The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-17 00:00:00

TO THE REORAIERS OF MARYLEBONE.

GENTLEMEN,—
T Beg to return my sincere thanks for your kind -
-A- ness in placing me at the head of the Ballot last evening.
The very honourable retirement of Mr. Young in con-
sequence has put an end to our divisions. I have new a fair
stand-up fight with the Tories, in conjunction with your ex-
cellent representative Sir Benjamin Hall, and I have only to
make Lord Nelson's last signal—" Marlyebone expects every
man to do his duty."
I beg to repeat to you my political opinions.
I shall support the proposition of the Government for
cheapening bread and abolishing monopolies.
I am an advocate for the Ballot, for the Extension of the
Suffrage, for shortening the duration of Parliaments, for doing
away the rate-paying clauses of the Reform Act, and for
abolishing the Church-rates.
I am an enemy to the impressment of seamen, and desire to
see amelioration of their condition, which must lead to the abo-
lition of corporal punishment.
I wish to see the aged and the infirm poor receive out-door
relief, and those who are compelled to take refuge in the Unions,
to be treated in the same manner as the pensioners of Green-
wich and Chelsea Hospitals now are. The Unions should be
considered as Clubs established for the benefit of the poor,
and not as prisons for their punishment.
I shall strictly watch over the interests of your borough, and
will endeavour to preserve the privileges you enjoy under your
Local Acts.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your obedient servant,
CHARLES NAPIER.
No. 67, Baker-street, June 17,1841.

TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON.
THE Requisition to Lord JOHN RUSSELL,
signed by 5,000 Electors, requesting his consent to be
put in nomination as a CANDIDATE to represent our Me-
tropolitan City in Parliament, has been responded to by his
Lordship in a manner at once consistent with our anticipations
of his high-spirited and disinterested character, and gratifying
to our most ardent ,hopes. No private considerations have
been permitted to interfere with the sense of public duty or
with the call made upon his Lordship by the Electors of
London. A Member of the House of Russell, a
name sanctified in the estimation of every English-
man by its memorable 'connection with the Civil and
Religious Liberties of his country • the author of the Reform
Bill, the measure by which your right of exercising that judg-
ment to which we now appeal, has been either created or
secured ; the Ministerial Leader, under whose firm and able
direction the legitimate fruits of Reform have been gradually
developed ; the intrepid Statesman, who has crowned a long,
series of valuable public services by the recent proposal of mea-
sures, the just and necessary results of the Reform Bill, founded
upon the principle of Free Trade as opposed to Monopolies, and
the promotion of the general and public good as opposed to the
unjust protection of particular interests, has placed himself, and
the fate of the measures with which he is now identified, in
your hands.
The first City of this great Empire in point of importance,
you will also be the first in point of time, to pass your judg-
ment upon the question now submitted to the Electoral body
of the United Kingdom. Your position is an important one ;
your decision must powerfully influence the result of other
elections. Approach the question now before you with the calm-
ness and the solemnity which belong to the momentous con.e-
quences which are at issue ; and let your decision be consistent
with that unalterable attachment to the principles of enlight-
ened liberality and equal justice, in every branch of our legis-
,ation, which has always distinguished the citizens of London.
A great crisis in our financial and commercial affairs has ar-
rived ; of this fact no reflecting man can entertain a doubt.
Our commerce requires the most fostering care to maintain a
progressive prosperity commensurate with the continuous and
fearful increase of our manufacturing population; foreign na-
tions, profiting by the opportunities of peace, are becom-
ing our rivals in the markets of the world ; and,
jealous of our restrictions and protections, they are
driven in self-defence to retaliatory measures of the
same character; the stability of our monetary system is en-
dangered by the sudden and violent convulsions of our foreign
trade, engendered by a false system of artificial interference
and partial protection, whilst our manufacturers are pining
under an insufficient demand and falling prices for their pro-
ductions, and our industrious population is subjected to the
evils of irregular and insufficient wages, aggravated by an arti-
ficially high price of the necessaries of life. Why is it, with
the multiplied advantages which this country possesses—
skill, capital, machinery, coal, means of communica-
tion by land and by sea, intelligence, industry, and
a moral tone of feeling superior to most other countries,
we are still thus distressed? It is because, in the vain hope of
serving a few favoured interests, we inter fere with trade, and
make that, which can only exist in a healthy state when left
free to pursue its own objects, the subject of restrictions
equally absurd and unjust.
To meet these complicated and growing difficulties a system
of measures has been proposed, by which we firmly believe that
a moderate and compai atively steady price may he secured to
the necessaries of life, without permanent injury to
the agricultural or other interests of the country ;
by which the foreign demand for the products of our
manufacturing industry may be extended, the profits of capital
raised, and the field for the employment of our population ex.
panded ; whilst at the same time our friendly relations with
foreign countries will be strengthened by the increase of mutual
intercourse productive of reciprocal benefits, and the necessity
for the imposition of further burdens upon the people, in the
form of taxation, will be either altogether obviated or
g: catty diminished. A Ministry instructed in these
wise and patriotic purposes by a formidable combina-
tion of party-spirit and class-interests, has made its
solemn appeal to the country ; and it now rests with those who
are the final depositaries of political power, the Constituencies
of the kingdom, to decide upon what principles they will
henceforth be governed. The issue is now in the hands of the
Electors ; the question before you is plain, simple, and distinct.
You have to decide between Monopoly on the oue hand and
Freedom on the other ; that monopoly which has been justly
described as the parent of scarcity, of dearness, and of uncer-
tainty, and that free commercial intercourse by which alone
the prosperity of nations can be permanently sustained.
In 1831, the battle was fought in defence of the Rotten
Boroughs, the fortified entrenchments of Monopoly and Class-
interests; and the Citizens of London nobly bore their part in
the victory of that day.
The same principle has again reared its demon form in de-
fence of laws by which the public interest is unjustly injured
for the benefit, supposed rather than real, of a few ; and again
the Constituency of London is called upon to be foremost in the
fight and to do its duty in the great cause of liberality and justice.
You have before you the grounds en which we solicit your
aid and co-operation in the great cause in which we are em-
barked—look also to the consequences of hesitation or indif-
ference. If the measures proposed by our present Ministers,
and which are now submitted to your judgment, be rejected,
to what alternative mast we look ? Read the addresses of the
Tory candidates : do you find in them the suggestion of any
real and definite means by which the difficulties of the country
are to be met and overcome ? Do they contain anything but
dextrous ambiguities, and phrases, the only effect of which is
to conceal the meaning of those who use them ? Turn again
to the speeches of their leaders in Parliament : do you there
meet with anything more substantial or satisfactory ? Do
they not find fault with everything, and suggestnothing ?
Deceive not yourselves, Electors, nor suffer others to de-
ceive you. If the opponents of the existing Government are
thrust into power, either the present measures will, under acme
specious disguise, be carried by those who are now the loudest
in denouncing them, in which case not only the efficacy of the
measures themselves will be impaired, but all confidence in
public men will be utterly subverted ; or, in place of the
wise and beneficial policy now recommended to you, we must
look for a heavy increase of direct taxation, accompanied by
the retention of those commercial fetters by which your power
of sustaining even your present burthens is seriously crippled.
Electors ! we feel assured that this appeal will not be made
to you in vain. We can be impelled by no motives, we can
have no interests to consult, but those which are common to
the electoral body at large. In pledging ourselves, individu-
ally and collectively, to shrink from no sacrifices, and spare no
exertions by which we can promote the triumphant return of
Lord John Russell, we are imposing upon ourselves duties
which no ordinary considerations would induce us to under-
take : but we do it under a deep and well-considered convic-
tion that the measures of which Lord John Russell has been
the proposer and most powerful advocate, are founded upon
principles of wisdom and justice, and that they are equally
essential to the present relief and to the permanent welfare of
the country.
By reforming our commercial code, with a view to the ulti-
mate adoption of the principles of free trade, we believe that
the resources of this country and the happiness of its people are
still susceptibl -.: of an almost indefinite development; whilst
from the absolute and contemptuous rejection of all measures
directed to the removal of monopolies and the reduction of
vexatious imposts, which we have recently witnessed, we can
anticipate nothing but the continuance and further increase of
our present difficulties, the augmentation of our fiscal burdens,
the exasperation of commercial and national jealousies, that
prosperity, which we might have enjoyed, passing away to
other lands, and, in the end, danger to the peace and safety of
the empire.
From such calamities may the wisdom and independence of
the Electoral body at the present crisis prove to be a sufficient
safeguard ! We shall do our duty, and we call upon the Elec-
tors at large to co-operate with us, by using every effort to se-
cure the return of Lord John Russell, and of the Candidates
who are now associated withhim, in support of principles upon
which our fate as a great wealthy, and powerful nation depends.
11. Bainbridge H. Shaw Lefevre
G. P. Barclay W. J. Locher
G. G. Barton Lewis Loyd
John Brown

—is Loy(
Samuel Jones Loyd

_.... _....... , _
William Burnie IJ. W. Lubbock

Edward Buxton Joseph Martineau
E. C. Buxton Richard Martineau
T. F. Buxton James Morris

- - - ------- - -
Edmond Calvert James Morrison
W. M. and John Christy & Co. J. W. Needham
Isaac Cohen J. and W. Nicholson and Sons

B. D. Colvin G. W. Norman
James Cunliffe S. Olding, Jun.
Raikes Currie H. J. Prescott
C. Devaux and Co. Ralph Ricardo
John Dillon A. W. Robarts
Edmund Forster Lionel de Rothschild
Thomas Fowler Samuel Sharpe
W. S. Fry John Smith
J. H. Gledstanes John Abel Smith
S. Gregson Martin T. Smith
Guest and Co. John Thomas
Samuel Gurney, jun.
_, Thomas Tooke .
- Joseph Travers
Daniel B. Banburyand Sons
.Robert Hanbury Matthew Uzielli
Whitbread and Co.
Thomas Alers flunkey
Archibald Hattie W. A. Wilkinson
G. H. Heppel D. W. Wire
G. G. di) 11. Larpent

ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, JUNE 17.
An entirely new beautiful pathetic Domestic Drama, in Three
Acts, with splendid scenery, decorations, &c., entitled
SUSAN HOPLEY ! OR, THE TRIALS AND VICISSI-
TUDES OF A SERVANT GIRL !
After which, Sheridan Knowles' Tragedy of
VIRGINIUS ; OR, THE ROMAN FATHER.
To conclude with, a new Burletta, entitled
THE PALACE OF GENEVA.