The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-19 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION

stow, and again I say that I do not contemplate office upon a
sets, departure from those principles respectingllfe Corn-laws—
( Vehement cheers from the Opposition.) Do you ask me then,
! stne upon ommerce • how is it' possible for me to -consent to the relaxation of the
;'how
and yet to retain the Corn-laws.—
zrid . ,
.
'sod
~ (Hear, hear.) 1)o you, who appeal to the opinions of Mr.
tsts :-Hitakisson. and who think his authority is all-conclusive upon
these subjects, allow me to remind you that the relaxation of
restrictions upon trade was made by Mr. Huskisson at a time
St s; when those Corn-laws existed—(Cheers)—and when those
. • Corn-laws were maintained by Mr. Huskisson?—(Renewed
, ' Cheering.) An Hon. Gentleman has quoted, in the course of
the night, opinions which he supposes to have been
expressed by Mr. Huskisson some time after he left office
and shortly before his lamented death. All that I know is
that whilst I was in official communication with Mr. Huskisson
I knew no man who was memo opposed to a fixed duty or more
in favour of maintaining the sliding scale—( Hew., hear)—
and no . man would more have scouted the idea
of introducing absolute principles of free trade.—( Heir, hear. )
I beg to read his opinion at the very time I refer to. Ile said,
in 1827, "it has been quoted aoainst me that I held the opi-
nion that England ought not tor depend too largely and too
frequently on other countries for the supply of corn."
I maintained those doctrines in 1815 and I maintain them
now. I think nothing could be so dangerous to this coun-
try as to be obliged to rely on foreign. etions. Mr. Hus-
kisson says not only that he was an advocate for a gra-
duated scale but he claims the merit of being the author of
, it. He said in the year 1827, " Being myself the party
who as a private Member of Parliament had proposed in
1814 a graduated scale of prohibitory duties, which was
;.,
afterwards perfected by the wisdom and experience of Lord
Liverpool, it is not likely that I should recommend a prin-
Mple utterly inconsistent with that smile." In the year 1828
Mr. Huskisson used these words :—" The Hoe. Gentleman
has spoken in favour of a fixed duty ; assuredly that might
look well enough, but when they regarded the circumstances
of the country and the wants of the people, they would see
the impossibility of adopting such a principle. If a high per-
manent duty were imposed, then in a period of searci•y, the
poor would be exposed to extreme suffering and misery which
the heme grower could not relieve, while the agriculturist
received a compensation of a high rate of duty when corn was
at a low price. While they were legislating on this sub-
. islet they were hound to look to e different and va-
ryingcircumstances of the country, and the wants and necessities
of its inhabitants. A fixed duty was therefore out of the
question."—(Cheers from the Opposition benches.) That
was the opinion of Mr. Huskisson in the year 1828, only two
years before the termination of his useful career ; and after
e had perfected those improvements in our commercial code,
to which the Noble Lord had referred in terms of such well-
merited praise. The Noble Lord, however, is now about to
advocate a different course, and I will offer him my opposition
because I do not think that a fixed duty can be permanently
Maintained. The Hon. Member for Marylebone says he sup-
ports the proposal, not on account of its own merits,
• but of the perfect conviction that it is but a
steppirig-sn towards a l W this
fixed dutyto se established, and tota
when thee Noble Lord shall
shave realized the plan which he entertains—when he admits
that his principle is to give a protection to agriculture,
to which he thinks it fairly entitled, and when he will
' • therefore lay a tax upon foreign corn—when he does this.
suThppose the Noble Lord's fixed duty should be assailed by
e arguments by which the graduated scale is now as-
. 7- Se,
s' iled. Suppose the Hon. Member for Finbury should come
dawn with details of individual suffering, and suppose the
Hon. Member for Wolverhampton should detail similar cases
of 'severe privation and distress—suppose the cry against the
"bread-tax," be again raised—suppose the Noble Lord be met
by those illegitimate instruments of warfare by which he has
been met, but for the use of which he has set the example.—
(Loud Oppositien cheers.) Suppose this were the case let me
ask the Noble Lord what are the grounds of his confidence
that he will be able to maintain a fixed duty? Sup-
s Pose corn were to attain the price of 80s. will the
fixed duty be enforced ? Suppose on the other hand that there
was an abundant supply of corn in this country, and—suppose
the same season was favourable to the different nations of Eu-
rope, and
suppose that in addition to our own supply—more
than suffieient of our consumption—there was in consequence
Of the low price on the Continent, and in come-
Inence of the necessity of disposing of it at any rate,
'great influx of cern from foreign parts—then did not the
~ Noble Lord think that that influx would have a discouraging
effect on British agriculture ?—( Hear, hear.) Has the Noble
Lord well considered what would be the consequence of a fixed
duty is regarded the interests of the agriculture of this country?
For my part, I cannot help thinking that the fixed duty pro-
Posed by the Government would be found totally insufficient to
Maintain the present state of the agricultural prosperity of
England. Ido not wish to enter at any length into this sub-
Jeet. I should have been perfectly content to discuss the sugar
duties on its own merits, and I will not enter further upon the
consideration of the subject of the Corn-laws. When that
question comes before the House I will enter into the details
of it. But I think the House will feel that after the
Challenge addressed to me I could not avoid saying
What were my opinions respecting the Corn-laws. But it will
be said there is another subject that is mentioned in the
Country • and we are risked what we propose with respect to
'the timber duty. Why, I say frankly to the Noble Lord that I
reserve to myself the unfettered right of deciding upon that
question ; and I will ask the Noble Lord before I con-
eider the timber duties to give me the benefit of that informa-
tion which be possesses, and which he has derived from the
Governor-General of Canada.—( Opposition cheers.) You
ask us, the Opposition, to' make a peremptory, positive decla-
ration on the subject. Now I will, for the purpose of prevent-
ing you from charging mgwith a wilful concealment of my
opinions, and in order that I may gain a subsequent advantage
by acting on them. I will, so far as I can, declare my sentiments
on the question tin which you challenge me to express them.
I have told you my opinion with respect to the sugar duty and
with respect to the corn duty. You now ask me for a positive
opinion with respect to the timber duty; but how is it possible
that any rational man can pronounce an opinion on the subject
wi hout having an opportunity of considering it, not merely in
its financial and commercial, but also in its political bearings?
Does the Noble Lord himself apply the principle of free trade
to the timber duties; and on reading the report of
1836 did he came down to the House to pro-
pose an alteration in those duties ? No, the Noble
Lord took the advantage which his office gave him—he
(itoissidered that there was a great political crisis in Canada—
,: looked to the state of that country, and the great experis
-"exit You are making there for the union of the two provinces,
ialnd the introduction of a representative Government,,before
te took any step whatever in the matter.—( Hear, hear.)
46 doubtless considered the excitement and party spirit in-
cident to the elections in Canada, he no doubt considered
• . theit 'relations between this country and the United States,
..• eno doubt recollected that the United States was the near
neighbour of Canada, he recollected the arrest of M'Leod, and
• ' , the unsettled state of the question relating to the Boundaries
of the United States. The Noble Lord said before I can
.debate the question of these timber duties 1 must consider
the propriety of keeping the public mind in Canada at ease on
i
• e subject; I must not unnecessarily add to the excitement
In that country : and what did the goble Lord do ? Why, in-
, .se!”4l of coming down to debate the question on the prin-
p es af free trade, he writes to the Governor of Canada, a
. !optics colleague of his own, a Nobleman in the full confidence
of the Government, to ask his opinion as to the propriety of propos-
' ' ing any alteration in the timber duties. And what is all the inform.
attati'
ich the Noble Lord has given us on the subject ? What
llrs es
the • r
.4,ectarem.orroation on which he thinks it right to call upon me to
my opinions on the subject ? His Neble Friend the Go_
vernor
the of the Canadas had said, as might naturally be expected,
" if they touched the question of the timber duties, it would
• • • Zealaterially to the difficulties of his situation."—(Cheers.) I
. , e I quote the Noble Lord correctly.—(Cheers.) And this is
• :le information on which lam called on to declare my opinion at
Zoe when the papers state, I trust untruly, for I have shared in
sot 'unsorted the measure for the union of the Canadas, and I will
,Thrink from my share of the responsibility : and therefore I
ti, that the papers untruly state that the result of the elections
Unit has been to give only a narrow majority in favour of the
Iteetn• In such a case as this I should say in the words of Lord
.• Th t must be a madman who would
txdh, a man
(Cheesie political considerations from such a quest ion."—
y" 4.) And if the Governor of Canada, a Nobleman high in
Confidence, tells you that to touch the timber duties would add
• 'th_ materially to the difficulties of his situation, reserving to myself
ore full, free, and unfettered right to discuss hereafter the question
, timber'. duties, I tell you, when you require to know my
%lb", on the subject, that I require to know all the information
'fie subject which you possess, before I can give a decided opi-
.ll:eh On the subject.—(Cheers.) But the Governor of Canada says
we• he says there is another measure which if proposed simulta-
with the alteration in the timber duties, may have the
•,‘,77t of obviating many of those difficulties, and of reconciling
lAidSri Public mind in Canada to the proposed alterations. Now, what
Q se,
, tt, at measure—(Loud cheers)—what is chat measure which
itrs necessary to adopt to quiet the public mind in Canada ?--L(ln.
~!estd cheering.) Not the slightest intimation has, the Noble
,); i'Lrd given of what that measure is, but with merely a statement
the touching the timber duties will add materially to the Mi.
!Ulties of the Governor of Canada, and with an intimation that there
some other measure which, if proposed simultaneously with, it
.11'17 set the public of Canada at ease on the subject. lam called
,;t4i.l 11,On teistate my opinion on the question of the Timber Duties.
answeris, that reserving to myself the full and perfect right of
hN: unfettered action with regard to the Timber Duties, I will not
it{ ,/..8111' one step until I am in full possession of all the information'
ra you
and have fully considered all the political considetions
l'tsoi,-7onnected with the subject.—(Cheers.) So much for commercial
distress, and for the remedies which are proposed for its relief. But
civic
.Fht addition to a great commercial crisis, it is said there is a great
fin aticial crisis also. There is a great' financial crisis, and for
that grczat financial crisis,-in my opinion, you are mainly responsi.
hie.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) You hare had possession of power
since 1832, you have since that time had the admi.
nistration of the country. You refer to your successes
1,;., 'With triumph as proofs of your wisdom and sagacity. Ido not
'943- that failure is a proof of the want of those qualities, but I do
tl t f e first the whole course ofe Government has
, ia roi
th
irlte,,,,,beels markedu by a deficiency in the revenue, with an increase in the
11,1 s'iPenditure. That uniform course of failure greatly diminishes
nIY confidence in the success of your financial propositions.—
(ilotllOpposition cheers.)
• 45) For the last five years you have been
-on with an annually increasing deficiency, which has
44.411.`"ninellnted at last to 7,500,000/. That has been the result of your
!,4',/j
"7'1,041 administration ; and instead of finding, as I expected, you
1 !°old come down to this House with a confession of your own
"eaPacity—(Cheers)—and maladministration—(lmmense cheer-
( ,t'st,;'lng from the Opposition)—you represent yourselves as mei,
' to free trade, and call upon me to furnish you with
ft:itY vlt
adget.---(LOllCr.Opposition cheers.) lam not surprised at your
ficience in me—(Continued cheering)—when you recollect that
re I left office in 1830, the Administration with which I was '
t_enenested had, during the period of their management of the fin
;Toes reduced the public debt by the amount of twenty millions of
capital of the debt—(Cheers)—reduced the charges on the debt
.‘ 1: Interest annually by one million—(Continued cheers)—and left
consitn-plee of 2,400,0001. of revenue over expenditure.—(Long
ein,ucel cheering ) How much will the Right Hon. Gentleman
eh .----(Cheers.) [The Chancellor of the Exchequer, when the
;erkag had, subsided, said, in a quiet conversational tone, across
!an table," the Right lion. Gentlemen has not left yet." This
which seemed quite to take Sir Robert Peel by surprise, pro.
!". a loud burst of laughter. The Right
Hot ourab!e Baronet,
wtinowet,hee laughter had somewhat subsided continued as fotows r alter the reduction of twenty millions of capital, of
annual charge of interest after the remission of taxes, we had
• c 176001-rived to leave a surplus. state it at the lowest, as
refOrm,OedoOr/.,araniaidniernetetle(etcheewritt; all the difficulties of an un-
s. You have bad your own way
fur five years—you have 'had the benefit of cheap Government-
. . 'll.—attlear, hear.) You have had that superior advantage—you
got cheap governruent—you:havelhad the Administration
00W fur ten years. While you had these illiberal colleagues
Yeti. had a surplus of revenue
ed or if d toh feint h
that
you 18h3;
had
‘, 6 moment you were disemlb-oarurassig
"4 the *
own free will and free way, from that moment, notwith.
sour
-"wiling cheap government, and.the aid
alitiefolormeendcoP,:rplaias;
k from that moment your difficulties began
; overy year presented a deficit, and now
( oscatee,w.
1111 your deficit of 7,500,000/, and th you
en clamour, man after
ri,,,4"Luns,el,an Us to favour you with a budget.—(uud cheers.) , y
no doubt, the aidyout gave you
tyhoeucoonn,elJuaemaicsa
of
f(rtienesvoerul
,wirell)---when. I rescued r
dt ~,maztaya..,4hutnense cheering)—when I enabled you to
YOU from
n po-
rroucolowneyrewchoimeh
jtoaui
t+t.l‘asi,btorePril,
the
fotatit.ivdeateiszvseronfmesnoct—ietwy hienti
el
,rerre; prevented
, txze'"4"44l4
._o4opular and representative rights--when
es ~k,..,1"-Take my advice—and when you afletwards had the ne
iieladmit that you heartily rejoiced that you had met with such ov.—(Cheers.) If the circumstances were the same
..141"terithterntd ttf give you similar advice. '1
Ceram; I view with
Al I,72lP4thYribe position of the Chancellor of the Exri,e_

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