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MR. THOMPSON'S LECTURE ON

THE CORN-LAWS AT EDINBURGH.

This Lecture, on account of the importance of the
subject, we give at as great length as our limits wid ad-
mit. The Church in which it was delivered ( Bristo-
street) was well filled by an audience admitted by
ticket. JOHN DUNLOP, Esq. (a landed proprietor) was
c died to the chair.

Mr. THOMPSON rose amidst much cheering, and said
—My Fellow Citizens—l can with truth assure you,
that nothing less than a strong sense of duty could have
induced me to place myself in the situation which I now
occupy. I rise, for the first time in my life, to deliver
a lecture on the Corn-law of Great Britain. In taking
up this subject there is much to embarrass the speaker,
however disinterested his motives, however simple and
uncompromising his principles. The knowledge that
his motives are those of patriotism and benevolence—
the belief that his principles are sound and righteous—
the conviction that he is suppoited by a large number of
the most enlightened and virtuous of his countrymen—
these considerations may animate him to the attempt,
but cannot render him insensible to the difficulties of
his position. I look, however, with confidence to those
around me for sympathy and indulgence.—(Cheers.) I
do not set myself up on this occasion as an oracle ; I
come to declare with simplicity and candour the conclu-
sions at which my own mind has arrived ; and to give,
as far as I am able, my reasons for adopting those con-
clusions, and to submit both to your candid judgment.
Though I claim to be sincere, I make no pretensions
to infallibility. I shall be happy, certainly, if your ver-
dict is in favour of my proposiv.ions in the main ; but, at
the same time, I am ready to receive, with meekness
and gratitude, any information calculated to correct the
errors into which I feel myself liable, in connection with
others, to fall on this and every other great national
question.—(llear, heir, hear.) As all I have to
say must, for the present, be comprised within
the compass of a single address, I shall not weary you
with historical retrospcctions or lengthened quotations
from authorities, however high and venerable ; still less
shall I offend you with personalities, with attacks upon
the motives of those who differ from me, or seek to em-
broil you in the strife of mere political parties. My ob-
ject is truth—my sole aim and end the good of my suf-
fering fellow-subjects. In my humble co-operation with
my excellent friends in the cause of the repeal of the
present Corn-law, I am actuated by a desire to render
some service to the poor—to be the advocate of the
rights of industry.—(Cheers.) I can assure you I have
not rushed into the conflict on this question front a
love of novelty, or a thirst for notoriety. I am not
conscious that I have any eye to self-interest or popu-
larity. At no period of my brief life have I ever felt a
stronger wish to be at liberty to fix and concentrate my
attention upon one subject, and that of another though
kindred kind. Various considerations, however, have
combined to urge upon me the duty of doing what lies
in my power to aid the present very general effort for
the extinction of the existing imposts upon the food of
the people.—(Loud cheers.) The principles on which
I advocate the total repeal of the Corn-laws are soon
stated. I have heretofore often appeared before you in
this place to denounce the monopoly of human freedom
--(Loud cheers)—I now appear before you as the no
less determined enemy of the monopoly of human food.
--(Cheers.) I would have all men free, I would have
all men fed.—(Cheers.) I am therefore a friend to a
free trade ha the necessaries of life, and to free trade
generally, in the most enlarged meaning of the word.
It seems to me both reasonable and right that the la-
bouring man should be at liberty to barter the fruits of
his industry for the products of every part of the earth ;
and that a wrong is done him, when he is made to pay
a higher price for the food that sestains him than that
which is absolutely necessary.— (Hear.) I believe all
protection, as it is called, for the benefit of particular
interests to be needless, and worse than needless, to be
injurious to the community at large—(Cheers) —and
that an unrestricted commerce with all the nations of
the world is the system most in accordance with the
laws of nature, the designs of Providence, and the hap-
piness and welfare of mankind.—(Loud cheers.) By
reading, observation, and reflection, I have reached the
conclusion, that the very interests sought to be pro-
tected, ar&ibemselees injured by the operation of the
restrietiveilkatern, and that in seeking the repeal of the
Corn-laws, I am no less the friend of the landlord and
the farmer, than I am the friend of the manufacturer
and the operative.—(Cheers.) That a vicious system,
acted upon through a long series of years, and to which
a variety of other systems have been conformed, can be
at once reversed, without inconvenience, and without
loss in part:eular cases, I neither maintain nor expect ;
but I am thoroughly convinced that the fears so loudly
expresseti by agriculturists and their advocates, are ge-
nerally without fOunclation, and that they, in common
with all other claesee;• would soon rejoice in the benefits
conferred by a systole] of unfettered interchange.—
(Cheers.) It cannot bse denied that the Corn-laws is
the question now upperin. est in the minds of the people
of this country, and that ,the attempt would be vain,
even wore it justifiable, to tu'rn the attention of the peo-
ple to any other question. 'fhe peace of the country
demands its settlement.—( Hear, hear.) Were it not
so, it is one which in its own; nature deserves and impe-
ratively requires considerati. sn. The causes of stagna-
tion and decay in various hr enches of trade—of bank-
ruptcy among merchants—c ,f idleness, of pauperism, de-
moralization, and ripening d isaffection among the hum-
bler classes—of anxiety and Alarm among all, should
Firmly be inquired into ; and as the existing Corn-law
is alleged by many to be one o. f the most fruitful sources
of the evils and miseries whicL are obvious to nil who
will open their eyes, it ought tc i be immediately and tho-
rougly investigated, both in it; s principle and its work-
ing.—(Hear, hear, and cheer: i.) What is the Corn-
law of this country ? Divestet of the mysterious and
delusive phraseology in svhiali n iany are in the habit of
defining it, it is a law to 'melee the bread of the people
dear.—(Hear.) Bread, like ev, ry other commodity,
can only be made dear by m; tking iv scarce. The Corn-
law, therefore, is a law for irenderin,e the bread of the
people scarce.—( Hear.) And what is bread ? it is
emphatically called the staff of life. It is the prime
nourisher of man. It is the peculiar alienent fur which
there seems to be an universal .appetite. It is the pro-
vision which God himself has m ade for the supply of his
children's wants. By the lips o f His Son he has taught
us to pray, " Give us this day c ur daily bread." Nor,
does he forget to answer the pre yer. He has placed us
in the midst of a world capable if yielding from its sur-
face sufficient for the wants of e very living thing ; and
the promise He has given to us and our children is—
" NA bile the earth remaineth, see d-time and harvest
* * shall not cease." If the re be any who seem
to be delivered from absolute depeeeb:enrcbrocaupuosn
par-
ticular kind of food, they are the a

I tamed children of the wilderness ; but man, as he ad-
vaeces in civilization and refinement, becomes more and
more sensible of his need of bread. Without it he lan-
guishes and decays. What is the duty of man as
taught him by the Word of God, by the instincts of
his nature, and even by the example of the inferior ani-
mals a is to feed his offspring, to nourish and support
those who are placed in a position of dependence upon
him.—(Cheers). What is scarcity ? What is famine ?
By whatever cause produced, it is one of the the most
fearful evils with which a people can be visited—terri-
ble in itself, frightful in its physical effects, most lament-
able in its social and moral results. See its effects on
board the vessel, tossed upon the ocean, far from port,
its stores of food exhausted ; hunger at last converts
civilized, brave, and generous men into ferocious can-
nibals.
At length one whispers his companion, who
Whispers another, and it thus goes round,
And then into a harsher murmur grows,
An ominous and wild, and desperate sound;
And when his comrade's thought each sufferer knows,
'Tis but his own, suppress'd till now 'tis found;
And out they speak of lots for flesh and blood,
And who shall die to be his fellows' food."
This, it is well known, is not the fancy of a poet, per-
petrating a libel on the species, to heighten the effect
of his fictitious narrative, but the stern testimony of
faithful history, demonstrating the truth that hunger
will transrorm men, before humane, and kind, and po-
lished, into the greedy butchers and devourers of their
nearest and only associates. Look at the family where
famine enters—look at the fortress or city besieged—
survey the province or district visited by drought—
think of the scenes that have been witnessed in India.
What is famine when sent by a just Sod ? It is a
punishment, a grievous curse, a punitite visitation.
" He turneth the fruitful field into barrenness for the
wickedness of them the eaeatell therein." In His righ-
teous displeasure he says, " If you wilt not yet, for all
this, hearken unto me, then I will punish you seven
times more for your sins. I will break the pride of
your power, and I will make your heaven as iron and
your earth as brass. I will smite you with blasting and
mildew." To execute these judgments is the prerogative
of the Most High ; and, when His just judgments are
abroad, let the nations of the earth learn righteousness.
Wasting rains, and storms, and hurricanes, and
parching suns and wild tornadoes, are the ministers of
His vengeance ; they execute his stern decrees, and it
is for the children of men to humble themselves before
Him, and repent them of the sins which have provoked
his anger. We arraign not the Providence of God.
We presume not to call in question his ever-righteous
acts. He can wield the elements of nature either to
bless or chastise mankind. He can blot out the hopes
of the husbandman. He can blacken and melt the
g eels stalk till it is consumed in the slime of death. He
can break and flatten to the earth the tall and stately
reed that sustains the full ripe car, or send the blight
which withers the bloom of the shaping fruit. He can
fill the land with the cry of the famishing and the la-
mentations of the desolate, instead of the son, of the
reaper, and the shout of the harvest-home. He can do
all this, and he has often done it. But, to man it be-
lonas not to usurp the prerogative cf his Maker. It is
for him to succour and to help his fellow-man. It is for
parents, rulers, legislstore, and sovereigns, to care
for those committed to their charge—to take all wise
and proper means to provide bread enough and to
spars. It is for them to imitate the conduct of Him
who is good to all, and whose tender mercies are over
all his works—who openeth his hand and supplieth the
went of every living thing—to whom judgment is a
strange work. Who bath commanded us to deal our
bread to the hungry, and to satisfy the afflicted soul,
and to bring the poor that are cast out into our house.—
( Loud applause.) Par wise and good ends we are
pl iced under a law of mutual dependence—of man on
man, faMily on family, community on community, nation
on nation.—( Hear, hear, and great cheering.) If I
have not wrongly interpreted the designs of the benefi-
cent Ruler of the Universe, he intends that, while asso-
ciated under different forms and names of Government,
men should yet be united in sympathy and interest, ex-
changing the diversified products of their soil and in-
dustry, communicating and receiving all useful know-
ledge, each contributing according to his opportunities
and advantages to the general stock of human science
and human happiness, and thus be all linked together
by innumerable bonds in the harmonious society that
becomes children of a common parent. In looking at
the different countries of the world, we shall find none
that combine all the advantages which nature has pro-
vided for the comfort and welfare of men, and none
that arc wholly destitute of them. One country en-
joys a rich soil, fruitful in all agricultural produce ;
another possesses mines of metals and coal, which fit it
ofe
~ ;lacer temperategoldefi:iTilhimacarzio,:o!:,seubntsseeot_s,rs
for the production of manufactures. The different
kinds of food and fruits are peculiar to different coun-
tries and climates. The materials out of which the
various kinds of clothing are manufactured come from
every quarter of the globe. The torrid zone supplies
articles which comfort and delight the inhabitants of
the frigid ; and the frigid, in return, furnishes mate-
rials which refresh the
obcontributeSpivaeiteti
solsnio,
i.
en tngods
tthihi eee This
gbiaos wantsluebg reh
beautifully
round
onnt pirddf euhosli
herbs
payrxibbeui
Saga's
siutefi
illustrated
tibrholai
ulfedt
de)tt,delriciebopyga sercoasts;
inhabitantsvi;r—g Bi
l ° h
grow—
Her
nisaffronaok,naked
Th
ld,
While famed Epirus rears the equestrian breed,
Born for the
.palm that crowns th' Olympic steed;
In stated regions, from the eternal Cause,
Such Nature's compact and unbroken laws."
But I must not forget that it is argued by many, and
always professedly on behalf of the poor, that it would
which is
ds
their iron
scents
be unwise and dangerous to be dependent on foreign
aiee%byi.ioel
i)ereolyl.nadi
tbmi,
eocypafil
asyetr
glow,
le
cpma, the
countries fur our supplies. I have noticed that this is
almost exclusively the argument employed by those
who are interested, or deem themselves to be inte-
rested in restricting our supply to home produce.—
(Hear, bear.) Many who thus argue are rich, and are
surrounded by every article that can minister to a re-
fined and fastidious luxury. I have heard this argument
used at a time when the table at which we were seated !
was made of foreign mahogany—when the wines on
the table were from half-a-dozen different parts of the
world—when the dessert was the produce of alnost
every clime—the figs from one country, the grapes
from another, the pomegranites from another, the
preserves from another, the olives from another, and the
apples from another—when the carpet on which we
trod was foreign—when the oil burning above our head
was foreign—when the coffee that we sipped was fo-
reign—when the radiant gems, and rustling silks, and
rich brocades, and curious fans, and novel fashions of
the ladies, were all foreign—when the music played
after dinner was foreign, the words foreign, the fair
performer the pupil of a foreign master—when even the
manners of the company were foreign.—(Laughter and
cheers.) But, the fast is, the present restrictions on
the importation of food render us far more dependant
on foreign countries—(Hear, bear,)—and place us far
more at their mercy, than we could ever be if trade was
free and untrammelled. Nor shall we ever be inde-
pendent of speculators at home, and of the fluctuating
supplies which other countries may be able at the
shortest uotice to furnish us, until steadiness, regularity
and permanency, be given to our commerce, by the re-
moval of every impediment to a free interchange of
products.—(Cheers.) I have already said that I dis-
cuss this question with special reference to the welfare
of the poor. I have said that the object of the Corn-
laws is to make bread dear, and that this can be done
only by making it scarce.ol, opmtxtmshebesl
humbler
glasses
artificial scarcity
exactly
continuallyx a ctl y
so created the consumers escape in proportion to their
accumulatingwealth ;
se
v e consequentlyrity the
upon
t:
e
in the degree of their inability to sustain the burden.—
(Hear, hear.) These laws, too, operate with ever-
augmenting force, owing to the natural, progressive,
and irresistible increase in the numbers of the
people. Let me endeavour to show a little more parti-
cularly that the Corn-laws, while they impose an almost
imperceptible and perfectly insignificant tax upon the
rich—a very moderate tax, however unjust in princi-
ple, upon the middle classes—impose a heavy and
10:i1b' ds a
tr ietnu' t for bread. If we
es year,
in-
tolerable burden upon those who are least able to sup-
port it, namely, the labouring classes of society, or the
great mass of the people. This must be obvious at a
glance, from the fact that these lawwilslin b o
operreali
aloneeasa,taoxr
at least in b
upon the first necessary of life. Take a familiar illus-
tration. A labourer or mechanic earning 401.
one-half
his entire income,
40/. a year,
hi'ing a wif
e and
bread
d md e fourand or 2 s
c
suppose that one-half (or, make any deduction you
please, the force of my illustration is the same)—if we
of
suppose that one-halt of these 201. arises out of the
en-
hanced price produced by the operation of the Corn-
laws, then the labourer and mechanic thus situated is
paying 10/. a-year for the purpose of propping up the
of twenty-
; rate in
s4s 'hhoi cr th,
ar
the middle and higher classes of so.
system
17eet e
iml)ae lab oo
fuer
echnri high
s oprrealy'itdusoguabanieed
thede ee rt
eea
st aed
was paid by
ciety in the most extravagant years of the late
war, and all this without for a moment including
.
the charges to which he is subjected by th© fiscal regu-
lations necessary to the Corn-laws, or the innumerable.
I disadvantages under which he labours, all springing
from the same cause. The small shopkeeper, or better
class of artificer, with the same family, and whose in-
come is 80/. a-year, although he may be better clad
and housed, and use more tea, and beer, and spirits,
will not use more bread than the labourer having one-
half his income ; his corn-tax will, therefore, be also

101; but, instead of its being one fourth part of his
income, it will be but one-eighth part of it ; and instead
of being an income tax of twenty-five per cent., Its
rate will be only twelve and a half per cent. It is ob-
vious that the consumption of agricultural produce, but
more especially of bread, the first necessary of life,
bears no proportion to incomes. The family of six
persons, with five servants, and having an income of
1,600/. a-year, will not exceed 40/. a-year, or less than
one-fortieth part of the income, instead of one-half; as
in the case of the labourer and mechanic, or one-
fourth of it, as in the case of the shopkeeper ; the tax
upon this income, instead of being, as in the case of
the labourer, twenty-five per cent., or, as in the case of
the small shopkeeper, twelve and a half per cent., will
be only two and a half per cent. It is unnecessary to
pursue the illustration. Whatever difference of opi-
nion there may be respecting the causes of our present
national embarrassments, ard especially of the condi-
tion of particular portions of the labouring community,
it is undeniable that millions of our countrymen know
not the taste of wheaten bread. Though they till the
ground, and sow and reap the harvest, they are forbid-.
den, by a wicked law, to be partakers of the grain they
have helped to cultivate. Their food consists altogether
of-the inferior kinds of agricultural produce.—( Hear.)
111iDions now are upon short allowance. They are
wasting away from insufficiency of food. Hundreds of
thousands are on the brink of utter starvation. The
poverty and wretchedness that first overtook the labour-
ing masses, have reached the class above, a class that
must always, to a great extent, be dependent upon the
producing classes. Tho depression in their trade has
added- to the embarrassment of the manufacturer, who
finds himself losing, at once, both the home and foreign
market. The consequences are inevitable. All suffer,
but most of all, the poor man—the man who depends
wholly upon his industry for his daily bread—who
hae always been confined in his enjoyments to the
commonest comforts of life, but is now deprived even
of those which are absolutely necessary to his existence.
—(Hear.) The most conclusive evidence has been:re-
cently furnished from all parts of the kingdom, that
vast multitudes are in a condition of actual want—that
domestic suffering in every conceivable form prevails—
that disease has followed upon the heels of famine, and
that death is making havoc among the most destitute
portions of the community. I need not mention places
—I need not state particular facts—l may be permitted
to say, however, that I have myself had but too frequent
opportunities of ascertaining the truth of these appalling
statements. I have had much to do recently in the
most, thickly-populated parts of our country. I have
been brought into near contact with all classes of
society. I have seen with my own eyes the miseries and
privations of the poor.—(Hear, hear ) I have heard
in private the complaints of merchants and manufac-
turers. I have beheld the stagnation and gloom of
once busy and thriving towns. I have conferred with
deputations of starving operatives. I have perused
many hundreds of letters from ministers of religion,
all denominations, on the state of the labouring poor,
and the causes of their miserable condition, and I own,
that while touched with compassion for the physical
suffering brought under my notice, I have been unable
to look forward without apprehension and dread to the
slow, it may be, but sure growth and ultimate deve-
lopment of those passions which arc stimulated and
called into action by hunger and destitution.—(Hear.)
hear.) I greatly question if ever, in the history of our
country, there was an equal amount of wretchedness
and suffering among our labouring fellow-subjects, or
ever a time when those who are in employment, and
lifted for the present above positive want, were more
miserably remunerated for the labour they perform. I
have paused to inquire if the calamities around ur, and
the more dreadful consequences with which we are
threatened, are to be regarded as inevitable—as the
natural results of uncontrollable causes—as the just
judgments and visitations of the Almighty. I have
looked at my country in her geographical position, her
physical features, her political relations, her moral in-1
duence, her resources of science, industry, skill, and
energy, and I have stood astonished at the fact, that in
this home of Empire, this seat of Legislation, this work-
shop of the world, there should be found a mass of
wretchedness and want, without a parallel in any other
part of the globe. I have gone to the word and to the
works of God, and have been taught by both, that a
bountiful and unfailing provision has been made for
everything that bath life ; that to man bath been given
dominion over everything created ; that every green
herb on the face of all the earth, hath been given him
for meat ;

That God's free bounty bids this globe produce
More than enough for all his creatures' use.
* * That earth's prolific fields,
For man and beast alike, abundance yields."
And that yet, notwithstanding, there are thousands in
this favoured country whose condition is as bad as that
of the debased Australian, upon whose path the light
of science and civilization has never shone. What a
spectacle is this! while there is all this pauperism and
want and misery at our doors, the ninth part of the
land of the whole globe is ours—we have a dominion
embracing every variety of climate, in every part of the
earth—territories studding the Atlantic, hemming in
both the Arctic Oceans—enclosing a whole empire in
the East—marking every place of commercial import-
ance in the Indian and Pacific seas—we are exalted in
arts, invincible in arms, fearless of invasion, our com-
merce is commensurate with the habitations of man,
we are powerful in foreign alliances, we are free in our
political institutions, we possess unrivalled means of
production, our dominions abound with natural riches
above and beneath the soil, either at home or abroad,
embracing every healing balm, every fragrant berry,
every luscious fruit, every nutritious grain, every costly
gem, every precious metal, every useful mineral, every
animal fur, every vegetable wool. All mankind are, or
would be our customers—we might clothe the Orientals
of the cast, and the Anglo-Saxon races of the west—
we might be first in the markets of Europe. And yet,
Britain, that can hold the world at bay—that can
maintain the integrity of distant empires—that has
spent twenty millions in the east, in three years, in wars
twelve or fifteen thousand miles away.

" With armaments that thunderstrike the walls
Of rock-built cities, bidding nations quake,
And Monarchs tremble in their capitols ?"
With nations all around her, waiting to exchange the
fruits of their fertile plains, for the products of her toil-
ing artisans, Britain cannot feed her starving children !
No wonder that a voice comes to us across the Chan-
nel, " Britain ! raze from your shield the lordly lion,
and put in its place the starving operative, vainly sup-
plicating a sufficiency of food." Under these extraor-
dinary and afflicting circumstances, it is surely the duty
of every thinking, patriotic, and Christian-minded man
to turn his serious attention to the causes of our na-
tional distress. if there ever was a time when party
strife should be hushed to repose, when names and
distinctions should be laid aside, when the nomencla-
ture of faction should be forgotten, it is now—now
when no man can, without guilt, look with indifference
or apathy on the condition of his country, when
the aspect of public affairs is fearfully ominous of col-
lision and animosity between the different classes of
the community, when we are brought to the point
at which we have to decide, whether this nation
shall continue its onward progress, or commence the
melancholy task of retrocession, when all efforts of in-
dividual benevolence, all outpourings of eleemosynary
bounty, all devisings of good men, apart from le-
gislative interference and a change of system, are
obviously ineffectual to the relief of prevailing misery.
The time to look at causes as well as consequences is
come, and first in the list stands the law that restricts
the supply of food to the people. This Corn-law bears
upon its face the mark of injustice, cruelty, and impiety.
It is a law that shuts men up to a limited and scanty
supply of food, and makes them pay for that an exorbi-
tant price. It is a law that places a whole people upon
short allowance. It is a law that circumscribes the
bounty of the benes olent Ruler of the world. It is
law that robs the poor to increase the gains of the rich.
It is a monopoly in the hands of a few, and those few
the class best able to do without a monopoly. It is a
law which says to the labourer—You steal ,not have fair
play ; you shall not exchange your labour for the fruits of
the earth, according to their real value, but you shall
be compelled to take your loaf from us, or die of star-
vation. Here, then, we take our stand. We plant our
feet upon the immutable principles of justice and equity.
Oa Scriptural grounds we denounce all human restric-
tions, iiineoe provision.
We claim
We say, with reference to temporal supplies as well as
uponfor thetlie poorth
benefitto our sphere of religious usefulness, "the field is the
supplye
offood
of t o
the theD v
world." We say that the Corn-laws arc in opposition
to, if they do not effectually frustrate, the merciful and
wise designs of God. They violate a sound and health-
ful and fraternising principle. They turn the key upon
holesome supplies which
‘
the store-house of the Divine bounty and benificence.
They sac to the cheap and w
other lands would give us, Hitherto shall ye come,
but no further "—until the pockets of the rich are fill-
ed, the shelf of the poor man shall be empty. We will
not, in
the first instance, discuss the question with re-
d determine the precise amount taken from
etermi
re-
ference to the probable price of corn under another
system. We will not discuss the question of the amount
of trade, if commerce in corn were free. We will not
theatt mechanic,enWtto the shopkeeper, the merchant, the ma-
nwufeacotbujreeert,
toor
themthe naabtiionnitaiol e\xse errhoesqauyth,
they
arethe suen nl law.
ral. They are at war with the designs of God—at Ivor
with the rights of human industry—opposed to common
sense and justice—founded on selfishness—framed for
the benefit of the fee—necessarily and inevitably un-
equal is their
.operation—a departure from the spirit

and mandates of the Divine law ; and that therefore
they ough tto be totally and for ever abolished. You
will do well, my friends, to take this view of these laws ;
otherwise you are at the mercy of every quibbler.
Having thus denounced the injustice of a law restrict-
ing the supply of food to the people of this country, we
proceed to show its injurious operation. We look over
the face of our beloved land, and want stares us in the
face in every direction. Want of employment—want
of food--want of clothing—want of shelter, and fuel,
and pure air ; and all the usual concomitants of idle-
ness, hunger, and domestic destitution—disease, reck-
lessness, immorality, disaffection, sedition, and threat-
ened revolution. I ask, is this state of things inevit-
able ? What are the natural sources of relief? Are
they at hand, or are they not ? Hes Providence placed
the means of abundance within our reach ? Let us see.
The source; of abundance are, rich soils, favourable
climates, skill in cultivation, and facility of conveyance,
in respect of .the products of land, whether they be for
the food of man, or of animals for the service of man,
or be the materials of manufactures. And, in respect of
other commodities, the sources of abundance are, raw
materials derived from the most productive places, skill
in converting those materials into the articles wanted,
machinery for saving human labour in the process, and
strength for setting that machinery in motion, drawn by
science from some power of nature which never wearies.
These are sources from which abundance is to be ob-
tained by the least possible exertion of human labour.
Now, I fearlessly assert, that all these means are pos-
sessed by this country, to an extent never before granted to
any other nation on the face of the earth. The elements
of greatness are ours—not one is wanting. The riches
of the earth are at our feet. The world is our market—
all mankind are our customers ; but to secure the advan-
tages of our position there must be mutual consumption
—an interchange of commodities—in a word, free-
trade. net any man compute the productive poorer=
of the world in the present state of knowledge, and
then refuse, if he can, to rely on the sources of abun-
dense ; let him reflect on the appalling extent of
human wants unsatisfied, and then doubt, if he can,
the efficacy of consumption. There is scarcely a
civilised spot on the globe on which the now impo-
verished labourer cannot produce, in excess of his
own wants, some peculiar commodity with which he
could provide himself with those other commodities he
so greatly needs, if his right of exchange were not
deprived by the interposition of some arbitrary power.
Mutual supply by means of such exchange is the
scheme, and it is the law of nature, loudly pro-
claimed by the diversities of climate, sod, and
capacities ; it is the manifest design of a beneficent
Providence for the benefit of the human rac
But what is the law of man ? An impious pro-
hibition of the law of God. I figure to myself the
family of a Manchester or Birmingham or Pa::-
ley workman, contemplating on a Saturday night the
true exchangeable value of their week's work, and com-
puting how much food, as well as other commodities it
would supply them with under the free operation of the
scheme of Providence, and of the law of nature. I also
figure to myself the family of the Polish or other foreign
husbandmen longing to doff their miserable dresses of
sheep-skin, or other rude materials, and to exchange
their corn for the fabrics of the spindle and the loom.
A greater offence can hardly be committed than to ob-
struct the mutual dealings of such parties, except it can
be justified as a necessary national sacrifice. I stoutly
deny the nationality of the object. The restraint is no-
thing less than, a taking of the necessaries of life from
those who have nothing to spare. in order to increase
the luxuries of those whose command of them would
bear reduction ; supposing, but by no means admitting,
that any reduction would ensue. There is no rational
ground for any protection to our home productions be-
yond that which may inevitably arise out of duties
imposed for the sake of revenue. The poor man has a
sacred right to the fruits of his labour, a right which he
can never be said to enjoy', unless he be at liberty to
make the most advantageous exchange he can of the
product of his own labour for that of the labour of
others.—(Loud cheers.) I know that a claim is set up
by the proprietors of land for an exclusive protection of
their interests. Even granting the justice of their claim,
in the face of the fact that the manufacturers have for
years offered to relinquish all protection of their inter- ,
ests, and the still more important fact that the labour
of the artisan has no protection, and the equally indis-
putable fact that the tiller of the soil is at this moment
among the worst paid labourers in the country,—l say,
admitting the claim, it is capable of easy demonstration
that the present system is subversive of the interests of
that very class for whose benefit the monopoly has
been given. lam happy that we have on this subject
the testimony of a Scotch landed proprietor of equal
eminence as a Christian, a moral philosopher, and a po-
litical economist; I mean James Douglas, Esq. of Cavers.
No class of the community have been more injured by
the Corn-laws than the landholders themselves.
These laws have made the value of land alto-
gether a lottery. The uncertainty they occasion with
respect to the profits of farming, have been highly inju-
rious to agriculture, and th high nominal value
which they continue to landed property, has led its pos-
sessors into an expenditure beyond their real income.
The Corn-laws have thus greatly retarded the national
prosperity, without any class in the nation being gainers
by their operation. Indeed, it is only from a narrow
view of the subject that they are supposed to augment
the rent of land. The great object of every British
patriot should be, to place his country at the head of
the nations, and to make it the capital of the world.
As well might the landlords of Middlesex desire to
have the corn of other countries excluded from the
London market, as the British landholders seek to ex-
clude the importation of foreign corn into Britain.
Th,: rents of Middlesex are higher, on account of London
being the great mart for the produce of the country at
large, and the rents of Britain would eventually be
raised by the corn of all other countries being freely
consumed here, purchased, it necessarily must be,
by the great extension of British manufactures, and
procured by the industry of an augmented population.
In addition to the testimony of Mr. Douglas, Mr.
Thompson cited several passages from the published
letters of Mr. W. Whitmore, exposing the groundless-
ness of the alarm excited for the agricultural interests
of the country, and strongly ridiculing the assertion that
a Corn-law makes us independent of foreign countries.
The idea of independence, Mr. Whitmore ridicules as
the " consummation of impracticable nonsense." Ours
was now a dependence of the very worst sort ; a de-
pendence to which, in five or six out of every ten years,
we are obliged to resort ; but, in order to make it more
successful, we take advantage of occasional periods of
abundance to injure, insult, and deride the party whose
aid we are obliged to implore in time of need.—(Cheers.)
It is deeply to be regretted, continued Mr. Thompson,
that the great question now agitating the public mind has
to be referred for final adjudication to men, the vast ma-
jority of whom believe that their own personal interests
are involved in the issue, and who are, therefore, inca
pacitated from coming to a sound or honest judgment
upon it. The authors I have quoted are splendid ex-
ceptions, and are in company with others of still higher
rank, who, though to a still greater extent connected
with the land of the country, are equally opposed to
the present system. I might refer to the names and
speeches of distinguished peers—to a Spencer, a Fitz-
william, a Radnor, a Leicester, a Lansdowne, a Lein-
ster, a Panmure, a Westminster, a Sutherland, a Cleve-
land, a Norfolk, a Bedford, a Devonshire, and a Prince
of the Blood-Royal, the Duke of Sussex.—(Cheers.)
It is legislation by interested parties, legislation for
legislation upon narrow principles,
particular classes,
legislation based upon expediency, that has brought
us into our present embarrassed and impoverished
condition—a condition from which there seems no
escape, but by a speedy recognition of sound
principles, and a faithful observance of the laws of
nature and the will of God, that we should
do as we would be done by. But I must
now take leave to direct your attention for a few mo-
ments to our present and future relations to a country
in which we all feel a deep interest. I mean the United
States of America. I may possibly be able to open a
new and cheering prospect to your view.—(Hear, hoar.)
It was my hope and expectation, until a day or two ago,
that I should have the satisfaction of introducing to the
friends of free trade in this city, an intelligent gentle-
man, from the other side of the Atlantic, who is at pre-
sent in this country, labouring both with his pen and
with his voice to impress upon the people of Great
Britain, the importance of removing these unnatural
and wicked laws, which prevent the citizens of two great
nations from exchaeging, on equal terms, the produce
of their industry. I am sorry to say, that circum-
stances have occurred to postpone the visit of Mr. Curtis,
Ithe gentleman I refer to ; but that branch of the subject
on which he would have addressed you, is too intimatelyt
connected with the general question to be omitted
al-
together. I shall therefore venture to bring i briefly
r.e
under your notice, and, though the treatment of
will
greatly suffer in my hands, yet shall hope
you to e that enough
will be said to raise your curiosity, and l
de-
sire to hear more on this matter. The statements I
shall make will, by reason of the shortness of my time,
be only a few out of a multitude. For the same reason
I shall not be able to lay before you the tables and rea-
sonings by which the truth of these statements can be
verified. But I will state nothing which I Jo not m3'
self believe to be authentic, nothing which, if called upon
for the proof,
I am not prepared to sustain by ready and
immediate reference to satisfactory evidence. How
stands the case then ? Here we have a dense popula-
tion upon a soil of limited extent, unequal to the ade-
uate supply of its inhabitants. Those inhabitants are
increasing at the rate of a thousand a-day. Millions of
them arc upon a short allowance of bread ; hund eds of

thousands are on the brink of utter starvation. And
yet, around us are all the elements of prosperity ;
mineral wealth, machinery, handicraft skill, untiring
energy, the dominion of the seas, the power of steam,
powerful political relations, and peaceful intercourse
et the most civilized nations in the world. In these
circumstances do millions stretch out their hands and
cry—‘' Give us bread! give us bread or else we die !
not the bread of idleness, but the bread we are will-
ing to eat in the sweat of our brow. If not, let us
have the privilege of the felon, and be transported from
these shores to other lands, where the labourer is not
doomed to die of hunger." A star of hope arises in
the West. There lies, stretched from North to South,
from the frozen ocean to the tropic, a fertile land, two-
thirds as great as that of the continent of Europe.
More than half this prodigious expanse of country is
settled by an Anglo-Saxon race, organized into thriving
republics. This race has spread itself along the shores
of the Atlantic for more than three thousand miles, and
penetrated more than twelve hundred miles into the in-
, terior. The energies of seventeen millions of men,
speaking the English language, are at work to develope
the resources of this mighty region, and make. t the
granary of the world. The seventeen millions of to-day
are likely to be thirty millions in twenty years from
the present time, and nearly one hundred millions
when the commencement of the next century shall
dawn upon mankind. From this land of promise, the
Goshen of the earth, a messenger has come to say to
our starving countrymen, " We can give you bread.
We have enough and to spare. Let y our law-makers
be just, and you shall live, at home if you please, and
rejoice in the blessings which have been granted to
us." Yes, the child offers to sustain the mother.
The offshoot turns to succour. the parent stem. New
England sends her ambassador of peace and plenty
to Old England. The emigrant Scotsman sends his
representative to his father-land, to offer the fruit of
his adopted country to the dwe:ler in his native land.
—(Cheers.) Let me be a little more particular and
specific. Of the twenty-six independent States, form-
ing under one general Government the United States
of America, there are six which seem peculiarly
adapted to be corn-growing States for other portions o
the globe. These are the North-Western States of Ohio,
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, lowa, and Wiskonsin.
These cover an area of two hundred and thirty thou-
sand square miles, exclusive of nearly as much more,
the title to which is at present mostly in the Indian
tribes. This vast country, and the regions immediately
contiguous to it, have been styled, par excellence, the
wheat-growing territories of America. " The country,
says Mr. Curtis, " is generally an undulating prairie,
interspersed with groves of trees. and unbroken by bill
or mountain. The soil commonly rests upon a strata of
limestone, is fertile beyond description, and abundantly
watered by the finest springs and streams. Its cli-
mate is clear and salubrious, and the country as well
calculated as any other on the globe to minister to the
support and happiness of civilized man. For an inland
country it possesses unequalled facilities for foreign
intercourse and commerce, by means of its great lakes
and rivers. The most distant parts of it are now
reached i n twenty days from Liverpool. The ener-
gies of the American people have been chiefly expended
during the last few years in opening and taking posses-
sion of this region, which they consider destined to be-
come the future scat of American wealth and great-
ness." These States have, at the present time, a popu-
lation of nearly three millions, and have increased dur-
ing the last ten years at the rate of 61, 100, 208, 640,
and 1,000 per cent. The land is sold in fee simple to
the first purchaser at 3s. 6d. per acre. The amount
already sold in these States, which at present has all
been obtained for cultivation, exceeds in amount the
cultivated lands of the British isles by more than five
millions of acres. At the same rate of production
with British lana, it is capable of feeding thirty mil-
lions of people. A resident in the State of Michigan,
writing very recently, says, " I have no doubt that
Michigan wid have from 2,000,000 to 2,500,000
bushels of wheat at the least of surplus for market.
With a steady demand at twenty-seven shillings per
quarter, the present population could at once furnish
5,000,000 bushels for exportation." Mr. Thompson
proceeded to quote a variety of statistics, illustra-
tive both of the capacity possessed by the United States
and the abundant facilities for exporting the produce to
this country. For these we have not room. In con-
clusion, Mr. Thompson called upon his auditors to join
with earnest hearts in the present struggle for free
trade in food. He addressed himself with emphasis to
the Chartists, of whom many were present, and from
whom he had received a respectful letter, calling upon
him to discuss with one of their number the relative
merits of the Charter and the Anti-Corre law move-
ments. To this letter, he said, he would reply when
he had taken time for consideration. He strongly re-
commended unanimity. He declared himself the friend
to the just rights of the labourin classes, and ready on
any fitting occasion to express his honest opinion of the
present system of suffrage, which, as a politician, be
would labour to extend.—(Cheers.) He advised his
friends to prepare for petitioning Parliament, that on
the re-opening of its doors some thousands of petitions,
more numerously signed than ever before, might be
laid before the Legislature. Mr. Thompson sat down
amidst loud applause.
Mr. WIGHAM proposed a vote of thanks to Mr.
Thompson, and the meeting separated.

FRACAS AT THE OPERA IN
.111 A LTA.

The Malta Times of sth instant, states that un-
usual excitement has prevailed in that island from a
fracas at the opera, which has ended in the prosecution
of some military and naval officers concerned in it, and
which was still going on before the Magistrates on the
sth. After mentioning that the Impresario, or ma-
nager of the opera, had been lately changed, this
journal proceeds to say :—"The public had justly become
tired of the old system, for although the late manager was
qualified for such an office, he did not by any means do
justice to the public. Mr. Amore was then succeeded
by Mr. Leonardis, a gentleman well acquainted with
both the theory and practice of music, and an
accomplished bass-singer. During the interval of the
cessation of the opera, great pains had been taken by
Mr. Amore's party to get up a strong opposition to
the new Company, and to prevent, if possible, its suc-
cess. Unfortunately, the opening of the Opera
gave some promise of success to this faction, con-
sisting principally of uneducated, if not disreputable
people. Passing the Giuramcato, which went off
tolerably well, we notice the Figlia del Rep-
?Iloilo, which, from the want of tact, was got
up so badly that it completely failed. Then came
the evening of the :29th ult., when Lucia di Lainnzer-
-711001, was introduced to the public. This piece had

the peculiarity of being represented in one of its cha-
racters by Mr. Leonardis, the obnoxious Impresario,
the person who was originally designed for the cha-
racter, S,g. Donaddio being sick. But no sooner did
Mr. Leonard's appear on the stage in the second scee
of the first act, than a,buorosotoomfptahneiemdov,stitiinidethceronwt
idnigsapoi
other missiles. The noise and up-
pperouboae,tioenpbsr,okuendforth
roar exceeded greatly that on the representation of the
which we
have already charac-
terised daesl
hßeeingainewlonrite4
only r of ruffians and a disgrace
to a
with
the civilisedpni
at
;al
whichasociety.nd tumult chiefly arose
from
is usuallyhis filled, in the greater
part,
exception, were favourable military officersto t h
e;
raen
being
easi
gthese,fairwith-
outtrial
given to Mr. Leonardis, and his new company, great
indignation was manifested by them, while at the same
time they endeavourdaud toth support the representation
of the evening,
ttheirhou enthusiastich
u,
th
capplause
the first act passed off,
tumult,wll and the second commenced.—ln °tnhe mean
the public were almost universal, proceeding from
every part of the theatre, and the uproar only from a
very few persons, and these of that class who, if they
' were not paid to disturb the opera by the personal
enemies of Mr. Leonardis, were evidently indivi-
duals who had a peculiar pleasure in disturbing the
public tranquility.—The consequence was perhaps
just as might have been foreseen. A number of gen-
tlemen, chiefly wearing her Majesty's uniform, rose up
with instinctive and sympathetic indignation, and turned
out of the opera the whole of the ruffians who were in
the pit, hooting, hissing, making violent ejaculations,
and throwing missiles at the performers. (A stick
was thrown at the Prima Donna!) It is clear that
this could not have been done without great con-
fusion—and confusion did follow, which, as the phrase
is, ' beggars description.' The Police assisted in
turning out the disturbers, and in restoring order, and
were successful, for, in the short time of a quarter of
an hour, all was perfectly quiet. The platea, or pit,
was immediately tilled again, both with Maltese and
English, and the opera terminated admirably well,
interrupted at times only with bursts of universal ap-
plause. Here we may mention, that the opera on
Tuesday evening last was attended to almost suffocation
both by Maltese and English, and was universally wn
ap-
plauded. Oa Tuesday morning some dozen of the
rioters were summnned before the Police Court,
two
whom were sentenced to one month's imprisonment,of
three to eight days, and the rest were liberated. The
proceedings were conducted by the Magistrates,.m
Zammit and Harper, with great moderation and good
sense, though frequently interrupted, and, we add, very
few will deny the justice of the sentence. We under-
stand that some of the persons who were, attacked will
bring up their assailants to the Court.

INFANT LABOUR.—An infant, in the parish of
Shenton, near Nottingham, 1% as taken from a free school
which was kept by benevolent ladies. She was put to
work by her mother, at home, being employed in draw-
ing lace, when only 21 months old. She continued at
that work two years, and is now at such work, working
daily from six o clock in the morning to eight o'clock at
night, being allowed only a quarter of an hour each for
breakfast, dinner, and tea. The mother pays this little
infant one penn),- at the end of the week by way of en-
couragement. She has three or four children, and, when
excusing herself for thus treating her infant, she said,
" If 1 do not thus make my infant work I should have
to go to the workhouse !" The Fleet Papers.

MORNING SUN

FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE.

WHITEHALL, Nov. 22, 1&11.

The Queen has been pleased to appoint his Royal Highness
Prince Albert, K. G., the Right Hon. Lord Lyndhurst, his
Grace the Duke of Sutherland, K.G., the Most Hon. the
Marquis of Lansdowne, K. G., the Right Honourable the
Earl of Lincoln, the Right Honourable the Earl of Shrews-
bury, the Right Honourable the Earl of Aberdeen, K.T.,
the Right Hon. Lord John Russell, the Right Hon. Lord
Francis Egerton, the Right Hon. Viscount Palmerston,
G. C. 8.. the Right Hon. Viscount Melbourne, the
Right Honourable Lord Ashburton, the Right Honourable
Lord Colborne, the Right Honourable Charles Shaw
Lefevre, the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart.,
the Right Hon. Sir James Robert George Graham. Bart., Sir
Robert Harry Inglis, Bart., Henry Gaily Knight, Esq., Ben-
jamin Hawes, tun., Esq., Henry Hallam, Esq., Samuel
Rogers, Esq., George Vivian, Esq., Thomas Wise, Esq., her
Majesty's Commissioners for inquiring into the best mode of
promoting the Fine Arts in the United Kingdom.

NEW SERIES OF HOWITT'S VISITS.
On Tuesday, November 30th, in medium Eivo., with upwards
of Forty highly-finished Woodcuts, 215., cloth lettered,
VISITS to REMARKABLE PLACES--
Old Halls, Battle-fields, and Scenes illustrative of
striking Passages in History and Poetry. By W. HOWITT,
Author of " The Rural Life of England," " The Boy's Coun-
try Book," &c. Second Series, chiefly in the Counties of Dur-
ham and Northumberland.: with a Stroll along the Borders.
London : Longman, Brown, and Co.