The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-18 00:00:00

TH E SUN, LONDON. TUESDAY, MAY Is, 1841.

to show them how to get out of these difficulties. The
lan of the Right Hon. Gentleman simply was by leaving
things alone.— (Hear, hear, an.' a laugh.) He would show the
House thee they could not. leave things alone. The Noble
Lord the Member for North Lancashire said he objected to
the proposition in point of time—that they shoule not have
made it except in a ease cf the most urgent necessity, or when
their national existence was in peril. Ile should like to know
whether such was not the case at presen'e when foreign coun-
tries had shown a great disUeclination to receive their manu-
factures when they would not receive the produce of these
countries in return—when there was overwhelming
distress in the country, and the labouring classes were driven
almost to despair.—( Loud cheers.) He contended that the
crisis had already arrived, and it was impos,ible the people
could make any further sacrifices. The Noble Lord the Secre-
tary for the *Colonies, in his admirable speech at the com-
mencement of the debate, had alluded to the prosperity of the
West India Colonies, and it had been asserted by some Hon.
Members that these statements were exaggerated, but he
would quote to the House an authority which would not be
contested by Hon. Members opposite, namely the House of
Assembly. They stated that they did not shrink from a com-
parison with the people of Great Britain as regards the social
condition of their people—that among. them there was
no instance known of parents putting their infants to death, to
aye them from the horrors of protracted starvation—that they
hid no Corn-laws to add to the wealth of the rich, nor no
Poor-lads to imprison, under the pretence of maintaining, the
poor.—( Hear, hear.) Such was the description the House ot
Assembly gave of its new population, and he would prove that
it was equally true as regarded the people of that country.
The Right lion. Gentleman, the Member for the Tower Ham-
lets, had either through ignorance, or, apathy to the condition
of the poorer classes, in a speech which hail created the greats sr
disgust throughout the metropolis, stated that the poor people
would prefer a dinner of herbs to the stalled ox they would set
before them. Instead of going to Cuba and the Brazils to point
out the wretchedness of the slaves,why had not the Right lion.
Gentleman gone to Bethnal-green among his own constituents ?
—( Hear, hear.) He would refer the House to what occurred
the other day at the Mansion-house, when the Relieving-officer
of the West London Union stated that he was obliged to escape
by a back way to avoid the importunities of the hundreds of
paupers whom famine had rendered almoss reckless of life.
Another relieving-officer said that he had given assistance to
6,000 destitute poor in the course of the year, and that hun-
dreds had come to him actually famishing.—( Hear.) These
were not solitary in-tances. But he would take them
to the manufacturing districts ; whereas in Bethnal-green they
were shown to be without furniture or bedding, all the family
inhabiting one room, and: almost starving, in the district
which he had the honour to represent the distress was equally
great, and in Marylebone, close to the seat of splendour and
fashion, the people were starving at their very doors.—( Hear,
hear.) In twenty-six houses in that distract there were not
less than 882 inhabitants, and, in many instances, individuals
of all ages and sexes slept together in the same room and in the
same bed.—( Hear, hear.) If they went to Birmingham they
would find from the report of the Relieving Committee, that
during the severe weather of last winter, upwards of 40,000
persons were in such a state of destitution that they re-
ceived, with the greatest eagerness and thankfulness,
the pittance of I 4d. per head per week.—(Hear, hear.)
To the Relief Committee a communication was addressed by
a Committee of working men, in which they stated that they
could not bring themselves to believe that the Relief Com-
mittee would abruptly leave off its labours, and under the cir-
cumstances which they knew to exist at the present rime,
abandon their Christian brethren without giving them the
slightest hope. In a nation which was the wealthiest in the
world, the smallness ot the sum collected offered no remedy
at all for the evils endured by them (the working men). He
(Mr. D.) woul I call the attention of the House to the follow-
ing passage in the above communication :—" We remind you
that there is no real difficulty in the case— that each of the
distressed workmen could, if employed, produce five times
more than he would consume." He would next call the notice
of Hon. Members to an extract of a letter from Burton-on-
Trent, which stated that four manufactories in that place,
worked by Messrs. John and Robert Peel, had ceased to work,
and nearly 500 persons were thus thrown out of employment
without the least chance of their being re-engaged. This (con-
tinued the Hog. Member) surely was a state of things which
called for some remedy. He hail got details of the misery and
distress of the hand-leorn weavers of Manchester, with which
he would not troelele the House. If Hon. Members would real
the Report on the condition of the hand-loom weavers, they
would find cases of individuals living at one penny per day. The
condition of the. working classes in Loughborough was, if
possible, still worse. A letter from that place mentioned the
case ot a man who had formerly been in good cif cumstances,
and who, in consequence et' his wretched condition, hung him-
self, in despair on the death of his wife. The writer coneiuded
his letter by saving, that he would not recite ail the cir-
cumstances which came under his observation which were
enough to make a wise man mad. A letter front
Sutton Ashfield stated that the distress there was daily increas-
ing, and yet the poor rates were so heavy as to bring the
tradespeop'e on a level with the opulent. The letter was
signed William Goodacre, the curate of the parish, who was a
gentleman ot high Tory principles. In the neighbourho Of
Huddersfield, many of the poor people engaged in weaving
were obliged to travel several miles for the material of the
fabric which they wove, and, after completing their work, they
travelled back with it, and yet the average amount of their
wages 'vat about 4s. 6d. a week. Nothing could be mote
miserable than the hovels in which they dwelt ; they were de..
void, not only of every comfort, hut of every necessary article
of furniture. He would refer to one letter more, which was
printed and addressed to the Duke of Wellington. It was not
from a Chartist, or one who sought for the Vote by Ballot,
but from a High Church and State man. The letter men-
tioned that not more than six miles from Huddersfield the
peasantry were in such a state of want that they considered a
cow which had died of dysentery, a great god-send—or,
as they termed it—a green cale.—( Hear.) The writer of the
same letter went on to say that he had inquired of many how
of en they had tasted butcher meat, and the universal answer
was, never but when they could get a " green cale." One
landlord who had a cow who died of this complaint, said that
he would not dispose of another to the poor for 501., for they
out up the flesh before it could get cold, and devoured it al-
most raw. here were individuals scrambling for carrion to
sustain life, and yet they had heard a Right Hon. Gentleman
say that the poor people of this country would prefer a dinner
of herbs to a stalled ox. Before they called upon the poor of
the country to make such sacrifices, they must make their prac-
tice accord with principles. When Ile saw the great officers of
Church and State prepared to sacrifice a portion of their reve-
nue, rather than take it out of the pockets of a starving people
--when he saw the owners of Brazilian mines refusing a por-
tion of the gold raised by the labour of the negro, he would
then believe that this millenium of self-denial had arrived ;
but till then he said they had no right to call upon the labour-
ing classes of the country to refuse and reject one of the chief
necessaries of life, because it happened to come from what they
were pleased to call a poltuted source.—( Hear, hear.) It
was well known that the division for which Honourable
Gentlemen were so anxious would be against her Ma-
jesty's Ministers, but he trusted that they would not
on that account despond. When the Noble Lord the Secretary
for the Colonies gave notice that at a future day he would call
the attention of the House to the duty on corn, and when the
Chancellor of the Exch, quer hid his propositions before the
kot:!e, he would venture to say that the announcements had
given gre:t satisfaction to the country, yet they were received
with derision in that House. lint the Noble Lord must not
despond. He must rt:'member that at the time when he pro-
Reform—(Cheers)
—posheed
whaiss masesaasiulerdes
by
yer
the discordant yells and the hor-
rible howls of the boroughmongers.—(Loud cheers and
laughter.) The people stood by the Gevesnment of that day
and they would stand by the present Government.—( Hear. )
And perhaps some of them might live to see another message
sent to Noble Lords in another place on the swamping
princ'ple, which was no doubt remembered by the Right Hon.
Member for Pembroke and the Noble Lord the Member for
North Lancashire, requesting them to absent themselves while
a measure was passed that would be beneficial to the interests
of the people. No doubt Hon. Gentlemen opposite flattered
themselves there was a reaction in their favour ; but this had
only been produced by the mariner in which they had evaded
the Reform Bill by that bribery and intimidation which
had made the Reform Bill a dead letter—( Loud cheering)—
until the people had almost forgotten that such a Bill had ever
passed. 'There was no reaction in the country in favour of
Toryism. There was a change in public opinion, but its ope-
ration was against that class legislation that had been pursued
for so many years. The reaction was in the minds of our
countrymen who had begun to think for themselves, and to
consider things as they were, not as they wore inter-
! preted by prejudice and. superstition. Let them be as-
sured that if they persisted in this course, they would
produce a state of things in which not only would there
! be no quiet to the poor, but no safety to the rich. • For
ithese reasons he called upon them to vote against the amend-
ment of the Noble Lord (Sandon). For his own pert he had
never given a vote with greater satisfaction than the ene he
should g:ee against it and he should give because he thought
the amendmei:t was ealculated to keep up the injury theyhad too
',shit of of inflicting on the industrious mil-
long been in the ~. ,(T em
lions of this country.—e •
Mr. BRISCOE rose, amid
"each noise and confusion, and
n.
said he could not give a silent vote m.es this suliject, especially as
4 with rard
it formed part of a new and enlightenee system
ehmitted to the
to our commercial policy, for the first time so 5,.1
that the
House by a united Cabinet.—( Hear.) He we: assure,. ass_
representations which had been made to the House of the
tressed state of those engaged in commerce and manufactures
fell short of the reality, and that if the measures proposed by
the honest and liberal advisers of the Crown were not adopted
the most alaring consequences would ensue.—(Cheers.) As an
independent Member of the House—(Cheers, Oh, oh, and
laughter)—ttyheof feltthe boAltrodi,tteorsd.e_cl(aßree his. bdelief in th)e honesty
ant
had proposed only the measure for theTt'enosseheruzdoasro.
they would have received the nahoert of many who g a
now
ow. duties,
(Cheers, anti oh, oh.)
s:l-
-fishly opposed them on account ou
He supportedoptbposreessimveeaCsourrnes-lawarie—h,
lie believed, would insure the happiness of the whole country,
from their Sovereign on the 'throne to the humblest indite-
dual.—( The Hon. Member sat down
of "Divide.") amidst cheers and cries

Mr: MUNTZ (amidst great interruption and cries of
" Divide") said that when he heard thNoble Lord, the t-Fecre-
tary for the Colonies, state his intentions, he he thought of the
remarkable expression of Talleyrand,
anal olla le commence-
mentlaugerht ere.e)unirHmes
which kepttw the price
du fiu." (Loud cheers
ereoutlll'ost unnatural.
thought that the laws
bread to
priceto f twice
money
wasthe t h
ep price
same,
llbut they
ut he had
—wofh(illebtar, hear.) No man was mere convincedn than humelf
throughrt an ceo f t reducing u;hi nog! e thesys importsystem
at o n dutiesee
ought gthhte toi importance
great, doubts of the probability of increasing the. rev
clueing the duties.—( Hear.) However, every one
byre-
must be
convinced that a great cri,is in the affairs of the country had
had
arrived, and that something decided must he done
hear.) If the Corn-laws were repealed, the burthens— (of
the Hear,
country would he thrown upon the landlords.—(Cheers from
the Opposition.) It was impossible that the country could go go
on paying the present amount of debt, and double rental out of
its present means. But he could not see how a tax of 6s, a
quarter on imported corn wou'd make up the deficiency.
The repeal of the Corn.laws would go to reduce wae°e3.
( Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) He repeated, the
only way in which a repeal cf the Corn-laws could assist the
country was by enabling the manufacturers to obtain work at
loner prices.—( Hear.) lie thought, therefore, that there
should he further measure., of reform, in order to benefit the
nation at large. There had been la•ely a quotation in the
Times of an opinion of his to the effect. that a repeal of the
Corn-laws would not produce the desi!ed effect; but he had
merely ,aid it world Lot p-o fuce the effect unless accompanied
by other measures He had been reproached with inconsis-
tency on that subject, but Le SAW ne inconsistency in the
course he had taken. Formerly all taxation fell on the la-
bouring cksses, and now it was attempted to remove it to the
landed- interest ; but the landlords were too wise to consent to
the alteration. Unless they joined to a repeal of the Corn-
laws, a chancre in the monied system land would pass altogether
out of the hands which now held it.—( Hear, hear.) He
would rather impose a tax at once on preperty than repeal the
existing protection of the landed interest. That appt ared to
hi;n to be the fairer course. He had no object but the public
good, and on that account he had frankly expressed his
opinions.
On the motion of Mr. SHEIL, the adjournment of the
del.ate was then agreed to.
Ihe other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Half past Twelve o'Clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

CHRONICLE.—The impatience of delay in the denoue
meet of the ;rending crisis, manifested in the looks ant coevei-
we ion of the Tories, is very entertaining, nor is it unnatural.
The English Tory lawyers, gaping for the good things which
reported arrangements for the retirement of more than one
English Judge, and the situations to be created by the Bill for
the Reform cf the Court of Chancery, may place at the im-
mediate disposal of their patrons ; the Scotch Tory advocates,
whose adhesion to their party, has been confirmed " iu the
worst of times" by the assurance of the retirement of
the Lord President, and one or two other venerable or-
nament; of the Scotch bench, on the advent of a Tory Ca-
binet ; and the Irish Orange lawyers wetting upon
a simiar providence for the successor to Chief Justice Bushe
and some others of his brethren, are in consternation for fear
the expression of feeling from the country may become stronger
with the protraction of the debate, and still lead to some :mei-
dent between the cup and the lip. It is said, also, that Sir
James Graham is suffering severely from the agonies of expec-
tation and suspense, fearing that India may escape his grasp,
and that the alarm.spread among the minor Tory expectants
for places in diplomacy and at Court, and the 't ory jobbers
of every description, both in and out of office—:he one set
wailing for pensions on retirement, the other for places
held by their confederates, through infirmity, inconve-
nience, and disqualificasitsn, for the happy advent for
which they have been so lone desirous, is b •corning very
serious, and likely to lead to the most fearful conse-
quences. We really pity them, and sincerely regret that any
teeling for the wants, the miseries, and the lust claims of the
suffering population should for one instant interfere with the
fine castles in the air they have been building. The country
knows full well their only object. The old crib and manner of
their new ally, the pride of Westminster—the loaves anittishes
good places for those in office—high rents for their sup-
porters without—what in comparison with such considerations,
are the decay of trade in Leeds, Manchester, Glasgow Birming-
ham, and Bolton, or the starving condition of the thousands of
artisans now wandering about these towns in want of employ-
ment or bread? and, as if to add insult to injury, in the
desperate hope of covering their despicable designs,
they would put on the new man and assume the
hypocritical guise of the advocates of the Negro ! Of
all Tory attempts to practise upon the credulity of
the public this has been the losvess and the basest. An Anti-
Slavery Orange and Tory Society, !I The explosion at Exeter
Hall, every day's debate in the House of Commons, the meet-
ings throughout the country, have done much to disabuse the
public, and to expose the Tory conspiracy against the interests
of the -people. Delay and discussion are, therefore, most es-
sential, although necessarily disagreeable to the vultures, ho-
vering over their prey, as they suppose, within their reach.
Everything tends to encourage in us the hope that the Miiiis-
: ters will not disappoint our reliance on their energy and deci-
sion, if their opponents should drive matters to extremities.
When the time should arrive for the solution of the question of
resignation or dissolution, no reason short of the impossibility
of dissolution will satisfy the country that it should be delivered
over, bound hand and foot, to Tory domination, without, at
all events, giving the people an opportunity of making the best
fight they can against monopoly and restriction. We
know the difficulties either way. When we urged
this course before, we did so without regard to cal-
culations made by either party, as to the chances of the
returns to a new House of Commons. We know the opposi-
tion the Liberal party will have to struggle with in the coun-
ties, and against T3ry gold in the smaller boroughs. Still, we
believe those most capable of forming a correct judgment see
no reason to doubt as liberal a return as at the last election ;
and think there are considerable chances of some improvement
in it. Much, of course, depends upon the combined efferts of
monopolists on one side, and upon the additional exertions
which the hope of relief from their exactions may excite on
the other. Rut we own that there are, in our opinion, even
graver considerations, eh:eh would weigh in the decision of
the question. The Government must have foreseen the extent
of the present opposi' iou to their measures ; they could
scarcely have calculated upon the assistance of the
landed Aristocracy in the repeal of the Corn-laws-
of the East and West Indians, or Canadians, in interference with
their monopolies. They must have looked to the people, solely,
for support to carry plans intended for their advantage;
and to the effect of the expression of public feeling and opinion
for the removal of the pretudie. a and spprehensions of classes,
whose interests might be partially affected by the proposed
changes. If they refuse to give the people the opportunity of
expressing their opinion, and of throwing their weight into the
scale at. another election, they may have done greater harm than
good to the cause of reform, whether in trade or in our institu-
tions, by the course they have taken. If we are to be delivered
over to Sir Robert Peel, and it be left to his discretion when to
dissolve this Parliament and call another, what must be the
inevitable consequences? A large unmet ical majority in the
House of Commons, brought together by a combination of
class interests with the Tory party, or rather brought in
opposition to the general interests of the community,
by the joint purses of monopolists and the Carlton Club ?
Vie feel confident that the G•werninent has too much good
sense, good feeling, and patriotism, to subject. the Quern or
the people to the oppression and danger of snch a state of
things. We say more—if they do so, the day of the refusal
of their liberal and well-meant budget will be one of annual
mourning for some time to come, for the whole commu-
nity. Furthermore, we would impress upon Ministers the
dangerous consequences to which a dissolution by the
Tory party must lead. We understand the smooth march
of Sir Robert Peel's administration for the remainder
of this session—possibly in another session of the pre-
sent Parliament, until the questions of taxation, or
Lord Stanley's Irish Bill should be forced upon him.
But then would come the difficulties of his position. He
must either go with the country, or with his party.
The principles of the present budget, now fairiy mooted, will
be insisted upon by the country. The Duke of Buck-
ingham, Lord Darlington, and their adherents will scarcely
be more reconciled to them, even if supported with all the
hypocrisy which has distinguished the opposition to the sugar
duties. sit Robert will, probably, be governed by his tail
in this case, as he was governed during the earlier part of
his career in his c.,nst.int opposition to the removal of re-
ligious di-qualifications by the bigots of Oxford. In fact, he
knows front some experience, what the slightest. deviation trot*
a system of 'l'oryism and Orangt-ism must lead to. He can-
not reckon on support from the Whigs, nor would the Whip,
without the 'tactical section of the Liberal party, be sufficient to
sufficient to counterbalance the desertion of his l'ory allies, on
the slightest symptom of concession to the people. His necessi-
ties would, therefore, drive him to a dissolution, for
greater numerical power in the House of Commons, to
enable him to govern against the principles of the budget.
Be may find it from the sources we have stated ; and what
are the consequences ? Nho desires to see the battle fairly
begun, between the masses, aggrieved by monopoly, possibly
suffering the greatest privations fyom further decline in trade,
their interests represented and supported by the members
of the great towns of the empire, and urged and en-
forced boldly by a hostile press on the one side, and the
Tory landed aristocracy, banded with class interests,
contending for exclusive advantages on the ether ?
And yet this may seem to be the condition of the
country, if the present crisis is not dealt with calmly,
prudently and with determination. Tory gentlemen, lawyers,
and plat e-hunters—patience we pray you. Your prey may
still fall into your hands. We hope not ; but at all events, do
not quarrel with those who feel deeply the gravity of the cir-
cumstances in which we are placed, and who are more con-
cerned in finding bread for the hungry, and employment for
the distressed, than in pandering to the lust for place or power
in any party of the State. We pray, in spite of your impa-
tience, for a little delay, and much more consideration, befere
it is deeded that no other course can be taken than to drliver
the affairs of the country to your benevolent and disinterested
administration.

ADVERTMER.—There is but one opinion, we perceive,
among the Liberal press as to the course which the Govern-
ment ought to take in the too probable event of the Tories ob-
taining a majority on this debate. It is true that the Tory
,ournalists hold a different I 'nguage, which makes but a
stro.ger reason in fivotir of it. The feeling of the country
too, which is daily becoming stronger on behalf of the Minis-
terial measures, constitutes another reason for taking the
bold, the honourable course of a dissolution, in preference
to the questionable one of a resignation. We agree well
our Contemporary the Examiner, that there is ne reason to
believe that the Ministry contemplate the reverse, and that
there ought to be question about the matter; but the voice
of the charmer may not be without its influence, and there-
fore we venture our deprecatory growl. It is enough
that the crooked and the wrong course has been suggested by
the enemy ; it would he a foolish thing to abstain from utter-
ing our sentiments thi owl' any feeling of delicacy, for by one
of those caprices of honour, which sometimes dictate the wrong
line of action, the proper line may not be taken, and there may
afterwards remain nothing but lamentation for the general si-
lence on the subject. To the country, to the Queen, to them-
selves, the dinistry owe a dissolution, as the only means of
obtaining -treneth to carry out their excellent measures. Till
now a revisal of our tariff, the modification of cur Corn-laws,
and the abolition of monopolies, have been a dream, which it
was pleasant' enough to hope to see realised, but tar beyond any
present expectation. The subject, too, is in itself so com-
plicated, that the public is only just acquiring a glim-
e;ering notion of all the advantages proposed. And the
Teeetei skilful humbugs ! know so well how to appeal to the
prejudices of the people, and to take hold of their most amiable
feelings—in. 4. selling direction, that it requires a little time
and opportunity gl.posc them. This debate will do much—
in spite of the soft i4.wder of sir Robert Peel—to open their
-es but it %via not do enough. Every man in the country
eye - --de to feel that the question is put to himself per-
must be U. end not his representative, incurs the ye,
sonally ; that he, • liesides4,nhvouwt:tel_iesmhti:tgoo,
it
thr e"t.qihiuri eebse-: sponsibility of tee result.
to meet the Tories on the hustings—.
lion, and it may be to the pledge. tne., - ctanley,
with the subtilty of Peel, or the assurance or ...
may encounter, scatheless, the ordeal ; but the lesser fry
wilt wtithe under the torture, and mar their loaders'
cautious tactics. These are important advantages, which
would be lost if we did not give battle to the enemy at once.
Resign, and let Peel dissolve at his own time. He would con-
trive to interpose something between one event and the other,
which would damp the credit of the Liberals, and mend his
own case. Strike while the iron is hot. Give the enemy no
advantage. Let the public see by the promptitude, the energy,
and the uncompromising manner in which the battle is fought,
that those snarlers who pretend that the present measure is
dhertothe
that the
Government intend a tome.
shafts of calumny by which the
offiLergilwblhyet
causeataparresr.atyd
dslih: :ieghitas'ahn aaonvbte watched for several years the steps of
been so foolishly injured during the last
ythe Government, lamenting, indeed, at times the feeble.
ness of their movements, but compelled afterwards to acknow--
leitge that they saw their occasion, and took advantage of it.
Still we must be permitted to observe, that the present is not
one in which they can indulge in too great nicety of demean.
our. The calm and aristocratic bearing that suits the palace
and the drawing-room, is inapt for the battle-field ; nor is it
a time to act according to the mere etiquette of party. It is
a nation's cause, whim must be fought with zeal and enter-
. prise, as if the very fate of the country depended upon the
1",10, as in truth it does ; fur without our manufactures and
our commerce, our proseerity is lost, and the maintenance of
them depends upon the success of the Government mea-
sures. The Tories ( who, by the by, do not crow so
loudly as they did a week ago, before the Anti-Slavery party
had repudiated the false tactics of their Committee,
and the country had had time to pronounce at all on
the question) say that the Duke has threatened, if he come
into power, to dissolve again if the Whip dissolve now. Be
it so; on him be the responsibility. This is nothing but a
ruse to induce the Whigs to forego their opportunity. What
eould he do if he were in power? Why zs he did in the
Pen nsula, and every v:here e se, fight when he could, and be
prepared for the next battle when it came. So must the Whigs
act. Dissolve and tieht. Ir is not among impossible things, but
very probable, that many Tories, when put to the question,
will shim their own policy, and that many others will be beaten.
We say again that the case is new—that when the people know
it in all its bearings, they will decide rightly, and that if we
conquered in boroughmongering times, there are more than ten
chances to one that we shall succeed now, and that we shall
have a more liberal Parliament than we have had fur many
years.
TIMES.--II a plain man were desirous of understanding
the question nhich has now occupied the House of Commons
for the unexampled period of seven nights, and for that purposewere to wade through the dreary desert of tedious debate
which those seven nights have produced, he might probably
rise from his task with all his ideas of truth and talsehood ute
terly confounded. whether he regarded the strange manner
in which the sreak.s, on both sides of the House (for we teel

it our duly to be impartial), have shifted their ground in argu-
ment, replying in effect to themselves and reasoning as if two con-
tradictory propositions criu►d stand together, or whether he
contrasted the pompous magniloquence of the premises ad-
vanced, on one side at least, with the miserable inconsi'quence
and imbecility of the conclusions derived from them, he would
be equally disconcert, d. And it he happened to know some-
thing of the lives and characters, of the former professions,
or of the present conduct and language on collateral subjects,
of the actors on this motley stage, he might perhaps view the
whole discussion as a political game of blind-man's-buff, or a
rhetorical exercise of that peculiar school which teaches that
language is the instrument for concealing thoughts. Under
this description we rio not, of course, mean to include the
speech orLord Stanley, which had the exclusive merit of stating
and arguing with fairness and ability the real question at i,sue,
or to deny the praise of sincerity to such men as Mr. Glad.
stone, Dr. Lushington, and several others who might be named
on both sides of the House. 1 t looks odd, to say the least of i t,to see
the champions- of the, West India interest arguing a sugar
question upon purely philanthropic principles, from an abstract
horror of the slave trade. But it is odder still to him. Messrs.
Hume, Hawes, Ward, and James, the champions of the New
Poor-law and of infant labour in our factories, pathetically
descanting► upon the horrors of white slavery at home, and
to be told by a Whig Lord of the Treasury (Mi'. J. Parker).
in the very S:ssion wren the Whigs have been straining
every nerve to carry out the extreme principles of the
Poor-law Commissioners, that "in pre,erving the rights
of the negro ) oputation, they do not at the same time
forget the rights of the people of England,"—that
" they are advocates of humanity, but their humanity
is of a large character,"—that '• they are as much advocates of
humanity for the people of England as for the negroes of the
West Indies." 'I he people of England will never forget, that
in 1833 these same Vs higs increased the permanent burdens ti
the country by a loan of 20,000,00 A. for negro ernancil a. ion,
and that iu 1834 they passed a measure for suspending the con
stitutiorial rights, and filching away the legal inheritance, of the
English poor. And it. has a singular sound, when Ministers,
who do not suffer an ounce of sugar to find its way into the
union wsrkhouses, represent that article as one of the necessa-
ries of life.

POST.—Everybody asks why this debate in- the House of
Commons is dragged on to such a tedious and wearisome
length? The answer is threefold. First, that. Ministers ex-
pect. to be beaten, which is a very disagreeable thing, and to
which even custom has nut reconciled them; they, therefore,
keep back the division as long as they can. Secondly, that
Ministers are very apprehensive that the division, whenever it
does come, will have the effect of turning them out, wi h very
little chance of getting back again through so clever &Palace
trick as they, managed two years ago; and that, as every
day's salary is something, they wish to prolong to the
very latest hour possible their claim upon the Trea-
sury for pecuniary competition. Thirdly, that they
have persualed themselves that by degrees something like an
agitatinn for " free trade in everything," as Joseph Iluirie
says, may be got up in the country, and give them a sort of ex-
cuse for pretending that the country and the House are not. of
one opumn. Very probably all three motives .re operating
together, aid as they are all of them very worthy ofV.e pre•
sent Administration. But, whatever be the reason of the de-
lay, the thin..' itself is very wearisome, and we had almost said
disgusting. We hope that, whatever trick or stratagem may
be at the bot om of this Ministerial policy, the Conservatives
will no longer submit to it, but compel the Government to take
a vote of the House upon the question which has now been be-
fore it since Friday week,
GLOBE.—The effect upon the Tories of the popular
movement now in progress throughout the land, is seen
in the careful suppression by the Tory Journals of an
allusion to the meetings, and to the petitions which ema-
nate from them, in favour of the measure for a moditiration
and material reduction of the fiscal duties which the
Government has proposed to Parliament. Except where
a company of Chartists, prompted by Tory instigations
and paid by Tory gold, have been found base or mad
enough to disturb the proceedings of a meeting
convened for the purpose of petitioning in favour
of these measnres, not a hint is found in the
Tory Metropolitan Journals of any such meetings.
They would leave it to be inferred that the country
cares as little for the great question which has occu-
pied the House of CoMmons in close and earnest debate
during the whole of the past week, and is still pending,
as it would for the fate of a turnpike Bill. This silence
speaks, more forcibly than words could express, the
deep mortification under which the recently elate
Tories are now suffering, produced by the irre-
pressible consciousness that her Majesty's Minister.;
have succeeded in raising tot interest in the public
mind, which is sufficiently powerful, because it is
based on measures sound and salutary, instinct with the
elements of true national prosperity, to carry theta
through the crisis which threatened them with
defeat. The House of Commons will probably negative
these measures, as the resolutions which embody their
principles are,, in succession, subniitted to its decision.
But the ultimate appeal is to the country. The corn
monopoly—the timber monopoly—and the sugar mono-
poly—that Mammon-trinity which the class interests
agree to worship and to serve, in order that they may
respectively secure their individual gains at the cost of
the nation's weal, will combine their energies to defeat
the free-trade advocates at the hustings, as they have com-
bined to defeat the free-trade measures in the House of
Commons. That they will be able to effect their purpose,
we have no apprehensions. They Will fight the battle of
their class-interests under circumstances less favour-
able than any contest for the ascendancy of a mere poli-
tical party ever presented. The long endurance of deep
and widely-extended physical sufferings, from which the
people saw no prospect of relief from either of the two
great parties engaged in conflict with nearly equally
balanced powers, has led to a distrust of both.
The Government has roused the country from this
apathy, by proposing a prize worthy of its exer-
tions, to secure which nothing is requisite but a
calm, firm determination. Mere political changes may
be doubtful in their results on the public weal. They
may be counteracted by fraud and force, or rendered in,
effective by public apathy. But untrammelled commerce
—the deliverance of trade from the fetters in which the
mistakes of legislators have bound it for centuries, now
attempted by the Government, and to enable them to
carry out which the. electoral bodies of the country will
he appealed to, is no problematical matter—no mere
airy speculation, but a solid, substantial good—a prize
worth contending for with energy. The people feel that
it is their I?fe ; for it comprehends the means by which
life is to be preserved, and rendered worth possessing, to
those who live by labour.
COURIER.—The Advertiser, which, it is only fair to
say, is shooting far ahead of its Ministerial coadjutor of
the Chronicle in the quantum of Ministerial confidence
received, and Ministerial revelations made by it, has a tale
this morning about Mr. T. B. Macaulay and Lord Alinto,
from which it would appear that those Right Honour-
able persons are the only two members of the Cabinet
entertaining conscientious scruples respecting the con-
stitutional right of the Ministry to dissolve their own
house of Commons in the coming conjuncture of a de-
feat. Certainly nobody did suspect sentiments so right
minded in the exclusive quarters referred to, and we shall
be well satisfied to find the report confirmed. Time was
when the principles of constitutional law were so much bet-
ter understood and practised than in these latter days,
even by the Whigs and in unreformed Parliaments, that
a Ministry daring to dissolve a Parliament of their own
calling before its term of service was completed, would
not only have been held to deserve, but would have been
formally visited with, impeachment. There is, and there
can be no Lgitimate pretence for a dissolution. Neither
the Ministers nor the Journals in their employ venture
the slightest expression of hope of a possible majority in
a new Parliament; even summoned by themselves ; but,
on the contrary, it is admitted, with unblushing effron-
tery, that the majority must be the other way.
The only object, therefore, to be achieved—and that
object is boasted of as a meritorious piece of tactics, in-
stead of being what it really is, contemptible trickery
—is, by the dissolution and summons of a new House
of Commons, whilst still in command of the public
purse, to make a last convulsive effort, by the un-
shrinking and unprincipled alliance of every possible
res6urce which Government influence. corruption, and
prodigal expenditure can supply, to obtain the return to
e new Parliament Of the strongest minority possible, so
as the better to be enabled to embarrass, and ultimately
to oust, the Ministry by which they shall be succeeded.
Such are thepure and patriotic aspirations of these official
desperadoes:
STANDARD.—It is asserted positively to-day, and
what is much more extraordinary, it is almost universally
believed, that, at the Cabinet Council held on Saturday,
Ministers ' came to a definitive resolution to resign, in
the event of an unfavourable division on the Sugar
Duties. The discussion is said to have been long and
animated, and the advocates for a dissolution were ear-
nest and warm in their endeavours to bring over to
their opinion the more discreet portion of their col-
leagues, who recommended an adherence to the old
constitutional practice of tendering their resignation
to their Sovereign, when themselves unable any
longer to carry on the Government. It is believed, •
but here we do not profess to ,speak authoritatively,
eel, -Spencer attended the Cabiiiet Council at
t personal revest of an Illustrious Lady and
jililit te:o4oy influenced the decision which is under-
rocid to' too •thltn. then adopted. The only doubt of
the watitiantieity of t.h?.§ titioljzifpce, as to the decision
of Saturchty'§ Cmcil, is OffidY44 911. inference
not very farnilrgl4o to §,ifWr4V,
111-natured observers fPlpfol4 Eiiflt Ihe report 0'
contemplated resignation i tier di§.9lllollllMTli by' the
Ministerial adherents, and that, then:pre, the prolobility
that it is unfounded, and put in circulation by them-
tet!nister purpose. We give it precisely as

Patronized by
their Mbiesties the King aria
Queen of Hanover, and their Royal Highnesses the PrillC(li(ta
Augusta and Sophia,
the Princesses Mary and Rosa, her Grace the Dowager Ductless
her Serene Highness the Pt incess Esterbacy,
of Bedford, and their Graces the Archbishop of Canterbury and the
Dukes of Norfolk, Devonshire, and Manebester. In addition to the
above distinguished patronage to the itewly,inrented gppEstricip
Lenses and Invisible Operative Voice Conductor, the Messrs, ~
and B, Solotnons, opticians and aurists, 39, Albemarle street, PiG.
eadilly, and 76, King William.strcet, Bank of England, feel great
pleasure to state that their valuable inventions have also gained the
sanction and unqualified approbation of above four hundred of the
principal members of the medical I•foraisWl) ;
ps also, of numerous
individuals of high distinction, who have heel' greatif litilvmo by
their use. Immediately these improved Spectacle Loser arse
placed before ex trem, impeWet vision, it is at once brougnt ni.ck to
its natural and original state, every object becomes clear auct dis.
tinct, and the must minute particle is seen, either by day or ca.ntle.
~.,
light, with ease and distinctness. Their Voice Conductor, by
which thousands of deaf persons have been greatly benefited, is Opt
the least perceptible, not more uncomfortable, than having a pielce
fit :VW)! in its plan
and the faintest whisper at a public a•sembly
is heard with exact distinctness.-39, Albemarle.street, opposi e
1
the York lint
2^, and 76. King William-street, Bank.—No con.
nexion with persons of the saint: Vine.
--

CONTESTED ELECTIONS—PORVA UBl-IPIF-r77,
It is reported, and there is some truth in the report,
that the county and burghs will be contested at the
is to endeavourof
Gteoozeo
tli nl o
placech,
sitting Member for DUtdee '; and ii. gMleman from Lone
don is to contest the burghs of Montrose, A.voro4t4, PT.,
witli P, Chalmers, Es q of Auldbar, the present -MP.
AU the parties are said to be Liberal in politics.--Edin-
burgh ti ee4 Chronicle.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
TIMES.—By the New York papers it appears that the
scheme of a National Bank, which many believe •to be a
favourite project with the present Government, i 3 still much
iscussed. Formerly the notion was prevalent of an entirely
new and gigantic institution, to be raised by the subscriptions
of the States, while now there appears to an inclination to
believe that one of the existing banks would he selected.
and there are several conjectures that the New York Bank
of Commerce would be preferred. The State stocks have ge-
nerally improved, principally because of the abundance of
money ; and with respect to the State of Illinois, on ac-
count of the renewal of a loan due on the let inst., which it
is expected will render possible the paymmt of the July divi-
dend. The New York market is altogether in a healthy state.
The Revenue Bill that has passed the senate of Pennsylvania
and at the date of the latest intelligence, was under discussion
in the House of Representatives by the name of '• The Relief
Bill." contains a clause which provides that the stockholders
of the United States Rank shall be enabled to authorize the
President and Directors to assign all the effects of the bank,
each shareholder voting according to the number of shares
entered in his name, in the ratio fixed by the old charter. The
object of this enactment would seem to be to enable everybody
concerned in the bank to make a general disposkl tor the benefit
of c,editors.

POST.—The permanent funds improved a fraction this
morning, a change which is imputable to the nocesity always
existing day by day for the investment of moneys under every
aspect of our national affairs, and, as far as we can learn co
judge, to that alone. Exchequer Pills, as well as India
Rends, again declined. The former are, in fact, rapidly run-
ning, as the latter had previously done, to a discounr, and,
apart from political considerations, without any intelligible
cause. 'I he value of such securities ought, however, in pro-
priety to be referred to, rather than that of Consols, as a crite-
rion whence is to be derived an idea, it not a positive know-
ledge, of the popular feeling and popular expectation on mat-
ters connected with the legislative movements in progress and
in prospect.
The commercial letters brought by the Great Western
steamer from New York speak more encouragingly of the state
of trade in the United States. European manufactures were
in some demand, and we understand that the orders which
have come forward for fresh supplies from England are more
liberal than hail been looked for. This is no doubt owing in a
great measure to the fact that the 111‘Leod affair was pretty
sure to be ansicalAy settled.
CORN-LAW CRISIS.
(From the Liverpool Albion.)
- •

As far as words can effect it, the ReforMers of Liver-
pool are supporting the line of policy announced by Lord
John Russell to the very uttermost. But, at a crisis like
the present, they should act upon the maxim, " Deeds.
not words," or, at all events, prove the sincerity of
their professions by following them up with a prac-
tice in accordance. It is of no use to meet anti
talk eloquently and energetically about the blessing:
of plenty and the beauty and advantages of cheap bread,
sugar, and timber, unless they are prepared to express
the same opinions at the hustings also, and to drive
from the representation of the borough the men who
are opposed to the interests of the great bulk of the
electors and the public at large. At present,
how does the case stand ? We are, by our talk-
ing loudly and doing nothing, the laughing-stock of the
whole country. We have constantly been urging Lord
Melbourne's Administration to make advances in a
Liberal policy, while we have not given them the
least , support when they have • done so. We
have paralysed the exertions of Manchester, and the
manufacturing districts, in behalf of free trade,
by practically telling the • Legislature, that the
people of Liverpool are not desirous to remove any of
the restrictions which now impede the commerce and
trade of the country, but quite satisfied to maintain
the state quo which exists. We furnish the monopo-
lists with arguments that no ingenuity, no sophistry,
no expenditure of words and talk can cope with in
the least. - They say, and ! they have a right to
say it, while we return . men of their mind to
Parliament, " Pooh ! Pooh ! These meetings, these cla-
mours do but, after all, emanate from a disappointed and
feeble minority. The proof of the pudding (to use a
homely proverb) is in the eating.' If, therefore, the
people of Liverpool are really opposed to the Corn-
laws and would have the duties on sugar and tim-
ber reduced, why do they send to • Parliathent two
men who are stanch advocates of monopoly
Let us see them expel Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell
from the representation of the town, and then we will
believe that a change has taken place in their senti-
ments. But, until then, if you please, we must be al-
lowed to class Liverpool amongst the bulwarks which
support the present system and prop up monopoly
and legislation for class interests." Tits is all very
fair, and not a word can we say against it. But, turning
to the electors of Liverpool, we ask them, whether they
will allow such a reproach to remain ?' Will they, by a
continued display of apathy and indifference, sacrifice
their •own interests and mar their own prospects ?
We feel confident, that, if the steam could be pro-
perly got up, two advocates of free trade might
easily be returned for Liverpool. At the two last elec-
tions there were hundreds of voters, professing Liberal
opinions who never went to the hustings at all. Some
were disgusted because the Ministers had adopted
what they called a do-nothing policy, whilst others,
without so strong a feeling on the subject, yet found
in the same policy a reason for shrinking into a
neutrality which might screen them from giving
effence to patrons or customers. But all this has
passed away now. 'the very end for which the Re-
form Bill was carried is now set before the people as
the prize of victory. No one can now hang back
from the want of an object of sufficient magnitude to
contend for. No one can remain in neutrality under the
plea that there is no line of distinction between the two
great parties which are struggling for the govern-
ment of the country. That line has suddenly
been widened into an impassable gulf. The rival States-
men who, at one time, certainly did appear to be approxi-
mating to something very like an identity -of
have, all at once, hoisted hostile colours, and plunged
into a state of warfare more bitter and desperate than
they were ever engaged in before. " For the People"
is the motto which we once more see embla-
zoned on the banner of Lord Melbourne and his friends ;
while " Against the People," and " War to the Knife,"
are the battle-shout of the Tories, as they press forward
to the encounter. And what will the electors of Liver-
pool do at this most momentous crisis ? Will tlley de-
clare for or against dear bread, dear sugar, and dear
timber ? Will they again send men to Parlia-
ment who will not only • maintain all these necessary
articles at their present high prices, but, to enable
them to do so, must lay on at least two millions
of taxes ; must, moreover, diminish, to an incalculable
extent, the trade which we at present carry on with
the Brazils, and provoke fresh duties upon our 'ma-
nufactured goods both in Germany and the United
States ! 'These are points which especially interest the
merchants of Liverpool. But every tradesman, every.
shopkeeper, every working-man is equally interested in
carrying out a system which will increase demand and
employment in every branch. What will they do ? We
shall soon see. The leaders of the people have
proved themselves true to them. Will the people be
true to their leaders and to themselves ? If they will
not, then will they sanction and will deServe every pri-
vation and every misery which Toryism can inflict upon
them. Elector's of Liverpool, what say you ? We wait
your verdict with much anxiety. '' ''''

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
HOUSE OF LORDS May 17.
The House sat to-day to hear appeals. The Peers present
were the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Bedford, and the Earl
of Beverley.