The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-20 00:00:00

THE! SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENINC, JANUARY 20, 1847

seems to have attached to this last remnant of the Polish state,
and to have induced the Powers who were parties to the an-
nexation of the free state of Cracow to the dominions of the
Emperor of Austria, who seemed to have acted precipitately,
and, as appeared to him, without any just motive to have used
their power without considering the relations of justice in
which they were bound. He did not know that it was neces-
sary for him to address the House with respect to any other
parts of the speeches which had been delivered that evening.
He would have an opportunity very shortly of bringing for-
ward the separate measures of the Government. On Monday
next he proposed to give an outline to the House of the various
measures with regard to Ireland which would afterwards form
the subject of separate Bills, and which would therefore come
fully under the consideration of the House.—( Hear, hear.)
If his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn had
any better plan to propose, let him state it to the House, and
let them all endeavour to find those measures which may best
be calculated to raise the condition of Ireland—to unite her
more closely to this country by sympathy and temperate govern-
ment; giving her not only all that which bare justice would
require, but giving that help in her ceceesities which he
thought any part of the United Kingdom was entitled to claim
if placed in a similar condition.—( Loud cheers.) He
believed much injury had been done to the feelings of the
people of this country by the language that had been used
in Ireland with respect to the conduct of England during the
past year. He felt bound to state this. He believed that that
language had induced many to forbear making such exertions
as they otherwise might have felt inclined to use on behalf of
Ireland at that moment; but still he believed that the general
wish of the nation was to do everything that could by any pos-
sibility be useful to Ireland.—( Loud cheers.) He believed
that this was the desire of the country. He lamented that there
was not in Ireland at that time so much of general combination
and exertion as had taken place in, Scotland—in those parts
which were suffering from a similar calamity—but he rejoiced
to see, independently of the separate resolutions proposed and
the various plans propounded, that at a meeting lately
held in Dublin, men of all parties united—men of all
religions were combined together to endeavour to concur in
plans likely to be useful to the country. He thought it was a
good sign for the future welfare of Ireland. He thought, if
Irishmen would allow him to say it, that what they had reason to
complain of was not so much the hostility of England as the
hostilities of parties of their own people.—(Cheers.) He
believed likewise there was, with scarcely an exception, an
absence from any language at that meeting either to-
wards the' Government, or towards any with whom
they might have relation, or who might differ in
opinion with them of an irritating nature—( Hear,)
He trusted that when they came to the discussion of
those measures, that a similar spirit would prevail—( Cheers)
—and then, however great the present calamity might be—
however appalling to the imagination—however painful to dwell
upon, he hoped that Ireland might yet prove destined to enjoy
years of prosperity, and that in strict union with England,
they should present the spectacle of a country whose freedom
and civilisation had made admirable progress_ (The Noble
Lord resumed his seat amid loud cheers. )
Mr. DISRAELI would endeavour to imitate, though he
feared unsuccessfully, the address of the Noble Lord who had
just returned his seat. As to what he had stated with re-
ference to one subject, namely, the condition of Irelan.l, there
could be no difference of opinion. He was sure it was the
desire of this House, and all parties in it, to assist in the set-
tlement of Ireland in a manner that would conduce to the
future happiness of that country—(Cheers ) —and in bring-
ing on such an occasion to the Ministers of the
Crown a temperate, indulgent, sympathising spirit.
But, unfortunately, that was not the only subject
on which the Noble Lord had anticipated there could be no
difference of opinion. Ha had, indeed, imagined that the
subject of the Spanish marriages would not be brought under
the consideration of the House that night, as the debate
seemed to threaten a termination. The Noble Lord had ex-
pressed, with perfect propriety the general feelings of the
House with respect to the subject of their foreign
policy, which had been brought under their no-
tice by the Speech from the Throne. It was
certain, however, that the improvement of the condition
of Ireland would not be assisted if differences existed
between this country and France. The Noble Lord had laid
down some principles of policy with which he thought no per-
son could agree. He said that France had no right to exercise
a predominant influence over Spain. What he said with re-
spect to those marriages was not exactly apposite. The
case before them was this —They knew from authentic informa-
tion that an estrangement had taken place between the
two countries, and were told in the Speech from the Throne
that the Infanta of Spain had married a French Prince, and
that in consequence some correspondence had taken place be-
tween the two countries. Now one would naturally have
thought that the correspondence would have been of a congra-
tulatory nature—( A laugh)—hut they were not informed that
the Noble Lord had protested against the infringement of the
treaty, which he alleged to have taken place. ( Hear.)
But the Noble Lord had protested against the
infringement of a treaty by the greatest P.twer in
Western Europe, and they were informed in a paragraph which
immediately followed that he protested against the violation of
a treaty of more importance by the greatest Power in Northern
Europe. He believed there had been no violation of any
treaty in either case. It was possible that the destruction of
the political independence of Cracow might have been asgreat a
blunder as the destruction of Poland might be a great crime,
and if we protested against it such a protestation ought to be
made on intelligible grounds, and not on perverted views of
rights and privileges. He did not think that the object of
the Treaty of Utrecht was to prevent an alliance between
the French and Spanish families, because he could
not agree that the object of the French Minister was
to secure exclusive advantage to Philip and his posterity.
The sixth article of the treaty positively steclared that not to be
the object of the treaty. Whether that treaty was right or
wrong it was within their province to decide. It was the
policy of Louis XIV. to promote an union by marriage or
otherwise between the two countries, for the very first act of
that Prince was to marry his daughter to a Spanish Prince.
That alone was conclusive as to the meaning of those who
signed the treaty. There was not, therefore, in hie opinion,
any violation of the Treaty of Utrecht; into the. policy
of the subject he would not then inquire. —( Hear, hear. )
Was this a violationlof the Treaty of Vienna ? Let them look
merely into the legal merits of the question ; for that was the
only way in which the question ought to be regarded. Of
course he did not wish that any Gentleman should accept
his opinion except as to the legal merits of the affair, but
h. ...fly ask them, without neeirliee er ""`in" '^
it merely on its /eget merits. it was unnecessary for sitm
to.comment on the transactions of affairs at Congress;
it would merely be convenient for him to remember its
result. It was merely a treaty of the various Powers of
Europe after a general war, in which these Powers settled
the different questions of different treaties ; for instance, the
Treaty of Utrecht. They had nine different treaties all em-
bodied in that one. That final act which they called the
Treaty of Vienna had in it seventeen treaties—diplomatic
instruments of the highest class. When the Treaty of
Vienna was negotiated it recited at its commencement that
the powers of Congress were anxious to give the general
result of various negotiations included in one common ratifi-
cation for the settlement of affairs at Utrecht, and of the 181
sections of that treaty about 60 were original stipulations, and
the rest were merely quotations, or merely portions which had
formed other treaties, and in order to prevent any misconcep-
tion in the 118 articles comprising portions of these, 17 treaties
were specifically recited. The House would remember that of
these 17 treaties three were Polish, negotiated between three
Polish Powers, and not a single word in the Treaty of Vienna,
except the clauses in these instruments, were original stipu-
lations ; and any violation of these clauses would not be a
violation of the original instrument. It also contained sti-
pulations for various personal rights, and for certain privileges
to the provincial states of Germany, and by the principle of
the present discussion any violation of these would be a viola-
tion of the Treaty of Cracow. That instrument at this mo-
ment regulated all the rivers of Germany, and that regulation
was in the same category as the Polish treaties in the Treaty
of Vienna. One of the stipulations of that treaty at the present
moment enacted that a German Prince could not appoint any
inspector or sub-inspector of rivers except the appointment was
for his life, and there were many instances in which these in-
spectors had been appointed, and not for life,
and that act was a violation of the treaty. There
was immense difficulty at Congress to arrange
the precedence amongst its members, and M. Talleyrand at last
arranged articles of precedence by which the various diplomatic
agents should be received, and if their claims were equal, they
were to cast lots for the precedence. That was one of our
treaties in the same category as the Polish treaty; and if the
Swedish and Spanish Ministers quarrelled about precedence,
and one of them were to take precedence of the other without
casting lots, the Treaty of Vienna would be violated injtheir per-
sons. The King of Sardinia in his treaty, which was a basis of
other treaties, agreed to give certain privileges to the Univer-
sity of Genoa, and within five years after those grants were vio-
lated. Could they believe that the great man who drew up
the Treaty of Vienna, would make a stipulation like this a means
of upsetting the whole, and that, too, after 30 years' constant
communion with the greatest diplomatists? To his (Mr.
Disraeli's) surprise, this fact was reverted to in the Queen's
Speech ; but he was more surprised that the Noble Lord, who
must understand the question, should so far have de-
ferred to public clamour as to have allowed any

one of these circumstances to be a breach of the treaty

any more or less than the late events in Cracow, and should
have no better course to adopt than the present one. It was
an acknowledged principle of public law that a superior instru-
ment could not merge into an inferior one, and he defied the
Noble Lord to show him a single instance in which the solemn
stipulations of any specific treaty of the time had not been re-
presented as embodied in the general stipulations of the final
act at Congress. He could :how the Noble Lord authentic
precedents, but to prove the case beyond all question it was
not necessary to do so, and he would only produce one of them.
He did not mean to say that in a case like the present he sup-
posed that he could influence their opinion by foggy references
to some obscure transactions. He would take public trans-
actions of as great importance as those in the Congress of
Vienna, where the actors were eminent men, and dealing with
circumstances as great as those in the Congress of Vienna.
He alluded to the treaty of Westphalia. The treaty of West-
phalia was the foundation of the public law of Europe until
the French Revolution, and was only suspended by the ireaty of
Vienna. This question settled at Congress was an analogous
instance in which the Powers of Europe were placed in the •
same position as the one they were now placed in, nod in
which they were called violators of treaties. The question
had been discussed by the first juris consults of that learned
age, Cardinal Richelieu amongst the number, and they were
called upon to act under circumstances of greater importance
than those which had recently taken place at Cracow. He
would put to the Noble Lord the particulars of Westphalia,
negotiated at the Congress of Minster, when Germany
was at the conclusion of a great w..r, and parallel
to the late war when the greater Powers met. The treaty
settled all the great questions with rt gard to the balance of
power, but it was found impossible to deal with the affairs of
Germany, where, first of all, religious grievances were to be
settled between the Protestants and Roman Catholics, besides
the claims of 150 German princes. They said that
they could not settle all this at Minster, and that the con-
tending parties should go to Osnaherg and have a Congress
to be sitting at the same time as the one at
Minster. The Emperors of Germany, the Princes of

ermany, and the king of Sardinia, who afterwards got
Pomerania, were parties to this treaty at Osnaberg, and all
the affairs settled at Osnaberg were declared to be parties to
the treaty of Minster, which was signed by all the Powers of
Europe. The imperial cities of Germany obtained, through
the influence of the Swedish Court, the privilege of voting in
the Diet, so that they should have a voice like German
Sovereign States. The Emperors and Princes of Germany
never allowed these free cities those rights guaranteed to them.
The Diet was the arbiter of all the differences on the

subject, and in three years, it the grievances of these

cities were not settled, all the other German free

cities were obliged to declare war in their cause.
The parties to these treaties were nothing more than witnesses,
and they entered into no guarantee whatever. The ab=orption
of Cracow is a violation of the provisions of the "seventeen
treaties," but not of the treaty of Vienna. There are several
precedes of the same kind, and how did the Noble Lord him-
selfhe Noble
el
lands. LookatTiands,
the disruption of the kingdom of the Nether-
Lord when applied to for assistance by the
King of:theNe
ds,int!rfered, not upon the ground of the
violation of the treaties
In the case of the partitionofVtenna, but of the seventeen treaties.
upon tg'i Cracow, it is not competent for
Cracow to call
trearsa:teeing powers, because
to
betweezenten treaties. Thera
they are not a part,/
was a great difference
tions of a treaty and the clauses
ill
thefrocomnceist, !
oulindal stipula-
as might be seen in the original stipulation,gaso

sion of Saxony to Prussia, for in that England, as a guarantee-
ing Power, was bound to go to war immediately if calved upon
to consequence of an infraction d the treaty.
Lord P kLMERSTON—There is no special guarantee in
the Treaty of Vienna for the concession of the kingdom of
Saxony to Prussia.
Mr. DISRAELI—The Noble Lord would find it if he looked
to the treaty when he left the House. He was now, for the
first time, really alarmed at the state of the foreign affairs
of the country, when the Noble Lord the Foreign Secretary
had stated that there was no special guarantee of the kind he
had alluded to in the Treaty of Vienna.—(Hear, hear.)
Nothing was more important than a proper under-
standing of the treaties. If the country were to
adopt the modern interpretations of those treaties, no
language could express the mischief which would result.
When he found that the Treaty of Vienna was so manifest, he
thought the inference was very clear. He thought, in
*determining upon this question, that they ought to
take the authority of Cardinal Richelieu on the prin-
ciple involved in the question before the House at pre-
sent. It was most necessary for this country to have a
good understanding with the great Powers of Europe. He
did not regard she marriages that had taken place on the con-
tinent in the same light as others had done. He did not regard
with jealousy the power of Russia in Germany, or of France
in Spain. England held the balance of peace in her
own hands, and they could have all the advantages of
amicable relations instead of the evils or rivalry.
Colonel CON OLLY said, in justice to the county be re-
presented, he must deprecate the language of the Hon. Mem-
ber for Bath, who had made use of the most unwarranted
language that had ever been used by a Member of the House, ss
well as the greatest perversion of fact. He considered the
statement of the First Lord of the Treasury as a vei y dexterous
exculpation of himself, but he was of opinion that the country
suffered severely from the non-interference of Government
in the case. He hoped that Government would not be
carried away by idle theories, but determine upon some com-
prehensive and efficient measures for the relief of Ireland.—
( Hear' hear.) He had been in that country ever since he had
left that House, and he could confirm the patience with which
the people were suffering. He should be exceedingly sorry to
embarrass the Government; he was ready to bear witness to
their anxieties to meet the distress, but he coal- .ssed himself
to be much mortified at the flat refusal of the Noble Lord to
make any exertion to keep the markets down. The prices of
everything had nearly trebled, and the landlords had not re-
ceived anything like one-half of their rents. He would con-
jure the Noble Lord to throw his principles of political economy
for once to the winds, and to listen to the voice of a patient and
starving people.—(Hear.) He hoped that the House would be-
lieve his assertions with respect to the awful character of
the distress. He stated it on his word and truth, and he hoped
that the House would not listen to the virulence and unquali-
fied statements of the Member for Bath, who had calumniated
the character of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Before he
concluded, he desired to bear witness to the manful exertions
of the Catholic clergy to mitigate the evils by which they were
surrounded.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said he was not about to interrupt
the unanimity which seemed to prevail on all sides of the
House with respect to the Address. They would be better
able to discuss the topics which had been en-
tered upon in the Speech from the Throne when
the promised information should be laid upon the
table.—( Hear, hear.) The Ni ble Lord had stated that with
respect to the marriage which had been entered into be.
tween a son of the King of France and the Infanta of Spain,
that the whole of the correspondence would be laid upon the
table. That correspondence, which had appeared in the
French papers, he apprehended was but a portion.—(Hear.)
He trusted that the Noble Lord would give, as freely as should
be consistent with his duty, all the documents connected with
the -part the Government had taken in reference to that oc.
currence. Conceiving, as he did, that discussion would be the
more satisfactory to all parties, he should therefore at
present abstain from adverting to that subject; he would only
observe that during the period that the late Government were
in office, no attempt was made to advocate the connexion of a
Prince of the house of Coburg with that of Spain. Fur his
own part, he deprecated any such connexion, for he thought
that the interests of the people of England would not be bene-
fited by any such alliance. He thought that its effect would
be to introduce them more intimately into the domestic con-
cerns of Spain—an introduction which he considered would be
anything but beneficial to the interests of England.—( Hear,
hear.) It was his belief that her interests were,
that Spain should be really an independent Power,
and that she should maintain the high character of an
independent nation, and that she should conduct her own ad-
ministration without tolerating any interference. He hoped to
live to see the day when Spain would place herself in such a
a proud position, and become a powerful and independent
country.—(Hear, hear.) But, speaking of the late Govern-
ment, he could with truth assert that not only did they not di-
rectly, by any official act, but he hesitated not to add, that
net any indirect means were resorted to for the purpose of ad-
vancing the pretensions of a Prince of the house of Coburg.
In referring to another portion of her Majesty's Address, he
could not but express his regret that the extinetion of the
free state of Cracow had been determined on by three of the
Powers which had been parties to the Treaty of Vienna.
While he admired and acceded to 'certain portions of the
speech of the Hon. Member near him (Mr. Disraeli), the
Hon. Member must be aware that there was an assurance given
to Europe at the peoriod when a settlement of its affairs took
place—there was a public assurance given that that last rem-
nant of Polish independence should be maintained—(Cheers)
—and that Cracow should not be annexed to another country
as it had been lately annexed. There was therefore a distinct
and positive departure from their engagements in the course
lately pursued by the Courts of Vienna, Petersburgh, and
Berlin.—( Hear, hear.) True, they assigned as a reason that
Cracow had given refuge to insurgents in the last disturbances;
yet, surely, they might have thought that these three great
Powers might have protected themselves from any danger to
which they might be threatened by an invasion from Cracow.
—(Laughter.) Their true policy would have been to have
given to Cracow all the rights and privileges to which she was
entitled, taking at the same time effectual security against any
danger arising to their peace cr prosperity from that re-
public. If danger were really apprehended, a confer-
ence, with the sanction of France and England, might
be held with the other European States, and a new arrange-
ment effected which would be deemed binding on the contract-
ing nations. But he could not find in the circumstances any
sufficient justification for the act which had been committed,
unri hew e% aric,vaci the* it
consented to that distinct breach of the Treaty of Vienna.
Such an act was inconsistent with true policy, and calculated
to shake the confidence which ought to exist between the great
countries of Europe.—( Hear, hear.) There was another
subject adverted to in the Address from the Throne which he
hailed with great pleasure—he meant the intention of
the Government to introduce some measures for improving
the sanatory condition of the people. No one could possibly
exaggerate the importance of sanatory regulations as conducive
to the wealth and greatness of a country, or to the happiness
of its people ; and he trusted, therefore, that the measures in-
troduced would be of a most extensive character. It was not
merely in large cities that such a measure was required—it was
equally. necessary that smaller towns should be benefited, and
he trusted that power would therefore be given to municipal
authorities in these smaller places to make such improvements
as they might consider necessary. With respect to
Ireland, he was disposed, from his knowledge of
the difficulties all Governments had in dealing with
this question, to make every allowance for the difficulties her
Majesty's Ministers had to overcome. He knew how easily it
was, by superfluous care, to create unnecessary alarm, and on
the other band the greater danger that might arise from a san-
guine idea of abundance. He could not, therefore, blame the
Government 'that they did not anticipate in September the
miseries which affected the sister island at this period. It was
said that there were 420,000 persons employed upon public
works, at an expense of 158,000/.—(Hear, hear.) New he
thought measures ought to be taken to restore these
people to their former position, for setting them to
work to cultivate the soil, so that they might have
a prospect of a future harvest, and next to improving and drain-
ing the land. It was perfectly legitimate ; perhaps it was the
best means for a Government to employ the surplus labour of
the country upon public works. There were many public
works which had amply repaid the outlay, but still there ought
to be a limit to this mode of employment". The time for intro-
ducing that limit had arr ved, and he thought, with the aid of
the landed interest of Ireland, the labour engaged upon
public works might , easily be transferred to the
cultivation of the soil. The Noble Lord at the head of the
Government proposed to suspend for a time the existing duties
upon corn, the navigation laws, and to facilitate the introduc-
tion into this country of other zrticles of food. Now, it was his
intention to give these proposals his cordial support. He
thought the advantages to be derived from them would not be
se great as if they had been adopted at an earlier period. Cir-
cumstances were different now to what they were in November,
1846, but although the advantages to be derived from the
measure might be less than if it had been adopted at an earlier
period, before France and other countries had commenced im-
porting corn, yet he thought they were bound to do all they
could to increase the supply of food in Ireland. The
Right Hon. Baronet then continued to say—l think it
possible that cargoes which might be diverted to other coun-
tries by the 4s. duty, might be retained in this country by the
abolition of the duty. I think it also possible, with regard to
corn in Egypt and other distant countries, that a temporary
suspension of the navigation law might be advantageous. But
feeling enters into this question as well as reason, and seeing
the rapid rise in the price of c irn' and seeing that there are
—I won't say hundreds—but many dying of starvation in Ire-
land—seeing that although outrages exist in greater number
than before, on the whole their privations have been borne
with great patience by the people, and looking at the state of
that uncomplaining country, Scotland, and knowing that in the
western islands and highlands of that country the severes; dis-
tress exists, although it is scarcely brought under our cogni-
zance by a murmur,—seeing all this, I shall not object,
the price of corn being what it now is, to the imme-
diate adoption of any temporary measure which those
responsible for resetting the country from its perilous
position may think it necessary to advise and re-
commend. I am confident that the cordial assent of this
House will be given to any measures likely to mitigate the
existing suffering. 'With respect to measures of a permanent
character for the improvement of Ireland, it would be prema-
ture at this moment to enter upon any discussion of them.
The Noble Lord has promised, on an early day, to make a
statement of these measures to the House, and I should be
unwilling to prejudice his cause by embarrassing him in any
degree by provoking any discussion prematurely on the matter.
But we must not be too sanguine in reference to any such
measures of permanent relief. The evils which we are now
called upon to combat are of long standing. On that very
account it is all the more requisite to proceed with caution
to lay the foundations of future improvement. We should
not be too sanguine in expecting that a system of emigra-
tion would operate favourably on the existing disorder. Be-
fore such a system can be pursued with advantage we must
have better communications with those countries to which
we direct the emigrant, whoin it will not do to
turn loose in any colony without some previous pre-
paration, by which we would not only inflict an evil upon
the colony, but fail to confer any benefit opon the party
sought to be benefited. Such a system of emigration as
would be unwise from being too hasty, would not operate
as a relief to the sufferings of Ireland. But that a well•con-
cocted system of emigration, gradually adopted, and steadily
pursued, would add to the strength of British power in the co-
lonies, and operate as a relief at home, cannot be denied. But,
he would be too sanguine to suppose, that any scheme imme-
diately adopted, no matter how expensively and eagerly
carried out, would tend very materially to mitigate the
eels which press upon Leland. The present misfortune is one
of so suspassing a magnitude, that it would be uojtsst as well
as impolitic to make Ireland alone responsible for it. I am
willing to consent that this part of the empire shall bear its
,proportion of the burden. But it must be recollected that the
Government has no fund of its own from which relief can be
obtained, and that a grant of money for the purpose of reliev-
ing Ireland is neither more nor less than an increase to the
taxation which presses upon the different classes of this
country. The only mode which exists of granting money
to Ireland is by taxing the people of this country to procure
it.—(Hear, hear.) But, en account of the peculiar na-
ture of the present emergency I am sure that the people of
this country will not refuse at being called upon within proper
bounds to bear their share in mitigating the evils which, at this
moment, are so heavily pressing upon the different portions of
the empire. But nothing could be more injurious to Ireland
herself than an unbounded or misplaced and ill-judged
liberality towards her. Ireland should feel it incumbent upon
herself to make great exertions on the present occasion for the
maintenance of her own poor, An habitual dependence for 4

this upon this country is not only unjust to this country, but
fails to benefit Ireland herself. Every class in that country
should entertain a due sense of their several obligations, so that
bv observing their mutual relations, and assisted, as they have
a right to be, by wise and provident legislation, they should
neither seek nor require to transfer to this country the burden
which properly appertains to themselves. I shall certainly ap-
proachwhen it comes more in detail before
isproperly recommended in the Speech
u s ,i
o a this
spirit w h
such
subject,as
from th- Throne, a spirit free from all pai ty feelings or con-
siderations.—( Hear, hear.) Our own interests are most in-
timately connected with the welfare and prosperity of Ireland.
Ireland cannot be a suffering country without England suffering
to a great, if not an equal, degree. We have, therefore, the
highest interest in promoting the welfare and conducing to the
, will therefore congratulate
respecting the rights of property
hpreorsspehriiteystoyfslGreolNa,nerdn.mel;it,four.ornesep
in this country, they may be able, by wise and provident
legislation, to make permanent provisions for the improvement
of Ireland.

Lord PALMERSTON said he did not wish to occupy the
House at any length, but he wished to say a few words relative
to the Treaty of Vienna, which had beon referred to b:, the
Hon. Member for Shrewsbury (Mr. Disraeli). The Hon.
Gentleman had talked as if the treaty was of no value. Now
he (Lord Palmerston) wished to know what portions of the
treaty there were that were valueless? The lion. Member
also says that there are no distinct engagements in the treaty,
nor general guarrntees ; that there wire only some special
arrangements that were agreed to be carried out. On this
point the Hon. Member was quite mistaken on the treaty as
it regarded Cracow. He maintained that it was only a treaty
binding on the three Northern Powers, without the interven-
tion of the others. If the Hon. Member could only look to
the 6th, 7th, Bth, 9th, and 10th sections of the general
treaty they would find that they related to the free and inde-
pendent state of Cracow. If that were so, then said the Hon.
Member, the treaty would enforce also the free navigation of
rivers. He (Lord Palmerston) admitted that it was so, that
such was the construction of the treaty, and it had been so
considered by all the states of Europe. The Ministers of a
Court took precedence at the Courts to which they were accre-
dited from the time of their arrival. The fact was, that
the first two protocols were not signed by himself, but
by the Earl of Aberdeen, under the Government of
the Duke of Wellington. The Noble Lord opposite
(Lord George Bentinck) was mistaken in the supposition
that the renunciations of the Duke of Orleans and
the Duke de Berri were inoperative, because they did not form
portiops of the municipal law of France and Spain. That was
a mistake, for these renunciations had since been made parts
of the law of those countries. But he wished it to be dis-
tinctly understood that it was not the treaty of Utrecht on
which the Government took its stand. The ground which her
Majesty's Ministers assumed was, that it was agreed that the
two crowns of France and Spain should not descend to a nvm-
ber of the family of Orleans. But this was not the proper
time for entering upon the subject, and tvhen the proper time
came and the papers were laid upon the table he should be
quite prepared to defend the course which her Majesty's Go-
vernment had taken.

The Address was then passed without a division, the depu-
tation to carry it up to her Majesty was appointed, and the
House adjourned at a quarter past one o'clock.

PARLIAMENTA RI- BUSINESS

(From the Votes and Proceednkcs of the House of Commons.

TUESDAY, JAN. 19.
Navy—Copy ordered, " of the Treasury minute respecting
naval promotion to one vacancy in three, the number of
officers on the list at the tlat, of the minute, and the number
on the 30th day of September, 1846"—Sir C. Napier.
Steam Vessels (Navy)—Return ordered," of screw steam-
vessels laid down and launched since the Ist day of January,
1840; also, of iron Eceam-ves,iels laid down and launched
from the same time, distinguishing those with screw, their
tonnage, horse-power, and armament"—Sir C. Napier. •
Shipping, Exports, &c.—Return ordered, " showing, for
each year, from 1816 to 1845, inclusive, the number of vessels
and of tonnage entered inwards and cleared outwards at each
of the twelve principal ports of the United Kingdom respec-
tively; also, the official and declared values of the exports,
and official value of the imports, for each of the said ports,
during the same years respectively—Mr. Cardwell.
Corn—Account ordered, " of the total amount of duty re-
ceived upon foreign wheat imported between the sth day of
July, 1846, and the 19th day of January, 1847 ; together
with the weekly average price of wheat, according to the
Gazette, in each week of the same period ; and the quantities
imported and the quantities entered for consumption in each
week"—.-Mr. Cardwell.
NOTICES OF MOTIONS.
Lord John Russell—Committee of the whole House on the
corn. laws, Thursday, January 21.
Lord John Russell—Committee of the whole House on the
navigation-laws, Thursday, January 21.
Mr. Moffatt -Return of the amount of duty received on
sugar, from the sth day of April, 1846, to the sth day of
January, 1847 ; specifying the amount received under the
different rates of duty, Thursday, January 21.
Lord John Russell—Select Committee on the Law of Set-
tlement, Friday, January 22.
Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer—That this House do re •
solve itself into a Committee of the whole house on the
Customs and Excise Duties Acts, Friday, January 22.
Lord John Russell—To bring under the consideration of
the House the state of Ireland, Monday, January 25,
Mr. Secretary-at-War—Bill to abolish Poundage on Chel-
sea Pensioners, Tuesday, January 26.
Mr. John Feilden—bill to limit the hours of labour of
young persons and females in factories to ten hours a day,
Tuesday, January 26.
Mr. Christie—To inquire.into the Universities and Colleges
of Oxford and Cambridge, Tuesday, February 2.
Mr. Watson—Bill for the further repeal of enactments im-
posing pains and penalties upon her Majesty's Roman Ca-
tholic subjects, on account of their religion, Tuesday, Feb. 2.
Mr. Poulett Scrope—Resolution, That the lives of the
people of Ireland ought to be as valuable in the eve of the
law as the lives of the people of England; consequently it is
expedient to extend to Ireland the main principle of the
English. poor-law, namely, the right cf the destitute poor to
relief, from a public provision, to save them from perishing,
Tuesday, February 2.

PETITIONS ON PRIVATE BILLS
'HOUSE OF COMMONS.
(Room 22, before Mr. Examiner SMITH, and Mr. As-
sistant-Examiner FRERE.)
GLASGOW, DUMFRIES AND CARLISLE, AND
GLASGOW, PAISLEY, KILMARNOCK AND AYR.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of pesterday.)
The next point raised was, whether the Clydesdale Junc-
tion Company, through a portion of whose property the
scheme under consideration was propoed to pass, should have
been referenced in the plans submitted.
The promoters of the Bill contended that such a course
was not necessary, as the Clydesdale line was not yet con -
tructed.
The Examiners decided that, considering the contingent or
equitable interest the Clydesdale CoMpany had in the pru-
perty referred to, the name ought to have been inserted.
After some further evidence was taken on the alleged in
accuracy of some of the levels, the Court adjourned till to-
morrow.
(Room 23, before Mr. Examiner MAY and Mr. Assistant-
Examiner Guifxru.L.)
WILTS, SOMERSET, AND WEYMOUTH RAILWAY
AMENDMENT (No. 2).
:(Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.)
The case closed with the memorials of William George
and William Russell, in which several allegations were sus-
tained.
Court
repeating then
tadjourneded
orerf
tillo this day, at ten o'clock,
Mr. .
business he had named at
the opening of to-day.
l'
he
May the

wentosa sn i Uod
ni
in 1,
tr.
osi
fn'tica 'et e
AlbertyC Parliamentesitel rddleaes
fycwt-
e to
to:et the House
oapiutrrienicnedlevdaitbiyn th _ Greadt. Officers
State Saloons at a
HRo.use of Lords,
Speech from the
quarter before
al
eoseutayeps Household, andbefionlg-
o Tlollelpere nQmuatejl eieenyse
nathlged.d thet Grand Stair-
of State and the principal Officers of ohferthMe
Her Majesty and the Piince
before two ots:fti
n:ovvki:
borne
ed
by
yy
ttbheepLale
case and passed through the Library,
tem-
porary corridor, hung with handsome draperies,crimson
narough a
richly carpeted, which had been erected for h anti
across the terrace in the garden front of the I
,tale occasion
Her
Majesty and his Royal Highness were conductedac
the corridor to the State coach by the Lord Chamberlain.through
The Queen's Guard, composed of the Foot Guards,
with
the band of the regiment, stationed in the Royal Garden,
received the Sovereign with the usual honours.
The State procession left
eGard
the Palace by th
en en-
trance in the following order :
A carriage, drawn by: six bays, conveying the Gentlemen
Ushers, the Hon. Frederick Byng, Captain Courtenay Boyle,
R.N., and Colonel Diggle; the Exon in Waiting -
of the
Yeoman Guard, Sir Samuel Hancock ; and a Page of Honour.
A carriage, drawn by a set of bays, conveying the Grown
of the Robes, Lieutenant-Colonel Seymour; the Groom in
Waiting, Colonel Berkeley Drummond; the Groom in Wait-
ing to Prince Albert, Captain Francis Seymour; and a Page
of Honour, Mr. Forbes.
A carriage, drawn by a set of bays, conveying the Corn
troller of the Household, Lord Marcus Hill ; the Master pof
the Household, Major General Bowles; the Silver Stick in
Waiting, Colonel Bouverie; and the Field Officer in
Waiting,
Colonel Home.
A carriage, drawn by a set of bays, conveying the Cap-
tain of the Yeoman Guard, Viscount Falkland, G.C.H. ; the
Clerk Marshal, Lord Alfred Paget; the Treasurer of the
Household, Lord Robert Grosvenor; rand the Equerry in
Waiting to the Prince, Captain the Hon. A. 11. Gordon.
A carriage, drawn by a set of black horses, conveying the
Lord Steward, the Earl Fortescue ; the Gold Stick in Wait-
ing, Viscount Combermere, G.C.B. ; the Lord in Waiting,
the Earl Ducie; and the Lord ill 'lVaiting to the Prince,
Viscount Clifden.
The Queen's Marshalmen, two and two.
The Queen's Footmen in State liveries, two and two.
Yeomen of the Guard.
The State coach, drawn by eight cream-coloured horses,
conveying her Majesty the Queen, his Royal Highness
Prince Albert, K.G. and K.G.F., the Mistress of the Robes,
the Duchess of Sutherland; and the Lady in Waiting, th'e
Marchioness of Douro.
The Crown was conveyed to the House of Lords by Sir
William Martins, Gentleman Usher.
The State Precession returned to Buckingham Palace at
five minutes past three o'clock. The Lord Chamberlain
received her Majesty and her Royal Consort on alightieg
from their carriage and conducted them to the State rooms.
The Yeoman Guard lined the lower rooms. Sir George
Philip Lee the Lieutenant, and Mr. Ellerthorp the Adjutant
of the corps, were present.
The Queen and Prince Albert honoured the Haymarket
Theatre with their presence yesterday evening. The royal
suite consisted of the Marchioness of Douro, Earl Ducie, Lord
Alfred Paget, and Colonel Seymour.
Her Royal Highness the Princess Royal walked yesterday
morning with her august parents in the royal gardens of
Buckingham Palace.
P

PLACES OF MEMBERS IN THE HOUSE'.—The Seat
usually appropriated to the leafier of the Opposition was
occupied by Lord Lincoln ; about three seats below Lord
Lincoln, on the front Opposition bench, were Lord George
Bentinck, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. Bankes ; and on the bench
immediately behind sat Mr. Ferrand•
THE LATE ACCIDENT AT BLACKFRIARS. The
three men who received such frightful injuries on Friday
night last at Mr. Ainger's iron foundry, Blackfriars, are still
in a very precarious condition. The man George Richard-
son, who is in Guy's Hospital, remains without the slightest
hope of surviving the injuries. The other two are likely to
recover, and are in St. Thomas's Hospi
[ADVERTISEMENT.]—FEARFUL WOUNDS FROM ERY.,
SIPELAS CURED BY lIOLLLWAT'S OINTMENT AND :;r. A.
Coles, formerly in the employ of Mr. Oliver, eoaclimaiter, Twit:ken_
ham, for five years, had been ill, off and on, for fourteen years, and
for the last seven he was continually under toe rate f one surgeon
or another, besides being a patient ior a Considerable tine at one
of the hospitals for settled erysipelas in both legs, which discharged
quantities of water, besides hurnowrs issuing from several large
wounds. His age being seventy-two, it was expected that the corn-
.plaint would kill him, and yet gals poor man has been perfectly cured,
by Holloway's Ointment and Pills in six weeks.--Sold by all me-
dicine vendors, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244,
SOCA Lend=

TUESDAY 7., IGHT'S G vZETTE.

At the Court at Buckingham Pa:key, the 180 day of
January: 1847. present, the Queen's Most Excellent Majes►y
in Council, fler Majesty in Council was this day pleased,
upon the reprcsentation of the Right Honourable the Lords
of the Committee of Council on Education, to appoint the
Reverend Alexander Tnurtell, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of
Caius College, Cambridge; the Reverend J. J. Blandford ;
the Reverend Edward It,uglas Tinting, M.A., ; and the
Reverend Muirhead Mitchell, M.A. to be four of her
Majesty's Inspectors of Schools.
WHITEHALL, JAN. 18, 1847. . _ _

The Queen has been pleased to present the Rev. John
Russell, M.A., to the rectory of Llandrmio, in the county of
Montgomery, cum Melverley, in the county of Salop, and
diocese of St. Asaph, void by the death of Dr. William
Carey, late Bishop of that see.
The Queen has also been pleased to present the Rev.
Mungo Campbell to the church and parish of Salen, in the
presbytery and isle of Mull, vacant iy the transportation of
the Rev. James Dewar, late minister thereof, to the parish
of Kilchoman

1 MARKET NLAVS,-(THIS DAY.)

CORN-EXCHANGE-WEDNESDA V
The arrivals of English Wheat for our market, this week,
have been considerably on the increase—they having
amounted to 4,230 quarters, chiefly from Essex and Kent.
To-day the show of samples was toleraidy good, owing to
which, and the thin attendance of buyers, the demand was
inactive, yet Monday's quotations were mostly supported.
The show of free Foreign Wheat was by no means large.
On the whole the trade was dull, at previous currencies.
Corn under lock was in fair request; but we can notice no
alteration in value. The sale for Barley was heavy.
owing to the Government having determined to admit
Sugar into q,- dictideries, and prices were a trifle lower.
In Malt next to nothing was doing, and the fates quoted ou
Monday were with difficulty supported. Oat; were held at
higher rates, from want ofsupply. Beans, l'ess, and Flour
as last advised.

AItItIVAL:S.
Wheat. !lartay. (Mt,. IOU:
4,230 yrs, 2,540 qr.. 1..:0 gm 12,760 -Li
200 f A.,170
1,340 I --
Malt. 4.340 gra.
WHITECHAPIM.
Rather large supplies of meat were on sale here to-day,
yet the general demand was steady, and prices were well
supported. Beef, from 2s 10d to 3s 8d; 3lutton, 3s 8d to 4s
8d; Veal, 4s to 4s 10d ; and Pork, 3s 10d tc 4s 10d per Sibs
by the carcase.

English_
........
Foreign ......

COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT.
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
THE SPHYNX.—LOSS OF EIGHT SEAMEN.
JAN. 19.—Three steamers are lying at anchor off, where
the sea is as smooth as glass, but there is a heavy ground
swell on the beach. The Sphynx lies well in on the flatners,
and appears not to have been so much damaged in her bottom
as reported.
A barge, with eight men from one of the steamers, cap•
sized yesterday while rowing round her, and all were
drowned.

To-day sixty shipwrights and engineers with their tools,
from the dock-yard, are leaving Cowes in waggons for Not-
tiston. The ill-fated vessel's masts were cut away yesterday.
Arrived, the Swedish schooner Robert, Gerfstrom master,
from Charleston for Bremen, with rice and cotton, having
been run into on Sunday last by a large vessel, name un-
known. She carried away her bowsprit and foremast, and.
did her other damage. She makes a good deal of water.
She had been in tow of a Dutch ship, but was towed here by
the Glasgow steamer.