The Sun.
London, England, 1840-02-01 00:00:00

Tics to situations of trust and favour; I defy him to prosiucej
nstances in which I have sought to limit the Crown in
the exercise of that privilege. Sir, I say that I would
act pr eatieally upon the principles of that Act, but I accompany
that de laration, also, with stating that I never would submit to the
sophistry and delusion that I must countenance agitation in order
to give effect to the Relief Bill.—(Hear, hear.) I would make no
distinction on account of religious opinions in the disposition of
patronage. but at the same time I should not consider it a part of
my duty to attempt to conciliate those who are agitating the public
d Wind by showing favour to them because they are Roman Catholics
which I would not show to Protestants. I would effectually, on
the principle on which I thought the Government ought to act—
I would, in the case of Roman Catholics, as well as Protestants, re.
fuse to give encouragement to agitation by selecting the professors
l' of agitation for the favour and distinction of Government.
—( Hear, hear.) I also say this distinctly that I neither want to
conciliate confidence on this side of the House by con
isealing an opinion on the subject of the mode in which the
Roman Catholic Relief Bill ought practically to be carried mat,
nor do I want to court favour and popularity from the other, by
carrying that concession too far.—(Cheers.) I admit perfect civil
r equality between the professors of all religions, as the law has laid it
i• down, but I accompany it with this qualification that I will wen-
t/ tam inviolably as a part of the national compact the Established
' Church in Ireland as well as in England.—(Cheers.) I say this
distinctly that the laws that passed in removing the civil disabilities
of the Roman Catholics did attach to that removal this express
condition that the attire union should be steadily observed, and
I That the united Church of England and Ireland should throughout
t-England and Ireland continue to be the established religion of the
° country, in the possession of every privilege and every right of
properta---(Hear, hear, and loud Cheers)—and I would so re.
gulate my exercise of patronage as that I should be enabled
to reconcile these two indispensable conditions, the maintenance
of the principles of civil equality with the maintenance of the Es-
tablished Church ; that I would make no concession whatever on
that point. It was not required by the law at the time of the re-
moval of the disabilitiee.—(Hear.) The great advocates of Roman
Catholic Emancipation, the Roman Catholics themselves alluded to it.
j
They said to the people of England, we do require in point of us •
rice from your hands. civil equality in the eye of the law, equal
eapaeity for civil privilege ; but of this we do give you a solemn
assurance, that we will not exercise the power which the removal
of disabilities will confer upon us in the property or privilege of the
Established Church—(Cheers)—and I would insist in the practi.
cal administration of the patronage of the Crown, on the mainte.
nance of that condition. That was the opinion of the respected
either of the Hon. Gentleman I see opposite (Mr. Grattan.) On
that point there is the most conclusive testimony. There is the
testimony of Mr. Canning—there are the dying declarations of
Mr. Grattan. There is recorded in every Bill brought in for their
relief, this principle in the preamble, that the United Church
of England and Ireland, is by the Union and the Con-
stitution, a part of the law of the land, which ought to
he preserved inviolably, and which, in the opinion of
Mr. Grattan would be confirmed and strengthened, if you remove
the disabilities under which they labour. In recognising the pre,.
tapir's of equality, on \vhich I would entirely act, I say at once I
would maintain, to the utmost, the other principle, that the Protes-
tant Churoh, the united Chinch of England and Ireland, should be
effectually protected as the Establishment of the country, But
you say it is irtepossible that I can govern Ireland. Now, I ask
yon, what wee the course that I pursued with regard to Ireland,
W;len I legit undertook the administration of the Government ? Who
del I eleenint to the administration of affairs in that country ?
Wl' a did I nominate as my Lord Lieutenant 9 A Noble Lerd
e leo had always supported the Catholic claims, who was the friend
of Mr. Canning, and who had always adopted principles of re.
vonciliation. Who did I appoint as Chief Secretary ? My Right
Hon. Friend near me who had always supported the Catholic claims,
and who was the friend and relation of a Noble Lord who pursued
the same course. Who eel I nominate as Lord Chancellor—(loud
cheer)—remarkable for the moderation of his views, who was re-
markable for the conciliatory tendency of the language which he
hail invariably held, anal the greatest ornament of the English bar.
And I would ask whether the full course of his official conduct was
' not such as to command the respect of the profession ? and I ask
you, did he ever give offence to a single individual holding oppo-
eit• opinions to his own ?—(lmmense cheering.) Who was my
Attorney. General ? The Attorney-General of Lord Melbourne.
Who was my Under_ Secretary ? The Under-Secretary of Land
Melbourne. le ho was my Solicitor-General? Is there any man,
who, whatever may he his politics, can mention with anything but
honour and respect the name of Pennetather ?—(Loud cheers.)
What strong indications had they given of political opinions to
subject them to obloquy ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.").
You attack them, but on what ground ? Yost ridicule
the ilea of attacking you, en the ground that the Member for
Duehn hail dined with the Lord Lieutenant; you denounced the in-
juetice of making such light matters as these grounds of serious ac-
cueation.—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Now Task you what
charge slid you prefer against Lord Haddington, and against my
Right Hon. Friend ? What was the only charge you could bring
against them ? Why, that some vagabond in the Dublin Thaatee
had waved ran Orange flag over their heads. Is not that the charge
fleet is constantly brought against them ? Do I undervalue the
extent of the injury dose by the Orange flag when it is exhibited
itor the purpose Cl insult ? No.—(Cheers.) But it is hard to make
1 hat a .subject of accusation against the Lord Lieutenant, who was
ignorant of its exhibition, and when he became aware of it always
characterised it in terms of the strongest reprobation; and yet that
act is the only one on which you can rely for your attacks on Lord
Haddington.— (Cheering.) I thank the House for the attention
with which it has heard me.—(Cheers.) I have spoken at con-
siderable length, and I am afraid I have trespassed too long.—
( Immense cheering)--but I could see no alternative but that of fully
stating the grounds on which I withhold my confidence from her
Msjeaty's Ministry, and stating those prineiples on which I myself
would propose to act. Sir, I have stated those principles. I
have been told that it will be impossible for me to act upon them, as
I have been told that the avowal would occasion me to forfeit the
, confidence of a great body of my supporters. Sir, I see no irides
Icatons 01 such an occurrence.—(Loud cheers from the Oppesi-
tion.) I believe that they have reposed confidence in me to a
greater extent than confidence has ever been reposed in any man
—and the avowal of my opinions may lead to the withholding
el that confidence if your predictions should be verified. but I
cannot say, judging from the tenor of this debate, that they
I are likely to be so.—(Lend cheers) In fact, the rompeaint that has
i been made on the other side is of the extreme moderation of this
debate, and the loss of the advantage which they expected to reap
teem an aerimonieent disccussion. But the avowal of my opinions,
of my intentions with regard to the Poor-law Act, of my intentions
with regard to the Reform Act, of my intentions with regard to
the Catholic. Belief Bill, and my intention for the honest execution
of those uteeeures--if the avowal of these should lead to a dimi-
nution of the confiidence of those friends who have hitherto sup-
ported use, I shall never regret it—(Cheers)—but I will frankly
declare that I would rather submit to that loss of confidence, painful
as it racy be, than purchase their continued support by the with.
hole urn of my opinions. Ido not believe the opinions I profess are
its.apable of execution; but this I fairly say—on this you may
depend—although I cannot answer your question, by what princi.
i pies should a new Government be conducted ?—this I can answer,
if that Government were conducted on any other principles than
those which I avow, of that Government I should not be a member.
—(Cheers.) I have no such satisfaction in office, that I would
consent to retain office to be the instrument of executing other
men's opinions.—(Cheers.) My ambition is of another kind. For
soy personal object I want not office, nor the distinctions which
ollosv office. Content with the power which I exercise, I
never will consent to hold office on any terms which I think
dishonourable or inconsistent with the Constitutional functions of e
Ministry—nor will I consent to hold office if my own opinions on
Public affairs are to be overruled, and those which should be my
supporters give Me only a qualified and contingent support.—
Clippers.) Whether theseopinions are capable of being reduced to
practice I know not. I don't avow them for the purpose of con-
ciliating such support as shall enable me to reduce them; but they
are those. I mean to act upon in office and out of office; and I
should be perfectly content to relinquish office when they were
Proved to me to be incapable of being so reduced. lam fortified
with the confidence of friends; depend upon it I
shall not attempt to conciliate the confidence of ene-
inlies.—(Loud cheers.) I shall pursue mS steady course
indifferent from personal objects to the possession of power—per-
fectly ready to take office, whatever be its difficulties, if public
duty shall call upon me, and I can do it consistently with my own
sense of duty—refusing to accept it upon any other conditions,
ltd declining to hold it by the tenure by which it is held at pre.
lent—(Loud cheers)—l shall continue retaining every enjoyment,
distinction, and reward I aspire to in private life, knowing I shall
have the satisfaction of co-operating in cordiality and confidence
with men whom I esteem and honour, and know their
sentiments are the same as mine, in complete uninter. milted concurrence and co-operation with my Noble Friend, and my
Right Hon. Friend, who may be taunted for leaving that side of the
House, but have made the noblest sacrifice of political interest to
their principles that ever was made in recent years by public men.
—(Cheers.) Above all, I shall retain the confidence, the satisfac-
teom, and the distinction of co-operating with that illustrious man
hay whose right hand I have stood in the great conflicts which have
been fought for the last twelve years—who now, with faculties un-
impaired by advanced years, displaying the same qualities which
raieed him to the highest pitch of military glory—fortitude, perse-
verance, singleness ofmindelove of justice and truth—qualities which,
rare in separate excellencies, and wonderful in combination, are still
securing to him in civil life and as a statesman, a reputation net
inferior to that he has acquired as a warrior and a hero —(Cheers.)
Supported by that confidence, and, as I believe, the support of a
great proportion of all those great parties in this country, who
used to influence public opinion—the clergy, the magistracy, the
yeomanry, the commercial interests of this country,—l cannot be-
lieve opinions so supported are incapable of being carried into exe.
eution. But, be that as it may, of this I am sure, that
with such support—with such confidence—with the co-operation
of such men, I shall be at least enabled to offer an effectual check
to your coward movements. I shall be enabled effectively to assist
you when you were right, if you will refuse to make improper con-
cessions, and if you were wrong and make these concessions, I shall
be enateed to offer you those impediments which you will call ob-
structions, hut which I shall consider the effectual guarantee
against the conversion of this free and limited monarchy into an un-
qualified and unmitigated elemocracy.—( The Right Hon. Baronet
then resumed hi: seat amidst the loud and vehement cheering of the
Opposition )

Lord J. RUSSELL said, Sir, at the end of four nights' debate
the Right Hon. Gentleman has made a speech of about three hours
length—c Cries of "Oh :" and a laugh.)—in support of a motion
*eking the House or give its advice to her Majesty to pray her
Maj,sty to dismiss chose Ministers in villa, she has confidence, and
t.o take other Ministers to her councils. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man's spiech was divided into two parts. During the first half of
fis address he elideavoured to prove that this country was in a state
of calamity—of internal discord—that our finances were embar-
rzis,d, our credit nearly ruined, and our difficulties almost insuper-
uwe and having, for about any hour and a half spoke in
hat strain the remainder of his speech was devoted to proving
that he wa: ready, and capable, and willing, to remedy all those
disorders, and that he was qualified to fill that high place in the
councils of the Crown which is now held by my Lord Melbourne.
Sir, I have a right at least to expect some attention from Hon.
Members e,pposite.—(Cheers.) I complain not of the motion. I
complai.n neither of the motion itself, nor of the time at which the
midi JO is brought forward. On the contrary, I think if this House
i. prepared to give advice to the Crown on the subject of a change
in the Administration, that no time can be more fitting than the
commencement of a Session, when those who are to take the great
offices of the State might have some time to look into our cam-

plicated affairs, so that the Session might not be lost, and that

sane meat,ui es, at least, might be prepared by those in whom the

. .
confidence of the Crown was reposed. It is, therefore, with great
satisfaction I find that this is not a motion, as in the case of
Canada, brought in as a kind of postscript, and substituted for a

motion of a totally different character—that it is not a motion, as
in the case of that brought forward for repealing a rest).

lution regarding the Irish Church, atter an oftbr of
accomnuulation had been made, by which the House would be

obliged to come to some resolution incompatible with their previous
one. I rrjoice that it is not one of those motions, like those brought
forward last year, to which the Right Hon. Gentleman aluded in
the beginning of his speech, which he evaded as a motion going
to the functions of a Minister, and obliging him, as he thought, by
its results to resign his office into her Majesty's hands, but brought
forward on the avowed statement that it was not to he made a
party question. Sir, lam glad to think that such is not the na-
ture or scope of the question now before us. Some corn.
plaint I must make, and that is—the greater part of
the debate having been employed in charges against the conduct of
our internal affairs, against the means taken for the suppression of
artism and disaffection—that during the whole of last Session
of l'aniament, when I had the conduct of these affairs, when during
many a
dsanxious
arose months I was employed against the dangers which
thy by y ,an having in the evening to conduct the affairs
of the Government in this HouseZ--I have to complain that durirg
that time there was neither any general complaint against the policy
ord.), Goverrantn particular application for papers to be
laid on the table of the House relating to the reports that had been
re ,
e•ved and the proceedings that bail taken place upon them. Sir,
•
although those papers would base give;, a different aspect to the
complaint of the Right Hon. Gentleman, yet I do think if such a
ar e were to be made, it would have been better for the House,
the materials before it, was called upon to pronounce
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