The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-10 00:00:00

LoNDON FRIDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 10, 1847.

to the return of that vessel was' not correct, and I
now rise to apologise for not waking that explana-
tion before.

An HON. MEMIV:R inquired, would the Honour-
able Gentloman name his authority for his original
statement ?

Mr. O'CONNELL said he did not know that they
were called upon in that House to name the authori-
ties for every statement put forward. If such a rule
were adopted many parties would be placed in very
extraordinary positions.

Mr. SHKICMAN CRAWFORD said he felt that
it- was not suite reconcileable with his duty to give a
silent vote on this occasion. He had abstained from
anything which could be considered as a factious op-
position to the measure, but he felt that the time had
now arrived for explaining his views upon it. He
wished to confine his remarks to the principle of the
Bill. That principle was decidedly the same princi-
ple which had been applied on so many former occa-
sions,
in order to reduce crime in Ireland. It
was the principle of trying to repress crime by powers
beyond the ordinary powers of the law. He acknow-
ledged that this Bill was milder in its provisions than
many others that preceded it, but the question which
they had to consider was, would it effect the object
which it was intended to accomplish—the repression
of crime ? He would not touch upon the unconsti-
tutional bearings of the Bill, as they had been fully
explained by the Honourable Member for Notting-
ham (Mr. F. O'Connor). He would merely say,
that if he believed the measure would be useful to
Ireland, it should have his support. But his candid
opinion was, that instead of putting down crime, it
would have the effect of aggravating it.—(Hear,
hear.) He did not think that either the Right Hon.
Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home De-
partment or the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary
for Ireland had shown that the Bill would operate in
putting down crime. He thought they had failed in
showing any connexion between the powers of the Bill
and the repression of crime. They heard a great deal
about the sacred rights of property, but why should
they overlook the rights of labour ? He would say that
in Ireland the poor man had no security for a return
for his labour. But what were these landlord rights?
They were in a great many cases rights of robbery
instead of justice.—(Hear, hear.) Should any man
be allowed to enjoy the right of taking, and convert-
ing to his own use, what was produced by the poor
man's labour and capital, and of turning that poor
man out on the world without any compensation ?
(Hear, hear.) He would say they were landlords'
wrongs. The slave master talked of his right over
the person of his slave, but in a free country like this
was it right for the landlord to have the power of
robbing the tenant of his property, and of turning
him out to die in the ditch ? They had repeated
instances of that being done. A very recent case
occurred in the county of Leitrim, and the gentleman
in his defence said that the tenants owed twelve or
fourteen years' rent. He thought such a state of
things must have shown neglect on the part of the
landlord, or his agent, or some overstraining—
(Laughter)—of the resources of the tenant in the
first instance.

Mr. G. H. MOORE totally disagreed with those
Hon. Gentlemen who had expressed their determi-
nation to resist all measures for the suppression of
undoubted crime, unless accompanied by measures
for remedying undoubted evils. He disagreed with
those Hon. Gentlemen as much as he disagreed with
the Hon. Member for Bridport (Mr. W. B. Coch-
rane). The loss of human life by famine, and of
human life by assassination, were evils of infinite
enormity, which it was the duty of that House to
consider and repress. He therefore, holding no
parley with assassins, tendered to her ajesty's Go-
vernment his humble though cordial support in the
carrying out of this tardy act of justice, which at
last they had undertaken to present. With regard
to those unhallowed districts in which a confederation
of murderers had superseded the authority of the law,
and scattered death and consternation through the
country, Ministers had called upon the Legis-
lature for certain powers which they considered suf-
ficient to meet the evil. They were bound to make
the demand. They were therefore responsible to
that House and the country for the sufficiency of the
powers to protect and secure human life; but were
they not also responsible for lives in other parts of
the country where crime had not yet been seen, and
where the people obeyed the law ?—(Hear, hear.)
There was another class in whose favour he must
appeal to the House. For the first time after cen-
turies of insult, the Roman Catholic clergy had been
recognised as the de facto pastors of the people, and
their services accepted in carrying out the laws. On
this first occasion, it must be admitted, they had
proved themselves worthy of the trust reposed in their
hands.—(Hear, hear.) The exertions of the Roman
Catholic clergy during the famine appeared to him to
have been almost' superhuman, and these labours
were added to their ordinary duties, which were
sufficiently arduous. They strongly denounced
crime. Was it not extraordinary, then, that the
only notice taken of their services should have been
of the aberrations of one gentleman, who seemed to
have made a most unfortunate speech ?—(Hear, hear.)
He might mention that in the proclaimed district,
out of many hundred victims who had fallen under
the murderous confederation in Tipperary, only two
were alleged to have been denounced by the Roman
Catholic clergy.—(Hear, hear.) Expressions might
have been used which naturally disgusted the minds
of the English people; but he asked if there had
been no provocation of strong language used towards
them in this country ?--(Hear, hear.) Had all the
incendiaries been confined to Ireland ? Had there
been no calumniators on this side the water ? It was
raabl
owl
eneel lGbefunotra
we tmahsae
at Noblethere te()re a
attribute
or
boLordurgtean theabn
udatt the Right
tlßiiapissg htootf
allea
laaanud
very
Ir
?dawreihregwtheetloaasthufetwomuraneytheas
?tohaadl 1
tthhea tGwo
ve
ehr an d.
ment no organ ? what had been the conduct of those
the Right Honourable Gentleman? was there no
phreeasrsd
organs ? what had been
Right lion. Baronet ent gassurance of the
their languae ? The people
might well answer the benevol
in the words of a the
Tempest:— C an, in

" But they'll not pinch,
Fright me with urchin shows, pitch me i' the mire,
Nor lead me, like a firebrand in the dark,
Out of my way, unless he bid 'en; but
For every trifle they are set upon me.
•

All wound with
madness."addrsm,who,w7Cloven tongues,
read the articles
tweDlovehimssomntehisnitt:
which not only stooped
of the mostPtendec
ttaiilneesdsopßrf
irnriagnce, but which
n Gentleman whether he had
He asked the
h columns of the Times, a journal
Rigthtellico
h had appeared during the last
ped to pander to the vile animosi-
casatotni
uilty,
svilliers less poisoned
dd
iwnitthhethire svoecriyal
svoirutrueeesaollf
Englishmen, and
r?bearadnlyds
To what else
as the assassin of Tipperary various Hon.
been men
the
Members in the H
all use the same "se ? It was true they did not
languagendtw 1 s
theall
weapon assassins didof not
Borgia u s e
the same weapon.
had not been preachedg deep-rootede r
a r y
? language
Ift
ho feorafel l the
b, etchaeursee
had
t been
vulgart
h ose
Captain HA RRtIwSo
in Ireland who
her Majesty's Governmee
in England equally
said that he had thought it his
°lc:a:dere
although what they said
occasions, to put questions to
to an excited people.
he decide
duty, on one or
ent relating to denunciations
by the Catholic clergy, He thought it hardly ne-
ya:lehedinutbbeyr any feelings cessary to assure the 1-n that in so doing he was
lags of animosity against
in
the
most sincerely that he
not
tt
spoke,
conviction
that t expressed pr
greates s e dmbay
participated entirely
who laste
discharged their duties highly to
tjohreitlyiabocoontdf:that body
tsive evidence was laid on
been pleased to term eccen •
theirtht
acbrleedit .
that
what h Indeed,e
indi-
viduals. It was for that reason
ncohniined to a few tricities and aberrations
Government intended to take e had asked whether
should bring on the subject (at any steps, and he
a future day. He
suggested whether the putting
terror by denunciations from theaman in a state of
considered a misdemeanour. It altars hould ate of
was for that reason
that he wished to see the matter distinctly placed on
the statute-book.
Sir W. VERNER wished to notice an observation
which had been probably made unguardedly in the
absence of several Hon. and Gallant
ing to both services, whom he had Officers, belong-
to see in the House. The lion. :Allow the pleasure
Member for Not-
tingham, in speaking of courts-martial,
to say that the conduct they pursnea, was pleased
d
prisoner at night and to try him in. was to shoot the
(Great laughter.) He always n . the morning...—
contrary was the case, as it wasu understood that the
n the instance of
every court-martial he had assembled.
Mr. F. Oex
CONNOR wished to
contrasting the military coercive codeplain. Ile was
nary military code, and was stating
whatvvith the owns
nary
at a drutubead court-martial, when wh the
en all l practic
was
overrun in Ireland during the year 179 aw
8, and was no
at all speaking with regard to the ordinary
The House then divided, when there'nary law.
appeared
For the second reading .
******* • • 296
Against it • • •
Majority . ••• • • 18
• The Bill was then read a second time,*
Mr. EDMUND B. ROCHE said that
might be the course of other Hon. Gentlemen,atwhatever
he for
one would offer no further opposition to the Bill.
Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said that
proper
he regretted
the course which his Hon. Friend had thought
to pursue, but he, for his part, was not
prepared to
desist in his onposition to the clauses £
o the Bill.
THE PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND) BILL.
This Bill was read a second time.
The other orders having been disposed of, the
House adjourned at half-past Twelve &clock.
G

- 277

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