The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-20 00:00:00

could be better explained when he had the proper documents
in his hand—but with the view of replying to one or two ex-
pressions of the Noble Lord, which he thought were rather
undeserved on the part of the Government. It had not been
expected, when the measures ref relief were brought forward,
that there would have been that extraordinary demand for
work, and that extraordinary precipitancy which led to the
execution and undertaking of works manifestly use-
less. When he introduced the measure he repudiated
the doctrine that useless, instead of useful works,
should be undertaken, but he considered that roads could not
he accounted as useless. The object was to give employment,
and to improve the country, as also to stimulate the landlords
to undertake the improvement of their own estates. The
Noble Lord did not question the Act of Lord Besborough, who,
being himself in the House when the Act was passed, thought
Troper to extend the Government advances to those who might
be willing to undertake works of another kind, fle was alto
glad to perceive that the Noble Lord did not approve of the
propriety of assembling Parliament to give legislative effect to
that alteration. He agreed with him that the resident gentry
of Ireland were much better employed in Ireland, where their
presence was so necessary to encourage, to regulate,
and to promote employment ; and he had no hesita-
tion in saying that had they not been present,
there would not have been that alleviation of the
calamities which their presence caused. But the Noble Lord
said that he was not prepared to disapprove of the measure
which her Majesty's Government intended to bring forward to
meet this state of things. He did not intend to go into the
question of the profits which would attend the removal of the
duties on the importation of foreign corn, but the question was
not where the profits lay, but what would add to the amount of
human f-tod under the most terrible visitation which the country
ever witnessed. No consideration of the kind would ever in-

fluenco him—not even if every shilling went into the pocket of
the foreign grower. Did the Noble Lord not know the state
of the country. He was not ashamed to say that
whatever might be the wisdom of the Legislature in its govern-
ment hitherto, and whatever might be its wisdom, either
before or since the late Corn Act, he would stand by it, if it
were only for the purpose of bringing 100,000, 10,000, or even
1,000 quarters of corn into this country. The mass of the
people in Ireland were dependent on the potato for support,
and that having failed during the last two or three months, it
would be impossible to feed them, without an increased sup-
ply to alleviate the sufferings of five or six millions of people.
With reference to the introduction of sugar into distilleries, he
must say that it would be a permanent measure. At the same
time, he believed that when the Noble Lord came to look at
the measure, he would find that it had been made with a view
to benefit the revenue ; and, at- the same time, it would not
always be the interest of the parties to employ sugar instead of
malt. With regard to the navigation laws, that would
not be a permanent measure ; but still, he thought
that it would be for the interest of the country
to receive corn as France did, viz., from vessels not
belonging to the country, or to the country in which corn was
grown. He, therefore, trusted that they would not immedi-
ately suspend the laws en the restriction on the importation of
corn into this country. He did not wish to enter upon the
question as to whether or not the Government might not
have provided some better measures to meet the state of Ire-
land, prepared, as he was, to meet this question shortly. But
ho could not help entering upon the question, as it had been
alluded to by the Noble Lord When the Noble Lord (Stanley)
had brought political economy to bear on this subject, he was
bringing this science forward in its most vincible point. He
thought, under all the circumstances, he most repeat what
he had already stated, that the Government
had acted wisely in the course they had pursued.
It was stated, however, that they could not purchase enough
of grain, but that teey would endeavour to equalise and regu-
late the supply in such a way as to produce the least possible
inconvenience; and it would hereafter be his duty to state to
the House the manner and the extent to which depots were
established under that promise. There was ore other point
upon which he wished to touch before he sat down, namely,
the point which related to the recent proceedings in foreign
states. His Noble Friend opposite had seemed to assume that
with a change in the Ministry a change in the foreign policy
was brought about. But his Noble Friend was mistaken. The
foreign policy of the present Government was identical w'th
that of her Majesty's late advisers, and hereafter lie woad
produce documents connected with the subject, which would
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likely to come to a termination, more happily, h was to be
hoped, to resume that feeling which from year to year, he
would say from day to day, he hoped to see paramount ; he
would be glad to see such a feeling, established on a firm and
satisfactory basis.—(Cheers.) In the present state of the na-
tion, and even after what had happened, he was not prepared
to say that even then there was any impediment to a good
understanding with the Government of France in any object
which might be useful to the one comely cr the other.
He felt it necessary to say this after what had
fallen from the Noble Lord, and he did not ex-
pect that he would seek to administer an amount of rain or
censure to any Member of the Government, for such mea-
sures as they might have passed ; but, having done so, it was
desirable that the further consideration of this matter should
be carried on in such a manner as to give no offence to another
end friendly country. He did not know that there was any
other thing on which he required to observe in the speech
of the Noble Lord. He did hope to be permitted when these
questions came before the House, to go into the facts core-
fleeted with them, but more particularly into the question of
the affairs of Ireland, and he felt that it would be due to this
House and the country, to give the utmost attention to the
assurance which the Noble Lord had given this night, that
when these questions came to be submitted to Parlia-
ment, it was not his intention to offer them any
factious opposition. He was aware that the measures
which might be introduced would in some degree interfere with
certain interests, but when submitted to their Lordships they
would require the greatest co-operation on the part of all
Noble Lords, they would require to be considered in a cordial
I spirit in order that their aim and end might be fully carried
into effect. But he begged to be further understood, that
when he spoke of interfering with certain interests he did not
mean to say that the rights of properly, the preservation of
which, inviolate, formed the very best safeguard fur public
morals and social order, should be at all injured, because the
first s'ep to anarchy and confusion would be to give an undue
advantage to one class at the expense of the other.
It was his intention on Monday next to Moto for
some papers on which to found some measures which her
Majesty's Ministers considered might ameliorate in a great
degree the distress at present prevailing in Ireland.
Lord BROUGHAM said, that in his experience of thirty_
seven years in the Imperial Parliament he did not recollect the
Legislature to have met, and the Crown to have addressed them,
and the Government to have come together, under circum
stances of more grave importance than the present. It was
only necessary to mention Ireland to bid all agitation cease,
and every voice of anarchy to be hushed into silence. lie
would make no professions of cordiality or moderation in
the remarks which he should feel it necessary to address
to their Lordships that evening, for they were now in that
condition in which a speech on the one aide was made, calling
for unanimity, which was met by a speech on the other, ex-
pressing the utmost cordiality, yet, at the same time, filled
with a different sprit. He owed an apology, perhaps, for in-
truding himself upon their notice at all, but he conceived,
that in a crisis like this, when party animosities should be
thrust on one side, and the good of the empire only considered,
that it was the duty of every man, to the utmost extent in his
power, to lay those things before the country which he con-
ceived were for the country's benefit. It was simply on that
ground that he now stood forward. He wished to lay
aside those ordinary topics which lay immediately in his way
before he proceeded to consider the lamentable, not to say dis-
astrous, condition of the sister kingdom. Though he might
no': be satisfied with the measures of the Government, he did
not altogether blame them for their policy, but, as events had
happened, he did not know that it would not have been de-
zirable had they met for business at an earlier period. He
conceived that the impolicy of the measures of the Ministry
could be easily ascertained,—first, that the Irish Labour-rate
Aer was found to be a great failure ; second, that the Lord
Lieutenant had deviated from that Act; third, that Mr. La-
bouchere's letter confirmed it; and, lastly, that the million of
money which was voted last session was found to be quite ino-
perative. All this gas a ground of regret that they had
not met a little earlier, when those disasters might have been
prevented. He differed from the Noble .Lord that sat beside
him thus far, that he (Lord Brougham) would have the ports
open; but he would concede to that Noble Lord, that under
the old corn-law, when wheat rose to 70s. a quarter, they had
only Is. of duty to pay ; whereas, under the new corn-law,
they had 4s. to pay. Under these circumstances, he thought
that the ports ought to be opened. A great deal of discussion
had taken place, in consequence of their relations with foreign
nations being endangered by the policy pursued by a neigh-
bouring nation; and it was alleged that the people of
this country felt deeply interested in the matter. He
assured their Lordships there could be no greeter mis-
take. He believed that the wives and daughters of this
country cared as much for these royal marriages as they
would for one in Le Verriers' newly discovered planet, if the
inhabitants there married, or were given in marriage, lie
would further remind their Lordships that when one of the
most politic monarchs, who ever sat upon the English throne,
the great William, had embroiled the country with a conti-
nental power, leading to a campaign unequalled in the annals
of British history, until excelled by the most splendid victories
of the Noble and Gallant Duke who sat beside him, the
great Marlborough was obliged, through the apathy of the
People of this nation, to retire from a country which he had
so greatly glorified. He was well aware that the same
apathy p.evailed on the continent as in this country.
A good understanding was always valuable to the people of
both countries, and that it ought, therefore, more to be encou-
raged. The breach, therefore, that had taken place was deeply
to be lamented, because the good understanding that had pre-
viously existed, was the precious oil which relieved the friction
of the machinery where the interests of the two nations came in
contact with each other. Indeed, these contacts became points
of friction, and the preservation of the entente cordiale was of
ignite value ; because, as he had said before, it was the obvious
means of relieving the friction, and preventing collisions. lie
lamented that any thing should have happened to put any thing
in the way of the continuance of that valuable good understand-
ing ; but he heartily hoped that the interruption would be
much shorter than was anticipatedf being thoroughly con-
vinced of its utility, being thoroughly persuaded, of his personal
knowledge, of the great desire and ardent wish which pre-
vailed in France, that the best possible understanding should
once more be established between the two countries ; and he

fully expected that nothing would hereafter occur to prevent
such a consummation.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the
attention
good reatened debates upon this subject he did hope and trust
they woulfdrohm eadav
me none. because while it could tend to serve
n
the distress andorseuoffprerreisnsgipnugo measures
debating the subject
might very possibly have the effect of diverting their
trustedT The
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Ireland.—(fshauer
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tone not in substance, and, if the matter were dropped, things
would soon resume their former aspect.—( Hear, hear.) Per-
haps their Lordships would now permit him to sayto od
a
few owrds with regard to Cracow. Now, they s
on a different footing towards Russia than to France,
and the Minister of the day was not justified in
using strong expressions towards the former without he
was prepared to follow it up with other steps. But nn no oc-
casion ought a Minister to use language of vituperation to.
wards another state, unless he were prepared to go further. It
Was not only the duty, but, under certain circumstances, Go-
vernment was bound to protest against particular measures of
a foreign power. The Speech, in fact, in the present case did
protest in a proper tone against the recent proceedings of
Russia, Prussia, and Austria, with regard to Poland. He
had been represented to be, these Powers
take the law into their own
considered the proceedinhgeseawnseer,e even, aunsptipfinesdinegvcenrabeyowthteodbee-
bhtf bee
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e stnehot
dangerousn u pr forstater
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to ;
hands.
penalty England anifi dt Francehe alalleged
ehad h ton
bond
owawiths
enforced,the question,
the and
law
of nations ought to have been appealed to on the subject—
( Hear, heal . ) Next to maintaining a good understanding
with France, it was of the utmost importance for this country
to he upon terms of amity with Austria.—(Hear, hear.) The