The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-15 00:00:00

solemnly entered into in the settlement of Europe in the
year 1815. In consequence of this agreement you sent,
in the year 182 G, assistance against the supposed designs
Of France and Spain. Again, in the year 1834, when
pretenders for the crowns of Spain and Portugal having a
common interest, and almost the same parties, you came
forward to aid them in their conflict. England inter-
fered, and became a party to the quadruple alliance; the
preamble of that alliance set forth expressly the grounds
of the treaty, and the solemn alliances entered into be-
tween this country and Portugal for so long a period.
It might be said that the Queen was held in a state of
tutelage. Nevertheless, though trade was stopped, and
English interests were endangered, the principle of non-
interferelice was never put forward more strongly than
when the question became international and the Go-
vernment first interfered. In the case of France the
principle acted upon by the British Government had
been adopted. It was quite clear that Spain meditated an
interference. This was evident from tr,e letter of Mr.
Bulwer. It was perfectly clear that an armed interven-
tion was at that time contemplated by the Spanish Go-
vernment. After having endeavoured to arrange the
question, without interference, what were they to do?
lie thought that a course of non-interference would be a
di-grace to this country, and an abdication of that influ-
ence which they were supposed to possess in Portugal.
I say that man would have incurred a great, an im•
mense responsibility, who would have acted thus, be-
cause he would not, unlikely, have set the first spark to
the mass of combustible matter which may soon blaze
out into one vast conflagration. Nothing would have
been easier than to have cau,ed an European war ; but
whether that war may take place in 1850, 1860, or 1870,
is a problem which is beyond the solution of the wisest
man.—(Hear, hear.) I say, therefore, that unless you
can show that we have done all this, have done some
thing so pernicious, something likely to incur the out-
break of an European war, you must be with us.
Now what are the circumstances ? and I think the Hon.
Gentleman, the Member for Finsbury, has treated them
,
a little more slightly than I think he should have done.
I mean the question of war ; but I quite agree with him
in this. I would not for example,
have given up to the
Queen the head of a single Member of the Junta, to
avoid war with the whole of the countries of Europe.—
(Loud and vehement cheering.) I would say as Fox
said, who was the great advocate of peace, when his
p licy was accused as likely to prove dangerous to the
Bourbons on that occasion, my Friend Mr. Fox said
"I always looked upon the Bourbons as a bad
family, but rather than injure
the poorest Bourbon, or
violate the right of hospitality, I would go to war with
the whole of Europe."—(Gbeers.) And, undoubtedly, I
recommend no hostile, no unjust cause ; but I say it was
desirable to make any sacrifice which should be just,
humane, and favourable to the liberties of Portugal ; and
by doing so avoid the too great degradation of the mo-
narchy, than to give her up to the absolute disposal of
Spain, and to risk the danger of an European war. Then
what was the course we adopted ? Take the protocol in
which provision is made that all arbitrary decrees would
be revoked, especially on those who had raised arms against
the Queen ; but let me tell you that if you had heard
how hard we had to fight for the amnesty; and if you
draw inferences unfavourable to the Government for

having struggled so long about those terms, I think also
you aught to be of opinion that if they did not agree, it
would have been impossible to carry them out without
adopting the course we have. But observe those to
whom these terms were offered, said—" Well, as we are
to have no capital punishments, let us have some security
that those who have rendered themselves objectionable
to the Queen, shall not be sent out of the country." He
replied, " They shall not be sent to Africa, they shall
not even be sent to France, they shall not be sent to
Paris, they shall not be sent one mile from
the territory of Portugual—not even 18, 16,
not even 12—not one mile from their country."
These were the terms to which we adhered to the last.
—(Hear, hear.) Those who oppose the Government
should bear in mind that in order to prevent any
hardships the Government made it expressly understood
that they would not consent to the banishment of one
member of the Junta to Paris for six months. Then
with respect to the amnesty, I think our case is complete.
Our second article is that all the conditions we had
stipulated should be received and made law ; the fourth
that no member of the party, which had rendered himself
objectionable, should form a part of the Queen's Govern-
ment.
Mr. CHRISTIE—What guatantee had you that
these conditions should be carried out ?
Mr. MACAULAY—How were we to guarantee com—
pliance with these conditions. I cannot easily believe
that we should have encountered more difficulties than
belong to all such questions as these. The best guarantee
that we could have was this—that if, instead of observing
the agreement, it had been broken either by the Queen
of Portugal or her subjects, we, with the aid of France
and Spain, had the most undoubted power to compel the
observation of the conditions.—(Loud cheers.) I think
this is a sufficient justification of the course of the Go-
vernment. There is a circumstance on which I think
some misrepresentation has taken place, and to which I
wish to put an end—it is just to my colleagues that
I should do so, and just to those to whom
they trusted the carrying out their orders. Ido not
think it fair that the officers should be charged with
neglecting to send a proper notice to the officers at
Oporto of the course which they intended to pursue. I
do not think that even if they had been guilty of the
charge, that it would have justified the censures con
t tined in the motion of the Hon. Gentleman the Member
fur Montrose ; but I think it is the duty of the Govern-_
ment to clear from unmeri:ed charge those who have
served them faithfully. It has been stated that no notice
was given to the Junta of the course which the com-
mander of the squldron intended to take previous to his
taking it ; but I think no one cony, rsant with the cir-
cumstances can affirm that that was so. (The Hun:
Gentleman then read the letter of Mr. Roffe, of the 23d
of May, to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to the Junta.
stating that if any of the vessels of the Junta attempted
to go int') the Douro, that they would be stopped by the
British forces.) Under these cireumstanc.-s, I defy any
person to say that a full and fair notice was not given.
And now I have nothing to add but to thank the Ileuse
fur the patience with which it has listened to me, and
utoptohuersetaasteemen
tslliave made.—(llcar, hear.) I sum
b
satisfactorily,
a:
Portugal I
think
11 ;
us
f I
w —e h say
it was utterly impossible for us, intimately connected as
we are with Portugal, to observe the rule of non-inter-
ference, from the moment that the intervention of Spain-
and France was sough
interfered, and suffered them to interfere, we should
thin 1.
i :ad thatn
ot
have lowered England in the whole scale of nations. If
we had not interfered, but instead declared that we would
go to war if they had interfered; we should have taken
upon ourselves the terrific responsibility of bringing upon
Europe a general war: nothing remained for us but to
adopt the course we did. I defy any person to read the
articles set forth in the protocol, and to say that we have
not acted as it become us to act in such an emergency.
There were three objects almost incompatible, which
we had, if possible, to obtain, and to obtain each one in
such a manner as not to lose the other—there
the dignity of England, the liberty of Portugal,
and there was the peace of Europe ; and
we believe we have adopted that course which is
likely to promote the welfare of all. If our policy is a
rightone, there will be little difference of opinion as to the
manner in which it has been carried into execution, but
it will scarcely be denied that the course which we have
adopted will end as we have anticipated, and that it was
sufficiently well chosen. I can only repeat to m 7 lion.
Friend that we feel the interference we have been com-
pelled to resort to mu,t cast upon us the duty so empha
tically set forth in the amendment he has moved.
I can only add, that our own consciences acquit
us, and that we hope that that vote will acquit us of
having in this most difficult, embarrassing matter, failed
in any part of our duty to England, to Portugal, or
Europe.—(The Right Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat
amidst loud cheers.

Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said he trusted every
Member in that House would sincerely believe the state-
ment of the Bight Hon. Gentleman who had just at
down. He had heard with c,insiderable satisfaction

that his Hon. Friend the MernberForFinsbury had come
to the rescue of the Government with an amendment to
the motion of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Montrose. lie was sure her Majesty's Ministers must
have been highly delighted that the Hon. and Gallant
Gentleman the Member for Finsbury, who was pleased
in the course of his speech, to make certain remarks
upon those who sat on his (Lord George Bentinck's)-j
side of the House, had now left it beyond all doubt a
discussion, that whilst he had often enough had the
word " liberty" upon his lips, he was in favour of despo-
tism in his heart—it must have been a source of gratifi-
cation to them, to find that he got up to save the Mi•
nisters of the Queen from a vote of censure for their
interference in the internal concerns of Por-
tugal —an interference at a moment when
it was admitted by the Ministers of the
Queen at Lisbon, that the interest of the Queen of Por-
tugal had become desperate. The Learned and Right
Hon. Gentleman had referred to many passages in
ancient history, but he did not refer to one which was
very applicable to the present occasion—he did not refer
to the fact that when Philip 11. wished to conquer Por-
tugal, he did so by gaining over the chiefs of the oppo-
site parties to mix sand with the powder of their troops.
This he considered was the plan which had been adopted
by her Majesty's Ministry, as exemplified in the conduct
pursued by the Member for Finsbury. They found the
advocate for liberty defending the Government for aiding
despotism. The lion. and Learned Member did not
attempt to defend those proceedings which led to the
insurrection in Portugal. He found it quite impossible
to defend the principle of interference, and he conse-
quently appealed to the danger which would arise
from non-interference, and he appealed to the
terrible responsibility which would fall upon Ministers
if they risked a war, and he read a dispatch of Mr. Bel-
wer, of the 7th of April, following very much the ex•
ample of the Noble Lord, who read a dispatch of the sth
of the same month, skipping very dexterously that most
important one dated the 6th. Mr. Bnlwer had an inter-
view with M. Pacheco, and stated to him distinctly that
if he did interfere without the consent of England he
should be prepared for most serious consequences. But
M. Pacheco answered, " Oh, no, we shall do nothing
without the concurrence of the English Government."
Mr. Bulwer asked him, was he quite sure that such a
pledge would be carried out? and M. Pacheco again, in
the strongest terms, re-assured him that nothing would
trc done without the fun knowledge and the full consent
a this country ; and that was what was contained in the
dispatch of the 6th instant, to which he referred. Well,
:then, what becomes of the fear expressed of the interfe-
rence of Spain ? and he was at a loss to find through
the whole of the voluminous evidence laid before them
the remotest hint that France would interfere. The
:Right Hon. the Member for Edinburgh and the Noble
Lord at the head of the Government, said that they
would be very sorry to belong to any Government which
would neglect the interests of Portugal. But it ap-
peared to him, that in these opinions, which they held,
they quite forgot the wishes or the feelings of the people.
40 would like to see pny treaty betwom $lO outdo