The Sun.
London, England, 1840-04-13 00:00:00

CORN-LAWS.

MEETING OF THE COMMON COUNCIL,
At the meeting of the Common Council on Tuesday
Mr. GEORGE STACEY rose to bring forward the motion
of which he had given notice, viz. " That this Court do petition
the Commons House of Parliament for a total repeal of the
intopresent
graduated scale of duties on the importation of foreign Corn
the Kingdom, and the establishment of a free trade in all articles of
food." He observed that it was unnecessary for him to enter
at any great length into the question, as the advocates of the re.
peal of the prevent system of Corn-laws had already made out such
a case as must convince the most sceptical of the toabsolue necessity
of such a measure. He trusted that the rtin
of the City of London would. come forward and pro-
mote that mos important object. It was painful to
reflect, that after a period of 25 years, during which it was the
boast of England that she was able to min- stand put an end to all
the evils that afflicted the rest of the world, by restc-is 'peace, that
she alone should be shut out from the benefits which it was a en. -
lated to confer. Notwithstanding that England had been for
twenty-flee years engaged in a most tremendous conflict, in which
she had given peace to all the world, her population was now suffer.
ing the most unparalleled misery and distress. Of what value
were all these exertions, and that lavish expenditure of blood and
reasure, if it was to result in this, that the prosperity
of the country was to centre in a small body of land-
owners, instead of being diffused throughout the whole country ?
He would not take up their time by entering into any statistical
details as to the fluctuations that had taken place in the price of
eorn and the injury these laws l.ad inflicted upon the agricultural
classes. Enough had been said and shown, not only at the various 1
public meetings that had been held, but in both Houses of Parlia-
ment, to establish the fact that a more fallacious system never had
existed. It was notorious that under the present system the far.
mer never could reckon upon any decided course. He found him-
self constantly subjected to the moat fluctuating, ruinous, and gam-
bling speculations. It had been said that the gentlemen to whom
they ought to look for the greatest amount of intelligence and in.
formation on the subject of trade and commerce were the most pro-
foundly ignorant of it. They had been told that their object In
seeking the repeal of the Corn-laws was to bring down the wages of
the artizans and labourers to the lowest sum that could support life.
How little must the persons who argue thus be acquainted with the
real working of the system. It was a fact hat
wheo
n corn
was cheapest wages were highest, and all wlabour h wee
rice of
acquainted with the subject must know that the p did
not depend upon the price of food, but upon the amount of the
supply of labour in the market. Now, although the parties who
called themselves peculiarly the friend of the farmer and agricul-
tural labourer asserted that the object of the Cern-laws was
to protect their interests, yet the result had shown that
under the present system the farmers of the country were
going fast to ruin. Even if the ports were entirely open, it wr s
quite clear that they could not have corn introduced into the coun-
try at less than 4s per quarter freight. If there was no other be.
nefit, the agricultural interest would enjoy a protection to that
amount, which was equal to 15 millions per annum. Now did they
find the agricultural labourers better protected and better paid than
those of other countries by that amount ?—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Oil the contrary, it was well known that the wages of the agri-
cultural labourer was reduced to the lowest amount in which he
could possibly support life. It was again urged that if the Corn-
laws were repealed, a vast number of persons would be thrown out
of employment. He would ask, however, was there at present
room for a single agricultural labourer more than at present em-
ployed, and whether the introduction of an additional body would
not cause a still further reduction of the miserable pittance the
Agricultural labourers at present enjoyed. One of the Hon. Mem.
hers who spoke in favour of the Corn-laws in the House of Corn.
mons, had adverted to the aspirations of the poet :
11l fares the land to hastening ills a prey,
Where wealth accumulates and men decay.
Princes and Peers may flourish or may fade,
A breath can make them, as a breath has made.

But a bold peasantry, their country's pride,
When once destroyed, can never be supplied.—(Cheers
Did they call the manner in which they were crushing the agri-
cultural population, preserving the bold peasantry of the country ?
No, they should have gone on with the quotation :
Here while the proud their long drawn pomp display,
There the black gibbet looms across the way.—(Cheere.)
What %sere the crimes that afflicted society. were they the crimes
incidental to luxury ? No, they were the crimes committed by the
men who were struggling for existence.—(Cheers.) They had been
tcld that agriculture was the true basis of the wealth and power of
a nation—now, how was that evidenced ? Look to an 'lent history,
and there they would sec that Egypt which, from time in.
memorial had been a corn growing country, had been sunk for
ages in poverty and distress from which it was only now
recovering throueh the talents and intelligence of the great
man who governed her. Was it not to be supposed that.
England, with all her power of diffusing the arts, sciences,
trade, and manufactures, would have been the proudest of the
proud ; and that her merchants would have been. among the great
1 ones of the earth ; but what was the case ? Why, owing to the
Ipresent existing Corn-laws, which were kept up only for the pur-
pose of supporting a small band, the trade and commerce of the
i country was crippled and injured. Some time since a great outcry
had been raised against railways, and gentlemen were struck with
alarm when it was intimated to them that railways were coming
near their property; but at the present moment what was the
, case ? Why, those who were formerly so much against them now,
saw that the nearer they brought their fellow-creatures to them,
the more they increased the value of their property ? Years back,
within three miles north, east, smith, and west of where
, he was then standing were fields of corn, but what was
\ the case at present ? Why, by the building and other things that
j were upon the land, its value was incresseci fifty fold.—(Cheers.)
i The Corn-law supporters, in his opinion, were like the boy who
i had the goose that laid the golden eggs —th4 were trying to get
i everything, and would ultimately get nothing. The agriculturists
I complained of the taxes to which they were subjected, and they
l complained loudly of tithes. Now, he would venture to say, that
the agriculturists did not suffer so much from that as many of the
\
inhabitants of that City,—(Cheers.) Those taxes atrected the City
of London, and large and populous places, far more than it did the
agricultural districts.—(Cheers.) He would not occupy the time
-4\of the Court by going into detail on the subject, as there were
oth. rs present far more able than himself to do so. He
was proud in having been the first to bring this motion under the
attention of the Court, and he would leave it to others
to discuss it, who were far more able than himself. It had
been said in wisot a lamentable situation would England be
placed, were she to rely upon a foreign country for a supply of
corn, and a war were to arise. Of all the empty fears he had ever
heard expressed, that was the worst. 1 hose who advanced such
argument forgot that iii the exact proportion as countries became
interested in each others' commerce the more difficult was it for
them suddenly to cut off all intercourse—a mutual dependence
on each other was created which rendered war impracticable.
Tile Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving " That this Court do
petition the Commons House of Parliament for a total repeal of the
present graduated scale of duties on the importation of foreign corn
into the kingdom, and the establishment of a tree trade in all ar-
ticles of food."—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. LART seconded the motion. He did not expect that these
laws would be totally and immediately repealed, but he was con-
vinced that some legislation on the subject was necessary, and he
trusted that that Court would do all it could to obtain the repeal of
those obnoxious and iniquitous laws.—(Hear, hear.) In his opinion
the happiness of the people, and the prosperity of the nation, as a
commercial nation, depended on a full and competent supply of food
being furnished to the people. It had been said that if those laws
were repealed, poor land would be thrown out of cultivation. He
thought the sooner poor land was thrown out of cultivation
the better, if for the purposes of keeping it in cultivation
the country have to pay a high price for foreign corn. Let the
Court consider what the effect of the Corn-laws was. They re-
stricted intercourse between country and country. He was himself
a manufacturer, and knew a person who found that he could pur.
chase the article which he manufactured on the continent and send
it over here, and sell it chezmer than he could afford to do, manufac-
turing it himself. The reason was that labour in this country suff_
feted under dearness of bread, which had produeed poverty, discon-
tent, and disloyalty. It had been found that the demagogues, who
profited by agitating the lower classes, were opposed to the repeal of
the Corn laws, because they feared the result would be to prevent
the discontent on which they worked, and knew that cheap bread
convinced
the produce satisfaction and content. He was quite
the time was now arrived when the Poor-laws could not b e
main-
tained in cpnjunction with the Corn-laws. How could out-door
-relief be denied to men whom the operation of the Corn.
laws prevented from obtaining employment, or prevented from
obtaining for their wages the requisite amount of the neces-
caries of life ?--(Hear, hear.) If the labourers could get a larger
quantity of bread for their money, a very moderate amount of
wages would suffice to keep them in comfort. It was said by some
that the repeal of the Corn-laws would produce great distress, and
that the national debt would never be liquidated. He would ask
in reply whether the nation could exist without commerce and
manufactures ? Was this nation, or could it be, an agricultural
country ? No. Our trade had in fact outgrown our agriculture.
The present Corn-laws were, he was convinced, prejudicial to land,
and the sooner they were abolished the better for all interests,
He cordially seconded the motion.
Mr. HEPPELL said he rose to oppose the motion, not that he
doubted the injustice and the impolicy of the Corn-laws—not that
he doubted their ill effects upon all orders of society.—(Hear, hear.)
Why then, it would be asked, should he oppose the proposition for a
' petition against the Corn-laws ? Because he was thoroughly con.
vinced that it was utterly futile—that it was positively inane, to pe-
tition the House of Commons in its present constitution.—(Hear,
hear.) After some weeks that House had been engaged in a
course of inteference with the law and the judges of the land—after,
with petty tyranny, incarcerating the officers of the law—after im-
prisoning a stripling for acting in obedience to his father's orders—
the House had received with derisive cheering a proceeding by
which the question of the Corn-laws, so awful in its importance—.
was got rid of without placing on record the names of those
who voted for and against the repeal.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.)
Me should therefore venture to move an amendment to the effect,
that that Court was duly sensible of the many and great mischiefs
arising from the impolitic and unjust restrictions on the trade in
Corn, but nevertheless abstained from petitioning the House of
Commons from a conviction that it was useless to petition the House
of Commons as at present constituted, for a remedy for the evils
under which the people were suffering, if such remedy should be
deemed, to sairifice any portion of. the interests of the landed
classes of the community. Itt was his conviction there was nothing
• in that amendment but was
Court
tctly true. He had felt it his duty
to propose it; but if the
benefit, should differ from him in opinion,
and
was however small, would arise from the
anti believed that any
adoption of the petiticn, willing to vote for it ; but hecould
not withhold allowing the Courtmaneaorprirtunity of putting on record
their opinions on the subject.
Mr. ANDERTON had great pleasure in seconding
ment, believing that the House of Commons never wanted the amend_
his reform
more than at the present moment. He was very g
had had the boldness to propose this resolution, and believed thatfriend
if it were carried it would tend more to effect a further Reform
in that House than any question that had ever before been dis
cussed in that Court. It was impossible to look at the proeeedin ; g
of the House of Commons without seeing a reform in that House
was necessary, and the Reform he would effect would be to return
those gentlemen for three years instead of seven.—t Cries of " One
year only")—for he believed that triennial Parliaments were the
only means of saving the country.—(Hear, hear.) He would not
take up'the time of the Court in discussing this question, because he
confessed he hardly understood it—(Laughter)—but in that respect
he did not much differ from the House of Commons—(Hear, hear)
for after three nights' discussion they had shirked the question, and
had not ventured to come to a resolution upon it, but had left the
thing just as they found it, and he hoped that Court would do the
same.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. Seevesemuch regretted the introduction of the amendment.
He was ready to admit great reform was necessary in the House of
Commons
as now constituted, but he thought th• Corporation of
London should not refrain from going into a question because a
\ trirusrtraknwo"w necessary,vould b, in the House of Commons—a thing which they
sup-
port the amendment on
truism—that the Reform
sawary for the country—(Hear,
that was before the Court, was is.
ment of that description ?
them never to take up political
matter had been disposed of toear.)—but when a question like
he thought it would be better for
in questions.
laughter, but that was only occasioned,
time since in that Court, by one part
victory and the other that they
distant. He should be inclined to
ommiellohther occasion, because it contained a
(Hearacil, not done everything that was nee
If
so be thrown aside by an amend-
It was quite true this
ouse by a ruse, amid roars of
as a similar scene a short
wet.: thinkingtrk they ofeblttaiitnied,
which were so
sible, the measure being to be brought fii3crs-ved.d again that Session,
they might obtain yet an alteration of laws,theser
issluriotes to the commerce of the country
to pauperism. He was not, however, Buthhade
infavour
voand
as it now stood, and when the amendment
, of, he should move another, for he was not its uhfavour
theat
of 3 total repeal—(lleac;—but of a moderate fixed duty osa-
so beneficial
pm, motion
as been got
rid
Many
lizuntry
4 to entire repeal.—(Hear, hear.) The commerce of tisase step
must be considered to be in au artificial state. Man
barked large capitals in the growth of corn, anti they must not by';
)
sudden and total repeal be shaken to the foundation, but a moderate
fixed duty must be first obtained, th et persons in that line of busi-