The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-15 00:00:00

THE Pi,AILWAY SUN,

AND THE
PARLI AMENTARY SUN,
ARE NOW RE-PUBLISHED,
PRICE SIXPENCE EACH.
Sun =Other Aug. 30, 1841.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We have 7 eeceived the letter of Sir P. Mostyn, but after
the (kraal of the Honourable Lady, which has ap-
Nara in The Sun, we axe not disposed to publish
YT Apre statements on tb e subject.
•

,R 1 (}1; WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
—474, g 3y minutes :Ater I. I Evening 0 inmates enter 2.
-

vastly augments their responsibility." They have
nothing at present to con tiol them but thef,r own
discretion, and that sense of moral accountabi-
lity which Sir ROBERT PEEL asserts is suffleient
to secure, in Peers and Monarchs, the tricot up-
right conduct. Since the somewhat foolish
public has offered its back to a Tory rider, and
suffered him to put a bit in its mouth, that public
may perhaps feel some desire to learn in what
manner its new and absolute master is to ride and
•
goad it.
The only one of the Cabinet Ministers -who
has as yet spoken, is Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and
his speech at Dorchester will give us a tolerably
clear idea of that sense of moral duty in the
Ministers, which, till the public comes to a very
different resolution from that which has made it
fall down before the Tories, will be their only
restraint. At his re-election for Dorchester, on
Monday, where he found no opponent, Sir
JAMES GRAHAM showed his sense of moral. duty
by asserting that " he - hopes and. believes Sir
ROBERT PEEL will be able to carry
,through,
constitutionally and effectively, with thz consent
of the three branches of the -Legislature, large
and substantial measures of _Reform peaceably,
and not by. agitation." But while he seeks to
excite in others hopes which he can scarcely feel
himself—for he knows that large and substantial
measures of Reform will not be attempted—he
cautiously declares that he " wlll abstain - from
pledging himself or the Administration from
any particular measure." His sense of moral
duty consists first, then, in a wish to cheat the
public, by makin,; large and vague promises,
which he known will never be kept. The Tories
give large and substantial measures of Reform!
Might he not as well believe and promise that
misers will be generous, priests humble, and
politicians truth tellers?
Sir JAMES GRAHAM iS extremely wrath with
Mr. BYNG, for having truly said. at the Middle-
sex dinner that " we had. hitherto been living
under the Government of the QUEEN, the House
of Lords, and the Commons. He regretted that
we now lived under the thraldom of an Aristo-
cracy." The Right Hon. Baronet set about re-
futing this assertion, and under a deep sense of
moral accountability, he significantly asked, "Is
it to an aristocracy that Sir ROBERT PEEL ap-
peals ?" and the meeting at Dorchester having a
similar idea of moral responsibility to the Right
Hon. Baronet, responded by a " Hear."

While I address you (he continued), the seats for six
English counties have been vacated by the acceptance of
office by their Members—Westmoreland, an agricultural
county ; Monmouthshire, so rich in mineral productions
and manufacturing excellence.—(Hear.) But this is
not all, Kent and Nottingham, and also, by an accident,
the death of a Noble Peer, the North Riding of York.
Thus, within six weeks of the dissolution of Parliament
six English counties have an opportunity of pronouncing
an opinion on the choice of Ministers by the Crown.
Surely aristocratic influence cannot coerce the opinions
of thousands of the English electors who are now called
on for their decision. Three Scotch counties, Bute, Sel-
kirk, and Aberdeen ; and three Irish, Sligo, Tyrone,
and Cavan, are also in the hands of the electors. So
much for the counties ; but several towns have also been
called upon to choose—the county towns cf Cormiall
(Launceston) and of Devonshire, and last, not least, of
the county of Dorset.
The electors for counties, Westmoreland for
example, of which the representation is in the
hands of the LOWTHERS, and Monmouth, which
belongs to the BEAUFORTS, being either the
pure aristocracy, or persons strictly dependent
on the aristocracy, it required Sir J. GRAHAM'S
peculiar sense of moral accountability to ask,
triumphantly, was " that an appeal to the aris-
tocracy ?" In the whole of the constituencies
mentioned by Sir J. GRAHAM there is no mix-
ture of democracy, or it is so small as to make
his implied assertion a mere mockery. As if to
meet his mode of perverting facts, we have
previously stated in The Sun that not one of the
Ministers represents a populous place, or a de-
mocratic constituency. Again, then, Sir JAMES
GRAHAM informs us what we are to expect from
the moral sense of the Tories by coolly insinuat-
ing a palpable untruth.
- We must pass over a number of other illus-
trations of the nice moral perceptions of the
men 'in power, on which alone, owing to the
foolishness of the public, we have now to rely,
to come to what Sir JAMES GRAHAM says of
protective duties. He is " for such a duty as
will give native industry," he says, " fair play in
its competition with foreign countries." Now
one would hardly suppose, without reading
further, that under this form of speech he means
a duty on foreign corn imported into this
country, and the native industry he speaks of
is the industry exclusively of the rent-collector.
Our native industry which comes into competi-
tion with that of foreign countries, is the industry
of Manchester, Sheffield, and Leeds, the pro-
duce of which meets Swiss cotton, Prussian
knives, and Saxon woollens, in the markets
of the Brazils and the United States, and
must compete with them therb. Our agri-
cultural produce being seldom or never
exported, comes not into competition with
the agricultural produce of other countries,
and cannot therefore need any so-called protec-
tion. Sir JAMES GRAHAM, however, under the
very general terms " native industry," means
only the industry of the rent collector, and he
has such a nice sense of moral responsibility
that he insists on every other native industry
being taxed to facilitate that peculiar, and, for
landed gentlemen, charming species of labour.
He calls taxing the native industry of Manches-,
ter, Leeds, and Birmingham, protecting it, rAid
the Dorchester men cheered his statement.
What is a protective duty on corn? A, po-
hibition for the Sheffield cutler and the Man-
chester weaver, to buy flour .t New York, and
wheat at Dantzic, unless they first pay
to Sir JAMES GRAHAM and his colleagues
10s., 155., or 20s. per quarter, as the case may be,
more than their wheat is worth. The protective
duty is an attempt, reprobated by all scientific
writers, to fix a minimum price below which
wheat shall not descend. If the price of wheat
must he kept up, why not the price of hats, the
price of labour, and the price of every other ar-
dcle ? Because that is impossible, and the mo-
ral sense of our Tory legislators, at whose mercy
the people have placed themselves, is shown by
keeping up the price of that article which be-
longs to themselves, and lowering the price of
all the articles for which it exchanges. They
deal with false weights, 'which is an abomina-
tion in the eyes of the LORD j and Sir JAMES
GRAHAM calls so dealing a protective duty. In
this case he shows that nice sense of moral ac-
countability which distinguishes the aristocracy
by glozing over a palpable legislative fraud by
which his own class is enriched.
After this exhibition of his moral sense, the
Right lion. Baronet, who, according to the
custom of Dorchester, put himself into nomina-
tion, was declared duly elected; and so he again
becomes a member of the Legislature, to act on
his sense of moral duty. From the Times we
learn that the natiori has nothing to rely on but
their sense of
honour;
the sense of honour and justice which pervades
r
the breast of
that Tories;i
aautd JAMES
GltAllAM's
speech info
and justice
.prompts them to insinuate
falsehood, to gloze over fraud, and to commit
and justify the most barefaced. oppression.
rAgainstedress,
forthath
te thereis, we are afraid, no present
public has decided that it is far
better to have Tory tyrants than no tyrants at all.

Now that the advocates of the Bread-tax, in
consequence of their patrons being in office,
have fall swing for their ribaldry, they promise
very soon to make Mr. COBDEN the second best,
if not the very best, abased man in her
MAJESTY'S dominions. The Post, for example,
yesterday, spoke of him as " principal agitator
of Manchester," whose "speech on Thursday
was very impudent and no less ignorant." "He
has all the noisy vulgar impudence of O'Cox-
NEL." " He' is a mere dunce." Impudence is
his sole stock in trade. " The man is a confident
presuming dunce." "A bungling dunce." "A de-
tected dunce." " A man destitute of the corn-
i rnonest habits of observation." "He knows no-
thing." "As to matters of fact, and the connection
between them, he is as ignorant as the door-postsof

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