The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-03 00:00:00

" TO THE CORONER. AND JURORS ON MY INQUEST.

" I am unwilling, Gentlemen, to give you unnecessary
trouble in searching for evidence, to form an opinion on the
cause‘of my having shot myself. It was unhappiness ; you will
hind no more, search as you will. I have very long and deeply
thought on the subject, but all men will live as long as they
can, until they reach that point of endurance beyond which
the soul cannot be forced. 'Tis no pleasant thing to blow
your brains out, I can assure you, and requires a resolution
and determination to do it. I have not perpetrated the act
under any temporary or immediate excitement—in fact, I put
off the deed for some days to effect a particular object.
" I obtained the pistols many days ago from Messrs. Tul..
loch and Co., to whom I beg they may be returned. They
were, I think, sent on inspection only. The powder I pur-
,chased from Mr. Thompson a few days later again, and having
completed a few arrangements I take my leave. Inquire
of those who saw me latest, if you please; you will find I
laboured under no excitement that was perceptible to them.
My feelings, of course, were wrong, but the wounds were
known only to myself. If I had not been extremely unhappy,
I should not have shot myself. Insanity has never been in my
family, and I am as cool and collected at this writing as I have

ever been.
" The office I conducted is in good order, and is steadily
progressing. My worldly prospects are good, but a man can-
swot work with a broken heart. I hope your verdict (after
such inquiry as you may please to make) will be, Found shot
by himself,' or something to that effect, but not from temporary
excitement or derangement.
" April 29. - "G. HAMILTON COX.
"P. S.—l solicit the cheapest and meanest funeral—no
puckah grave, no mourning coach, no parson's fees—outside a
churchyard I shall be as comfortable as in it. Attend, Gen-
tlemen, to ths wishes of a dead man, who va...ues not mere
forms, and I would thank Sou if I could. Dr. Goodeve is my
medical adviser."

" TO DA. GOODEVIC.

rr My dear Goodeve,—You caught me in the midst of the
preparations for death ; defend me, then, from the often cruel
and unjust verdict of ' temporary insanity or excitement.
My abjection to the verdict is, that it often acts as a taint
and a slur on a whole family, otherwise I care not one straw
for the opinion of the world, for it—though it may affect his
prospects—virtually makes a man neither better nor worse
than he is.
" But I think there is something revolting in the idea that
the faults of a father should be visited on his children. It is
bad enough for human nature that many diseases are here-
ditary ; hence, doubtless, the wise saw of a certain big book,
'wherein it says that ' sins of the father shall be,' &c.
I die as firm and unshaken in my belief as a man 'can do.
No man (for how can we believe contrary to our' convie_
tion ?) can put faith in aught which, in his opinion, is not
supported by proof or probability ; consequently not to be-
lieve is no crime.
" I do not believe a man killing himself a crime, so I take
my life when I find it burdensome. The inquest may bring me
in mad if they will, I can't help it; but those are seatiments I
have maintained for years. I consequently call on you, as a
physician, and as a man of honour, to assert, that when you
last saw me and during your acquaintance with me, you never
saw me suffer from aberration of mind, and you saw me settling
petty debts and writing my farewell letters. Farewell to tbee
likewise ; best thanks for allyour kindness; accept the enclosed
as a trifling return for all your attentions, and believe me till
life has sped (which will not be for some hours yet),
" Your's, sincerely,
"-April 1841. " G. HAMILTON COX.
" I have shattered my carcass enough, so
.quietly bury me
without cutting me up. It is strange the antipathy a man
has to dissection. So, as the pistol has done its work, spare
the knives."

" TO MR. WESTERMAN.

" My dear Sir,—Let me beg the kindness of your imme-
diately assuring yourself that the cash account, funds, and
affairs of the fire insurance office are correct, and of your in-
forming the public so, and that the prospects of the Company
are slowly but steadily advancing.
" Cooly Coornar Mookerjee, the head writer, is a good man,
4nd in its present. state capable of conducting the office. It
would generally add to the prosperity of the company if
yourself or some other gentleman of the company would act
gratuitously for a few months,%by signing the papers as acting
secretary. The business is clear and simple. The expenses
of printing forms, rules, certificates, advertising, &c., ire ex-
tremely heavy for so young an institution, of the eventual
success of which there can to no doubt. No man can tell
to the exact day he can suffer unhappiness ; but there is a
point beyond which none can go in misery. I have put the
hour off—as who would not ?—as long as 1 could ; but my cup
of bitterness has been filled ; neither cheerfulness, which I by
nature possess, nor hope nor prospects can urge me on further ;
but when you receive this a broken spirit will be at rest.
" Your's, sincerely,
" April 29, 1841. C. HAMILTON COX.
" I have drawn my salary from the Company up to the day
of my death. '
After a short delib?ration the Coroner's Jury, with the ex-
ception of 1 among 13, returned a verdict of Edo de se.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Sia,—ln your report of the Greenwich election the other
day, you state that Mr. Angerstein seconded the nomination of
Sir George Cockburn. I shall be obliged to you to correct
this error: which I take upon me to notice, as my father is
absent in Lincolnshire, interesting himself in Lord Worsley's
election for that county.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
AN,
Captain awl Lieutenant-ColHonel, UrGEßSTElNetiaiisr Guards.
Jermyn-sheet, July 1.

THE LIVERPOOL ELECTION.
We have to announce, and we do it withmuch
sorrow, that Liverpool, the great western empo-
rium of commerce, has stultified itself in the
eyes of the country and the world, by returning
two champions of monopoly and exclusion—the
great banes of commerce, as its representatives
in Parliament. Knowing well, however, the
materials of which-a large proportion of the con-
stituency of Liverpool is composed, we must
confess that our mortification, deep as it is, is
mingled with a very slight feeling of disappoint-
ment. We felt a shadow of hope that there was
common sense enough amongst the electors of
Liverpool to see that the measures proposed by
her Majesty's Government, and virulently op-
posed by the party to which their late and pre-
sent representatives belong, were calculated
greatly to promote the welfare and prosperity
of the nation at large, and of Liverpool in parti-.
cular, ant! that they had common honesty and
common prudence enough to prefer their own
permanent advantage and that of their
countrymen at large to any petty present
and temporary benefit, in the shape either
of a bribe, or the retention of an un-
principled and domineering customer. The
event has proved that we were greatly mistaken
in our estimate, and that so far as Liverpool is
concerned, the Reform Bill has been a dea-
letter. We have given the official return elsed
where. It shows a majority, including the
tenders, of 1,330 for Lord Sandon over Sir Joshua
Walmsley, and of 1,546 over Lord Palmerston ;
for Mr. Cresswell a majority of 1,145 over Sir
Joshua Walmsley, and of 1,361 over Lord Pal-
merston ; whilst at the last general election in
1837 the majority of Lord Sandon over Mr. Ewart
was only 405, and that of Cresswell only 371.
It has not yet been ascertained what proportion
the old freemen bear to the household voters on
the poll, but as upwards of a thousand new free-
men have been admitted since the last election,
this may serve to account in some degree for the
increased majorities of the Tory candidates, and
we have little or no doubt that an examination
of the poll-book will show that in this, as in
every former instance, the householders have
declared for the Liberals, the freemen for the
Tories—so that, as we have already observed,
the freemen being notoriously purchaseable by
the highest bidder, the Reform Bill is a dead
letter here. It is their boast and pride, and no
little of their profit, that they can turn the scale
at any time, and decide the election. But
admitting the power and influence of the blne
jackets, as they are fond of styling themselves,,it
would be idle to deny the credit, such as it .is,
which is due to the black-coated gentlemen,
who, for some years past, have been exerting
themselves both in the pulpit and out of it, to
sow religious dissensions amongst the inhabitants
—to array oue class against another—to blas-
pheme the name of God—and to debase Chris-
tianity by minting them with the bribery, the
intimidation, the drunkenness and demoralization
which have long been the great and successful
weapons of the soi-disant pious, and God-fearing
Tories of Liverpool in election contests.
" You have now," said Lord Sandon, in an-
nouncing the result of the contest on Wednesday
evening, "you have now been reaping the har-
vest of that good seed which has been sown
among you for years past. It is not in vain that
the ministers of the gospel have been labouring
among you. It is 'not in vain they have been
teaching you that the good Protestant and the
good Churchman ought to be at the same time
the good politician, and that if he wishes to have
the institutions of his country preserved, he must
support the men who are attached, morally
and religiously, to the Church themselves. No,
gentlemen, this good seed has not been sown in
vain, and the fruits of it have been exhibited,
not only in the victory of to-day, but in the order
and the good behaviour of this great community,
which have been so signally evinced by your
conduct at the present election." Of the ir-
reverence of. this perversion of the words of the
Redeemer—of the profanity which dares to ap-
ply expressions spoken of the progress of the
Gospel to the increase of Toryism and bigotry
in their worst shape, we shall say nothing, for the
Tories seem to consider themselves privileged
persons in such matters; but it is beyond all dis-
pute that from the seed, such as it is, sown by
firebrands, no small portion of the har-
vest of Toryism in this town has proceeded, and
to them the tribute paid in the exclamation " We
have the clergy to thank for it," which pro-
ceeded from the crowd, is justly due. The trans-
planting of Irish Orangeism into Liverpool—the
bloody feuds—the attacks on places of worship
—all in the names of " Church and Constitu-
tion," and " No-Popery," are mere trifles in
Tory eyes, lay and clerical, seeing that the spirit
from which they proceed contributes mainly to
Tory triumph at elections. To this spirit and to
besotted, pitiable ignorance of their own true
interests, We attribute the fact, that on Wednes-
day last the poor and needy of both sexes,
and of all ages,. might be seen in the
streets of Liverpool bedizened with Tory
colours, which were freely distributed for
that purpose, and bawling " Sandon and
Cresswell :for ever," an exclamation which,
so far as they are concerned, may be truly tran-
slated as meaning, " Hurrah for dear bread,
hurrah for dear sugar, and short employment !"
Yet, another element of the Tory success, we
grieve to say, was the defection of many pro-
fessing Liberals, including not a few of those
who signed the requisitions to Lord Palmerston
and §ir Joshha Walmsley, and yet voted for
their opponents. We are promised their names,
and if they writhe under the exposure of their
infamy, no man can deny that they deserve it.
The election being over, it would be useless
now to attempt any dissection of the " bald dis-
jointed chat" uttered by Lord Sandon and his
political disciple at the hustings on the day of
nomination; even if we had the requisite time
and space at. our disposal. Having neither, we
must defer our comments on sonic of the un-
founded assertions, shuffling evasions, absurd fal-
lacies, and gross misrepresentations with which the
speech of Lord Sandon was liberally gar-
nished, to a' future opportunity. For the present
we must content ourselves with observing that
the speeches of Lord Sandon and his double
were contemptible both in matter and manner,
and with referring bur readei`s to the admirable
speeebds of IVIr. Aiken and Sir Joshua Walms-
ley, which are in the strongest possible contrast
with the Tory candidates. Our excellent towns-
man has lost no honour by his defeat. On the
contrary, the high character which he has ob-
tained for talent, energy, industry, and zeal,
stands higher than ever it did before, and if the
time should ever come when Liverpool can boast
of a purified constituency, or when the electors
shall be allowed the free and conscientious ex-
ercise of their opinions, we have no doubt what-
ever that, should lie again solicit the suffrages
of his fellow-townsmen, they will place him
triumphantly at the 'head of the poll.—Liverpool
Mercury.

THE WEATHER.—NooN, JULY 2.
ROYAL GALLERY OF SCIENCE, ADELAIDE-STREET.
Baronieter
Thermometer... 64 f Highest 64 ( Lowest
Wind N.W.—Freezing Point 32 Deg.

MIGRATION OF TURKEYS.—Sorne trareilcrs
have 4 alleged that flocks of these birds, to the extent of
0o
.or 500, are frequently fallen in with, in those sections
of the country wh*e they most abound, at those periods
o,f the
quest of year when they are making their regular :
ular excur-
storks in some favourite species of food but if
any such m instances have been et- with, they must have
been something very extraordinary indeed ; for through-
tionvtuh that t
in-
formation
whosearties opportunities ot rhteusle extensive experience, and from all the in-
tieave been able to collect among persons
birds
srdof observing the habits and peculi-
arities have been even more extensive
than my own, I a
wild turkeysrar induced to believe that a flock of
eesiiegelungai: numbers eighty or a hundred
is a very
is during the autumn thZtlpi part of North America. It
as these, previous to theisromseeet3jmcgoonugrt congregate in inenseucehf flockstheir
excursions in search of favouriteri food that the fo-
rests they have frequented during the summer do not
yield, or at least in no great abundance andto b tehdeoi rn
e focon-
gregatingr together in this way wonudladnsceeem;
the purpose of greater safety, as it would be difficult
assign any other reason for it. At the period these
mi-
grations take place the young birds are scarcely
thirds grown, and consequently have not the strength to
make long flights ; hence the greater portion of the
journey is performed on foot. In the western country,
where many of the rivers are very broad, the weaker
part of these birds find it exceedingly difficult to effect a
passage ; and hence a halt for a day or two on the bank
of the river frequently takes place, during which the old
birds, as their notes and gestures indicate, appear busily
engaged in exciting the weaker portion of the flock to
make the attempt to cross over ; and when at length it
has to be undertaken, the taller trees are mounted in
order to give them all the advantage an elevated perch
possesses. Audubon asserts—and I have, heard similar
statements made by persons residing in the Ohio Flats
—that where the river is of great breadth it is no un-
common thing to see several of the. weaker birds drop
into the water by the time they are half-way across ; but
instead of quietly submitting to their fate, and thus
soon becoming drowned, they will enct their fan-like
tails, turning them adroitly to catch the wind ; and, with
the assistance of their powerful legs, paddle away at a
respectable speed towards the desired shore.—Old Sport-
ing Magazine for July.
A violent hail-storm occurred at Onoz, in the
Jura, a few days since. The stones were many of the size
of eggs, and upwards of twenty were collected by one person,
each weighing, it is stated, nearly three pounds. The dan-,a;e
done to the widtlows, crops, fruit-trees, &c., was immense.
The Clermont papers mention a similar storm as having ra-
vaged some districts in the Limagne of Auvergne, nearly at
the sane time.

TO THE ABOLITIONISTS OF THE
ITE a SitTES.
PHILADELPIA, JUNE 7, 1841.-1 vias commissioned
by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-
Slavery Society to present a memorial from them to
your President, and proceeded to Washington a few
days ago, accompanied by John G. Whittier, of Massa-
chussetts, and a friend from the State of Delaware.
It was my first visit to the seat of legislation of your
great republic. On our arrival we went to the House of
Representatives then in session. A Member from
Maryland was speaking on our entrance, who was the
author a resolution which had been carried in a former
Congress, excluding nearly three millions of your coun-
trymen, on whom every species of wrong and outrage is
committed with impunity, from all right of petition,
either by themselves or friends. He was advocating the re-
enactment of this very resolution for the present Congress,
and stated that he had a letter from your President, ap-
proving the measure. Although I believe I do not speak too
strongly when I say an attempt to enforce such a resolu-
tion by any crowned head in the civilized world would
be inevitably followed by a revolution, yet it seemed evi-
dent that no small portion of your present members were
in favour of it. It was with no ordinary emotion that I
saw the venerable ex-President Adams at his post, nobly
contending against this violation of the rights of his
countrymen, and I could not but regret that, with one or
two exceptions, he appeared to find little support from
his younger colleagues of the free States.
The same day we visited one of the well known slave-
trading establishments at Alexandria. On passing it we
were shown the costly mansion of its late proprietor,
who has recently retired on a large property, acquired
by the sale of native-born Americans. In an open in-
closure with high walls, which it is impossible to scale,
with a strong iron-barred door, and in which we were
told that there were sometimes from 300 to 400 persons
crowded, we saw about fifty slaves. Amongst the num-
ber thus incarcerated, was a woman with nine children,
who had been cruelly separated from their husband and
father, and would probably be shortly sent to New Or-
leans, where they would never be likely to see him again,
and where the mother may be for ever severed from
every one of her children, and each of them sold to a
different master. From thence we went to Alexandria
city gaol, where we saw a young man who was admitted
to be free even by the gaoler himself. He had been
seized and committed in the hope that he might prove a
slave, and that the party detaining him would receive a
reward. He had been kept there nearly twelve months,
because he could not pay the gaol fees, and instead of
obtaining any redress for false imprisonment, was about
to be sold into slavery for a term, to reimburse these fees.
The next morning I was desirous of handing to the
President the memorial, of which the following is a
copy :
" ADDRESS to the President of the United States from
the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-
Slavery Society.
" Sir,—As the head of a great Confederacy of States,
justly valuing their free constitution and political orga-
nization, and tenacious of their rights and their cha-
racter, the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-
Slavery Society, through their esteemed coadjutor and
representative, Joseph Sturge, would respectfully ap-
proach you in behalf of millions of their fellow-men,
held in bondage in the United States. Those millions
are not only denied the political immunities enjoyed by
the citizens Of your great republic generally, and the
equal privileges and the impartial protection of the civil
law, but are deprived of their personal rights ; so that
they cease to be regarded and treated, under your other-
wise noble institutions, as men, except in the commis-
sion of crime, when the utmost rigour of your penal sta-
tutes is invoked and enforced against them ; and are re-
duced to the degraded condition of chattels personal'
in the hands of their owners and possesscirs, to all in-
tents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever.'
" This is the language and the law of slavery ; and
upon this law, guarded with jealousy by their political
institutions, the slave-holders of the South rest their,
claims to property in man. But, Sir, there are claims
anterior to all human laws, and superior to all political
institutions, which are immutable in their nature—
claims which are the birthright of every human being of
every clime and of every colour—claims which God has
conferred, and which man cannot destroy without sacri-
lege, or infringe without sin ; personal liberty is, amongst
these, the greatest and the best, for it is the _root of all
other rights, the conservetive principle of human asso-
ciations, the spring of public virtues, and essential to na-
tional strength and greatness.
" The monstrous and wicked assumption of power by
man over his fellow-man, which slavery implies, is e
abhorrent to the moral sense of mankind, to the immu-
table principles of justice, to the righteous laws of God,
and to the benevolent principles of the Gospel. It is
therefore indignantly repudiated by the fundamental
laws of all truly enlightened and civilized communities,
and by none more than by that over which, Sir, it is
your honour to preside.
" The great doctrine that God hath created all men
equal, and endowed them with certain inalienable rights,
and that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness' is affirmed in your Declaration of Inde-
pendence, and justified in the theory of your constitu-
tional laws. But there is a stain upon your glory.
Slavery in its most abject and revolting form pollutes
your soil ; the wailings of slaves mingle with your songs
of liberty ; and the clank of their chains is heard in
horrid discord with the chorus of your triumphs.
" The records of your States are not less distinguished
by their wise provisions for securing the ordr, and
maintaining the institutions of your country, than by
their ingenious devices for rivctting the chains and per-
petuating the degradation of your coloured brethren.
Their education is branded as a crime against the State ;
their freedom is dreaded as a blasting pestilence ; the
bare suggestion of their emancipation is proscribed as
treason to the cause of American indep9ndence.
" These things are uttered in sorrow, for the Commit-
tee deeply deplore the flagrant inconsistency so glaringly
displayed, between the lofty principles embodied in the
late charter of your liberties, and the evil practices
which have been permitted to grow up under it, to mar
its beauty and impair its strength.
" But it is not on these grounds alone, or chiefly, that
they deplore the existence of slavery in the United
States, manifold as are the evils which flow from it, de-
moralising as are its tendencies, fearful as its reaction
confessedly is on its supporters : the reproach of its ex-
istence does not terminate in the institution which
gave it birth : the sublime principles and benign
spirit of Christianity are dishonoured by it. In
the height of Divine truth, it stands revealed
in all its hideous deformity, a crime against God,
a daring usurpation of the prerogative and
authority of the Most High. It is as a violation of his
righteous laws and outrage on his glorious attributes, a
renunciation of the claims of his blessed Gospels, that
they especially deplore the continuance and support it re-
ceives among you ; and, in the spirit of Christian love
and fraternal solicitude, they would counsel its immes
diate and complete overthrow as a solemn and impera-
tive duty, the performance of which no sordid reasons
should be permitted to retard, and no political considera-
tions to prevent. Slavery is a sin against God, and ought
therefore to be abolished.
" The utter extinction of slavery and its sister abomi-
nation, the internal slave trade, second only in horror
and extent in the United States to the African, and in
some of its features even more revolting, can be argued
by the philanthropists of this country only on the ab-
stract principles of moral and religious duty, and to those
principles the people of your great republic are placed,
on the side of freedom, beyond every nation of the world.
" The negro, by nature our equal, made, like ourselves,
in the image of his Creator, gifted with the same intelli-
gence, impelled by the same passions, and redeemed by
the same Saviour, is reduced, by cupidity and oppression,
below the level of the brute, spoiled of his humanity,
plundered of his rights, and often hurried to a premature
grave—the miserable victim of avarice and heedless ty-
ranny. Men have presumptuously dared to wrest from
their fellows the most precious of their rights ; to inter-
cept, as far as they may, the bounty and grace of the
Almighty ; to close the door to their intellectual pro-
gress ; to shut every avenue to their moral and religious
improvement ; to stand between them and their Maker !
It is against this crime the Committee protest as men
and as Christians, and they earnestly and respectfully
call upon you, Sir, to use the high power with which you
are invested to bring it to a peaceful and speedy close.
" May you, in closing your public career, and in the
latest hours f your existence on earth, be consoled with
the reflection, that you have not despised the afflictions
of the afflicted, but that, faithful to the trust of your high
stewardship, you have been just, ruling in the fear of
ymi have executed judgment for the op-
pressed, and have aided in the deliverance of your coun-
try from its greatest crime and its chief reproach.
Signed on behalf of the Committee,
" THOMAS CLARKSON.

" London, March 8, 1841."
I thought it most candid to address a letter to the Pre-
sident, informing him of the character of the foregoing
memorial, rather than take advantage for a merely formal
introduction to present it without such an explanation.
To this letter no reply was received, nor was there the
slightest allusion made to it by the Preiident at a subse-
quent introduction which we had to him. It may be pro-
per to state in this connection, that memorials of a simi-
lar character bearing upon the slave trade and slavery,
signed by the venerable Clarkson, have been presented
to different heads of government, in other parts of the
world, and have been uniformly received with respect.
Previous to our departure, we visited a private slave-
trading establishment in the city, and looked in upon a
group of human beings herded together like cattle for
the market, within an enclosure of high brick wall sur-
rounding the gaol. The young man in attendance in-
formed us that there were five or six other regular slave-
dealers in the city, who, having no gaols of their own,
either placed their slaves in this establishment, or in
the public city prison ; the former was generally pre-
ferred, on account of its superior accommodation in re-
spect to food and lodging. On my,makking some remarks
to the young man on the nature of Ifis occupation, he
significantly, and I think very justly, replied, that "he
knew of no reason for condemning slave-traders, which
did not equally apply to slave-holders." You will bear
in mind that this was said within view of the Capital,
where slave-holders control your national legislation,
and within a few minutes'-walk of that mansion where a
slave-holder sits in the presidential chair, placed there
by your votes, and it is certainly no marvel that, with
such high examples in his favour, the humble slave-
dealer of the district should feel himself in honourable
company, and really regard his occupation as one of re.
spectability and public utility.
From thence we proceeded to the City Prison, an old
-and loathsome building, where we examined two ranges
of small stone cells, in which were a large number of
coloured prisoners. We noticed five or six in a single
cell, barely large enough for a solitary tenant, under a
heat as intense as that of the tropics. The keeper stated
that in rainy seasons the prison was uncomfortably wet.
The place had to us a painful interest, from the fact that
here Dr. Crandall, a citizen of the free States, was con-
. fined until his hegth waS conpletely broken down, old was