The Sun.
London, England, 1840-12-22 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 22.1810.

misrepresentations of those who is the English press, for
their own paltry purpoms, spoke of the King of Hanover
as a ruthless despot, and of a revolutio❑ in Hanover as
impending and inevitable. We knew that by so doing
the wrath of Whig-Radicalism would fall upon us, that
the " most forcible feebles" would assail U 3 as abettors

of tyranny. That pop-gun artillery we were quite
prepared to encounter, without investing ourselves in
unusual armour. But what we could not then have

done, and cannot now do, is to give a moment's coun-
tenance
to proceedings such as are brought home to
M. von Schele, as Cabinet Minister, and General
During as private Secretary to the King of Hanover.
'The unhappy Minister may be left to the very sufficient
vexation inseparable from the luckless prosecution into
which he has plunged himself beyond the possibility of
decent extrication. But General During having no such
very grave matters to occupy him, being in fact an
amateur performer on the stage of Hanoverian politics—
doing dirty work for the love of the thing—this gallant
officer may be reasonably supposed to have sufficient
leisure for answering one or two simple questions.
These are questions which every well wisher of his
Royal master both in Hanover and in England must
spontaneously put, after a perusal of the damning
evidence detailed in Dr. Stuve's defence. General

During will by every such man be asked how he can
reconcile it with big official character of private se-
cretary to the King—or, if he disclaim this secretary-
ship, with his private character as a gentleman and
an officer, honoured by the priva:e friendship of the
King,—he will, we say, be asked how he can reconcile

with such a character the conduct proved against
him by his own admission ? This conduct is thus al-
luded to by Dr. Stuve. After commenting on the
impertinent freaks of a person named Vassmer, v.'ho
persecuted the King's tradesmen with a threatening
canvass, under the avowed plea that he came from
General During, the learned defender says—" But
General During on his part also claims the honour
of having originally discovered means which may
perhaps be very tit for a party man, and to be em-
ployed with good success by his household servants,
but which are certainly not peculiarly suited to the
relations in which a Get man Sovereign stands
towards the citizens of his town of residence. Genera!
During goes even further than the menial Vassmer, for

he threatens directly II ith the displeasure of the King.'

Can a greater disc: vice be done to the King than
such an employment of his Majesty's name ? That a
poor time-server like Viissmet should have gone blun-
deringly to work for the mere purpose of establishing
a fussy importance, is not unnatural to one in his me-
nial situation. But that a General in the King's ser-
vice, and honoured by the King's confidence, should
have compromised the Royal name in so fl,tgrant a mAn-
ner, is undoubtedly the very worst generalship conceiv-
able, to say nothing of the political immorality of the
proceding, As we observed in a former article, that the
King knew nothing of the threats employed against
the Court tradesmen, is clear kern the fact that when
Wagner, the hat-manufacturer, declared his deter-
.

mination not only to give up the King's custom, bu
to abandon the country, rather than be persecuted into
a dishonest vote, General During sent " Corporal"
Vassrner to say that the case was not so serious, and
that matters would take a more favourable turn. The
plain English of this is, that that the busy-bodies,
high and low, were in dismay. They had misused the
King's name, as Falstaff misused the King's press,
" damnably," and in dread of discovery they deprecated
the wrath of the hatter, who being one of the principal
tradesmen in the town, and a man of known integrity,
could not have given up business, house, and home, on
such provocation without creating a ferment in the
community. We repeat, that the fear which the Gal-
lant General and his varlet evinced on this occasion
sufficiently shows that their proceedings were unautho-
rized—that they had no right to menace the
King's tradesmen, and that if complaint had
been immediately made to his Majesty, the
probability is they would have found that they
had kindled so tierce a fire only to roast them-
selves,. Some of the circumstances attending what the
magistrates rightly enough term a torturing canvass are
truly comical. It being once understood that in the
capital General During had thought it not undignified
to employ the means of which we have spoken for the
purpose of procuring votes, the provincial function-
aries took the hint, and deemed no restraint necessary
in their endeavours to deserve well of General During.
One of the most original of these provincial actors is a
person named Cropp, a bailiff. We pass over his elec-
tioneering harangues, such as " I will break my neck
but you shall vote! I will shoot myself dead but you
shall vote I I will take the Sacrament on it ! I
will never take the sacrament again if you do not
vote ! I call God to witness ! By my soul's salva-
tion ! By the Redeemer's wounds you must vote,"
&c. But what is really worthy cf notice, as a new
mods of extorting undue influence at elections, is
Mr. Cropp's canvass of a voter named Schulz.
This lstter is passionately fond of music, and Cropp,
clasping him round the neck, reminded him of a duct
which they had played together on the fiddle, where-
upon the musical enthusiast burst into tears, and was
Cropp-ed of his vote before he well knew for whom
he gave it ! This, with the case of the Court chimney-
sweper, who voted black was white "to save his sub-
sistence," would, in a caricaturing country, have tickled
the fancy of some "H. B. ;" for few groups could be
more amusing than the Gallant General standing with
refulgent epaulets between a disconsolate chimney-
sweep voting to keep his brushes and shovels in
activity on the one side, and Cropp squeezing a vote
out of a dreamy fiddler on the other. In Hanover,
however, caricatures era not permitted ; but as read-
ing is there, though not encouraged, still in fashion
among the privileged classes, we would recom-
mend the Minister von Schele, General von During,
and the rest, to turn to the works of Burke,
and to give their hest attention to the following passage
in the " Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Dis-
contents':—
" The pleasant part of the story is, that these King's
friends are only known to their Sovereign by kissing his
hand for the offices, pensions, and grants into which they
have deceived his benignity. May no storm ever come
which will put the firmness of their attachment to the
proof, and which in the midst of confusions, and terrors,
and sufferings, may demonstrate the eternal difference be-
tween a true and severe friend to the Monarchy, and a
slippery sycophant of the Court."
The gentlemen who have done their utmost to com-
promise the King in Hanover may deny the applica-
bility of the passage. Let them in future prove that it
is inapplicable, and we shall be glad to admit the fact .
(From the Morning Post.)
We regret to state that our letters from various
parts of Germany are aln.ost unanimous in expressing
the opinion that a general war is inevitable in the
spring. These opinions arise from the ariniug of all
the contingents et the Germanic Confederation,
and
from the strengthening of the garrisons and fortifica-
tions. It may be said that the calling out of
it .the con-
tineents are only precautionary measures .; but ne-
vertheless, the fact that the impression of the universal
conflagration we have alluded to gains ground. Much
will depend on the position of the French Cabinet. If
the present Ministry can continue its 'career of Parlia-
mentary successes, and by preserving peace make head
against convu stop at home, there will be no reason to
despair of the future : but the conduct of a factious
opposition, by pushing the armaments of France to the
war footing, may produce disastrous results. We have,
however, every confidence in the talent and firmness of
the existing Government in France, and it is to be
hoped that their patriotic endeavours may be crowned
with renewed triumphs.
(From the Morning Herald.)
Mr. Gibson, according to the Ministerial Journals, is
winning " golden opinions" in Manchester. It' the
Manchester constituency have a fancy to be represented
by the rejected of Ipswich and Cambridge, they must
indulge it. De gustibus non est dispulandusn is a maxim
applicable to them, as well as to Mr. Gibson himself,
when he, with amusing naivete, declared that he " re-
joiced in the name of rat." It may be doubted, how-
ever, that any real rat of spirit, with four legs and an
undocked tail, would reciprocate the compliment, and
rejoice in being called " a Gibson." Another thing
may also be doubted, and that is, that the ex-candidate
for Ipswich and Cambridge is the favourite which the
Ministerial Journals say he is with the electoral body of
Manchester. With the mere Whigs no doubt lie is
the favourite, for the Whig Government start
him ; but we should think there is sufficient in-
telligence in the great mass of the electors of
Manchester, to see the slavish Whig beneath the
flimsy mask of independence which Mr. Gibson a!-
sullies, and sufficient of real independence of princi-
ple to reject a Government candidate, who dares not
hoist the Government colours. Mr. Gibson was a
flaming Conservative about two years ago, and is now
a Whig-Radical. His change was too sudden. The
leap from one side of the House to the other—from the
cold latitude of opposition to the genial sunshine of the
treasury benches—was too quick to be accounted for on
the slow process of mental conversion. A soldier who
deserts his colours in battle, and in the midst of the
conflict goes over to the enemy, might as well be called
a convert, and not a deserter, as a gentleman who, by
"jumping Jim Crow" in the House of Commons, causes
rio less surprise to his party than of joy to the adverse
one. We must, then, either believe that Mr. Gibson,
when he came in for Ipswich originally under Con-
servative colours (and he could not have got in under
any other), meditated joining the ministerial ranks a:. a
future opportunity ; or if' he really believed the prin-
ciples which gained him the suffrages of the electors,
that he became impatient of the unrewarded labours
of opposition, ananti
eager for a nearer contact with
those whose position in the State enabled them to remu-
nerate with places and honours the services of their
adherents. There is still one other way of accounting
for Mr. Gibson's desertion of his party at a most critical
moment of the parliamentary. campaign. He may be a
person who has no fixedness of opinion, and so may be
as sincere an advocate of one side of a question one day,
as of the opposite side on the next, Let this view be
taken of it, and what does it say for his understanding
\\' hat does it say for the reliability, if we may be al-
lowed so to call it, of hii political character ? If a want

of fixed principles or settled opinions caused him to turn
short upon tl:e Conservative constituency of Ipswich,
may not the samc cause operate to produce dis:lppoint
meat to the Whig-Radical electors. f Manchester, if
they should succeed in carrying him into Parlia-
ment, which is indeed very unlikely. An, evening
ministerial paper in connection with certain lau-
dations of Mr. Gibson, which would alone prove

that he really stands on the Government interest,
says, " We are much mistaken if something like a
new description of politicians do not ere long assume
a prominent position in this country. The public are
fairly tired of the voices' Latin of mere party interests."
Here is an attempt to induce the electors of Man-
chester to believe that Mr. Gibson :s really and truly a
man of independent principles—a man who stands
equally clear of both the great parties in the State, and
who is prepared to act from
independent motives only.
Now the Manchester Radicals must be the greatest gulls
in the world to believe anything of the sort. If he really
came forward on independent principles, his cause would
not be so warmly espoused as it is by the Ministerial
Press. The same game touching " independence of
principle" was attempted to be played off at Ipswich,
after NI r. Gibson had deserted to the Whigs, and yet
the whole Government interest, hacked by that of Mr.
requisitions a himself,antagonist, was put
Whigin rn, though in vain. So
it waa°s at Cambridge to u
afterwards.rreor hisi)e
e rr
tu
There Government
exercised all its influence. There every devoted Whig
put his shoulder to the wheel to secure the success of
this " independent" man. The mask is too transparent
—it can deceive nobody who has the most ordinary de-
gree of intelligence and observation. But what is meant
by " a new description of politicians ?" Are apostates, or
what are vulgarly called " rats"—a name which Mr.
Gibson himself adopts—are they a new race of politi-
cians ? So far from it, that they may be said to be "of
the years beyond the flood." The first apostate certainly
flourished before Adam, and is the same whom Dr.
Johnson called " the first Whig." His vanity and ambi-
tion were much greater than the power which he fancied
he possesaed—and, therefore, he fell from glory to per-
dition. That race of politicians is, therefore, not new
—some in that line have been great, and others very
small—but the race is both old and numerous. We
can hardly think it pessible that the great majority of
the electors of Manchester would hesitate for a moment
'o prefer the claims of a distinguished soldier, and a
inan also possessing great talents for civil life—we
mean Sir George Murray—to a person of the preten-
sions of Mr. Gibson, who talks of " independence"
while wearing the livery of the Whigs, and says, as a
claim on the confidence of the electors, that he " re-
joices in the name of rat." We cannot believe that
Manchester is so Gibsonized es the Government papers
represent it to be, and will not believe it unless the
fact shall appear under the hand and seal of the re-
turning officer.
(From the Morning Advertiser.)

Our readers will join with us in congratulations that
the news from the Canadas continues to give the most
favourable assurance not only of the eventual, but of
the early success of the recent policy of the Govern-
ment towards these hitherto distracted colonies. Lord
Sydenham pursues his quiet course of discreet yet un-
tiring effort. The provincial papers, barren on those
topics which interest the home country, and yet
more barren, fortunately, in the accounts of disturbance
and rumours of disturbance, indicate every now and
then in their advertisements and other official an-
nouncements, acts of practical utility, by which a
Government must sooner or later win its way to the
hearts of the people. Of all the measures which his
Lordship has propounded in the Special Council, where
his authority may be expected to prevail, none can be
named which ti•e most patriotic and sagacious states-
manship needs to shrink (torn ; while, on the other
hand, they show the practical man evai.ing himself of
his high powers to realise the utmost that the circum-
stances admit of, and teaching the Canadians in what
direction to look for the amelioration of the condition of
their fine country. Among the measures of which the late
accounts speak—(and our private correspondence in
terms of st ong approbation)—are the Municipal Corpo-
rations of Qeebec and Moutreal ; the District Councils
for the country places, whereby Lower Canada is put on
footing similar to that of the Upper Province ; the
Judicature Bills, by which cheap justice is brought home
to the people by local Courts, and by circuits of these
Courts within narrow limits ; and, not the least of all,
a registry ordinance, for the registry of transactions,
not only in connection with landed property, but in other
cases affecting the permanent interests of families and
of creditors : by which measure a world of litigation will
be got rid of, and property hitherto often unsaleable
from latent claims, will now acquire a marketable
value, indispensable in a country where the greatest
part of capital is land—land that can only be brought
into cultivation by the judicious advancement of mo
neyed capital to assist the early efforts of the land-
owning emigrant. In Upper Canada land is as free as
money : a man can easily obtain money ; and, if dis-
tressed, is not tied, Prometheus-like, to the soil, for
want of a purchaser to release him from his burden.
He sells ; and, having sold, moves off to another quar-
ter, all the wiser aed better for the experience he has
learnt ; and, upon his first misfortunes, like bankrupts
elsewhere, usually builds a more prosperous future.
But, in praising this law—which we in vain struggle
for in the old country, we are forgetting our topic—
the general prosperity which is now opening upon the
Canadas—the improved tone, and, we may add, the
improved notions of the public there. It is impos-
sible not to attribute this to the admirable policy of
the present Secretary of State for the Colonies, so ad-
mirably carried into effect by 'the present Governor-
General. From this it is worth while to extract the
moral—that if we would govern our colonies, we must
send out men fit for the task—men who do not require
to be swaddled in dispatches—and to be forbidden to
move till they have orders from home. Lord Syden-
harn's late visit to Nova Scotia showed to what an
useful account the agency of such a man could be
turned. His very presence almost seemed to change
the aspect of affairs, which, however, was accomplished
the government of a stntes•
nbytan no
versed otherinersetl magic
the details of government as well as in its
pare(
• • We look forward with some interest, but with-
out apprehension, to the first meeting of the first United
Parliament of the United Province. We believe that
the same success which has attended the past career of
Lord Sydenham as Governor-General will mark his
future course in that caps iity, because his familiarity
with Parliamentary and Ministerial affairs—his know-
'edge of the practical legislation of this country, of
which the last few years must have given him great cape-
rieoce at home—and above all, his peculiar conversance
with trade and finance, which is unrivalled even in this
country, give hint the evacity to meet the very practi-
cal aspirations of the homespun colonists, whose
,:ous arc in the bread-soil-butter concerns of life,
and who, after all, look at the theories of Govern-
ment chiefly in connexion with the chances or the
promises they afford with regard to such concerns.
The miracle of Lord denham's very peculiar and
unexpected success is to be solved by his fitness to
answer their wishes in these matters, so far as they can
be answered, and by the very warns and prompt coeti-
dence which the people—of all denominations of poli-
tical or religious creed—awarded to him, as soon as
they found hint well-purposed, honest, and hearty ; and
with,Att the humbug that has first made and then mar-
red too many of his predecessors, who were compelled
to hide their own incompetence, or their own want of
efficient authority by a system of temporary delusion.
It would be absurd to entertain the notion that the
great experiment of which the Union Act was but the
programme, is without risk of failure ; but we think
that the mast confident assurance may bit indulged in
that it will prove successful, if time past cours,, of the
present Canadian policy is to he regarded as any gua-
rantee of the future.

PUSEYISM.

TO THE EDITOR OF TIIE SUN.

Stu—Believing that many anxious inquirers after the
truth as it is in Jesus may occasionally, and perhaps re-
gularly read your truly indepecdent journal, I beg
ng anyre-
sp.ccttully. to offer a word of caution regarding a defence
of 1 "Tsai by a Correspondent who signs himself an
Anglo-Catholic. Allow me to remark in passing, that
prefixing
term
its beforemeaning,thus Catholic,t s n
suchationaazsi i Rumenin g, a s
i or
Anglo, destroys t
piece .
were, what is intended to be universal, which error
ixists also in the title of the dominant Church of this
country.
If the it Oxford Tracts for the Times" (the
mouth pi
of Puseyism) are examined with a single
Cr, they will be found to attack the very foundations
of the Gospel
and because more subtle and ingenious
than Irvin
gism or open Popery, they are on that ac-
count . i
more dangerous. I consider that the true
Puseyite s a compound of the Pharisee, the Papist,
and the Jesuit. Unacquainted with the "perfect law
of liberty," of which we are promised that vvlio,:oevcr
looketh into and continueth therein shall be blessed
i(:s religion
(James I. 25) the Puseyite is unwilling that others
.'"1.1 In this respect be different from himself', arid he
nur
in a mass of Jewish forms and ,
ninnies, and mystifiSpirites that which the of Cio:.l
reveals to the sincere* believer, vtliereas at the cruel-
ce,re-
lixion of our S,iviouf, the veil of the temple was rent
in twain from the top to the hotto.n,--it was a mi-
-1 "1"3 and very significant intimation that the
Mocaie law, including, of course. types and ceremo-
nies, was fulfilled ; and I believe that any attempt,
IA bether by Papist, Pusevite, State-Churchman, or
Dissenter, to interrupt the sweet
sunplicity, grace,
truth, and heavenly character of Christianity, as in-
culcated and practised by our Saviour and his Apos-
tles, may be traced to Satan through the mazes of
either ignorance or wickedness.
I remain, Sir, your's, &c.
Ludlow, Dec. 20, 1840. OBSERVER.

The friends and admirers of the Rev. H. Mel-
ville, Chaplain of the Tower, and Lecturer of Camden
Chapel, Camberwell, will be pleasA to hear that his
health has been so much improved by the able advice of
Dr. Mortimer, of flaslar, that he has proceeded to Rome
for the winter.

THE FINANCES OF FRANCE.

(From the Quotidienne )
Too much light cannot be thrown on the financial situa-
tion of the country. This situation is besides so serious
that we know not bow to recur to it often enough.
It is only a few days since that M. Humann presented
ua three consecutive accounts, demanding on account a
that which is on the point of expiring a supplementary
sum of 192,000,000 f. In order that the public may better
appreciate this new demand, we will glue a summary
statement of the expenses chargeable on the budget of
18,10, and it will be seen by the figures, which we shall
give in the plainest manner, that the deficit can only '3e
covered by enormous loans :

Millions Francs.
Budget voted by the Chan:tiers
Sup,Acmentary credits voted by special law
Extraordinary Public Works brought from 72 mil-

lions to
Credit: last demanded

Tot:-.1 Expenses of 1840
The ordinary Revenues for the same time being only 1,155

Tl:ere %ill Le a. deficit of 260

The reserve of the Sinking Fund must not be calculated
on as revenue, as it ought to be appropriated in a far dif-
ferent way from what it has been for several years past.
The statement of 1841 is represented by the following
81M3 -
Budget voted by the Chamber
Various supplementary credits already voted, as
well as arrears of interest and pensions
Extraordinary public works 57
Fortifications of Paris according to the last demand
of Marshal Soult 35
Expenses at different strong posts
Credits just demanded 206

1,542
That is to say, one milliard five hundred and forty-two
millions of francs. Allowing for the ordinary revenues of
1841 the sum of 1,155.000,000, there is clearly shown a
deficit of 387,000,000, and for the two accounts together
a total of 647,000,000, and not of 524,000,000, as M.
Hamann at A rst thought, and as he stated in the account
of the financial situation of the country, directed against
his predecessors in office. It is well, however, to re-
mark hero, that the statement of 1841, which he places
to the account of the Cabinet of the Ist of March, and
which is heavier than that of 1340, belongs to him ex-
clusively.
Establishing, then, the correctness of the figures of
647 000,000, we will ask the Ministry what are its ways
a:di means to provide 'or this excess in the expenditure
of the two years? The following are the proposed plans
of M. llnmann to cover the supplementary credits de-
manded in the sitting of the Chamber of the 7th of
December:—

1. A surplus of about 8,000,000 f. on the excise of 1839.
2. An excess in the receipts of 34 000,000 f., which is
hoped for in the year 1840.
This latter sum, however, disappears as we have ;Arcady
put down the receipts of the year at 1,155,000.00 )f, ; we
have done the same with a reduction of 17,000,000 f. on the
budget of extraordinary works
3. The reserve funds of the sinking fund, from which on
the 31st of December 106,000,000 f. may be drawn.
On this latter proposed resource we would make a re.
mark or two which will go far to remove it from the ac-
count. The reserve will, at the end of 1840, amount to
about 265,000,000 f. ; but the expense of the extraordinary
budgets having been, during the years 1837, 1838, 1839,
and 1840, more than 300,000,000 f., there remains a deficit
of 35,000,0001 instead of a disposable sum of 106,000,000 f.
The resources, therefore, which arc calculated upon to
cover the supplemental-) credit of 1840, are completely
illusory, and the report of the Committee charged to ex-
amine into the project of law will certainly discover the
correctneFs of our statement. To do this it is only nc-
cebsary to have an exact account rendered of the sums ex-
pended in extraordinary public works during the four }ears
which arc about expiring.
Ia the second 13,11, where M. Humann asks for
200,000,000 f. of supplementary credits for 1841, and the
Nlmister of War 35,000,000 f., the same resources are men-

tioned to cover the expenses, and when supplementary cre-
dits for 1t342 come to be asked for, whirls there is little
doubt will happen, it is more than probable that the ~am.!
ways and means will be again brought forward. We can-
not conceive how any Minister can dare seriously to ad-
vance such calculations front the tribune. . .

Admitting, however, for a moment the reality of the re-
sources pointed out by M. Humann, they form a total of
130,000,000 f. Ac the deficit already shown on the tiv(ei
years, 1840 a❑d 1841, is 647, these more than problematical
resources will still leave a blank of more than 500:000,000:
But once again we repeat, there is not an obole available,
and recourse must be had to other means to provide -the
G 47 millions, which an insufficiency in the receipts will

leave to the charge of the budgets of 1840 and 1841. The
first expedient which will be had recourse to will be
issue of treasury bonds, which will be negotiated on oner-'4,
ous T erms, and at a long date, from the impossibility of
providing for their payment. The Session, therefore, is
not likely to pass over without the Minister of Finance
bringing forward a i'roject of a loan, for this is definitively
the ,nly means of closing the gulf which has been opened

for the last two years.
We will not speak or. the future prospects of France in
a financial point of view ; we dare not even think of them,
for the further we advance the more do the ordinary re-
sources of the nation become insufficient. Forests are
sold, and the sinking fund disposed of, a guarantee and
pledge which no consideration should cause to be taken
from the creditors of the State; and in spite of all this the
treasury is pennyless, and the country getting in debt. All
the calculations we have brought forward are taken from
the official bcuments themselves, and no one will contest

them. As to our prognostications, they have been con-
stantly realised for the last ten years, and when we have
given a calculation in opposition to that set forth by the
Ministers, events have always confirmed the exactness of
our statement, and the inexactness and phantasmagorical
character of the Minister. In this instance, again, it will
1-,e seen that the resources pointed out by the Minister of
Finance exist only on paper, and that in the end a loan,
and perhaps fresh taxes, must be resorted to, to remove the
financial embarrassment of the country.

Third Class Passengers are not booked through to or from
London.

*.* First and Second Class Carriages are attached to all the
Trains.

Third Class Passengers may be conveyed from London to
Leeds in the day, by a Train leaving London at Seven a.m.,
and Derby, at Six p an. ; and from Leeds to London in the
same time, by the Fifteen Minutes past Seven a.m. from Leeds.
—Gentlemen's Carriages and Horses conveyed over the Lon
don and Birmingham Railway by these Trains are taken at a
cheaper rate.
Passengers by the Half-past Nine a.m. Down Train from
Derby, will be conveyed direct to Manchester.
Parcels, &e. are conveyed by all the Trains, and are received
at all the principal Coach Offices in the Kingdom.
Carriage Trucks and Horse Boxes are kept at all the prin-
cipal Stations ; but to prevent disappointment, it is desirable
that Notice be given the (lay previous to their being required.
Post Horses are always in readiness on the Arrival of the
Trains at the Derby and Leeds Stations.

Time is allowed at Derby for Refreshment.
By Order.
H. PATTESON, Secretary.
Office, Warnford-court, Thrugmorton.street.