The Sun.
London, England, 1824-04-09 00:00:00

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NUMBER 9869:

CONTRACTS FOR PAPER.
Janies-street, Buckingham Gate, April 2, 1824.
TfiE COMPTROLLER OF HIS
MA-
JESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE is ready to receive
TENDERS for various descriptions of PAPER required for
>5..6 Public Service.
Particulars of the Contract can be seen, and Samples of
khePipers'required be had, at the Stationery Office.

PA ILL 1 AMI-4_, NT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, APRILS.

Mr. Pascoe Grenfell, Sir Robert Shiv, and several other
Members of the Commons brought up several Private Bills,
which were all read a first time.
Mr. Scott, from the Chamber of London.. presented Papers
relative to the Receipts and Expenditure of the Orphan's Fund,
and other Papers.
The Irish Four per Cents. Bill went through a Committee,
and the Report was brought up and read.
Lord FORTESCUE preSented Petitions from Dartmouth,
Crediton, Kingsbridge, and other places in. Devonshire, for the
amelioration in-the condition of Slaves in our Colonies.
The Earl of KINGSTON moved fOr a Iteturn of the Nantes
of the Sheriffs and Sub-Sheriffs of the Counties of Cork and
Roscommon, from the year 1810 to the present time.
The Marquis of DOWNSH MK presented a Petition from
Banbridge, in the County of Down, and from Belfast, pray.
ing for the Abolition of lavery.
Lord PRUDHOE presented a Petition. (min Proprietors of
Land, Farmers, and other persons in the, county of Northum-
berland, relative to certain clauses in the Bill for regulating the
Duties-on Wool.

The tenders mast he delivered on or before Twelve o'Clock
fof the day of rho 14th of April, sealed, and marked " Ten-
der f'r Paper."

NCORPORAT ED SOCIETY for the CON-
-a- VERSION and RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION and
EDUCATION of the NEGRO SLAVES.

President, the Lord Bishop of LONDON.
Subscrips. Donations.

4111 Pant of Subscriptions and Dons-
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A-nutial-Subscribers of 1/. Is. and Donors at any one time are
associated Members of this Society, and are entitled to its E
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Donations and Subscriptions received at the following
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greet; :Messrs. Hoare, Fleet-street; Messrs. Cocks, Cocks,
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i

The Earl of KINGSTON presented a petition from eCilli-
grif, in the county of Tipperary, praying. for an alterateori in
the Tithe Bill. On the motion of the Noble Earl the petition
was read, and complained of there• being no church in the
parish, 6f the tithes being'exhorbitant, and of their being now
extended to that peat which was dug for tiring.—The petition
was ordered to be laid on the table
STATE OF IRe:LAND.
On the Motion of the Earl of DARNLEY, the Order of the
Day was then read, and the Noble Earl rising, desired that the
, Clerk Might read that part of his Majesty's Speech which re-
lated to Ireland, as follows :—" In Ireland, which has for.some
time past been the object of his Majesty's particular solici-
tude, there are many indications of amendment, and his Majes-
ty relies upon your continued endeavours to secure the
welfare and happiness of that part of the United Kingdom."
The Noble Earl then said, that nothing but a-sense of duty had
induced him to bring forward a question of such importance
and magnitude as the state of Ireland, as he was fully aware of
his inability to do justice to the subject. He could not attempt
to trace more than its outline, and shoUld have acquiesced with
the seggestiou of a Noble Friend, and potponecl hishiotion till
all the Pipers for which he had called were laid before the
House, had he not thought.that many brahclies of the interests
of Ireland must of necessity come into diacuseion within a
short •period, and that it would be adeiseable to cause their
Lordships to take a general view of the state of that country be-
foie it was-partially debated. He therefore claimed an unusual
share of the indulgence of their 'Lordship ; he entreated them
rather to coesider the subject than the individual by- whom it
was introduced, and not to suffer the cause to be injured -by
the inability of its advocate. It was a remarkable spectacle
to see this great country flourishing more thileany other part
of Europe,: her manufactures in full..activity, her agriculture
reviving, her commerce embracing the world, her remotest
dependencies sharing in her . prosperity,- the attention of her
Parliament directed to improving the condition of slaves, anti
at
the same time to behold her nearest and most important
possession in a state of wretchednese and disorder, This hour I
..of general prosperity to the rest of the empire, to which shealone formed an exception, was the most advantageoue tinie for
taking an extended and statesmanlike view of her ceeelitien• Be-
fore he entered upon the subject he was anxious to ei guard agast
the possibility ofbeing thought hostile to the present Govern-
ment of Ireland. So far was he from it, that the Noble Ilfar-
quis at the head of that Government was' the person with whom
the earliest associations of his youth were formed. Tie had been
taught to look up to him as a child, and had followed. his splen- I
did progress with-m-ore than ordinaey. ankiete.• Under, the. une
toward circumstances iii the midst of-which that Noble Mar-
quis was piazed, he did not see lidw he could have conducted
himself better than he had done, and the best proof of this was
his being at the present moment unpopular with both extreme
parties in Ireland.'' The Noble. Earl then adMitted that much
bad been done by the-Irish Government in collateral measures. i
Ile praised the attempt to alter the System of titheseanci- intro-
duce other' beneficial enactments. lie however feared that
their Lordships would again be called upon to revive the Insure I
rection Act this year. He called upon them to look at the
trials now taking place in Ireland, and they 'would see that
though the Constabulory Bill, under certain restrictions might
be productive of good, a great portion of the riots which had
ended in murders in Ireland had been perpetrated by those
who, under that Act, ought to have been the preservers of
peace. He contended that party animosities etere at this mu.
ment higher than ever in Ireland. He did not complain of the I
Noble Earl opposite or of his colleagues ; they had only trod
in the steps of their predecess.rs. Let
,their Lordships re-
fresh their memories by reading the history ofireland, and I
they would see that the state of that • country for sit hun- I
dred years presented nothing but oppression on the one hand
and suffering on the outer. From Henry IL to George IV.,
from Earl Strohgbow to the Marquis of Wellesley, but one
system had been pursued, that of disunion. This system was
the reverse of what it ought to have been : -but it was still kept
up, and there was still the same distinction between the Eng-
lish and Irish, between the Catholics and Protestants in lieland, -
as in the earliest ages of the Conquest. Hoe-ever impartially
it was wished by the Government that the laws should be admi-
nistered there was more impartiality in their administration than ,
there ought to be. Nothing short of a total subversion cf that
system could lead to a change in the situation of the country.—
The
Noble-Earl was then understood to recommend the eman-
cipation of the Catholics as a measure which ought to-proceed
fiom his Majesty's Goveinment. In every free State all
classes of subjects had a right to be admitted to the enjoy-
ment of it privileges, unless it could be proved that they
would be dangerous to its existence. He should neglect
his duty if he did not take that opportunity of giving ee so- '
lemn warning to their Lordships. The moral force of pub-
lic opinion was against the system adopted towards the Ro-
man Catholics. The subject might now be considered with
temper ; we were at peace, and we still had the prospect
of some years of peace before us. Let their Lordships profit
by the opportunity :—Let them divest themselves of all preen_
dice, and consider whether it were possible to adopt sonic great
arrangement, including Catholic Emancipation, and to devise
some enactments by which to effect it. Certainly much had been
done by the present Government to ameliorate the condition of
Ireland, hut it was to be feared that the measures hitherto
adopted had not produced the effect which was expected from
-them, and that party spirit had rendered them abortive. This
was not a new case in Ireland. A person who held the office
of Secretary in that country three hundred years age, after
wondering that no course was taken to establish a better Go.
vernment, had added, "hut some say it is the fate and destiny
of that Land that no measure devised for the public good shall
prosper." Nothing effectual could, he was convinced, be done
for that country, unless the Measure which he conceived to
be the only foundation on which the peace of Ireland could
rest were adopted. He did not mean, however, to say. that
Catholic Emancipation would remove all the evils under,which
Ireland laboured, but it would lay the only basis foe real paci-
fication and improvement. Upon this subject, the most MI- .
portant of all others, his Alajesty's Ministers could not agree
amongst• themselves. The Noble Earl opposite
e would pro-
bably say that a reason against granting Emancipation was
to be found in the violent speeches of the Catholic Body.
But he would ask the Noble Earl whether that was the only
violent party in Ireland ? Ile had seen writings by a (Urge
man of the Establishment, who had 'put his signature, contain-
ing the most gross and illiberal eibaldry egainst the Catholic
Church. Was not that a ground of imitatton ? Nay, were not
the language and the acts of the Orange Party in Ireland justly
disavowed by Gentlemen who professed themselves Orenee-
men, were they net subjects of irritation ? Its Ireland Catholics
were viewed by the Orangemen in general in the same light
as Jews. He was happy to say, however, that that feel-
ingewas- not universal, and he saw a Right Reverend "Prelate
opposite, who, by his conduct in his. ministry and his charge
to his Clergy had shown the true genuine spirit of Chris-
tianity. Let his Right Rev. Brethern also prove by their con-
duct that theirs was the true Religion. The Noble Earl then
took a view of the state of the Church in Irelaridond of the die-
proportion which existed between its revenuesand the duties it
had to perform. He wished it to he clearly understood, that no-'
thing which he said applied directly or indirectly to the Church
of Great Britain, where the splendour of the Hierarchy and Es-
tablishment was only consistent with the greatness of the country
and the splendour of the Monarchy. But in Ireland, where
the proportion of Protestants was so smell that it amounted to
scarcely .halfa million out of seven millions, the Hierarchy con-
sisted of no less that four- Archbishops anale Bishops, who
positively possessed more wealth than the English Clergy. He •

REDUCTION OF TAXES, itc.
This Day were published, Is. 6d.
,P RACTICAL FINANCIAL OPERA-
TIONS, as suggested to his Majesty's Government ;
navinf in view, amongst other objects, the REPEAL of
SEyN MILLIONS of ANNUAL TAXES ; Loans on
Mortgage at Four per Cent. Interest to the Resident Land
FroprietOrs of Ireland; and both the Education and Employ-
ment Of the Hush Poor, as the most Salutary means of meliorat-
ing their condition.

By JOHN BRICKWOOD.
Sold by C. and J. Rivington, Waterloo-place, and St. Paul's
Church-yard ;J. Ridgway, Piccadilly ; Sherwood, JonOs, and
Paternoster-:ow ; and J. M. Richardson, Cornhill-

", 1 ark

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FRIDAY, APRIL 9, 1824.

wished. to pot that wealth, on stielt a footing that every Subject
should receive the benefit of retie-ion with encroaching on
the rights of the Clergy, Here the Noble Earl was understood
to recommend certain reductions io flit! Establishment by which
a provision might be made for the Protestant, Clergy in lien
of tythes, and a fund set :smart for the education of the Poor
Cletgy of the Catholics. He alsorecoin-
lanned pp n
dseudtohrat o
that,
rttilie the
residence
of .Clergymen should be enforced,
and that they should, be more equally distributed over the-
face of the country fir tee
benefit of the people. He then al-
lnded to the Commission appointed at the suggestion of the
other House, for inquiring into the state of Education inlreland. Ireland. Much would det;e-id on the manner in which that
Commission would be formed, -The -Subject of education
had been more .or
less attended to at various times by
the Irish Governmeno
but unfortunately, every system of
education introluce:sentryinto that :sentry had Proceetle,d on, a,
false ground. In the
Year 1733, schools had been eata-
blished for the Catholics; but the object being to make pro-
selytes to the Protestant religion., the Catholics had . set their
faces against 'those institutions; which had thus, produced
creating -a spirit. of opposition and
of jealousy which it,had been impossible since to eradicate.
by-
TM
horeeiehwaransi
atnhoat:
er goodyind
of schools, the Diocesan Schools, esta-
fbelwisiiintel ntunas early
iy
ease sltaltiesa
deprived
c;f.
reign of Vetter VI1I.; hut they were
the power of being useful
by the idea still entertained by the Catholics, that inwas, meant
directly or indirectly to make proselytes of their children. He
was convinced that no beneficial streets would flow to any
- extent from any system of, education which would give cause
to suspect that it might be intended as an instrument of pro-
selytism, and he hoped and tiusted that the Commission would
set out with the conviction that no systaita- of education
would prove eifeetive which did net steer clear of such a
suspicion. The Noble Earl then recommended. the situation
Of the Irish peasantry, to the serious consideration of the
House. He considered the introduction of potatoes into a soil
so fertile, and a climate so mild as that of Ireland, to-have been
one of the causes. which had reduced the people to its present
unfortimate situation. It had produced a numerous, popula-
tion living on the lowest means, without the necessity of much
cultivation or labour; for the small spot of' ground o' which
the Irishman raised his fatl, also furnished him with the fuel
for boiling; it, and prevented further exertion. The obvious
rernedy for superabundance of population was emli;oYmer.lit
The subdivision of land Ireland also occasioned much
Of the misery of the people, and that misery hied, in _some
measure, arisen from what teas one of the greatest boons which
could be given to a couutry—the Elective P ranchise. • For that
Franchise had increased the evil of the subdivitiion of Property
by leading to the creation of wretched tenements for the purpose
of making freeholders the only manufacture which flourished
in that country. It would, therefore, be worthy of consideratloo
whether, when certain advantages should be offered to tho
tholics on the one. hand, it should not be proposed to them on
the other as a fair matter of negotiation, to relinquish part of
that. fatalpriviteete Which had been grantedio them. The Noble
Earl then adverted to the injury doae to Ireland by the ab-
sence of its chief proprietors, and Urged them, et least, to hip.
prove their estates by giving employment to the people. 'Fills
was It duty which they had to perftirm, but which the Goverp-
,
merit ougot.to assist them in performing. If there was a case
in which the principles of political 'economy ought to be
'laid aside
.for- nonnent, it was the ease of Ireland. lie
should, therefore urge the necessity of giving eueouragemeet
by every possible means to the indu,nry of the lower
and still hoped that as a matter of policy and humanity the
bounties on the exportation of coarse lineits would nut he
immediately withdrawn. Ile should also remind resident pro.
prietors that it was their duty to take. care that every public
work undertaken in Ireland should not be turned into, a jrth
for private advantage. The Noble Earl read a passage from
the report of a distinguished engineer, Mr. Gilmore, -to thew:
by better authority than hiS own, that the system of convert-
•
ing public works into .private jobs prevailed in Ireland to a
great extent.. lid theo recapitulated tire chief points which
he had mentioned in the 'course of I is speech. He thought that
no genhral good could be effected in Ireland_ until the ties-
tiiolotefr C,laitnhodetii
lictneeritaeti of cipa was settltd, 4, it must be,itooner
n
attempts to prevent it. He re--
com Mended their Lordships to take into serious ionSideration
the state of' the Church Establishment in Ireland,• and the means
people and improving its- condition From
the
cdcuing thel
iepuat'ernal iisposition of his Majesty—troth his having
visited Irelando.-and from his parting admonition and the
sentiments which it contained, he was not Without hopes
that some recommendation might be brought down to that
House; which, coming from the spontaneous ebulition of his
he was convinced the Right Reverend Bench
d that toe Protestant
scruple to admit the propriety of the change,
an
%,:‘,lol,lileast vle'asvreegnanrils,e
Establishment, which they were
bound to maintain, would be strengtheoed by it. In the mean
time he called upon their Lordslups to do what they could, and
to bestow the deepest ettention on the state of Ireland. An
army of 2.1,000- men was now in that country, but if the
system of her Government was not altered, it would noo be
fifty thousand men that would keep her down. He was not
to
eh
,oiltheetr teir,entst,.terass
ofw thep
ei flotLetn
sche
eote'
ntlhilids
alwaysse an nn utti
ynreeamer
nnanohn7
‘Vhat then would be her tanner if
at Peace. peace.
in time of war Ireland slunildremain in the state iii which she
now was, or in one still more desperate? Tbere was nothing
that the Irish bore so ill as contumely and neglect; but if
well treated, they would become a source of strength instead
of' danger to the empire. This was the most favourable tirne
-for considering dispassionately whether all other modes having
failed, a new. system- should rot be adopted. England owed
much to Ireland ; and unless .their Lordships speedily ap-
plied a remedy, .tltey would not have it in their power to save
that country. - The Noble Earl concluded by moving thiti a
Select Committee be appointed to consider how far the mea-
sures for the regulation of Ireland, lately adopted by Parlia-
ment, or recommended by his Alajesty's Ministers, have
tended, or are likely to tend, to remove discontents, to alleviate
animosities, and to ameliorate the state of that country, and
whether any or what other farther measures may be required to
secure the happiness and welfare of that part of his Majesty's
dominions'
The Earl of LIVERPOOL should have wished, before he
troubled their Lordships, to
have heard the sentiments of as
many of the Noble Lords connected with Ireland as were pre-
sent. hut feared that if he did not take the present opportunity
of addressing them, he should have been unable at a later hour
to do it._ Had he thought such a Committee as thaopeoposed
by the Noble Earl likely to prove beneficial to Ireland or
to the empire, he should not oppose it. But he was firmly
persuaded that no good would arise from complying with the
motion, and that the question had better be met by another
course than that proposed by ohe Noble Lord, which might
lead the country into serious difficulties and considerable in-
conveniences. In the (motet of what he had to say, and before
he.entered iota the other branches of the subject, he wished to
do justice to the character of the Irish people. Ile had, never
visited Ireland, and was not therefore acquainted with her •
localities ; bat in his private capacity and his public situation
he hail conic into contact with large masses of Irish people.—
He had seen the leading part which they took in all the•
branche's of industry of this great metropolis, toed in every town
fit the country. Ile had constantly and minutely looked into
their conduct as mechanics and labourers, and he was able to
say, that whatever it might be in their own country, out of' it
there was not any people in the world, more industrious, more
honest, more kindly disposed, and more alive to a sense of
obligation for kindness shorn towaeds them.— (Hearehear
He laid this seat any man should- be senseless enough to ima-
gine that the evils of their country arose from a fault in the
character of her people. Whether he looked to the Army, to
the Navy, or to every branch of useful industry, he saw not
a more valuable race of men than the Irish upon the face of
the earth.---(Hear, hear!)—Having now done justice to the
people of Ireland, he initst also do it to the mangy itself, and
point out that in the view which was to be taken of iteeituation,
a greet distinction should be made, as to su'serior order and
industry, between the province of 'Ulster and the rest of Ire-
land. 'rliat province was in a state of &renting prosperity, and
if' not in as flourishing a situation as some parts of Great Bri--
tain, meta as much so in manufactures and agriculture as most
parts of the United Kingdom. Great advantages, therefore,
belonged to that province over the rest of Ireland, which en
titled it to be excepted from the picture of misery which had-
been drawn, and the exception' was not of small importance,
as it embraced one-third of the whale country. With respect
to the policy adopted in foriner times towards Ireland, he
admitted it to ,}have been a polio): of tyranny anti oppression;
and when tyranny and oppression were not exercised, be
also admitted that the sOtish and narrow principles which
then dispaced our. owl) statute books, were applied to Ire-
land . with an additional degree of intensity. There were
other circumstances, however, frpm which,- although credit-
able to this country, Ireland' had received se Much injury

as from the system of tyranny by which they had been Pre-
. ceded. lie meant the giving to her the full enjoyment of
those British institutions for which She was not' prepared.
A. different course of policy had been adopted towards Scat-
land. Tlieir Lordships knew that' Scotland was, at one time,
in a worse situation shim Ireland." If, hlter 1745, we had given'
her the laws and institutions of England, she would never
have arrived at that degree of prosperity,
,whihh she hed. now
reached._ But her special situation and wants had been
looked to at the time and. provided for, and it hat?' not been
imagined that what wits a Supreme good in England' must
of necessity be the same in a country placed under different
circumstances. Ho should now call the attention of their
Lordships to the numerous laWs which had been, passed daring
the reign of his late .11tijesty- for the Of Ireland. In
doing so he might appeal to the opintwt.Of a Noble Baron who.
Was no longer Le the habit of attending the service of that
.Louse, t‘ that there was no instance in the world of's° meth(
acts of heneticenZe for any . countryas for Ireland during the
at die queetton of taxation. It
late reign." There. Lordships were not aware of the situation
in Which. Ireland stood with respect to England. No country
But whilst Ohs was
had ever done, from the beginning of the•woeld, so much for a
done
a tnird o-13:7,nillacyeddof uo -r
limb of its Eriehire:as this country had
Isreland. He should first look
was wall known that England, in Consequence of the late
contest, was taxed beyond the average of
hly taxed bekond any country in Europe.
the case, Ireland had,heen so far relieved by 'England" taking
her debt upon herself, that she. (ft:eland) was the least hexed
any country in Europe wigs the exceptioet of Switzerland.
It ought to be itnown that. Great Itrititio wee tared five thiles
as much as Ireland, and that Ireland was the only country in
•
Europe which paid no direct takeS.te the Government. Except-
ingtithes, no direct impost was paid by the people in Ireland.
Unfortunately for them, ie he thought they had no provision
,for the: phor—poor's rates were tinknOwn in Ireland: New
when he stated that, as compared with other countries, Great
Britain was doubly tasted, and that Ireland was lesS taked then
any country in Europe, .he stated but a email part of What
he could urge on this' subject. While in consequence oh the
low rate of taxation eleewheree it was deemed necessary to
protect English industry by dutiee and prohibitions. 'Now,
though Ireland paid not one-fifth of: the taxee which were
borne by Great Britain, not half the amount of takes paid in
the Netherlands, and other countries, yet Ireland bad the an-
Vantage, o bringing her" gnatis intothe 1' rietliett market on
equal terms with the peonies of this Country. It was necessary
that Ireland should be aware of this fact, that having her taxes
lowered' to one-fiftli of 'the amount paid in dui' country,
she was protected from those duties which attached to the Com-
merce of all otheeecountriei. NeVer since the beginning of•the
world had the Government of one country acted more generotia-
ly towards another than the Governinent of England had acted
towards Ireland.. He would put it to any considerate scan' l
to say, speaking front his heart, that he was:jultified in drew.
ing such a _conclusion. Whatever had been the c2nduct of
England towards Ireland in former periods; he would say
that, in recent times, at present the most liberal policy, withrespect to her was acted 'upon by his Majesty's Ministers..
_Whatever differences of opinion might exist as to the 'pro-
priety of continuing ttie religions disabilities which-were the
subject of complaint, the real grievancea of Ireland were not
necessarily connected with them. But when any evil was pe-
culiarly complained of, an inquiry' into the nature of it had
been readily conceded. Commissioners had been apkiointeil to
investigate various -grievances, and important fiscai rei'orrns
had grown out of their labours. There was, he beliz:ved, nu
difference of opinion as to the merit of their exertions. They
bed done everything in their power to probe the ease to the ;
bottom in which their services, had been engaged. Much bad
heea done for Ireland by pr9mo;:ing the edacation of the poor,
and the inquiries which had hhen set on foot in connection anti •
diet subject. 'Pulse things borne in mind he thought, it must
he admitted, that but a small portion of the evils complained
of in Ireland were fairly ,to he charged on the Government. •
The GOvernment and the Legislature had not,ben unsuccess.
fol in their efforts to .promote education in Ireland. Persons
of all classes admitted, as he wits sure the Noble Margnie op-
posite.would, that.tiethis respect much improvernentliad been
made. iVhich may still bee going on. A Society had beeh ,
formed in 1817, for the purpose of educating 'thti Irish poor
without regarding flit: differences of religion. The Society
had in the following year eight scho uls ;' in 1319, 1 3 ; in 182,2,
241; and in the last year, 1322. To show the progressive. in-
. crease of the .applications for schools, he would state what
they had been in the last year. The epplications received in the
first quarter were 63 ; in, the second,73 ; in the third, 117 ; and
in the fourth, 142. The totelnumber within the year being 395, .
consideeable, dietruet of the object had been manifested tit first,
buothis began to subside, and the applications were last year
as numerous from Munster as they had previously been from
Ulster. Ile described the Care with which all religious dis-
tinctionswere avoided ire these Schools, and stated nearly halt'
the masters of them to.be ll:mien Catholics. The good effects'
Pfthese
by
themetiorrecshc
oo tfdadmn notbut immediately
h witnessed, as pro-
dicedthe satisfaction
to to know that the most encouraging results were•already report-
t.
ed. He had stated this that it might be known how the system
worked. Au Hon. Member in other Hotise had moved that
a new Commission should issue on this subject. To this lie could
have no objection, as he wished the fullest inquiry to take
.place, and was prepared to make almost any sacrifice to forward i
the objeet in view, He agreed that it was highly important
such arrangements should be made with respect to the Police,
as 'Would leave the Catholics no cause to complain. This'had
beettattended to. The Catholics had been appointed to situa-
tions in the Police' in common with Proteetantsh and no diffe-
rences had arisen between the parties, but such as were likely
.to occur between individuals of the same persuasion. For the
tithes he would admit that theSe occasioned grievances in Ire-
landewhich were not occasioned by tithes in England. There
might be grievances which did and 'which do require a re-
medy, but still he would say that an Unfair view of this sub-
jset had been taken by some of the Noble Lords opposite. The
division and subdivision of lands lie held to bean evil, and the
mode of collecting the tithes might require correction ; but'
if the tithes were abolished to-morrow, the tithe-payer might
depend upon it that he would have infinitely more than their
amount. to pay to his- landlord. In looking at the state of ;
the peasantry of leeland, he considered that no practical
remedy could be supplied but that which might grow out of a
considerable alteration in the manners of the country and the
management of the estates. The endless divisions and subdi-
visions of property he had stated to be an evil, and another he
traced to the. rent of the landoehich considering the different
circarnstances of the two countries was let at an infinitely higher
rate in Ireland than land let for in England. Irish peasants, it
should be remembered, were in a situation hnlike that in which '
any other body of men were found in the British empire. They
had had many petitions in favour of abolishing Slavery in the
West, Indies. lie wished it could be abolished. The existence
of slavery was an evil, and a greater one to the master, pre-
haps, than to the slave, from its giving the former a sense of
power over a fellow-creature, which ought to be lodged in the
hands of no mortal man. But where elevery was in, question,
the good must be taken with the bad. Of whatever else the
slave might complain, .he was secure of being fed and clothed
whether sick or well. The Serfs, the Clansmen, and all persons
depending on a superior, had some spit of proviiion made for
them liy the Proprietor of the soil. But such .was not the case
with the peasantry of Ireland, there was no provision for
them. Every other laboaret felt that he had a home, but the
Irish, peasant had no home, had not those rights which others
might claim. This led him to speak of absentees. If any per-
eon thought he adverted to this subject from an idea that the
number of individuals absent
,from their estates was a consi-
deration of importance, that person was mistaken. Nl' hat
he meant to contend was, that the abeence of the proprietors
gave a different character to the whole
.community. What
las it but these gave Tise to the middle men, who were so
often the subjects of complaint ? The middle men was in-
jurious to both landlord and tenaot, as wherever his agency
was used a profit for him must be secured. • Political eco-
nomists heed differed on the que;tion, whether it were de-
sirable for the community that preperty shonld be collect-
ed in large masses, or divided into smell Vans ? A prac-
tical man would favour both. Where there was a small pro-
perty there was more economy—whele a large one, more
liberality anti atteetion to the wants of the labourer. Both •
ought to exist in the same , cortnpopity, •as each acted ad-
vantageously upon the other. Bot when a mass of Pro-
prietors. were withdrawn from the estates, and removed so
from generation .to generation did it not stand to reason
that a most material impression must be wade on the property
of Ireland. From this he accounted for the difference between
Ireland -and Scotland. Ireland was not more distant from
London then Scotlaral, and there could be no doubt that the
same 'prosperity would attend " the former, if the same atten-
tion were paid by the proprietors as was paid by those. of
the }utter, tied greater properity he believed was not. hopem