The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-26 00:00:00

ELECTION PETITIONS.

Petitions were presented against the returns for the
town of Belfast and the borough of Lewes. The peti-
tions were ordered to lie upon the table.
THE ADJOURNED DEBATE.

The Order of the Day having been read for resuming
the Adjourned Debate.
Lord SANDON rose and said, that he did
not rise for the purpose of entering at least
at any length into those questions of economical
policy which forms so large and prominent a portion
of the sdeech put into the mouth of her Majesty, and
a still larger and more prominent portion of the speeches
bf those who had preceded him in the debate. He did
not think thet in following such a course he should be
that which was the natural result of the course
of events passing around them, or that he should
be doing that which would the expectations
of those constituents which had sent them to that
House. However convenient it might be within the
walls of that House, or elsewhere, to represent the
struggle which had just been concluded as a struggle
been monopoly and antimonopoly—to state that
there was no other question at issue than whether
or not the measures brought forward by her Majesty's Go-
vernment under the shape and disguise of the Budget
were indeed approved of by the .people of this coun-
try. However convenient it might be to certain parties
to put the question in that shape ; yet such was not the
question which had in effect had been tried before the
country, and such was not the questio on which they had
been commanded to decide. He said boldly that it was
not the question which the Government themselves
had Intended to put, because the late dissolutio
had not taken place upon the question of the sugar duties,
on the corn duties, and the timber duties. With regard
to the corn and timber duties neither the one nor the other
had been brought under the consideration of the House of
Commons, and they could never have given a justifica-
tion for the late dissolution. With regard to the ques-
tion of sugar, he could not conceive that upon the
question of sugar, or the time or degree in which
the pretection now afforded to the colonial in-
terests might be affected. Her Majesty's Govern-
ment were not at all entitled to call for the asSertipn of
the feelings of the people by convening the Parliament.
The real question which had compelled her Majesty's Go
venire ent to appeal to the sense of the people was this—that
the last House of Commons did clearly and distinctly
vote their want of conffdence in the minority, and that
was the real question upon which the country had to
decide.—(Hear, from the Opposition bencheS.) That .was
the admitted Cause which drove her Maejsty's Ministers
to by the desperate chance of a dissolution. kthe ques-
t tion simply related to particular measures, the Govern-,
ment had already had experience enough the
year before, and during the earlier part of the Session,
which would give them an excuse for trying a
dissolution, if they thought it would serve their pur-
poses. But it" was not until they had devised new expe,
dients for the purpose of diverting public attentien
from the great question of their administrative policy,
which had produced so deep an impression on. the public
minn. It was not until that House had expressed by its
vote its want of confidence in their mana.gement of affairs,
that they had recourse to a dissolunon. He, there-
fore, 'thought was the question which the country
had to answer ; and he could say for himself, that the
question upon which he had appealed to his own
constituents, was not simply whether the sugar of the
Brazils should be admitted at one time or another
subject to one form or another of competition
He could assure them that he did not appeal to his con-
stituents as to the particular mode of proec-
dun which • should be afforded to domestic agri-
culture.—(Cheers.) He did not appeal to them
as to the protection to be given to colonial timber on the
mode of that protection. But the great question which
he submitted to his constituents was whether or not the
country had confidence in administration of affairs byher
Majesty's Ministers, and whether, even if they agreed in
certain points of the commercial policy, they were pre-
pared, in consequence of that agreement, to give their
condonation for the past and fresh licence for the future.
He hatl stated to them what he had stated to
that Douse, that if they agreed, which they did not,
on any one of those questions, they were not to be
induced by agreement on these points, to sa••
crifice those greater interests which were involved
in the questian whether they should have one Adminis-
tration or the other. Ile had told them, and he begged
the House to remember that feelings had been excited
within the country and the House by the con-
duct of Ministers ; on other points on questions
of still 'higher importance he had appealed to them,
whether the approved of their Irish Administration
of their measures rospecting the Church, with regard
to education, with regard to the distributiatt
patronage, and of majesterial offices and honours, and on
all these questions, affecting more
deeply the interests of
men than whet* 0.11?9(-17e Qf protection should be that
a 1134" duty ox. a sliding scale, or whether Bri-
sugar and colonial timber should be admitted at
one rate or another, Oa much greater questions than

these did he appeal to his constituents, and he received
not only a verdict but the highest expressions of ap-
probation.—(Cheers.) These were the grounds on which
the great majority of the Conservative party had been
returned to the House. The constituencies had
despised the bait held out. The tub thrown
to the whole, and would not permit the real
issue to be withdrawn, and a feigned one sub-
stituted in its place. (Loud cheers) The real
question at issue between the proposition her Majesty's
Government and the Conservatives, was not the question
of free trade one way or the other. Between
the language of the Government and their
proposition there was a wide difference. Their
language was that of free trade, but they had
heard little professions in any part of the em-
pire of adherence to the specific proposition
of the Government. The question was, so far as
it wus a commercial question, whether there should
be protecion to commercial industry or not.
The particular degree was not the question submitted
to the constituencies of England.—(Hear.) The
question had been distinctly put before them, " Have
you such confidence in her Majesty's Ministers for
the future, as to be willing to entrust them with
the further administration of this country, and
whether men agreed wilh the Government degree
of protection, or whether they differed, he believed
the constituences of England had been governed
by this great consideration, and it was to
this, their determination, the House was called
upon to give effect, otherwise they would betray
the principles they had professed and the interest;
which had been confided to them.—(Hear, he a -.)
With these views, he thought they were called on net
to go into detail on any of those questions that was
submitted to them in the Queen's Speech, but to
carry • . into effect the verdict which the consti-
tuencies of England have returned.—(Hear, hear.)
These were the short and simple grounds on which
he gave his support to the amendment. It was
not that he was indiflerent to the question
which been introduced into the discussion ;
not that he was indifferent to the sufferings of .th::'popu-
littok of this country, or blind to the diSwess under
hwhich it was now labouring in the commercial and ma-
nufacturing districts ; btie it
.was that he thought the
management of questions like those- would• be more
safely trusted to other hands 'thaw those ,of the.
mean to say that in sending him to Parliament the con-
stituency which he had the honour to represent had
declared• that they preferred • a sliding • scale
to a fixed duty on corn ; but he believed that they had
distinctly stated that they were in favour of protection.
Mr. MILNER GIBSON rose, and was
(I,,FT SPEAKING. )

TAT TERSALL'S.-T HIS EVENING.
No betting worth notice ; 200 even, the Squire agst
Middleham for the St. Leger.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Aug. 25.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at a Quarter before Four
o'Clock.

&Several Members were sworn in.

ADDRESS-ADJOURNED DEBATE.

Mr. EWART (in continuation) proceeded to say—
His Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester had re-
ferred on the previous night to the opinions which lied
been expressed by a person deservedly of the highest
commercial consideration when he sat in that House, the
late Sir Robert Peel, and had quoted the observations
of that experienced manufacturer and trader on the sub-
ject of the Corn-laws. He (Mr. Ewart) would go still
further—he would- quote the opinions of another
person on the importance of extending commerce and
manufactures, namely, those of the present Sir R. Peel,
and if the advice of the father were lost upon any Hon.
Gentleman opposite, at all events they would listen to the
more recent and equally valuable counsel of the son of that
father. Sir R. Peel in the year 1836, gave the following
sound. advice to the landed interest of this country.
The Right Hon. Baronet could not, he said, help think-
ing that he saw in the great prosperity of our
trade and manufactures a more encouraging prospect of
the improved condition of agriculture than in any
other definite cause. He (Mr. Ewart) trusted that now
when Honourable Members were called on to ad-
vance that trade and those manufactures they would
consider that, in the opinion of the Right Hon. Baronet,
they would, in effecting that object, advance the Agri_
cultural interest of the country. He trusted that they
would at least have some' respect to the opinions
of the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth. The Right
Hon. Gentleman said that he was perfectly satisfied that
the hopes of the agriculturists should rest on their
own exertions—that from them they would derive
their best success. He thought it necessary to
call the attention - of Honourable Gentlemen opposite
to the opinions of one whose wise counsels they gene
rally followed. He had ventured to refer to the Scottish
farmers, to whom the Rightllon. Baronet referred, and
with whom the principle-of. free competition succeeded.
They had found that commerce was their best friend.
It was well known to every Honourable Gentle-
man who was at all •aequainted with agricul-
tural matters, that the cultivators of the soil
derived from commerce the most signal advantages. To
commerce they were indebted for the introduction of such
improvements in agriculture as bone-dust, and nitrate of
soda. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, at
a recent meeting of the Agricultural Association at Li-
verpool, alluded to another article which was likely to he
of the greatest importance in the improvement at agri-
culture, namely, guava, which was imported from
the shores of the South Pacific, and for the in-
troduction of which the agriculturists were in-
debted to the sagacity of an enterprising merchant.
Nor was it to commerce alone, but also to manufactures
that agriculture was iralebed. The steam-engine
was now to be seen in the farm yard assisting in the
operations of husbandry ; and he was convinced that the
largest advantages would be derived from the more ex-
tensive application of the steam-engine in this branch of
industry. An engine of six-horse power. could be put up
in a farm-yard for 1501., or even for less, and the farmers-
would find that cheaper than the kind of power which
they now employed. He hoped that the present race
partook of the improvement of the times, and were more
enlightened than their fathers, who rejected every im-
provement. Ile hoped that the landed proprietors did not
still bear out the assertion of the most illustrious of Irish
orators, the late Mr. Grattan, that in his days they
represented the inert capital and the inert talent
of the.country." Agriculture, like all other trades, was best
promoted by free competition, and a steadiness of demand.
The President of the Board of Trade had entered into
elaborate, but conclusive calculations, to show that the
present system of averages encouraged gambling, andwas
favorable only to the speculator in corn. The figurn
laid before the House last night were amply confirmed by
the facts which he knew from his connection with many
persons in the corn trade in-Liverpool. The Hon. Member
for Manchester went further than the President of the
Board of Trade, and showed that not only trade,
but the circulation, suffered in consequence of the uncer-
tainty attending the present system of averages. The best
basis for a satisfactory currency, as in commerce, was in
having the interchange as steady and permanent as possible,
and this could only be done by a system of free interchange,
or in other words, perfect freedom of .ade. He was
convinced that the only system for a sound basis
for the currency was a sound system .of free trade.
He went further than either of' his friends expressed
themselves, because it was his opinion that it would not
be sufficient to introduce those commercial reforms, but
they would eventually have to be based upon a change
in the system of taxation ; in short, he believed
they would have to adopt a property tax--(Cries of
Hear, hear")—and take oft the tax from labour.
He believed that the commercial changes that were
taking place had a tendency to that end. Besides
these reasons that existed at home, there were many
other reasons which led him to that conclusion, and
among them the state of their foreign trade. They had
to encounter a most formidable foreign com-
petition since their machinery. and manufactories
had been so generally adopted in foreign countries.
Rapid advances had been made in Switzerland
and Belgium in competing with the manufactur-
ing prosperity of this country. The snanatio.
turers in those countries were enabled to enjoy
the advantages of combining patents which could only
be used singly in England, and that was a very material
adVantage. His Honourable Friend the Member
for Manchester had adverted to the increase of
the production of cotton goods abroad ; and his state-
ments were confirmed by the authority of the Hand-
loom Commissioners. Mr. 81
-ymonds stated upon
that Commission, remarkable circumstances with re-
spect to the spinning of yarn ; and he (Mr. Ewart)
felt most confident that at no distant period ell Eng-
lish yarns, at least all under 150, would soon find
no market in Switzerland. He might observe that
Switzerland, though possessing a barren soil,
now possessed a population better
clothed and better fed
than any other people in Europe ; and he was glad to
be able to offer that evidence
of. the value of free trade.
The export of our o materially wn yarns had very
de-
creased within the last year, which was the first time
that this had happened, and he thought it a very alarm-
ing circumstance. The foreigner had the great advantage
over us of being enabled to adopt all our best machinery
which:- it had taken us upwards of 50 years to
bring to its present perfection. Again, they had the
advantage of at once adopting. the system of r-ilways
without the long and expensive experiments made
by this country in bringing our turnpike roads
to their present state, and they possessed the advantage
of having greater perfection in the art of design. • But
there were other and more momentous considerations
than these. The Continent had found out the necessity
of forming extensive confederations for the pro;ection
and nourishment of their trade and manufactures, to
which they had been driven by our prohibition system.
That system of confederation was now extending itself
still further—Holland had already adopted the system,
and it was possible that a confederation of ,the same
nature might take place between Belgium and France.
Now what did all these confederations for commercial
purposes prove ? They proved that the persons who had
undertaken them were convinced of the advantages and
benefits of free trade, for so far as the circle was extend-
ing, it was the adoption of the principle of free trade.—
(Hear, hear.) He therefore accepted these confedera-
tions as a silent homage to the principles of free trade.
They were political satellites, which, combined together
as a whole, diffused a snore brilliant and more benefi-
cial light than they could do separately. Now how could
these extensions of the system of free trade be met by
this country ? The only way in which they could be
met was by extending our trade all over the world by
adopting a free trade policy. If we did not adopt that
policy. we should suffer permanently and severely, but by
adopting it we should disarm those Powers, and extend
the commerce and glory of the nation throughl every part
of the world. Another reason why he approved of the

~ ~ r

EVENING SU N

ystem of free trade was, because he was convinced that
the principles of commercial freedom were favourable to
the peace of the world. He hailed the day when the
mutual interchange of their productions should bind the
nations of the earth still more to each other. , He ,denied
the principle held by some of the Gentlenien opposite,
that it was desirable that no country should be depend-
ent upon another ; on the contrary, he thought a system
of mutual dependence on each other had been de-
signed by Providence to bind the nations of
the world more firmly together. Why should we
not take the corn of America, as well as the cotton of
America ? We' took their cotton, and that commerce
tended to bind the nations together in feelings of amity ;
if we took their corn in addition, it would increase the
feeling of union between the two countries, and raise in
the new corn-growing States of America a feeling bene-
ficial to the interests of this country. He, therefore,
trusted that so far from seeing the iron fetters of re-
striction more firmly riveted on the commerce a this.
country, he should see them ere long struck off, and free,
play given to the unfettered energies of this great com-
mercial country. There is yet another view in which he
supported the commercial system of freedom developed in
the Speech from the Throne. It was because he believed
that if the principles of commercial freedom were gene-
rally adopted, this country would become the eutrepot
for the different trading articles of the world, the great
market of the world. Great Britain was the capitalist
of the worid. and where capital was, if it had a fair field,
there would be the market of the world. This was the
great reason why he supported the principles developed ins
the Speech of her Majesty, because he believed that,.
if adopted, Great Britain would become the market for
coffee, corn, sugar, and all other articles of commerce:.
Such was the opinion of Mr. Huskisson, and such, he
believed, would be the result. But it was not from any
narrow or isolated view that these principles would be
applied. Individual success was closely interwov±n
with the advance of the nation, and he was firmly,aon-
vinced, and he believed it would be proved by expalenc'e,
that there was ro other solid foundation for de splcat-
dour and duration of our commerce, and forthe peace
and prosperity of the world.
Captain HAMILTON ..said it would t selief to
the House, if he assintarthose Meir.'„:„es,frhat he was not
going to follow the Hon. Member thr4rh all 'The topics
of his speech. The Hon. Member -nacl carried -the
House through our policy at home aid 3,13r0ad, 'through
the corn-laws, the duties which rflatedto commerce,
and 'to many other subjects ; but, 51thOugh he hid made
a speech extremely advantageoUs to those who had heart
him, he had not.alluded to the real question before • the,
House, namely, the want of confidence in Ministers..
The Hori. little in allusion to the.
Queen's Speech, Of that Speech, he (Capt. Hamilton)
desired to speak with the greatest respect ; but -un-
doubtedly the conclusion of it had thrown down the
gauntlet to the House, and the question to be decide?
was, whether confidence was or was not reposed in. Vile
Government by the majority of that House.—(ls ear.
The Hon. Member who just sat down alluded 'to the) speech recently made by the Right Hon. Rarrinet the
Member for 'ramworth. He (Captain H.amit,ton) was
not there as the defender of the Right /kn. Baronet.
He could not carry the House through_ tk.e vicissitudes
of doctrines of which the Hon, M.:mber had pro-
pounded ; but he would tell the House the invariable
answer which he gave to the inquiries made of him re-
specting what the Right. Hon. Baronet intended to do.
His answer was, that he could not say what the Ritoet
Hon. Baronet intended to do, but this he knew, &at
.i'
whatever the Right lion. Baronet meant to do,.
could
not be worse than what was done by those or.. the other
side. He (Captain Hamilton) found that "all intelligent
men were satisfied with that explanatior„(Hear. hear.)
After he (Captain Hamilton) had ventured to address
the House on the occasion of the ]srote of Confidence in
the late Parliament, the tt,en Hon. Member for Kil-.
kenny (Mr. Hume) taunted Hon. Gentlemen on the
Opposition side of the House with what their const4nents
would say to them at the hustings on the questions of sugar,
corn, and timber. Surely that Gentleman (Mr.liume) must
have made a miscalculation, else why was he not now es
.
Member of the House ?—(Laughter.) Re- (Captain Hamilton) believed that the Hon- Member who just sat,
down was one of those GerAleaaen wlya spoke in a simi-
lar tone as the late Member for Ki'.).cenny. It was.,
"per-
haps, presumption in him to "_)rude to the speech. of the
Noble Lord the Secretary-'for the Colonies at the hust-
ings ; but the
division would develop what e result wootd• apPr"-aehin
oe. Hon. Members might speak against
likes'
time—es4l'7; might go into any abstract question they
in order to draw away public attention from the
real point at issue ; but every individual was aware that
the long and the short of the present debate was, did
the Ministers of the Crown possess the confi-
dence of , the country ? He should say, decidedly not.
The allusion to the Corn-laws was introduced into the
Queen's Speech to enable Hon. Memb2-s to make
speeches upon that Speech, so that their views might go
forth to the public ; these were his reasons for voting in
favour of the amendment.

Mr. WARD conceived it to be the duty of Members
on this side of the House to endeavour to ascertain the
opinions of those who were the present candidates for
power.—(Hear, hear.) He found a justification for that
opinion in the speech of the Hon. Member for the West
Riding of Yorkshire, who said that the . policy of the
future Government forrited"no part of the debate. Yet
that Hon. Gentleman at the same time affirmed that he
was sent here as pare of the answer which the people
gave to the appeal of her Majesty's .Ministers.—(Tory
cheers.) He (Mr. Ward) was as much a part of that
answer as the Hon. Gentleman, and he must say that..
if the Noble Lord, whom the Hon. Gentleman theta
succeeded, had exercised his influence as others did, the
West 'Riding of York would hare returned a very-
different answer,—(" Oh, oh," from the Tories, and:
cheers.) The retern of the Honourable Gentleman:
was one of the greatest mistakes ever made by the
people of that riding.--:(Loud cheers and laughter.)
They had returned the party which had two sets of lan-.
House.
—o.—(ncehefeorsr.)theThhicisNtinogosie ad
Lord
eostehccernfdoerd
the
amendment, and had shown great cower and talent, was
afraid to damage his character for tree trade by assailing
those parts of the Address in which that principle was
roctmumended, but on the hustings at the West Riding
the new Representatives appeared as the farmers' friends,.
and styled themselves the protectors of the agricultural
class against the insidious attacks of that discreditable
body the manufacturers.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh,"
from the Tories.) It was not on such grounds that the
Hon. Mover of the amendment presented himself last
night.—(Cheers.) He avoided all discussion of the
Corn-laws and questions of commerce and revenue.--
(Hear, hear.) But he drew a bill of indictment against
the Government of Lord Grey, and he descanted largely-
upon the appropriation clause, with which he did
him (Mr. Ward) the honour to connect his name.
He spoke of the tergiversation of Ministers
in respect to that clause, and he (Mr. A.) wondered that
the Hon. Gentleman could venture to speak of tergiver-
sation on Irish of airs, when he looked upon those who.
filled the benches behind h,m.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Did he not know that Ireland was the classic ground or
tergiversation? The Hon. Gentleman himself had, and
much to his honour, changed his mind upon the affairs of
Ireland, for which he was not yet forgiven by those around
him. The Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) near him (Mr.
Ward) refused to join the Government of Mr. Can-
ning because Catholic emancipation was made ever an
open question. Yet in no long time afterwards the
Right Hon. Baronet was mainly instrumental in carry-
ing that measure as a Cabinet Minister. These things
should be borne in mind by those who reproached Lord:
John Russell for his abandonment of the Appropriation
la
changes
Cuse.
in
hhliisepma relit he
we(r Mr.d slaVd .v)a
nt ht
eoguegehe thought
,t hat all such
whenfound themselves compelled to give way uponmeastuhrey
measures
to which they were opposed. It would be better that they
should leave the responsibility of carrying such measures.
to their opponents.—(Hear, hear.) In the case of Sir
R. Peel and the Duke of Wellington's Cabinet, that:
course would have been better in the case of the
Catholic emancipation, which caused dissension in their
party, which had not yet been reconciled, and led the
way for the breaking up of the Government. In reference
tfo
Ltheerdapjporhonprßlauto
si, clauseell hadresiigtnewdowulhdenhahNe-e bwaesednefbeeattteedr
ion that clause. The country would have seen what
measures the Bight lion. Baronet would propose for
would legislate on the corporations,
Ireland—how aenledc—ow he
elective
nchisc, and that monster grievance the
On
nthe
m opposite"en e
GaTetmChtheedei
the Cheating.)
coalition of
poly of all hinds. The time would come when they
blrienschhe Cs 11
wasu Church.—(Great (
would have opposed to them the coalition of consumers.
—(Cheers.) .A day like this out of doors would cause
that coalition rapialy to spread.—(Cheers.) This day
was doing incalculable mischief all over the
country. It was blighting the hopes of the
husbandman, Ind spoiling the crops which
were alrerdy scanty.—(Hear, hear.) It would do more
to destroy the effect of the majority for the amendment
than all the speeches that could be made in that- House.
—(Hear.) The crop was already considerably below.
the average, and was now materially damaged by the wea-
ther.— (lemultuoes ce:es.of " No, no," from the Tory
benches.) They must not make the weather a party •
question in that House.—(Great laughter and cheering
from the Tory benches.) Why, Hon. Gentlemen made
it so, and it was singular enough that all sides reported
the weather a - cording to their wishes.—(Cheers and
laughter on the Tory side for some minutes.) Why,.
Hon. Members met him with a direct contradiction of
a fact - or which he vouched from his own observations
over that large tract of country with which he was con-
nected. The crop would there fall short of the average
by 1-6th or 1-Bth. If he took the latter and smaller
=bunt, there would be a deficiency of two millions of
quarters, which would require five millions in gold to he
. sent to the Continent, and we should be obliged to go,
into the worst market at the worst time, when the people
of the Continent were themselves suffering from
a bad season and a deficient crop.—(Hear, hear.)
These were serious considerations, because a drain on the
Bank operated on every branch of the indastry of the
country. They would have a repetition of what they
said last year—they would have money going out that
they could not spare—they would have the currency
embarrassed during • the worst period, when the people
were most in want of labour, food, and constant work.
Of twenty millions duty that was paid on corn, six mil-
lions might as well have been thrown into the sea. It
was necessary then to have recourse to some better and
more reasonable course. Now, what was that course to
be ? He did not care one pin about the men who go-
verned the country, but he did care much about the
principles on which it was governed.—(Hear, hear.)
What had they to decide on ? On one side they had a
distinct and intelligible proposition, 'from a Govern-
ment which told them they were' willing to propose
an es. duty on wheat, leaving the tratilefreefrom any other
imposition,—on the other side they had a statement that
gentlemen opposite were "willing to consider" of and
e deeply sympathized" with the distresses of her Ma-
jesty's subjects, but they had also from the leader of that
party a most distinct opposition pledge—the only cne
that ne had been ever brought to give—that he meant to
adhere to a sliding scale, which was adhering to a system

which could never coincide with commercial interests.
He (Mr. Ward) found also that significant words had
been used in another quarter last night. He found that
a Noble Duke was reported to have said that " if those
absurd reports which are in circulation were well-
founded,—namely, that the opponents of the present
Government would themselvespropose a similar measure,
I say, in the name of the landed Interest, that should they
do so we will turn them out. Let them only say that there
shall be ad as. duty, and after that free trade, and we
who ,anthem now.m will put them out again."—(Hear,
hear. Now, how was the future Cabinet to be cora-
.. •. ? The Noble Lord the Member for North Lan-
_whir% at his election, talked of the proposition of the
Government as the destruction of agriculture. The
Right Hon. Baronet had pledged himself to an indisso-
luble alliance with the sliding scale. The Noble Duke
wished to adhere to the averages, and other Hon. Mem-
bers had told them that they regarded the proposition of
an Is. duty as an absolute insult to the landed interest.
Now, let him inquire what was the amount .of the Bs.
duty ? Why it was equivalent to two rents for every
acre. And could they ask more in the face of a suffer-
ing community ?—(Rear, hear.) What was the conse-
quence of this ? Why, that other parties were obliged
to imitate the example. The result was, that manufac-
tures declined, and parties were obliged to seek refuge in
other lands from the cruel effects of the Corn-laws.
Now, what were the remedies which the amendment to
the address proposed ? Why, simply this, that they
were to put implcit faith in the good intentions of those
whom a majority' of that House were shortly to trans-
plant to that side of the House. What was there, he
would ask, in the conduct of the Gentlemen on the
other side of the House, to justify them in adopting such
a course ?—(Hear, hear.) He did not see how they
would improve the financial state of the country by
placing in power men who had pledged themselves to the
Hon. Member for Oxford to deal tenderly with the
Church, and who had gloried in the short Con-
servative victory they had obtained with respect
to the Poor-laws at Nottingham.—(Hear, hear.)
Now he (Mr. Ward) had never shrunk from maintain-
ing his opinion upon the subject of the New Poor-law.
He had doubts, however, as to the line which the
Right Hon Bart. opposite would be allowed to pursue
by the bulk of the party which he led with respect to
that law. He knew that many of them had committed
themselves against the measure during the elections and
during the debates which had preceded the dissolution
of the late Parliament, by expressing opinions which
they now perhaps regretted. And, threfore, he saw no
reason on that account for transferring power to the
hands of the Right Hon. Bart. There was one more
subject to which he wished to refer—the condition of
Ireland. It certainly appeared to him very singular
that not a word had been said upon the subject of Ire-
lend in the course of that debate. If he recollected right
the Right Hon. Bart. opposite had declared in 1839, that
Ireland was his great difficulty ; but had anything been
done up to the present time to diminish that difficulty ?
Had anything been done to facilitate the possibility of
goiterning that country upon principles of justice and
ticy ? He imputed no intentions to the Right Hon.
P °net, with regard to Ireland, which were
not politic and honourable ; but he should say
he must govern that country through instruments which
must fail in carrying out the moderation of his views.
Ile was distrusted fi the Roman Catholics and the Libe-
ral Protestants, and he would be compelled to throw him-
self back upon the Orange party, with what result he
(Mr. Ward) would not undertake to say. Ireland, in-
stead of presenting the spectacle of a country whose
people, after a few years of conciliatory legislation,
would have amalgamated together, had lately exhibited'
among its inhabitants the wildest joy on the part of one
portion of the population at the prospect of a restoration
of the Tory ascendancy, while another portion had been
driven by the violence of their feelings to the verge of
violating the law. He did say, therefore, he saw a thousand
reasf ins for regret and none for rejoicing in the prospect
of' the consequences which would follow in Ireland from
it teensfer of power into the hand.> of Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite. He saw the possibility of the Irish people being
go ;did into acts of violence which would serve as a plea
,r a reiteration upon the part of the British Govern-
of th,sa fearful scenes which bad been enacted in 1798.
as one of the necessary, though, perhaps, not immediate
consequences of the restoration of the Conservative party
to office 'Their ablest men, with the single exception
of the Right Ilon. Baronet himself, had unfortunately
co:fintitted themselves in an alinost personal strugp,-If:
with the Irish people. Let them look to the position
of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Stanley) , the most
brilliant of their Parliansenttry supporters, and they
world find that his name was identified in Ireland with
a Bill whose tendency was to cut down the franchise of
the people, and to make it utterly unworthy of a coun-
try which claimed an equality with Engiand.—(Cheer
on the Ministerial benches.) They were tot that they
were about to have a Government which would at leas;
have the power of carrying their own measures. But the
first measure to which the party was pledged, because
it was that upon which their principal triumphs had been
wet, was that Registration Bill which made the Noble
Lord's name be held in detestation by one portion of th,
realm. Again, one of their leading supporters else-
v: here was a Noble mid Learned Lord whose name was
associated with words which harl sunk deeply into tin
breast of every Trirliman.—(Hear.) These were the.
things which made him tremble fur the consequences 0!
the accession to power of the party opposite. j.He found
the Right Hon. Baronet pledged to no principle of com-
mercial legislation save the maintenance of the sliding
scale ; he saw danger in Ireland ' - and he knew of no
possible expectation of good which could induce him to v
vote in favour of the amendment before the House.
Mr. M. SUTTON lilt that he was not called upon to
fallow Hon. Gentlemen opposite through the various
topics which they had discussed, not because ho did not
admit their importance, but because he thought her Ma-
jesty's Ministers could not take these subjects into their
consideration useless they possessed the confidence of thi
House.—(Cheers.) The verdict of the last Parliamere
had been decidedly against them. An appeal was trier
made to the country, and the Noble Lord, the leader of
the Government in that House, admitted, in his address
to his constituents, that the country was against them—
that he thought it behoved that House, before taking
any measures into consideration, to decide whether they
placed any confidence in the present Ministers of the
Crown.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted the House would
allow him to allude to a subject rather apart from the
question before the House ; but, as it was an important
matter to him, he trusted the House would bear with
him for a few moments. On a former evening, when the
Noble Lord was congratulating the Speaker on his re-
election, in which he (Mr. M. Sutton) would have cor-
dially concurred had he been present—(Cheers)—
he was reported to have said that he had opposed the re-
election ofhis Noble Relative (Lord Canterbury) in 1335
on other grounds than political ones. Now, the dimness
and perfect indistinctness of this charge had given pain
to his Noble Relative, who was not afraid of any charge
that could be made against him ; but he complained of
its indistinctness. He (Mr. M. Sutton) flattered himself
that the Noble Lord would be much obliged to him for
siring him an opportunity of stating fully and fairly the
nature of the charge to which he had alluded.—(Hear.)
Load IRUSSELL—Perhaps the House would allow him
to answer the question which had been put to him with-
out interfering with the debate.—(Cheers.) On the oc-
casion of the election of Speaker, the Right Hon. Baronet
Sir Ps. Peel assumed that the sole reason why the re-
election of Lord Canterbury in 1835 was opposed, was,
that heis political opinions did not agTee with the majo-
rity of the House. As he (Lord J. Russell) had made
a flifferent statement, he did not think it right to allow
that statement to pass without remark, and therefore he
stated that that was not the sole reason, but that there
were. other matters connected with the conduct of Mr.
Manners Sutton which made him oppose his re-election.
As far as his recollection served him, he stated at that
time that that Right Hon. Gentleman had not com-
mitted a positive breach of duty ; yet his conduct he con-
sidered to be unbecoming the part of a Speaker of the
House of Commons. In 1834 there was a ()Teat majority
which supported.the Government, of which Lord Althorp
was the representative in that House. During the re-
cess that House was dissolved, and at the Privy Councils
where that measure was decided upon, attended by the
heads of the party, which was in a small minority, Mr.
Manners Sutton took his place. It was his (Lord John
Russell's) opinion that such conduct was improper—that
he ought to have submitted to the Crown, that being
the organ of the House-of Commons. He ought not to
be made a party. councelling its dissolution. He would
say nothing of the Government which had proposed and
supported his re-election to the Chair, but ho ought to
have been no party to the dissolution of that House,
which had placed him in the elevated situation which he
had held. That he had stated at the time, and
therefore the other evening he had said that he opposed
his re-election upon other grounds than political .differ-
ence of opinion. Certainly at the time he felt consider-
able resentment, for he had respected Lord Canterbury
for his attainments, his admirable temper, and know-
ledge of the forms of the House, in which of course his
authority was very great. But he considered he had
acted in a manner unbcoming the Speaker of the House.
of course all resentment was -now gone, and his respect
fier his Lordship still continued. These were the rea-
sons why he had stated the other evening that there
were other grounds for his opposition in 1835, and he
trusted they were satisfactory to tne Hon. Gentleman.
Mr. M. SUTTON felt much obliged to the Noble
Lord far the explanation he had given.
Dr. FOWRING felt it to be his imperative duty to in-
tro& au the present moment upon the attention of the
House, and he felt that he must claim its indulgence
when he was speaking to those who bad every comfort
of life relative to those unfortunate individuals who were
without tie comforts of a home. He was sent to that
.House in consequence of the distresses that existed in the
dianict he represented. Many matters had been brought
before the House of Commons, but the sufferings of the
lower classes had found no redress.—(hear.) There
was, he would venture to say, at the present moment
an immense mass of political discontent, which had be-
come dangercus, if something was not done, and that
speedily, to 14eviate the distress of the people. At the
present momeat, in the town of Bolton alone, there were
1,328 houses unoccupied ; and in the different town-
ships which composed the Poor-law Union, the number
were 2,267, which was about one-eighth of the whole
furnished houses in the Union, and there was not a
single townehip in which there were ninny houses that
were not unoccupied. The house, he was sure, would
feel that that was a state of things perilous to the peace
of society, and he felt confident that if he ventured to
trouble the House with the details of individual suffer-
ing which he had obtained from authenticated sources,
it would feel that something must be done, and that
immediately, in order to remove the mountain mass of
misery that ex:Atad..- (Hear, hear.) The poor 'were wil-
ling to labour, but for the produce of their hands they
could fin no
f ood market: Many countries were producing
excess of d, bum they could not obtain in con-
quence of the restrictive laws of the country.it
Why, sehe
would ask, should not the people be able to go to any
country they thought
Proper, and obtain its produce for
their labour ?—(Hem hear,)
The Islon. Member here

• read several instances of cases of the most exereme dis-
tress in the manufacturing districts, and stated with re-
spect to Bolton, though its population had in-
creased 4,000 or 5,000, the employment of its
artisans had fallen off in a frightful degree.
—(Hear.) He agreed with many of the observations
of his Friend the Member for Bath, in which he stated
that he felt great ground to complain of her Majesty's
present Government in too frequently following the
example sat them by the other side of the House. He
could assure the Gentlemen opposite that if they chose
to go beyond the present Government in the alleviation
of the distresses of the people, they would be the re-
cipients of the public benediction.—(Hear, hear.) But
he had no such hopes. He should liked to have heard
from the Right Hon. Baronet that he intended to go
further than the present Government, for if he had none
would have gone further than himself (Dr. Bowring) to
support him in so good a work. With respect to the state
of the foreign relations with this country, he would venture
to sayif the House examined into them theywould find great
cause for fear. In Germany, America, and other places,
there was growing up a spirit against this country, from
which the worst results might spring. He was not one
that much valued reciprocity, but he was desirous that
this country should, at the present time, hold out the
hand of fellowship to those countries that were willing
to meet it. There had been a great and alarming change
in the articles of exportation within the last few years.
Instead of sending to foreign countries as formerly the
fully manufactured articles, we now exported machinery.
The example of England with her high duties would be
followed by other countries.; the poisoned chalice would
be returned recommended to her own lips. He had
stated that the agricultural interest need not be alarmed
at the proposed change ; there would not be more than
from four to five million additional quarters
of wheat grown, and that quantity would
soon be consumed in consequence of the
increased comforts of the people. They feared a great
reduction in the price, but such a fear was without
foundation, for the price must rise abroad with an in-
creased demand, and the duty, together with the expense
of transit, must render any change but trifling. He had
performed his duty in informing the House that there
was a fearful mass of misery and discontent in the coun-
try; he would abjure them not to turn from them with
an unwilling and unlistening ear—give them hopes of a
redress of their grievances--tell them that the field for
their labour will be extended—associate with their hap-
piness the political and financial well-being of the coun-
try, for so only could they participate in peace and
prosperity.
Mr. P.M. STEWART would follow the example of the
mover, and his Noble Friend the seconder of the amend-
ment, and :state the reasons which gave him the victory
in the largo and important county which he represented.
The first that he would merely mention was, that his
known determination to stand by the Church of Scot-
land in her present trials, and to rescue her indepen-
dence. The other was his well-known character,'as an un-
flinching advocate of free trade in every view that could
be taken of it. He would limit duties nearer to the
exigencies of revenue, and the sooner that principle was
acted upon the better for the country. He could not
agree with the Gallant Member who had said that all
discussion should merge itself into the question of yes or
no. Had the House confidence in her Majesty's Minis-
ters or not ? The questions had been fairly raised by
her Majesty's Speech, and in his opinion the House had a
right to speak to them as direct questions. In:accordance
with that opinion, he would, as the representative of a
large and important county, embracing the agricultural,
the commercial, and the manufacturing interests, every
one of which were in a state of extreme distress from
vicious legislation—he would address a few words to the
House respecting the Budget, as it was called, and few
they would be, because, from the state in which the
country now was, it was perfectly clear that many occa-
sions would occur for discussing the question .seriatim.
The first qnestion that presented itself was that of the
sugar duties. He did not know whether many in the
House remembered his former appearance there ; if so,
they would know that he had a deep stake in the colo-
nies t • that he must stand or fall along with them ; that,
according to their prosperity, so would he be prosperous ;
and as a colonist he felt constrained to thank the
Ministers for the principle of the commercial code
offered by them. He approved of the principle
involved, but he opposed the details ; bul,
.t had been said in another place that the priu-
!lisle of commercial freedom was what was wanted to
be established, and the details could be settled here-
after. In his opinion, and speaking as a colonist, he
said the proposition for reducing the distinctive duty on
the staple duties of the colonies, was one fraught with un-
mixed good, and would tend much to their prosperity.
lle congratulated the colonial interests on it, be-
muse it was a proposition to make the colonies an in-
:egral portion of the empire. As a matter of course their
?reduce must be admitted to all the manufactories of the
anintry the same as the produce of Britain. Then with re-
gard to the timber duties, he said those connected with
Canada were mad, or us they would more expressively say
in his country, demented. If they did not at once close with
the propm• ition made to them—they were offered a differen-
tial duty of 150
.per cent., just what the country complained
the colonies enjoyed, but they were quite willing to take
50. So absurd were the present duties that it was a pay-
ing trade to take Baltic timber to Canada and then smug-
gle it in at the low duty. It was too absurd a system to
last, and must sooner or later fall, and he said the sooner
the better for all parties. Now with regard to the Corn-
faws. It appeared from the tone of the debate as if it was
thought that there was an extraordinary opposition between
the views of each party. No one was found seriously
to advocate a total repeal of the Corn-laws. The pro-
position made was a fixed duty instead of a sliding scale ;
and he said, that considering that the latter had been
tried for 200 years—ever since the time of Charles the
Second, during which period there had been 40 changes
of the law, they were now entitled to a trial of the fixed
duty. In 1828, Mr. C. Grant, in bringing in the pre-
sent Act, admitted that it was a question of minorim-
portance whether the protection was a fixed duty or a
sliding scale. So also said Mr. Huskisson. He said he
lamented the errors of the Bill of 1815, which had caused
prices to be lower than they would have been had the
corn trade been free and unfettered since that time, and
he said he would be prepared to concur at the beginning
of next Session in any measure for fixing the duty at a
rate that should gradually descend to its proper level.
He would remind the House that no commercial reform
had ever been proposed, but had been denounced in the
same manner as the present questions by the monopolists
of that day. He was perfectly convinced that, in a very
short period, the Corn-laws would be settled on a satis-
factory basis. Even the Mr. Peel of 1828 said a sliding
duty would lead to a gradual importation. Now, had it
not led to the very evil which he thought to obviate from
1815 to 1828--thirteen years, we imported three-and-a-
half millions of quarters ; and from 1828 to 1840—other
thirteen years—the importation was 11,200,000, but it
was not gradual ; for, in six years of the latter period,ino
less than ten million out of the eleven were brought in.
Hon. Gentlemen complained that they agitated the coun-
try ; but if ever there was a legitimate question upon
which the country ought to be agitated the present was
that question. It appeared to him that on all matters of
vital importance agitation was exceedingly beneficial ;
and, in corroboration of that opinion, he would quote
six words from Mr. Burke, who said he was not of the
opinion hf those gentlemen who were unwilling to dis-
turb the pulilic repose. He liked clamour when public
abuses were under consideration. The fire-bell disturbed
their sleeep at night ; but it kept them from being burned
in their beds. The hue and cry spread alarm through
the country ; but it preserved their property. All these
clamours led to the redress of evils and abuses—(Cheers)
—and that brought him to the point which formed the
main accusation against the Government—viz., that they,
had dissolved the Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he
was one of those who had come to the conclusion that
the Government would have been unpardonable if it had
not done so. Before they had taken that step their re-
sponsibility was serious ; but now that responsibility was
light—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—and although the
prospects might be more dreary, the responsibility of
the rejection of these measures was with the people,
and redress was in their own hands,—(Hear, hear.)
His Noble Friend, the seconder of the ilanendment, had
stated that he was a disciple of free trade, but he be-
lieved his Noble Friend had qualified that expression by
saying that he was a disciple of free trade, with the ex-
ception of those articles in which particular interests
were involved.—(Hear, hear.) New, solar as he under-
stood his Noble Friend he would not interfere with any
of
.the articles which were at present the object of legis.
dative protection, and thus it appeared that exception wale the rule and the rule the exception.—(Hear, hear.)
Hefeared, feared, notwithstanding the talents and abilities his
Noble Friend had displayed, his (Mr. Stewart's) side of
the House would gain nothing from him, unless he en-
larged his views upon that subject. There was one point
which had occasioned him
some uneasiness, and that was
with reference to what fell from his Hon. and Learned
Friend the Member for Bath, with reference to the case
of Mr. M‘Leod. And he did hope that the Right Hon.
Baronet opposite, or some other Member of the Govern-
ment, would refer to that painful subject, which, in his
opinion, his Hon. and Learned Friend had treated in a
manner which was unwise, ill-judged, and almost mis-
chievous.—("Hear, hear," from both sides of the House.)
These observations would reach America, at the time of
M'Leod's trial, and what would be their effect ? Why
the Americans would read that at the opening debate
of a most important session such assertions as the
following had gone forth unman/dieted that
M‘Leod was amenable to the laws of the coun-
try which had seized him—that he must be tried
-that
on inn !he might be found guilty, and if found
guilty, he must be hanged.—(Hear, hear.) Now he
(Mr. Stewart) was no lawyer, but iotfarroefaerses? to
alh
that there was a good deal too much
tricacy in the statement of his Hon. and Learned Friend
last night. He would take, however, the common sense
and humanity of the case, and he must say that such a
statement was, in his opinion, very ill judged. ilewas
glad to find that upon a former occasion the Right Hon.•
Baronet opposite had so far identified himself with
M‘Leod, as to say that whatever was done to M‘Leod
was done to that country. He (Mr. Stewart) had no
hesitation in!stating that, in his opinion, whatever was
done to M`Leod, considering that he acted under British
authority, was done to the British nation.—(Renewed
cheers.) That was the language which lie wished to see
go forth, if it came from some proper authority in that
House, and not the sort of special pleading they had last
night.—(Hear and cheers.) He had taken the most im-
portant point in his Hon. and Learned Friend's observa-
tion, and his Hon. and Learned Friend said that it was
an old quarrel between them, as regarded the relation
between that country and the colonies. With regard to
Canada, the first experiment of Mr. Pitt was a dangerous
one, and it was denounced by Burke and Fox,
the former of whom foretold that they were
planting the fruit of bitterness, which would after-
wards spring up and embarrass them.'—(Hear, hear.)
There was another question alluded to by his Hon. and
Learned Friend he could not forbear referring to. His
Hon. and Learned Friend said he hoped the opium
which had been seized by the Chinese Ggyernment

would be restored to the sufferers. In that case he was
satisfied that the honour and good faith of the country
would be tarnished, and instead of putting questions, in
his opinion the Chinese Government had no more right
to ask for the delivery and confiscation of the greater part
of that opium, than they had to ask for the delivering up
of cargoes now floating on the River Thames. It was
beyond the power and jurisdiction of the Chinese Go-
vernment, and was under the protection of British ves-
sels. He (Mr. Stewart) was not an opium proprietor in
any way.--(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He saw a smile
come over the countenance of his Noble Friend oppo-
site, as if he thought him an opium-eater.—(Laughter.)
He could assure him that he had nothing more to do with
it than viewing the question upon general principles,
and he hoped that such opinions as those of his Hon. and
Learned Friend would not be allowed to prevail, but
that restitution would be had for every pound of opium
destroyed.—(Cries of" Hear, hear.") With regard to the
vote of confidence in her Majesty's Ministers, he must
say, that with all their faults he preferred them to those
who were coming across the House to take their seats ;
and even if they had more faults than were laid to their
charge, he could not part without a sigh from those who
had done so much good in so little time.—(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. Mover of the amendment smiled of course,
because his catalogue was made up in a very different
spirit in which he (Mr. Stewart) would cast his up. But
he thought if the Hon. Member had got a simple narra-
tive of the ten Acts which they had passed in the course
of the ten years, it would puzzle the Hon. Gentleman,
or any other men of that House, to point out where so
much good had been done by any other party.—(Hear.)
They had had an enumeration of their Acts last night,
and he would go over his list without comment. They bad
the Reform Act, the Negro Emanicipation Act, the Poor-
laws for England, the Poor-laws for Ireland; they had the
Municipal Corporation (England) Act, and the Munici-
Til Corporation for Ireland ; they had the English
Tithe Act, and the Registration of Births and Deaths Act.
—(lronical cheers.) He did not understand those cheers.
He would merely answer them by saying, the usefulness
of that Act was well known in the populous parts of the
country ; and those who had seen the evils it had coun-
teracted, and the good it had produced, could have ne
other opinion.—(Hear, hear.) Then there was the Cri-
minal Law Amendment Act, and though last, not least,
the Canada Union Bill. Here were ten Acts in the
course of ten years, and for these he gave them his most
unqualified thanks and approbation.—(Cheers.) With
regard to the Budgets he admired it, and the principle
upon which it was projected ; but he' must take from
them the merit of originality, for they had no more claim
to originality as being its first propounders, than the
humble and unworthy individual then addressing the
House. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Dor-
set had the merit of it. What did he find in a pam-
phlet entitled " Corn and Currency," not got up has-
tily, but containing 100 pages, half-bound, and which
had reached a fourth edition ? Precisely the same
plans as were proposed by the Government. " The last
object was a steady supply of corn at a moderate price ;
let the Corn-laws be repealed, and let there be a con-
stant importation at a fixed duty"—(Cheers)—" at a
duty as I before stated equal to the burdens borne by
the land. Nor will it be wise to stop, even at this point,
for the landowner giving up this for the public good,
shall the East India interest and the West India Pro-
prietors for one day be suffered to maintain their ex-
clusive privileges ? Shall the consumer pay an exhorbi-
tent price for his tea and sugar, that particular interest
may be benefited ? and shall the nobility alone be the
sufferers ? Let us adopt the sound principle of free
trade.--(Cheers.) But let us not limit their application
to the staple produce of the land. Let us destroy the
heavy duties on timber.—(Loud cheers.) Why
should the expense of any man for building a ship or a
house, be applied as a partial protector to the colonies,
and since we are to have an open competition with a
foreign manufacturer, let us destroy the protecting
duties that at present exist." (Much cheering.)
Now the Government had no merit for it, for it
was clear that the whole was planned and printed by the
Right Hon. Baronet in his pamphlet, which had gone
through four editions ; and he now claimed of the Right
Hon. Baronet, when lie returned to his place to return
also to his former opinions.—(Hear, hear.) If the Right
Hon. Gentleman was present, he would call upon him to
discuss his old opinions with his new friends ; to turn
to his right, and to discuss the Corn-laws with the Right
Hon. Baronet the Member for Kent; and to turn to his left,
and discuss with the Right lion. Baronet the Member for
Tamworth the currency question.—(Laughter.) If the
Right Hon. Baronet would only discuss his new opinions
with his old friend, they would have him, like water,
finding his level at last.—(Laughter.) Before conclud-
ing, with many thanks to the House for the kindness
and patience with which it had heard him, he would
just remark to the Right Hon. Baronet, that he had
read with great delight the graphic sketches he had made
in his speech at the close of the last Session. One was
with regard to a good man struggling with difficulties,
and the other was a fishing sketch of bobbing for a
Budget.—(Hear, and laughter.) He feared that these
sketches would remain Cabinet pictures.—(Hear, hear).
He thought they should have had the good man strug-
gling with difficulties, and the Right Hon. Baronet, who
was marked out as the Chancellor of the Exchequer
taking his station on his (Mr. Stewart's), side
of the House (Hear) and that they would
find him battling with difficulties in that position.—
(Hear, hear.) Them, with regard to the fishing sketch.
They had had bobbing for a budget, and lately they had
had fishing for a majority, and having caught it and
hooked it, the Right lion. Baronet appeared not to know
exactly how to land it.—(Laughter.) His brothers of
the angle in that House, knew well that it was easier to
hook a fish than to land a fish.—(hear, hear.) They all
recollected the lines of Pindar upon Isaac Walton, which
he thought might be applied to the Right Hon. Baronet's
present position—
" And when lie tries to pull thee out,
God give thee strength, thou little trout,
To pull old Isaac in."
—(Much laughter and cheering.) With regard to these
principles of commercial reform, the course which the
House was now about to adopt might decide the fate of
parties for a time ; but what was far more interesting to
them, ,was that it would decide the financial prosperity
and commercial features of the country. To that end he
was sure it was hastening, and its thorough completion
would be secured by the good sense and good feeling of
the people of that country, although it had been
boasted, not very tastefully jest night, that the
majority of the country Gentlemen in that
House were ready, scythe in hand, to cut them down.
He thought the returning good sense and the interests of
the country would enable them ultimately to maintain
their ground against any force that might be brought
against them.—(Hear, hear.) He could assure the Right
lion. Baronet that that question should have no rest
until it was settled, and that he, as an humble individual,
so long as he stood there the representative of the indus-
trious and worthy, but now suffering classes, would give
him, and the Government to which he belonged, no rest
by day or by night—(Much cheering and laughter)—
until those principles were rescinded on the Statute-
book, and the laws which at the present moment brought
destitution and suffering on the people, were expunged
for ever.—(Cheers.)
Mr. S. CRAWFORD said there were many parts of
the Address in which he could not concur. It was
stated that the great Powers of Europe were united
for the purpose of preserving the peace of Europe ; but
he could only regard that as a species of despotism for
the purpose of exercising an undue influence over the
rights and interests of the people. He could not, there-
fore, concur in that passage of the Speech. Again, they
were desired to express their agreement with her Ma-
jesty that the extraordinary expenses should be provided
for ; but he could not express his concurrence in that
part of the Address. In his opinion, the war with
China was one of the most unjust that ever
was undertaken by a nation. It was a war to
establish a contraband trade, and if any lives were lost
a charge of murder might be preferrred against those
who were the instigators of it. He would come to that
part of the Address in which he might be supposed to
concur. They were called on to revise the import du-
ties, and he was persuaded that they were a great evil,
and the sooner they were removed from the Statute-
book the better. With regard to the repeal of
the Corn-laws, he did not exactly understand
what the Address meant. He objected to the prin-
ciple of an Bs. duty ; and he th`ought they
should abolish the whole of the vexatious imposts called
the Corn-laws,. which conferred protection upon only a
section of the community ; for it was well known that
the only parties benefited were the landlords, who were
enabled thereby to obtain higher rents. There were
other matters in the Address to which he wished to al-
lude ; and he must be allowed to express his regret that
there was no notice in it of the necessity of reforms,
which were advisable for the advancement of the liberties
of the people, by giving them greater influence in the
selection of Representatives of that House. He had
hoped that there would be some recommendation from
Ministers for the extension of the suffrage to the work-
ing classes—that the use of the ballot would be recom-
mended as a protection of their rights—and that
the duration of Parliaments should be shorter.—(Hear.)
There was another subject to which he would advert, and
which had been alluded to by one or two Hon. Mem-
bers—he meant the English amended Poor-law. It had
been said that the party on the other side were sharers in
the passing of that law, but he was disposed to condemn
both parties in an equal degree on account of it. It was
one of the most iniquitous laws that was ever passed.
Though he did not defend the abuses of the old Poor-law
yet he conceived it to be a cruel invasion of the right of
the people to take from them that law so long as they
were subject to the Corn-law taxation. He bad the
honour of representing a manufacturing district
and had witnessed the distress that existed there.
But until he had examined into the subject, he had no
idea of the extent to which that distress existed. The
' people of that district (Rochdale) traced all those evils
to the operation of the Corn-laws. Ile advocated the
total removal of all restrictions. He thought a fixed
duty would be a fixed injustice. It was a crying evil
that any law should exist which raised the price of food
for the purpose of benefiting any particular class. With
regard to the amendment that had been proposed to the
Address, he could not see any inducement whatever to
support it. That amendment did not offer any advan-
tage which was not presented by the Address, and
he could not, therefore, give his vote in its favour.
Mr. COBDEN would endeavour to shoW his sense of
the indulgence of the House, by not tresspassing on
its time. He felt some difficulty in knowing how to
treat the questions which were placed before tI House.
There did not seem to be a very right understand-
ing of the position of Honourable Members
on the present occasion. There appeared to
be a difference of opinion as to the objects for
which they were sent to that House as to the nature of
the last general election. He had heard it said that the
last election was not a test of public opinion on the sub-
ject of monopoly. The last general election took place
under these circumstances. It was recommended to the
House to set about the immediate reduction of taxa-
tion, and that recommendation was accompanied by

an assurance- on the part of the Executive
that not only would the reduction not impair the revenue
but would actually increase the resources of the national
Exchequer. That, after all, was the question which led
to the dissolution of the last Parliament. lie was glad
to hear from the other side that the people of England
who had been renowned for their patience, their ignorant
patience of taxation, were not all at once become enamoured
of monopoly. Another difficulty he had in addressing the
House arose, not from its being said that the Corn-laws
ought not to be repealed, but from what they were told,
that they must not enter into those topics mentioned in
the Speech from the Throne, but rather that they were
to consider whether Government was worthy of the con-
fidence of the House. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side
of the House adverted to the policy of Government with
respect to China, Canada, &c., but if they chose to leave
out of the discussion those important topics of the Corn-
laws and the other propositions of Ministers, he saw no
reason why Hon. Members on the Ministerial side, who
knew that these subjects were of far more consequence to
the people of this country...gm the affairs of ChinaorNew
York, should not enuciLe t views on those questions.
They should do their duty to the people and pay that tribute
of respect and deference to her Majesty, which she :has
a right to expect from that House. He was but a young
Member of the House, but ho had been accustomed to read
its transactions and he thought it used to be the custom in the
olden time for lion, Members, particularly Conservative
Members, to treat the Speech from the Throne as
something very nearly appertaining to monarchical
dignity. He did not think it was customary to
throw in the Ministers as the primary personages,
He would for a moment detain the House by glancing at
those great questions now propounded from the Throne.
With respect to the food-tax, he could not believe that
the three millions of people who petitioned the House
on this subject were not sincere in their wish for
the total and unconditional repeal of the taxes
on bread and provisions. He was sincere in
that wish himself, and he believed that the three mil-
lions were sincere, because they knew what they asked
was just. What were those bread taxes ? They were
taxes levied on the people by Gentlemen on the other
side, who had such sympathy with them when they made
them paupers. Those Honourable: Gentlemen would
not deny his right to consider this question as
it affected the working classes. Twenty millions
of people belonged to the working classes, and one mil-
lion depended for support on the public mass. He
claimed from Hon. Gentleman opposite, that, in their
sympathy, they would take into consideration the case
of the twenty millions who were in the situation de-
acribed by the Right Hon. Baronet. They were claim-
ing the aid of their support, because they
presented one of the sublimest spectacles—honest
hard working men struggling to obtain subsist-
ence. The amount of taxation paid by the mass was at
the lowest estimate 40 per cent. The taxation was at
the least 40 per cent. above the price which would be
paid if there was a free trade in corn. He knew that
Hon. Gentlemen opposite, when they took 40s. as the
price of corn, made the taxation 50 per cent., But
he would be content to say 40 per cent. He
would now call their attention to the Report issued
from that House on the state of the hand-loom weavers.
From that Report he would give them the amount of
earnings of a head of a family per week. It was stated
in the Report as 10s., and that was by no means an un-
fair estimate. The Report *so stated that each
family expended ss. out of that sum in bread.
The amount of taxation in that sum was 25., and thus
the labouritg man who earned 10s., paid 20 per cent.
taxation on bread. Let them go further up, and they
would find that the family with an income of 40s. per
week paid but 5 per cent., and if they ascended
higher in the scale till they came to the
noble family with an income of 200,0001. a-year,
they would find that that family consumed no more
bread than that whose income was but 10s., and that
the taxation on that noble family amounted to but one
half-penny per cent.—(Laughter and ironical cheers
from the Opposition, and counter-cheers from the Minis-
terial side.) He was not aware whether Hon. Gentle-
men opposite laughed at the monstrous injustice
or at the humble individual who so imperfectly stated
it. He repeated that the taxation on the noblemen's
family was but id. per cent., whilst on the family of the
labouring man it was 201. per cent. Suppose a law
were designed, which was to be similar in its effects, he
did not think there was a man in the House who
would dare to propose such a law. It was a tax
levied, not for the purposes of the State, but for the
benefit of the richest of the community.—(Cheers.)
That was a fair statement of the bread-tax.—(Laug,hter
from the Opposition.) He had no sympathy with the
incredulity of Hon. Gentlemen opposite, but lie was
convinced that, as Christian men, if they felt the
grievances of the bread-tax, they never would for a
moment lie down to rest in peace, if they voted in fa-
vour of its continuance. In no other country in the
world, but in England and Holland, had a Government,
however distressed for money, ever had recourse to a
tax on bread to increase their reventu:.--(Hear.)
He was aware that gentlemen might point to laws passed
on the importation of corn elsewhere. He knew they
might talk of the import duties in France, Spain, and the
United States of America, but he was prepared to show
that in those countries the export of corn, one
year with another, was on an average, and there-
fore no import duties could operate with them as
with us.—(Hear, hear.) But he believed that there was
to be some modification of this question, a " set oft'," as
it was called, that the working classes were to receive
some protection by this law, and he was well aware that
Hon. Gentlemen on the other side would not admit that
monopoly was a test of distress, but promised them a pro-
tection arising out of the bread-tax. lie remembered the
Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire propounded
this doctrine of protection at his election, and as it came
from so light an authority, he 'would leave other
Honourable Gentlemen, who had held similar doctrines
at the hustings, to lake up the doctrine propounded
by the Noble Lord. He (Lord Stanley) told them that
the manufacturers wanted the repeal of the Corn-laws,
because they wanted to reduce wages.—(Cheers.) That
unless by the repeal of the bread tax they could
reduce wages, they would not be able to compete with
foreigners, and therefore they would derive no benefit
from the repeal. They could reduce wages, while if on
thee repeal of the tax they did reduce wages, it
would be no benefit to the working man. That
was the doctrine of the Noble Lord. Let him
(Mr. Cobden) remind them that the parties so
misrepresented in that House had never been allowed to
state their case ; for when the Hon. Member for Wol-
verhampton (Mr. Villiers), to whom for his distinguished
and persevering services he, together with millions, must
ever feel obliged—(Hear, hear)—two years and a half
ago proposed that those who agitated the repeal of the
bread-tax should be heard at the bar, the House
scorned their petition, and having denied them a hearing
misrepresented their motives.—(Cheers.) But he would
take the case as given by the Noble Lord. He would
not say that the Noble Lord had wilfully misrepre-
sented it, but he must contend that he had misappre-
hended their case. If he then could be in error with his
brilliant talents, other Hon. Gentlemen might have mis-
apprehended it also. Those who advocated the re-
peal of the Corn-laws, avowed their object to be that
they might be allowed the right—for they claimed it as
a right—to exchange the produce of their industry for
the production of other countries ; and attlie same time
they not only expressed their willingness, but their
anxious desire, that all duties for protection, as it
was called, levied on articles of the manufactures
in which they were engaged, should likewise be
removed, and that free and unfetterred intercourse
between nations should be carried out.—(Cheers.) He
then came to the operation of this principle on wages
and labour. How could this mean reduction of wages ?
If he understood what it meant, it was increased trade.
They did not wish to reduce trade, but they claimed the
right to change their manufacture for the corn of other
countries, and they maintained that, by doing
so, they would increase and extend trade.—
(Hear, hear.) And how could that be done
except by creating an increased demand for labour ?
(Cheers.) And how could they create an increased
demand for labour without increasing the wages of
working men ?—(Cheers.) But there was another fal-
lacy in the Noble Lord's statement on this occasion—
that the object of the Anti-Corn-law League was to re-
duce wages to enable them to compete with foreigners. He
(Mr. Cobden) found that they could now compete
with foreigners. He found they could sell cheaper
than othertountries If not, how did they sell in neu-
tral markets in competition with other countries ? We
sold in New York every article manufactured for export
in competition with other countries, and if we could
manufacture and sell in New York cheaper than foreign-
ers, where was the protection that could be given to the
home producers ? It was the foreign market that
fixed the price of the home market.—.(Hear, hear.)
Did Hon. Gentlemen suppose that any one would send
away 3,000 miles, articles for sale, if they could get a
better price at home ? But he saw in this fallacy of
wages that which lay at the bottom of all the difficulties
of the question. It was the difficulty ofjust and honour-
able minds, for he did not deny that there were many
conscientious supporters of the present law.—(Hear.)
He saw no relation between the price of food and other
articles, and the price of labour, when that labour was
in a wholesome and natural state. He could understand
that in the slave-owning States of America and Cuba
the price of labour was regulated by the price of pro-
visions. If it would not be invidious to allude to it,
there was another stage in the labour market—the la-
bourers in the agricultural districts. These labourers,
whose wages had reached the minimum according to
their habits of life, were told they had their rate of
wages raised when the price of provisions advanced.
And why was it ? Was it because the price of food in-
creased the demand for the labour of the agriculturalist, ea
was it given as charity, because the labourers wages
had been brought to that scale that they could not
live and perpetuate their race unless they were allowed
a modicum of 18d. or 2s. to increase their wages.—
(Hear.) Then he came to another stage in the labour
market—the labourers in the manufacturing and commer-
cial districts. There the rate of wages had no
more connection with the price of food than
the • changes of the moon.—(Hear.) There the
rate of wages depended entirely on the demand for
labour. The market for labour was extensive, and would
be more so if they would allow it; and if they allowed
it, it would continue in a sound and wholesome state.

Half of the population were not employed, and if they
continued these restrictions, they would bring the manu-
facturing population to the point at which the agricultu-
ral population were ; and then they would come forward,
giving them what would be a mere allowance to paupers,
though they said that, as the price of food was raised,
they had raised the rate of wages.—(Cheers.) He now
dismissed this question of wages, for it was one which
he thought must be again and again raised in that
House, and would proceed to consider that important
state of the manufacturers, and commercial and agricul-
tural labourers which had called forth their sympathies,
and must do so again. They had heard something of
the condition of the labouring population in the north, and
he had lately an opportunity of seeing by peculiar means,

a report of the state of the popuation in almost all
parts of the country. They were aware that an important
meeting was held in Manchester about a week ago.—
(Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) He understood
those cheers, but he would not pause in his argument,
though he would say a word respecting them by and
by. He had seen a body of ministers, of all denomina-
tions, amountiug to 650—(Hear, hear)—.assembled from
all parts of the country, at an expense of from three to
four thousand pounds to their congregations, and they
brought forward the most important statements of facts
in relation to the condition of the labouring population
ever brought together in any place. He had had an op-
portunity of reading these statements, and he learned
frem them that in every district of the country, not only
manufacturing but agricultural, there was evidence, on un-
impeachable authority, that the condition of the labour-
ing population had deteriorated woefully during the last
ten years, and especially during the three last years that had
transpired.—(Hear, hear.) And in proportion as the
price of the food of the people increased, just so was their
comforts diminished. He had seen statements of reports
from infirmaries, workhouses, savings'-banks, &c., and
all bore testimony that the great mass of her Majesty's
industrious subjects were now in a worse condition, and
were receiving less wages--that there was a greater
amount of misery, crime, and destitution, than at any
former period. Now, one word as to the cheers. He did
not come there to vindicate the conduct of those Christian
men in having assembled to take these subjects into their
consideration. There were assembled ministers of all de-
nominations, and if Hon. Gentlemen sought to cast re-
proach on these divines, they would at the same time east
reproach on the great body of professing Christians in this
country. He thought the facts adduced to the con-
ference were a sufficient justification for their meeting
on the subject, and he was glad that when men in high
places acted unjustly by the poor, persons should be
found sufficiently honest to say to them as was said of
old, " Thou art the man."—(Cheers.) He would now say
one word on the importance of this novel and
unprecedented movement. The Noble Lord (Lord
Stanley) knew something of the ability of these worthy
men, for he told the House in 1833, that the moment
the religious community took up the question of slavery
that agitation became effective.—(Hear, hear.) He
believed this agitation would be attended with a like
result. The Hon. Gentlemen then referred to the de-
claration of the Duke of Wellington last evening, that
the condition of the labouring population of the country
was superior to that of any other, and said he remembered
the same illustrious personage about 10 years ago stating
that the old boroughmongering Parliament was the perfec-
tion of human wisdom.—(Cheers.) He should not be
surprised if his late declaration was also the precursor of
a far greater change than that contemplated by the Go-
vernment.—(Hear, hear.) He wished also to say one
word to the Right Hon. Baronet, who was fond of forti-
fying his statements by the authority of Mr. Huskisson.
The Right Hon. Baronet had propounded the will of that
great man, but seemed to have forgotten that there was
a codicil to it. On the 25th of March, 1830, on+
the occasion of Mr. P. Thompson's motion on the
subject of taxation, Mr. Huskisson said, "Itis my un-
alterable conviction that you cannot entertain the pre-
sent Corn-laws, and preserve permanent prosperity and
private contentment ; that these laws may be repealed
without injuring the landed interest is my firm belief."
(Cheers.) This was the opinion of Mr. Huskisson, and
in the name of that illustrious man he protested against
his opinions being misrepresented in that House. (Hear,
hear.) If then this was his opinion respecting the effect
of these laws in 1830, what would it have been in 1841,
could he have witnessed the accumulation of distress that
had taken place since that period ?—(Hear, hear.)
Let the Right Hon. Baronet carefully consider that
prospect. Let him go back to 1830, and compare the
condition and prospects of the country at that time with
our present state. Ile (Sir Robert Peel) would find
that the cause of our deviation from the state in which
the country was placed in 1830 was not the springing
up of a natural trade. In the years' from 1831 to 1836,
the exports to America increased, in the former year,
by 120,000 ; in the latter, by one million. But in those
years goods were sent to America, and exchanged for
railway shares, and bank shares, and for State bonds.
Those goods were given on credit, and were never paid
for.----(Hear, hear.) There was, at the same time, an
increase of one hundred in the number of banks in
this country ; and it was the expense of the
circulation, and the fictitious stimulus given to the
commerce, together with an unusual succession of abun-
dant harvests, which enabled the Ministers to proceed
smoothly in their course, notwithstanding the Corn-
laws.—(Hear, hear.) Had the Hon. Baronet any plan,
by which, in 1841, he could' raise up a system of real
prosperity ?—(Hear, hear)—or was he prepared with any
scheme by which he could create an artificial one ? If
he relied upon the latter, lie would find that disappoint-
ment and distress would follow more rapidly than ever,
—(Hear, hear.) But unless he could effect either of
these two things, he could not raise the money necessary
to meet the exigencies of the State, and he thanked God
that no Ministers in this country could do without
money—(Cheers and laughter)—and they could not get
the money without trade and commerce.—(Renewed
cheers.) The landowner who resided in Rome or
Naples did ,little to supply the money.—(Hear.) But
every Gentleman knew that when trade and commerce
improved the revenue was flourishing.—(Hear, hear.)
But just in proportion as the landowners prospered by
the high price of food and the miserytcpf the many, the
revenue declined. With these few remarks—(Loud
laughter from the Tories, responded to by cheers from
the Liberal benches)—with these few remarks he would
conclude. He did not call himself either Whig or Tory ;
but he was a free trader.—(Cheers and a laugh.) He
was a decided enemy to monopoly, and he gave the
Whig Ministers credit for coming out from the ranks of
the monopolists, and meeting him three-fourths of the
way. If the Right Hon. Baronet would only advance
one step further he would be glad to shake hands with
him, if he would allow him.—(The Hon. Gentleman sat
down amidst loud and repeated cheers.)
Mr. BAILLIE said, it had not been his intention to ad-
dress the House on this occasion, but for the statements
made by the Hon. Member for Manchester, who moved
the Address, and the Hon. Member who had just sat
down, that the distress now unhappily prevailing was
owing to the existence of the present Corn-laws. They
were both representatives of manufacturing districts, and
they ought to be good authorities. But he trusted that he
should be able to show, before he sat down, that there never
was a more fallacious proposition put forth to the House
and the country.—(Cheers and a laugh.) If he were per-
suaded that the repeal of the Corn-laws would benefit the
great body of the people, he would give his vote
for it, let the consequence to particular interests
be what they might—(Hear, hear)—as it was
the duty of Parliament to legislate, not for
classes, but for the whole people.—(Cheers.) He
thought, however, that Ministers were justly accused of
creating a bad feeling between the agricultural and ma-
nufacturing classes.—(Tory cheers.) He would ask,
however, had the increase of manufactures tended to in-
crease the happiness of the people ?—(Hear.) Had it
tended to increase the wages of the labourers ? He
would prove that it had not done so.—(Hear, hear.) He
would prove in the first place, that in the last twenty
years the manufacturing products of the country had in-
creased more than twenty fold, and at the same time the
wages were excessively reduced.--(Hear, hear.) Whilst
the masters were making large fortunes, the ope-
ratives were suffering the keenest misery.—(Hear.) He
held in his hands returns, from which it appeared
that the official value in the export of -cotton manufactured
goods was, in 1831, 16,731,7091.; it gradually increased
to 58,471,6581. in 1814. In other branches of manufac-
ture the increase had been of corresponding magnitude.
In the meantime what had been the prosperity of the
operatives ? In 1814 the wages of the weaver were 265.
a week. In 1819 they were 14s. 5d ; in 1823, 9s. 4d. ;
in 1828, 6s. 6d. ; in 1833, ss. 4d. ; and they were now
about the same rate. That was a reduction of about 79
per cent. in the twenty years. Was that to be ac-
counted for by the existence of the present Corn-laws ?
—(Hear, hear.) He thought they must look to other
causes, such was the improvement of machinery, which
enabled the master to substitute the labour of children for
that of adults.—(Hear.) He was credibly informed that
in this way 50,000 adults were annually thrown out of
employment, and a frightful increase of mortality was
the consequence, as he could prove from the returns
which he held in his hand. In Glasgow the mortality
in 1832 was one in forty ; in 1834 it was one in 241.—
(Cheers and counter-cheers.) He entreated the House
to consider the vast amount of human misery which
must have been inflicted here.—(Renewed cheering on
both sides.) He had heard much of misery in the slave-
countries— -in Cuba and the Brazils—but it was left to
the manufacturers of Great Britain to produce such an
amount of misery; asi was proved by this mortality.—
(Cheers and counter-cheers.) Having thus proved—
(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh.") He did not
know what gentlemen were cheering at.—(Renewed
laughter, responded to by Tory cheers.) The
increase of misery had kept pace with manufactures.
He would now briefly show what the effect had been of
capital employed in the cultivation of land. In the last
20 years vast districts of land had been brought into
cultivation, especially in Scotland. The returns upon
that capital had not been so magnificent as upon that
engaged in manufactures ; but it had given employment
and comfort to large ntimbers of the people, who would
be compelled to resort to the manufacturing towns,
and swell the mass of misery there, if the Corn-laws
were repealed; for the necessary consequence would be,
that those lands would be thrown out of cultivation.--
(Tory cheers.)
Mr. BROTHERTON felt called upon to answer the
the statements of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, who had
just sat down. The Hon. Gentleman said that manufac-
tures were the cause of the distress, and that it was
the interest of the country to legislate in favour of agri-
aire and against manufactures.—(Cheers and cries of
' No, no" from the opposition.) All that the commer-
cial interest asked for was equal laws—(Cheers.) Minis-
ters were accused of fostering a bad feeling, which was
really raised by the demand of the agricul-
turists for unequal laws and unjust protection.—(Cheers.)
'The manufactures of this country had considerably in-
creased of late years, and yet the artisans were not paid
one-third of the wages they were receiving 20 years ago.
The price of manufactures also was not one-third what
it had been 20 years ago. When the Corn-law lied
been passed 25 years ago a piece of calico which was
then worth 20s. would not now bring more than ss. ;
there had been no doubt during that period great im-
provements in machinery, but prices had more than pro-
portionably decreased. Now, what had been, on the
other hand, the case with corn ? The price of corn in
1815, when the Corn-law had been passed, was 645. the
quarter ; and although it had since been introduced into
an agricultural system the price had been constantly in-
creasing since ; so that the price of corn was now higher
than in 1815, although the price of manufactures
had decreased by one-third during the same period.
Since the year 1815 the price of corn had been 50 per
cent. higher in this country than on the Continent; and
the manufacturera had to pay at least a tax of
100,000,0001. since the Corn-law had been passed. They
ad to pay 74,000,0001 more for the price of corn

during the years 1837, 1838, 1839, and 1840 than the
four preceding years. It had been ascertained that
while a manufacturing establishment paid, in 1525,
23,0001. in wages, the artisans expende-1 only 11,5001. in
purchasing food, leaving the rest for the purchase of
other comforts ; but from investigations which took
place in 1839 it appeared that instead of 11,5001.,
they had paid 18,500/. for food, leaving only 5,0001. for
clothin- and other necessaries of life. Taxation now
pressed' unequally and unfairly upon different classes.
And what was the remedy of the Right Hon. Baronet
for such a state of things ? The population was yearly
increasing at the rate of 400,000 per annum ; and how
were they to be employed ?--(Hear, hear, hear.)
Agriculture could not employ them, and they could not
be compelled to emigrate to foreign countries—they
could not be transported, and they could not prevent
them coming into existence. But they might be em-
ployed by extending their commerce, and they would
render the people prosperous and happy. It had been
ascertained that out of 10,000 families in Manchester
2,000 had not more than ss. a week to live on. It was
impossible to exaggerate the distress in the manufacturing
districts. In the borough which he represented 1,500
houses were now unoccupied ; many mills were working
short time, and others had stopped altogether ;
thousands were unemployed—and he would ask if ma-
nufacturers were to be ruined what was to become of
the landed interest ? Under the present system the
means of the poor man were taxed 50 per cent, while the
means of the man with 5001. a year were only taxed 1 per
cent. The agriculturists need not fear a repeal lethe Corn-
laws, for in proportion as manufactures flourished would
they be benefited. Manufacturers never make fortunes
for themselves without also making fortunes for the agri-
culturists, as might be evidenced by the rise which had
taken place in the value of lands in the neighbourhood
of such towns as Manchester, without any exertions on
the part of their proprietors. Some Hon. Gentlemen
appeared. to think that this country might prosper with-
out manufactures. Now he (Mr. Brotherton) entirely
differed from that opinion. We had a debt of
800,000,0001., and land alone could never pay the inte-
rest of such a sum. He would maintain, too, that there
were no burdens upon land which would warrant the
landlords in taxing the community, for the purpose of
increasing their own incomes. If they were determined
on keeping up their present establishment, let the public
be fairly and openly taxed for the purpose, that
the country might know the real state of the case ;
but let them not impose an enormous tax upon the
national industry as at present under false pretences.
For his part be was convinced that by the adoption of a
liberal course of commercial policy, by removing monopoly
and legislating for the many instead of the few, they
would effectually promote the prosperity of the country.
Let the industrious classes be allowed to receive a fair
reward for their labour, and to exchange their
commodity in the best market, and they
would be enabled to purchase these comforts
which it was the wish of every honest man they should
enjoy.—(Cheers.)
Mr. H. GRATTAN commenced by reminding the
House that the Hon. Member for Inverness (Mr. Bailley)
who had a short time previously addressed the House,
was the Hon. Gentleman who had applied, on a former
occasion to Parliament for a sum of no less than 40,000/.
or 50,0001. for the purpose of relieving his distressed
countrymen who could not support themselves in Scot-
land.—(Cheers and laughter.) He had only failed from
the fact of his witnesses having broken down; one of whom
endeavoured to prove that the Highlanders were in a state
of absolute starvation, while another maintained that
they subsisted upon kelp. But as the House was o'
opinion that Scotchmen could live exceedingly well
upon kelp—(Laughter)—the application was refused.
The Gentlemen might be disposed to find fault with the
silence of Irish Members. The Gentlemen ought not to
complain of silence, for it was their forte, but it was not t('
be inferred that Ireland was not determined on protesting
against the return of the party opposite to power. It
was also to be remarked that it appeared from the re-
cent Irish elections that the popular feeling in Ireland
was decidedly favourable to a repeal of the present Corn-
laws. He did not think the conduct of Hon. Gentlemen
opposite, in moving the Address before the House, was
respectful to her Majesty. He was sure tgo it was un-
precedented, and that it indicated a degree of arrogance
which nothing could justify. When Hon. Members
heard the sentiments which fell from the gracious lips
of virtue and goodness—(Laughter)—they should have
returned a more courteous reply to the Speech. He
could not but lift his voice upon that occasion against
the scandalous proceedings which had been witnessed at
the late election. The proceedings at Ludlow and Cam-
bridge sunk into utter insignificance when compared to
the monstrous bribery, the corruption, and that system
of intimidation—(" Oh, oh," from the Opposition)—
which had been practised at the late election. The pro-
ceedings at Ludlow and Cambridge were but " tritons
of the minnows," when compared to those monstrous scenes.
Those individuals who sat opposite had been returned by
majorities of the various constituencies of England, but
they had been returned by something more—they had
been returned by money, which had been advanced be-
cause the parties knew it would be paid back to them
again. In one borough in which there were 180 elec-
tors, one vote had cost 7001.-500/. had been advanced
by one candidate, and 2001. by another.—(Hear, hear.)
lie congratulated the Right Hon. Baronet on his ma-
jority, and on the means by which his victory had been
obtained. But he would never sit in any assembly with-
out lifting up his voice against such proceedings. The
name'of virtue, it seemed, was derided by Hon. Gen
tlemen opposite—(Cheers)—but what relief could the
people expect of the party which returned the ma-
jority of Members to that House so lost to
every sense of virtue and honour ? It was the
duty of the House to correct those evils, and, he
trusted they would probe them to the the bottom. But
the proceedings at the elections in England shrunk into
insignificance when compared with the intimidation
practised in Ireland.—(Loud Tory cheers.) In one
place he had himself seen troops drawn out in such a
way that no voter could come to the booth —(Cheers
and laughter from the Tory benches.) He spoke of
what lie had himself witnessed. The horse of one of
the soldiers had trodden on- his (Mr. H. Grattan's) feet,
and he had been obliged to ask the officer to have the
soldiers removed so as to enable him to get up to the booth
—the officer had civilly complied with his request—but he
could get no assistance from the High Sheriff, whose duty
it was to have afforded it to him.—(Laughter from the
Tory benches.) Did the Right Hon. Baronet know that
when the tocsin of his advent to power was
sounded in Ireland, the furious Orange party
broke loose ? Was he aware that towns had been given
up to be sacked.—(Laughter from the Tory benches.)
The town of Dungannon had been given up to be sacked.
—(Renewed laughter from the Tory benches.) He would
not follow the example of the Duke of Wellington in the
case of Birmingham, and say that it was worse then thee,
what any town would have experienced from a fore.lgn
foe, but he would merely say, that the house of the chief
and most respectable Roman Catholic inhabitants of Dun-
gannon had been sacked and wrecked, and it mattered little
to an individual who had had his property destroyed,
whether the mischief had been done by an Orange
mob or a foreign army.—(Cheers.) At Belfast the
candidates had with difficulty escaped with their lives, and
several persons had been injured by a furious Orange
mob. He addressed the Right Hon. Baronet for the
purpose of letting him know what company he was get-
ting into, and who were his friends. He saw the Right
Hon. Baronet shake his head, and he was delighted to
see it, but he would tell the political huntsman who
had so long been hunting for power that, like Actaeon, he
would be devoured by his own hounds.—(Laughter from
the Opposition benches.) He thought the Right Hon.
Baronet already felt some difficulty in keeping his party
in order, and he threw out these friendly suggestions to
him in order that he might guard himself,
from excess of loyalty on the one hand, and from
vagabondism on the other. He doubted not that both
phrases were familiar to the Right Hon. Baronet, ane.
those near him.—(Cheers.) In this county during an
election the military were marched out of a town and
locked up in barracks. In his county, on the contrary,
during an election, the military were marched into a
town, and the civilians were locked up. Of one town
the military had complete possession during the election,
and the lawyer of one of the candidates having retired
from the hustings for the purpose of getting a book P.)
refer to some legal point, was actually prevented re-
turning by the military. They would not permit any to
come up ee the hustings without a certificate, and an
agent of his, who had ridden fifty miles to give his vote,
was unable to do so, because the Sheriff had looked up
the polling book, and had put the key in his pocket.
At a meeting held shortly after the election at which the
Colonel commanding the military was present, that officer
had stated that, apprehending a riot, he had ordered out jus-
tice to Ireland ; and when asked what he meant by jus-
tice to Ireland, he answered—a six-pounder.—(Laughter
from the Tory benches.) This observation, however; was made in perfect good humour; and that officer waS
subsequently complimented by Mr. O'Connell, for the
manner in which he had conducted himself. He would
now come to an instance, of which he could produce
written evidence. The return to the writ, in one in-
stance, had been sent, by the twelve electors signing it,
with a seal bearing the inscription of " the glorious me-
mory ;" and the seal which the Sheriff had affixed offi-
cially, represented a place in flames, with the Devil
pelting a man in a pillory with priests, and the inscrip-
tion on the seal was—" The Pope in the pillory, the
pillory in 'hell, and the Devil pelting priests at
him.' —(Laughter from the Tory benches, answered
by loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Mini-
sterial benches.) Ho would just mention that the
host was represented as dropping out of the
mouth of the Pope into the ~flarnes.—(Loud cries of
"Hear, hear.") These were' The friends of the Right
lion. Baronet. Well might he say that Ireland was his
great difficulty—he would find it his greatest—(Lund
cheers)—lie would not say the difficulty, would be jos"-
perable, but he would tell him that if his supporters
went on in that way, he would lose the countryc..T.:-
(Hear, hoar.) He (Mr. G.) was a Protestant, 11_ :tdi)
they think that he would flgiit for such a party that?
If that were the oourso Irshmen would siterrt?);vebZ
their fire sides if en invading army of Am
to appear in the country. Let them beware t.A,Te-
rica—(Cries of "Oh oh")—for a party was, sPr.inging
up in Athieriea which was anxiously endeavouring to
form a connexion with Ireland,
and were conlltiy Fend_
ing money to that country.—(hear, hear.)
Ile wonted ne
foreign connection—he wanted no foreign, money—but,
he would not support the party opposite in their idle
and trumpery proceeding. Did they think that the
people of Ireland would quietly submit to hear their ve-
nerable clergy abused as " surpliced ruffians?" He would
tell that party, that by such conduct they were declaring
War against the people of Ireland, and if that should
come, God alone would judge the right. He felt at-
tached to the connection with this country, and would
wish to see it maintained, but it could only be so by
the possession of equal rights and equhl liberties. Hon.
tthheeyi r
never could
ever
ldGentlemen talked of want of confidence. He would
cou
tell them, that neither themselves,d nor had the confidence of Ireland, an
gain it while acting on the principles by which they