The Sun.
London, England, 1841-10-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC J6URNALS

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—If any person imagine that we could ever
be indifferent to such a calamitous occurrence as a war
between England and America, or that we could ever
indulge in such indiscreet provocations as by any pos-
sibility might chafe the Federal Government into a pas-
sionate and unreasonable temper, we can only say that
our recent strictures on the relative position of the two
countries have been strangely misunderstood, and that
the allegation that the Transatlantic Ministers are
capable, under any circumstances, of being twitted into
open hostilities by the
,fren and fearless opinions of a
British journal, implies certainly a much severer reflec-
tion upon them than anything we have ventured to pen.
The fact is, we have never spoken disrespectfully of
the Central American Administration in any shape
or form ; and for the very obvious reason, that, as
far as Mr. 11PLeod's 'case is 'concerned, upon which
alone we can be supposed to have piqued them, their
declared sentiments are in perfect unison with our
own. Of Mr. Webster's letter to Mr. Crittenden,
demonstrating the utter impossibility of reconciling
M`Lood's detention and trial with the principles of inter-
national law, we have repeatedly expressed ourselves in
the most favourable terms. Equally complimentary
were our remarks upon a speech to the same purpose,
delivered in Congress by Mr. John Quincy Adams.
Neither did we omit to praise the highly constitutional
doctrine contained in President Tyler's proclamation re-
lative to the recent conspiracies on the northern frontier.
On all' the principal 'features of M‘Leod's case, even as
regards the vital disability of the Republican 'Union in
not having invested itself with supreme power beer its
subordinate States, the Federal authorities and our-
selves are completely :agreed ; nor have we uttered
any reproaches itgainst the' refractory province of New
York, which the Washington Cabinet have not im-
plicitly sanctioned, if not in equally plain words (a
freedom that could hardly be expected), at least by
milder intimations too intelligible to.- be misunder-
stood. But while we have uniformly made a just dis-
tinction between the conduct of the Central Administra-
tion and that of the New York incendiaries, our animad-
versions upon the latter, abundantly sustained by reason,
have beyond doubt been given with a severity, not one
particle of which do we see it necessary to retract. The
persons who happen to have the dignity of that State in
their indifferent keeping have done everything that in-
sanity itself could .suggest to plunge their country into
war. Never have we swerved from the opinion, that let
them do what they will to appease their irrational ven-
geance against M'Leod, the life and liberty of our in-
jured countrymen are perfectly safe in the hands of
the upright Federal ; Government, with whom alone
Great Britain is concerned for the maintenance of
her national honour. The circumstance that Mr.
Fox has so long consented to remain at Washington
without demanding his passports is to us sufficient
evidence that, happen what may between the Cen-
tral Administration and the State of New York,
the eventual liberation of M'Leod is absolutely secured.
If any war shall arise from that person's treatment, it
will be a war, in the first instance, not between America
and England, but between the Washihgton Cabinet and
the insubordinate authorities of New York. The Pre-
sident of the United States and his responsible col-
leagues in the General Government have assured this
country that no consideration on earth can induce them
to sanction the sacrifice of Mr. M'Leod. .As far as con-
cerns the question of peace or war between the two coun-
tries, this solemn declaration on the part of the Ameri-
can Government is quite enough for us. What the fussy
dignities of New Yoll have thought fit to do, in the way
of performing a judicial burlesque at Utica, we care not
a pin's fee. All the array of evidence they can muster
against the prisoner—all the mock solemnity with which
they can invest their proceedings, either by the rejection
of jurors who scruple about capital punishments, or
by prolonging the trial with innumerable examine-
nations and dignified adjournments for dinner—all the
stern abjurations of the dreadful Attorney-General—and
all the elaborate impartiality of their presiding Judge—
may be very satisfactory to their own vanity or vindic-
tiveness, but cannot ba viewed at Washington and
London with any other feelings than these of supreme
contempt. Even the inhabitants of Utica seem to be
well aware of the farcical nature of the prosecution, for,
instead of that intense excitement which it was expected
to awaken in the town, few people have had the curiosity
to attend the trial ; and instead of there being any
necessity to protect M'Leod from the mob, ho is daily
processioned, at one o'clock, from the Court to his
mutton-broth amidst the huzzas 'of half-a-dozen urchins,
10 or •12 years old. These insignificant meddlers may
do what they like with M'Leod, as far as evidence or
sentence is concerned. With the perfect agreement sub-
sisting between the British and American Cabinets as to
the absolute necessity of preserving him harmless, it is
all one to Britain whether they find him guilty or inno-
cent. On these grounds we had read their proceedings
during the first three days of our countryman's pretended
trial without a particle of interest. Unless Mr. Fox
have grieveusly betrayed his trust, the American Go-
vernment is pledged, at all hazards, to secure M'Leod's
deliverance, and, therefore, off lie must come in perfect
triumph, with the good leave of the New Yorkers or
without it. But, in point of fact, judging from the tes-
timony they have yet adduced, which is probably the
strongest they are able to suborn, there is no direct evi-
61ence whatever to inculpate M'Leod ut all. Only one of
their numerous witnesses has pretended to identify his
person ; and could we bring ourselves to analyse the
compound of hesitation and faltering assurance involved
in that deponent's hard swearing, we might without
difli-
`culty conclusively show that his professed confidence is
unworthy of a moment's credit. But we do not choose
to take this trouble with the New Yorkers. We make
them perfectiy welcome to any conviction, or to any ver-
dict they may happen to take a fancy for. In truth, we
have marvellously little respect for the New Yorkers.
Nay, if we have any wish whatever in regard to their
contemptibl', "resumption, it is really the termagant one
that they may find M'Leod guilty. Our confidence rests
with unwavering firmness upon the prudence, justice, and
integrity of their betters—the Sovereign. Government of
America—for which we entertain, as becomes us, the
most unfeigned respect.
CHRONICLE.—The proceedings upon the trial of
M'Leod, down .to the middle of the third day, will be
found fully detailed in another part of our paper, from
the second and third editions of yesterday's Chronick.
The only point fully established.by the mass of evidence
published by the New. York papers is, that the steamer
Caroline was undeniably a pirate boat, and that the ter-
ritory in the waters of which she was destroyed had no
snore title to be regarded as " neutral," than had Navy
Island itself. As to the inculpation of M'Leod, not a
particle of direct evidence has as yet been elicited to
connect him with the justifiable expedition of the 29th of
December. The first witness examined was the owner
of the steamer, a Mr. Wells, who, from his own ac-
count, most richly deserved to have been drifted down
the Falls with his own " speculation." The charac-
ter of this fellow, and of the service in Which he
was engaged, have been the subject of correspondence,
we believe, between the two Governments—that of the
United States insisting that he was " a fair trader," en-
gaged in his regular and lawful traffic. Let us hear
his own story, which we shall endeavour to disentangle
from his prevarications, and put in a consecutive form.
It will be borne in mind that the Caroline was burned
on the 29th of December. " Upon the 26th of Decem-
ber," says Mr. Wells, " I was on Navy Island for three
or four hours. There were then about 250 men there,

I saw ten or elevea pieces of cannon. The cannon were
on wheels, some pointed towards the British side. Van

Ransellaer was tliere in 'command. I went from Schlos-
ser in a sail-boat. I do not pretend, to say that I made
a regular charge for passengers that day, but I received
eight or ten dollars for passengers. I do not Minh I
received anything for the freight of the cannon.
I heard a good deal of firing there. I saw Van
Ransellaer, Mr. Chassin, and Mr. Flagg on the island.
I had conversed with them before about coming down.
Ido not recollect what was said about my compensa-
tion. I believe they said I could make money out of it.
There was a " Committee of Thirteen" in Buffalo. It
was an Executive Committee to aid the Navy islanders.
141 r. Phelps acted as Commissary, I believe. Phelps
was the one I conversed with about going down with the
boat . . . . There was a meeting at the theatre
in. Buffalo, which I • attended. The declared object of
the meeting was to assist the Navy islanders." Thus
far we have it—that on the 26th this Mr. Wells, who
had already attended the Allienzie meeting at the
Buffalo Theatre, went to Navy Island in a sail-boat
with a freight of cannon for the insurgents ; that he
there entered into negotiations with the chiefs of the
rebels, being well aware of the nature of the
service in which for " compensation" he was engaging.
On the evening of the 26th his bargain having been con-

EP
eluded, the pirate returns to Buffalo to get the steamer
ready to fulfil his new engagements. The navigation
had already closed some time, and it was not for any
regular business of a trader the boat would at that
season have been cut out of the ice. She is cut out on

the 27th or 28th ; her proprietor " understanding
that a bond of indemnity was to be given." In fact the
bond was partly signed, five out of twenty who were to
be parties to it having signed." " Indemnity" for what,
Mr. Wells ? Is is usual to get bonds of indemnity from
political societies to cover fair commercial speculations ?
And yet this brigand had the coolness to " make
application to the Government of the United States
for payment for his boat," and he. " does not un-
derstand that she will not be paid for if she was
engaged in the Navy Island affair, but the con-
trary." On the 28th, two days after the bargain on
Navy Island, the steamer is brought down to Schlosser
and _took in her cargo. " Among the freight from
Schlosser was a six-pounder cannon on two wheels. Ail
that were there helped to get it on board. I took a horse
from Schlosser. There were provisions. There were
some muskets. Ido not know how many. There might
have been a hundred." But it is needless to dwell fur-
ther upon this evidence. It establishes. heyond all pos-
sibility of cavil or quibble the character of the boat, and
the guilty knowledge of the owner and crew. No principle
is more clearly established in international law than that
the rightgof neutral is forfeited if the duty of neutral
be violated. Now, the weight of this whole mass of evi-
dence goes distinctly to prove that the whole of that part
of the American frontier in which these occurrences
took place was in. a state of actual hostility with
Great Britain. Expeditions were fitted out. Men,
arms, ammunition, provisions Were collected upon and