this Country allowed unrestricted coin-
merce and freedom of trade? The answer is, no ! However
visionaries may delude themselves, and delude the country, the
fact is, there is no such thing as unrestricted commerce and free-
dom of snide.; our own Statute Book, and the usage of all nations,
flatly contradict this bold, this barefaced assertion. Revolu-
tionary leaders, with arms in their hands, and plunder in their
hearts, may put forth such high sounding jargon to suit their
base designs. It is unworthy the character of Great Britain
to indulge in such delusions—it is her province to oppose such
measures. Napoleon Buonaparte, in the hey-day of Revo-
lution, proclaimed the freedom of the seas, but it was when
his flag had been driven from the ocean. His ravings were ad-
vocated then by all the enemies of Britain by all the powers
of Europe and America. His satellites did all in their power,
Talleyrand, Hauterive, de Praadt, and others, to sound loudly
the liberty of the seas. This may be, satisfactorily understood.
They, railed kgainst the then Sovereign of the Seas, because
they dreaded her power. Need it be asked, knowing all we
know, and seeing all we have seen, how or what sort of free-
dom Napoleon Buonaparte would have allowed. But, it will
be said there is no need to appeal to tyranny ; true, there is
no need to appeal to tyranny. Civil society is founded on
restriction—the blessings of mankind are founded on restric-
tion—and the safety, the wealth, and the honour of Britain are
fou9ded on restriction—her navigation, her agriculture, and
inepufactures, all depend, and are founded on restriction.
Then, if protection is essential to agriculture and manufacture,
and this leas been and is allowed, on what principle of policy
and justice is protection taken from navigation, which is the.
the strong protecting arm of the State, on which the whole fa-
bric depends. This is asserted by the arch economist Adam
Smith, and the reason given is, that the other part of the com-
munity, from their habits, cannot defend themselves from at.
tack, however wealthy they may be. Then, on what grounds
does the repeal of the Navigation Law stand, which goes to
the gradual decrease, and leads to the annihilation of the car-
rying trade in British bottoms, and transfer it to foreigners. Is
this -done merely to conciliate foreign powers ; or is this an ac-
knowledgment that Britain had usurped a power under that law
inconsistent with the commercial right of other nations, which
she has been compelled most reluctantly and pusillanimous-
ly to relinquish, after carrying on the usurpation nearly two
hundred years. The age of chivalry is one. But we are
told this is the age of economists.—M. de Praadt said war
would not accomplish the object of destroying our supremacy
on the ocean, as the chivalrous spirit still remained with our
seamen. That in peace negociations' more efficacious- than
force, would accomplish that which force could never effect.
The experiment has succeeded—it is done—England has by
some intrigue (not on the ocean) struck the flag of defiance,
and unfurled that of her destruction, by inviting innovations
and experiments on her vital principles. The pretended liberal
opinions of this new era have accomplished the deed—
That parent of ten thousand criniss,
The new philosophy of modern times"—
And if adopted by the Legislature of this country, must end in
the ruin of the whole fabric. The Navigation Laws (they
only) remain as shadows, were repealed ag,ainst the most direct
evidence, that the British shipping could not compete with
foreign powers without protection; even the Report of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Trade stands at variance with the repeal of
that Act as the following extract will shew :--" That a just
respect for the political wisdom front which the enactment of the
navigation laws originated, and a sense of the national advan.
tages derived therefrom, in their effects on the maritime great-
ness of the kingdom, have rendered them objects of attachment
and veneration to every British subject." Then, on what
ground have these famous Statutes been given up ; and on what
grounds are the alien duties about to be given up to conciliate
foreign powers as more liberal, and to please the visionary eco-
nomists, and to satiate the avarice of others, in hoe that com-
mission orders and the exports will be greater. Nothing has
been said, nothing will be said, against a fair protection being
given to all classes according to their benefit to the State. But
when this is said, are, the shipping and the seamen of this
country to be sacrificed to serve any of these interests ? They
are most necessary to Its prosperity and freedom; are they then
to be sacrificed because they served and faithfully defended it
in its need ? Is this the reward due to them, due to their labour
and perseverance, for tedious blockades, and tremendous
' battles in all parts of the globe ; their deeds demand more
than a flourish to to serve them—
" That flag that hrav'd a thousand years
The battle and the breeze."
Those who supported this flag are now to be deprived of their
employment to. conciliate Foreigners, and satiate the cupidity
of speculators, and indulge the economists in their liberal ideas
on freedom. of' trade; there is not one of them that does not
shrink froni this theirfavourite principle when applied to them-
selves. Are the shipping And seamen of this country unrestrict-