The Sun.
London, England, 1823-04-15 00:00:00

templation to be discussed or introduced.—This would be ob.
vious from a 'perusal of the 'first paper among those he had
just presented. It was a dispatch from the Duke of Welling.
ton to him (Mr. Canning), stating the introduction of that
question-at the Congress, and asking for instructions on the
subject. Until then it had been believed that the principal
subject to be brought under the consideration of the Congress
was that which related to the east of Europe; he meant
the differences between Russia and Turkey. On the arrival
of the Duke at the Congress, he found that the discussion re-
specting.the affairs of Spain, was that which was the most im-
portant in all the deliberations; and, as before observed, the
Duke was obliged to ask for specific instructions on this point.
He should here observe, that the Duke left England in forty.
eight hours after his ( Mr. Canning's) entering office; and the
first dispatch he received from him was that to which he had
referred. He would now-read to the House the instructions
which were sent to the Duke of Wellington in consequence.—
They were in the following terms i—" It' any project should be
advanced calling for an interference with the affairs of Spain,
or a sanction for any such interference, his Majesty's Govan-
merit are so convinced of its being useless, of its being objec-
tionable in principle, and impracticable in execution, that
they desire you will frankly and peremptorily declare that to
such an interference, come from what quarter it may, his
Majesty will not be a party."--(Hear,hear,hezir!)—The House
would perceive • that this was not going into detail, but
was meeting the question upon principle. These were the
instructions forwarded to the Duke of Wellington ; and from
these he had never swerved for a moment. In stating this he
incidentally met, and lie presumed answered an objection
stated on a former evening by an lion. and Learned Friend
whom he was sorry to see opposite to him, " that if England
entered at Verona into any discussion of the affairs of Spain,
She ought to have taken rare that Spain was a party to it."—
Now England had entered into no such diseussionf; her Minister
had gone for no such purpose,
_ and had received instructions
the most peremptory not to be a party to any hostile or me.
nacing discussion on that subject. So far from its being expected
that anyproposal hostile towards Spain would have been made
by France, t was thought that that would have been the very
last proposition submitted to the Congress. In proof of this
he would refer the House to the Speech delivered in June
last by his most Christian Majesty on the closing of the two
Chambers. Ile therein stated, with reference to the affairs of
Spain, as they affected France, that he had taken precaution-
ary measures.; but that nothing but malignity and 11l will
could find a pretext for giving an unfavourable appearance
to his conduct. This was the lieu official document from
France anterior to the Congress of Verona. He alluded to it,
note° fix inculpation any where, but to account for the in-
structions originally given by the English Government to their
Minister, and which, of course, did not at all contemplate a
discussion of the affairs of Spain, at least with any view to.
wardi hostility. When the proposals were first made on this
subject by the Freneh Minister, they were not of a hostile na-
ture. They did not call for the arming of the half of Europe
in the question; but were purely defensive, conditional, and
hypothetical. They asked what would be the conduct of the
Allies in certain,given cases; but these were all eases of of-
fence on the part of Spain towards Frence. To these propo-
sals answers were given by the Continental Allied Powers, en-
gaging in substance 'to countenance and support France in
precaudonary, but not in offensive measures. But in these
answers, however limited, the English Minister would not con-
cur. He stated that his instructions preclueled his entering into
any hypothetical engagement which would commit his country.
Ile demanded to know what was the cause, or supposed cause,
of offence actually given by Spain.—(Cheers.)—And, in all
events, he refused to give countenance to an imaginary case
of offence so as to pledge his Government to any particular
line of conduct afterwards. The Congress, however,, pro-
ceeded to entertain the question ; but the language of the Eng-
lish Plenipotentiary was consistent throughout, was the same
on the last day as it had been on the first. He not only posi-
tively refused to concur in the answers of the Continental Al-
lies, but lie refused to answer any inquiries on the subject. And
when, ultimately, the three Allied Powers agreed to dispatch
messengers to their Ministers at Madrid, calling for changes
in the Spanish Constitution, and, on refusal, to withdraw them-
selves troth the Spanish Court, the English Plenipotentiary
declined
,any participation with them. Ile stated that his Royal
Master would continue his Minister at the Court of Madrid
after the Allies should have withdrawn theirs, in the hope that
he shoUld he able to abate the irritation, and if' possible to pre-
vent a war. Thus decided the Congress i • and the Notes of the
Ministers of the Allied Sovereigns to the Spanish Government,
were well known. They, of course, formed no part of the papers
he had presented; because they were not within the jurisdic-
tion of English Diplomacy_ but they had been published in all
the European Gazettes. The English Minister had not only
disavowed these proceedings, but had implored that no excesses
might take, place to provoke hostilities. The Duke of Wel-
lington returned to Paris about December ; and the French
Court, so far from being then in a more warlike disposition than
before,
,appeared seriously inclined for peace. They were even
disposed to send to Verona the Dispatchee which they proposed.
sending to Madrid, and considering the propriety of sen ding them.
Up to this period no communication had taken place between
this country and Spain, relative to her situation with Franee ;
and he would explain why this had happened. It would be in
.the remembrance of the House, that towards the end of last
Session, a well-grounded clamour had been raised respecting
the disturbance of our navigation in the West Indies.—
Piracy upon English commerce had been committed by dif-
ferent ships, under the flags of the new, unacknowledged
South American Governments, and others under the Spanith
flag. , He had himself, as the Representative of one of the
most considerable trading towns in the kingdom, to complain,
not of the supineness, perhaps, hut of the forbearance of
the English Government towards these depredators; and not
long after the prorogation ot' Parliament, an armament had
been fitted out and dispatched under the command of' Commo-
dore Sir John Owen, to take redress for these outrages into
our own hands. The English Commander was directed to ap-
ply to the Governor of Cubn and demand his assistance. If it
were grunted, he was to act in co-operation with the Gayer.
nor; but if it was refused, lie was toland, and of himself, to
root out the nest of pirates. These were the orders given ;
and this step and these orders were communicated to the Court
Of Madrid. But the depredations in question were not all of
which England had had to complain. Pretensions had been ad.
vanced by the Commanders of Spanish vessels which had never
been admitted by England and had for many years been obsolete
in practice. Ile Alluded to that constructive blockade by which
Spain attempted to interdict communication with any part of
the coast of Spanish America. This blockade, as it was called,
had been roost rigorously enforced against English ships; and
from the year Ifile had been the basis of a series of unanswered
representations on the part of the English Government to the
Spanish Court. As the neglect of' these representations chewed
that coercion would be necessary, it was thought better to bring
the question to a point ; and decide it with the former branch of
complaint. That justice was on our side was unquestionable,
from the circumstance that redress had been promised ; and the
Spanish Government had admitted that the amount of injury
was not inconsiderable, since they had appropriated half a mil.
lion sterling for the purpose of providing for the claims ;
though in tact this sum fell short of their actual amount., Sir
W. A'Court had urged the Spanish Government with remon-
strances, first with regard to the pirates of Cabs, and next with
regard to the injury done to British property by these con-
structive blockades • and lie had stated that a further armament
would be dispatched to make reprisals on Spanish property.
—Redress, however, was promised, and the proceedings
of Sir John Owen were countermanded just in time.--
He (Mr. Canning) believed that the redress was pro.
raised by Spain faithfully and sincerely, hut at all events
the redress being promised no feeling of hostility remained be-
tween the two countries. It was considered that it would not
be delicate or proper to state to the Government of Spain what
was the conduct of England with regard to her differences with
France while their negotiation for redress was going on. But
now the fact appeared; and it would be seen that while we
were calling upon Spain to redress grievances- we had suffered
from her in America, we were simultaneously defending Spain
against the meditated attack on her independence in Europe.
Ile must here notice one particular circumstance, as it had
been the subject of general remark. lie had heard it said that
offence was offered to the Spanish Govermnent by sending. Sir
A'Court as our Ambassadoko Madrid, because it was
stated he would carry Neapolitan polities with him. Now it
happened whimsically enough, that about this time the Mini-
sters of the three Allied Powers had called upon him (Mr. Can-
ning) impowning-street, and had spoken to him against the
sending of Sir W. A`Court, from an apprehension that he would
countenance the cause of Spain.—(A laugh.)—However, the
short answer was, that Sir William had set off. No doubt, the
course followed by Sir William, in the discharge of his duty,
was not calculated in the first instance to make bun very popu.

lac in Spain. Ile was there in the character of a hard creditor
addressing a reluctant, debtor. As soon, however, as all hope
of effecting an understanding between France and Spain had
abandoned, the whole.course of our negotiation was communi-
cated to the Spanish Government, which then saw that our
cause of complaint against Spain, for the injuries clone to our
commerce, had not infected our negociations respecting her at
Verona. (Hear, bear !)—From that time the feeling towards Sir
W. A'Court became evidently changed; and he bad laboured
with honest, it might indeed be said with Spanish feeling, in
behalf of the cause of Spain. While Spain was uncertain as to
the course intended to be taken by England, she had solicited
our good offices in the way of mediation, and had solicited them
expressly so that our interference should not be inconsistent
with the strictest neutrality. Our mediation was to be that of
a friend, and to entitle us even to the thanks bf the party
advised. The English Government accordingly offered its
mediation. The French Government declined the offer, alletig-
ing that the grounds of clifferencebetween the two countries were
not of a nature to require practical examination, (A laugh)
that they grew out of the influence of what was passing In
Spain upon the internal affairs of France, that this had caused
a state of mutual jealousy- andirritationao which even war was
preferable, as it might lead to a peacc which would remove
the cause of difference. This was the substance of the French
Answer, and upon this answer he thought the House would
agree with him in saying that this was a case in which England
would have a right tesay to both parties, that without some-
thing more specific for the subject in difference, it would be
better for a third party not to interfere at all. But as the lan-
guage on both sides had hitherto been most pacific, as his Ma-
jesty's Government felt alarm lest the peace of Europe should
be disturbed, they did not think they would be justified in
'losing the slightest chance which was left of accommodation.—
They therefore determined to see what could be done by an
endeavour to bring about a mutual accommodation. The ques-
tion was reduced to one entir-ly between France and Spain.—
The case foreseen at Verona, in case of the withdrawing of the
Allied Ministers, had actually occurred, and we determined to
thew to Spain our anxiety to distinguish our conduct from
that of the other Powers, and" to prove that our disposition to-
wards her was most friendly. The Duke of Wellington had a
right to be considered as the friend of Spain. He had success.
fully restisted the former attacks of France upon her, and that
independence which he had established by the sword he was
anxious to support by negociation. If ever a Man had a right
to speak as a friend, without being thought desirous of dictat-
ing, it was the Duke of Wellington who was identified with
Spain and her' history He, "therefore, through one who had
been his companion in arms and his assistant at Verona ; Who
was moreover his confidential friend, stated his opinions of the
Spanish Constitution, and they were stated not in the finesse of
diplomacy, but in the honest frankness of sincerity. This too,
it was to be observed, was after France had expressed her
desire of peace. The statement of the Duke chewed that we
were asking nothing for ourselves; that the advice was that of
it friend, leaving the Spaniards to accept or reject it as
they thought proper, and without giving them to under.
stand in any way that their acceptance of it was to be
the price of our good will. It was under these circum-
stances, and for this purpese, that Lord Fitzroy Somerset
had been dispatched to Madrid ; and, looking back at this
transaction, if he (Mr. C.) were asked whether he would do
the like again, he did hot know that lie should answer in the
affirmative ; but had he not done so, and the war had taken
place, he should be sorry to thing that-.with such materials for
negociation, he had not taken the chance which was offered
him. Lord Fitzroy Somerset had is confidential memorandum
delivered to him, containing the opidions of the Duke, such in.
deed as were already known to many of the principal persons
in Spain. This was about the first week in .January ; Spain
having applied for our mediation in December, and our offer
of mediation having been in the course of the same month.—
Not many weeks afteewards an event occurred, which was
most unexpected, and which materially shook his hopes of an
accommodation. Ile needed scarcely to tell the House, that
lie alluded to the speech of the King of France on opening the
Chailibers.--(Hear, hear, hear!)-..N0 MAR could 'possibly feel
more 'strongly than himself upon the construction of that
speech. If objections were made to the Spanish Constitution
on its own merits, he did not know that interference could
be justified ; but when it. was laid down as the principal ob-
jection to it, that it had not emanated from theßing, he was
sure that no Spaniard could consent to alter it at the instance
of a Foreign Power.—(llcar, hear !)—And he was convinced
that no Englishman would countenance the demand to alter it.
—(Cheers.}—No time had been lost in conveying these senti.
ments to the French Government. It was declared to that
Government that if such was the meaning of the speech, there
was an end to negociation ; that the principle was one
which could not be tolerated ; that it struck at the root of
the English Constitution.—(Loud Cheers.)—lt was added, that
as England did not think of putting forward her Constini.
thin for the adoption of . other countries, she did not see by.
what right France either offered her 'own es a model, or at-
tempted .to force an alteration in the Constitutions of other
countries. In Conclusion it was stated., that if any other con.
struction of the Speech were to be adopted, the door of nego-
tiation might still be considered as not altogether closed. He
might here obserVe, that the copy of the Speech forwarded to
him by the French Minister here, contained a profusion of ex.
pressions of a desire to negotiate, anti asking a continuance of
our goad office. It was not a little surprising, that up to the
last moment, the French GoVernment appeared to have thought
they bad hit upon the chord which would be responded to at
(fiAladlartildgh;
4.....antlinthialet
ththesisestrineceicla were passing, a new aPPlication
was the sovereign specific.--
had been made to the English by the Snish Government for
a more active employment of o Spanish
good offices; and we would
not say that we thought the cause . was hopeless,' seeing that
those engaged in it had thought thoee good offices worth the
trial. is o active part, however, had been taken by our Minister
at Madrid. Sir Strilliam bad merely ;tated what chance there
was of peace, and the House was aware that a total failure had
followed. In this state of things nothing remained but ter Eng-
land to state to both parties the couree which she would take,
which she would consider most consistent with the welfare of
all, and with her own honour. From the very beginning not a
word had passed to lea to a belief on the part of Spain, that
the English Government would be other than strictly neutral.
No inference had been left to be drawn—" no loop to hang
a double upon." We had declared we would do all we could
to avert the war ; but ' we declared too that we would take
no part in it. It was not necessary for us to say the same
to }ranee ; but it was impossible to read her official documents
without speaking our opinions upon them frankly. This
brought him to a consideration of the last paper among those
he had presented. It was a dispatch directed to be delivered
by the English Ambassador at Paris to the French Government.
To leave • no doubt to be inferred, it first gave an account of
the whole negociation iron) the commencement, in order that
the French Government might be Consonant of every circum.
stance. It then stated, that it only remained for his Majesty's
Governnient to declare the conduct it was its intention to pursue
towards the two nations to which it was bound by ties of amity
, an
and good will. That the repeated disavowal made by his most
suppositionCllrist that
iAilMiki lie eBty°ksreiilitniu to taketye6f►
aggrandizement forbad a
uniital7 Possession of Spain,
or toe
ioitiffderbeoe:c Re teal assize.
giicivnento(OhihsiseiValtiareslitcyll,lo‘in estbieYilart of the French
Government, of its determination to t the dominions of his
Britannic Majesty's ally, Portugal. ear hear In—lt did not
therefore necessarily follow that there should be war between
France and that country. With respect to the Spanish Ameri-
can countries, it appeared that, by the course of time and events
they bad become completely separated from the Mother Coun-
try. Although their formal recognition Might be hastened or
retarded by various circumstances, it was the opinion of his Ma.
jesty's Government that, sootier or later, that must take place.
The Government of Spain had long been advised of his Ma-
jaesn)t.y;ll:ten"itinolanntouPotipnprothpi"risautebiat'l4iiol'eirtioanilninot thhealtatiteleSsapanmeisl?ise
ter-
ritories in America; tliey also received the assurance of
France that she will not attempt to make any such territories
subiect to her domination. Accepting this frank disavowal and
explanation, thp,British eeiribassatler was directed to inform his
Excellency Viscount Chateaubritintl, than it was the intention
'of this country to maintain a strict neutrality, so long as the
just interest and honour of Great Britain would pernut. The
Right Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to observe, that, with'
respect to that part of the question which involved the faith of
Treaties--he meant as regarded Portugal, France had never
for one moment been left uninformed that an unprovoked at-
tack upon that country would inevitably draw forth the oppo.
sition of this country.--(Hear, 'teem !)--.There bad been much
misconstruction on the subject ; for it had not only been held,
what undoubtedly was correct, that aggression in respect of
.Portugal must be forcibly repelled by. Great Britain, but that
this question of war was to he left to the decision of that coun-
try ; so that, by her attacking France, we also were to follow

her into the war. Now the ground of the alliance betwiirt this
country and Portugal was one distictly defensive, and not
offensive, and if there was one law of nations more clear than
another, it was, that a defensive alliance did not commit the
other party to war, by the one voluntarily undertaking it.—
(Hear, hear !)—Not for one moment had France hesitated to de-
clare, not alone to England, but to England through Portugal,
as well as to herself, that she would observe a strict forbear-
ance towards that country, unless Portugal commenced
an attack upon France. There was no occasion for Portugal
to go to war unless she chose. He was not saying what it might
be most politic for this country to do under certain circum-
stances, but confining himself merely to what the faith of tree.
ties bound us, which was no more than to defend Portugal
against unprovoked aggression: England had always fulfilled
this engagement even to her own loss, and it was obvious that
in proportion as we meant to he scrupulous in the obaervaitce
of our engagements, we ought to be careful in ascertaining
their distinct limits. There was another point with reference
to Spanish America' upon which he might be indulged with
permission to make a few observations. It would undoubt-
edly he more agreeable not to have been called upon to make
the disclosure of the sentiments of the British Cabinet which
he had just adverted to on this subject : but there had been tie-
help for it. So long as Spain remained at peace and in full
possession of all her natural means and resources, his Majesty's
Government had refrained from pressing upon her what was
an undoubted fact, viz. that she had lost all hold upon her
colonies. His Majesty's Government had uniformly advised
a settlement, abstaining, however, at all times, from stipulating
for any mercantile advantage, conceiving that the Mother
Country was intitled to unrestricted benefit,of this nature,
whilst we ought to be contented with being placed on the foot-
ing of other friendly countries. He had been asked more than
once to use our good offices to arrange these differences, but
we had refused to accept the negociation without an under.
standing that we were not to be bound by the result in thetnat.
ter of our own recognition. The period had now arrived, how.
ever, when we were called upoii to declare what view we took
of the question relating to the Colonies, by the circumstance of
France for her own purposes, admitting the claim of Spain to a
de juro dominion. The British Government therefore caine for-
ward to declare her opinion that a de facto separation had taken
place, although it bad no right by acknowledging a de juro se-
paration to put it out of the power of the Mother Country` to
negociate. He was aware that however the House might be sa-
tisfied
with the proceedings in other respects, there were many in
that House who thought that the case ofSpain was one which did
not require or even warrant this country to confine itself within
the limits of neutrality. Ile was aware that many entertained
that opinion, and when the proper time should come the 'dis-
cussion of that branch of the subject, he would be prepared to
chew why he thought they were not borne out by the principle of
justice, nor the interests of States. When he said they were not.,
borne out injustice, he wished not to be understood as sving
that a war in such circumstances would be unjust.—(Hear 7)—
but that a war was not necessarily called tor. Some Hon.
Gentlemen on the other side of the House had done him the ho-
nour to mark him where he had disclaimed designating the war
as unjust, and to him he would take leave to say, that it was
not sufficient that there should be cause of war that those on
whom the awful responsibility of such a step rested should
plunge into it. It was not enough, lie repeated, that there
should simply be cause of war—it was not enough that that
cause should be urgent ; but it must be consistent with the ine
ternal state of the country,—(flcar, hear !)—Did he blame
those who called for opposition to that Power which interfered
with the internal regulation of a people because something
in their institutions offended the eye-sight ? Far from it,—
the impulse was noble, as. was the sentiment from which it
proceeded honourable. But it required to be chastised and
chastened down by opposition -with other considerations. He
envied the feelings of those, who unshackled by the weight of
responsibility, were free to give vent to their natural feelings,
and call for war.—(Hear, hear !)—With all the respect-he-en-
tertained for some of the individuals implicated, he must freely
confess that he could not see by what means it was possible to
justify the conduct of France towards Spain. What had Spain
dotietojuitify the parallel which had been made between the
.course pursued by it, and the conduct of France at a former
period.? Let' them look to what had occurred in the case of
SavOy and Avignon, before even the sword was drawn in
Europe against revolutionary France.---(Hear, hear !)—if all
Europe was arrayed against France in the beginniog of the
present century, France had been advised of the consequences
of her actit2 and that it was not because of the errors of hi-
ternal adnimiatration, but because she was determined to pro-
pagate—first, her doctrines, and next, her dominion by the
sword: At all events, France ought to be the last to set up
such a defence. But that France with the evils of her former
course to account for, should now turn round anti make an ex-
ample Of herself to justify her own iniquity, was a sort of per-
version of reasoning to which it was as difficult to characterize,
as it was to conceive a justification for.—(llear !)—He knew
that on this subject there was .a question at issue between hint
and sonic of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, which he 'should be
happy to diScuss when the period should arrive, without, hoi.
ever, challenging the discussion. There were, indeed, great va-
rieties of opinions. lie had heard, amongst others, not only that '
this country should go to war, but that she should commence it.
We should have told France, it was contended, that we would
go to war with her if she did so and so, without altogether stop.
ping to consider whether we might or not decline hereafter re.
deeming the pledge. To this he could never subscribe; but'he
deemed it an error in principle. There was then another to which
he.was also strongly opposed. Ile meant.that which contended
that we ought to go to war as an auxiliary, if we could not as
a principal. Now he was convinced that, if ever there was a
war in the world which it was impossible to ,wage in a
insti-
gated partial way, it was this. If war were to take place it
must be with the whole power of the nation—toto cerlari cor.
pore regal !--(Hear, hear, hear !)-'There was nothing in the
present state of Europe which would admit of partial war-
fare—nothing that would warrant our thinking of war with-
oat putting forth all our energies, 'exhausting all our re-
sources with a fixed determination to succeed, or perish in
the enterprise.--Glear, hear, hear!)—That was the war
which we had to choose, if any; and the question was whether
hqnour required we should take that alternative; and if that
were safe, whether interest prescribed the election. The deci-
sion in his opinion was sound and just, and he must say that as
far as the British Parliament expressed the sense of the coun-
try, the general sentiment was in accordance with that opinion.
(Hear, hear !)--The determination of his Majesty's `Govern.
men t had been taken for neutrality.—(ll ear,hear I)—The noose
would give him leaiie to say that the honest choice lay between
war and neutrality. One or the other -must be chosen, and
that with the intention rigidly to adhere to the election—war,
open and determined; or neutrality without any covert aid
to one side Or the other. If he were asked the limits of rteu:
utility, he would tell them that they were to be discovered by
that golden rule, which applied to polities as well as morals-..
cc Do unto others that which thou wouldst they should do
unto you."--(llear, hear, hear!)--But he would say to Eng.
land—Do that to others which you have made others do to-.
wards you 1 It was well known to those who heard him, that
thii country had long laid dowirthe law to the world on the
great question involved by neutral rights in a code which
would go down to future ages as the monument of the learn-
ing—the very antiquity of our country. Ile alluded to that
code of laws residing In the series of decisions pronounced by
that great jurist Sir William Scott. 'When. Urged to acts in
so violation of neutrality, that code would lie oppose in answer.'
The Right Hon. (ientlernan then adverted to the question of
mediation.
Theme of herin complaint
viiaicintl oir France was, that Spain cm.
bodied, in institutions, that which was dis-
quieting to France. The counter-complaint of Spain was,
that the army of Observation on the confines created dis.
quietude in Spain. In answer to this, it was demanded that
some small advance should be made towards conciliation or
concession, and the army would be withdrawn ; and the
rejoinder, of Spain declared, that no such. concession could
be made whilst the army remained in position. This was
the state of the differences when the mediation of this coun-
try took place. In his opinion they had not seemed more
against Spain in recommending partial concession, than against
'.l`rance.in advising the withdrawal of troops which she thought
necessary to her security. lie bagged to point out that there
was a difference betwixt mediation and good offices ; for by
the one the party accepting the task became pledged to one
side, which was not the case with the other. Spain could not
be asked to give' up the point upon ,which she hail resolved
to stand ; and no one could have the right to order the .with.
drawal of the. )French army. He was happy in- thinking
'that he would not here to reproach himself with having ste.
ululated Spain to opposition, without haVing the . power or
the intention to support her in the struggle.-- That was a
course which'it Would not have been -consistent, with honour
to have pursued. It was -nor however to be believed, that
beceuee his Majesty's Government had decided open nen-