The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-15 00:00:00

Tll E SUN,

has been done, the speaker always speaks at a great
disa'lvantasre. because he has to compare ineonve-
niences which have been f 1‘ against a course wh ch has
not been taken arid the -equences of wlich yeti ''id
not feel. Your ii, eof conduct is a mere usat.er of dis-
quisition and specalatien. and its advocates may even
deny that any risk at all sttaehes to it. Under these
circumstances, I think that the Government is fully en-
titled to call upon every Honourable Alember—
not to lay merely before the House, or dwell
at length upon those inconveniences which are admitted
by ourselves, and which are inseparable, from the course
which has been adopted, but also to lay before the
House the plan and the policy which should entirely and
distinctly avoid these risks and inconveniences. My
argument rests upon the particular relations between
England and Portugal. With any other powers no such
question as the present could possibly occur. There are
other States to which we wish well, but supposing a
similar state of internal confusion to arise, for in-
stance in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies
or in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, we
might probably send a force to the Bay of Naples, or to
Leghorn, in order to protect the lives and property of
English subjects, but interference like that which has
taken place in Portugal would have been a matter of
discussion to Ministers or to this House. Our relation
with Portugal is one without a parallel in the history of
European politics, nay, without a parallel in the
history of the whole world. I do not know any-
thing which ever struck me more than when
we called for the collection of the treaties
between this country and Portugal, for, seeing them
begin with the days of the Black Prince, and bearing
date in the year 1373, not produced for the mere pur-
pose of gratifying an antiquarian curiosity, but for the
purpose of ascertaining the nature of their treaties;
looking to the earliest of them dated in the 14th cen-
tury, there is one thing which it seems almost
impossible not to be struck with. It seems
that those who framed these early treaties had some
sanguine presentiment of the relations which they would
oontinue to maintain with this country. One of the
stipulations was, that England was to furnish " archers,
good men and true," to Portugal. It is rather singular
that a similar clause is still in existence in the present
t. eaty to that which existed in the fourteenth century.
There is an analogy between the manner in which the
treaties were observed in the fourteenth century, and
in which they are observed down even to the nineteenth
century. It is the most singular thing I ever saw.
I dare say that the Noble Lord opposite, who has made
it his delight to study the records of medieval times,
and the history of chivalry, will remember that Froissart
gives an account of the embassy who, in the year 1441,
called on the King of this country for assistance against
the Castillians. The description which he gives of John
of Gaunt and the Duke of Lancaster standing beside
the throne of King Richard the Second, while
the Ambassadors in their robes stated the case
of their master the King of Portugal, and
craved the assistance of the King of England, whom he
makes reply—" He is our friend, and the foe of our foes,
ha asks what is just, and he shall have what he asks;"
and then 500 archers and 500 men at arms were sent off
to Portugal, just in the samemanner as in the present case.
Then again, in the year 1826, a requisition was sent
from Portugal in our own day, praying us to protect the
same country from the same risks, and from
the same enemy. Such an unbroken alliance
for a period of 500 years is unparalleled in the
history of the world. It was a strong remark
made by Canning, " that all treaties made between this
country and Portugal had a character not exactly dip-
lsmatic, that there was a force and fervour belonging to
them which made them appear almost romantic in com-
parison with the treaties of other States." By virtue of
these treaties we found ourselves compelled "to defend
Portugal against all men." In the year 1661, the treaty
set forth " that we should take the interest
of Portugal to heart as the interest of England."
la the year 1703 all the former arrangements were
e,,nfirmed, and there is a stipulation in the present
contract to the same effect. There may be some
parsons who may think it inexpedient for this country
to force circumstances of this sort. Upon that subject,
however, I think very differently. I think that the
services we have rendered to Portugal, have been de-
served on her part throughout the whole of that fearful
struggle. In the reign of Queen Anne, Portugal continued
trite to her engagements. When we had France and
Spain against us, when they joined in insisting upon
Portugal that she should join them for the purpose of
resisting " the Tyrant of the Sea," Portugal constantly
refused—its capital was lying in ruins—its King had
scarcely a place upon which to lay his head—a Spanish
army was invading his territory, and spreading abroad
the ravages and horrors of war ; vet Portugal remained
steadfast to her ally, and true to the spirit of her treaties.
In the last war, the noble house of Braganta preferred
exile across the Atlantic to breaking faith with her
ancient ally. In the last great European conflict, Por-
tugal was the spot where you took your stand, where you
fought the battles of your own country. Never was any-
thing more true than the statement of that ereat Gene-
ral, in one of those remarkable papers which, even
store than his battles, will hand down his glories
I 0 posterity, "that the question was between
the defence of Portugal and the invasion of England."—
(Cheers.) Portugal suffered for us, and it was the de-
vastation of that country which enabled us to cultivate
our fields, and our manufactures to supply the markets of
the world. It was the lines of Torres Vedras that protected
against spoliation and massacre a larger, a richer, and a
prouder capital than Lisbon itself. When the great
struggle ended you find those two nations still more en-
deared to each other, and you have the old engagements
solemnly entered into in the settlement of Europe in the
year 1815. In consequence of this agreement you sent.
in the year 1826, assistance against the supposed designs
f France and Spain. Again, in the year 1834, when
pretenders for the crowns of Spain and Portugal having a
co'ninon interest, and almost the same parties, you came
forward to aid them in their conflict. England inter-
fered, and became a party to the quadruple alliance; the
preamble of that alliance set forth expressly the grounds
of the treaty, and the solemn alliances entered into be-
tween this country and Portugal for so long a period.
It might be said that the Queen was held in a state of
tutelage. Nevertheless, though trade was stopped, and
English interests were endangered, the principle of non-
interference was never put forward more strongly than
when the question became international and the Go-
vernment first interfered. In the case of France the
principle acted upon by the British Government had
been adopted. It was quite clear that Spain meditated an
interference. This was evident from the letter of Mr.
Bulwer. It was perfectly clear that an armed interven-
tion was at that time contemplated by the Spanish Go-
vernment. After having endeavoured to arrange the
question, without interference, what were they to do?
lie thought that a course of non-interference would be a
disgrace to this country, and an abdication of that influ-
ence which they were supposed to possess in Portugal.
I say that man would have incurred a great, an im-
mense responsibility, who would have acted thus, be-
cause he would not, unlikely, have set the first spark to
the mass of combustible matter which may soon blaze
out into one vast conflagration. Nothing would have
been easier than to have caused an European war ; but
whether that war may take place in 1850, 1860, or 1870,
is a problem which is beyond the solution of the wisest
man.—(Hear, hear.) I say, therefore, that unless you
can show that we have done all this, have done some-
thing so pernicious, something likely to incur the out-
break of an European war, you must be with us.
Now what are the circumstances ? and I think the Hon.
Gentleman, the Member for Finsbury, has treated them
a little more slightly than I think he should have done.
I mean the question of war ; but I quite agree with him
in this. I would not, for example, have given up to the
Queen the head of a single Member of the Junta, to
avoid war with the whole of the countries of Europe.—
(Loud and vehement cheering.) I would say as Fox
said, who was the great advocate of peace, when his
p licy was accused as likely to prove dangerous to the
Bourbons on that occasion, my Friend Mr. Fox said
"I always looked upon the Bourbons as a bad
family, but rather than injure the poorest Bourbon, or
violate the right of hospitality, I would go to war with
the whole of Europe,"—(Cheers.) And,'undoubtedly, I
recommend no hostile, no unjust cause ; but I say it was
desirable to make any sacrifice which should be just,
hussars, and favourable to the liberties of Portugal ; and
by doing so avoid the too great degradation of the mo-
narchy, than to give her up to the absolute disposal of
Spain, and to risk the danger of an European war. Then
what was the course we adopted t Take the protocol in
which provision is made that all arbitrary decrees would
be revoked, especially on those who had raised arms against
the Queen ; but let me tell you that if you had heard
how hard we had to fight for the amnesty; and if you
draw inferences unfavourable to the Government for
having struggled so long about those terms, I think also
you ought to be of opinion that if they did not agree, it
would have been impossible to carry them out without
adopting the course we have. But observe those to
whom these terms were offered, said—" Well, as we are
to have no capital punishments, let us have some security
that those who have rendered themselves objectionable
to the Queen, shall not be sent out of the country." He
replied, " They shall not be sent to Africa, they shall
not even be sent to France, they shall not be sent to
Paris, they shall not be sent one mile from
the territory of Portugual—not even 18, 16,
not even 12—not one mile from their country."
These were the terms to which we adhered to the last.
—(Wear, hear.) Those who oppose the Government
should bear in mind that in order to prevent any
hardships the Government made it expressly understood
that they would not consent to the banishment of one
member of the Junta to Paris for six months. Then
with respect to the amnesty, I think our case is complete.
Our second article is that all the conditions we had
stipulated should be received and made law ; the fourth
that no member of the party, which had rendered himself
objectionable, should form a part of the Queen's Govern-
ment.

Mr. CHRISTIE—What guarantee had you that
th se conditions should be carried out I'

Mr. MACAULAY—How were we to guarantee cora-
Iliance with tli,se conditions. I cannot easily believe
that we should have encountered more difficulties than
belong to all such questions as these. The best guarantee
that we could have was this—that if, instead of observing
the agreement, it had been broken either by the Queen
of Portugal or her subjects, we, with the aid of France
and Spain, had the most undoubted power to compel the
uh,ervation of the conditions.—(Loud cheers.) I think
this is a sufficient justification of the course of the Go-
vernment. There is a circumstance on which I think
some misrepresentation has taken place, and to which I
wish to put an end—it is just to my colleagues that
I should do so, and just to those to whom
they trusted the carrying out their orders. Ido not
thinkthink
fine to send a proper notice to the officers at
"-,-, hich they intended to pursue. I
ven if they had been guilty of the
charge, that it would have justified the censures con-
of the Hon. Gentleman the Member
dOopnorottothofintkhe that course ,
con-
tained in the motion
for Montrose ; but I think it is the duty of the Govern-