The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 26,

farm are unlike men who labour on their ty.,,n account;
and, besides, they were found improvident men, and
every fanner conversant with the system would say that
he would rather give 105. a week to a 14bonier
selected by himself, than ss. for one of those useless
ins-n sent by the parish.—(Hear.) I thick, therefore, that
the plans proposed in order to remedy the evil of having
so twiny peas ns engaged in inoperative labour in Ireland
wen full of danger. I admit, and will presently state,
the great evils of the present system, but I think
we should incur still greater danger, if, with the
vi. ,w of remedying those evils, we had done that
hich we conceive one of the most pernicious things that
could be desired, it we had confounded labour with the
relief of the poor— (hear)--es by making that relief some-
what more efficient. we should have permanently injured
this great and important class to which those inde-
pendent labourers belonged.—(Cheers.) Sir, the land-
owners and proprietors who were in favour of
this alteration found great practical difficulty in
putting into effeet the instructions of the Lord-
Lieutenant. They found that when they came to
an electoral distnet, and found two persons ready to
adopt the system of reproductive works, that three or four
utterly refused to become responsible, or to have any money
advanced by the Government for that purpose. They
found, therefore, that their operations, when so encum-
bered, were useless. This did not, however, though a
serious difficulty, diminish their exertions ; but their
operations, though very great and extensive, have not
led to such a complete substitute as the system of
sta bh .1) i g public works was generally supposed.
But, Sir, as the plan went on the number of the dis-
tressed persons increased, and with the number of the
distressed the difficulties of providing employment fur
such a number also increased. I should say, in
the present place, that as the business of the
Board of Works went on the officers found
that they had also great difficulty of obtaining
trustworthy and efficient persons to act under them. It
was found, in the first place, that the labourers were
frequently unwilling to undertake the tasks allotted to
them. At length this difficulty pressed itself upon
those engaged to such an extent that the belief pre-
vailed that it was impossible for any public board
to fully discharge its duties and to carry out
the works. The number on the establishment
has been gradually increasing. I will not read their
names, but the total number of persons employed as
officials under this board is, at the present moment,

11,587 ; the number of superintendents is 185 ; the
amount expended for the payment of all in the debt
contracted is 2,410,3661. The number of labourers has
increased from 30,135 in September last to 440,687
in December. In the last week's account they were
stated at more than 480,000; and, at the present time, I
do not doubt but that the number amounts to half a
million. Ido not doubt but that great ability must be
engaged in the employment of this number of persons.
—(Hear, hear.) It is calculated that five persons gain
subsistence for every person that is employed. •I
cannot say that that statement is correct ; but, taking
it at four persons, there will be upwards of
two millions of people supported by this plan.
The expense at the same time must be enormous, and
from an estimate I have here drawn up it appears
that the expense in the first week of December
was 140,0001., the second 156,0001., the third
1.58,000/., and the fourth 154,0001. So far
as we are acquainted with the past three weeks,
of January, the expense of the first week was 157.0001;
on the 9th January it was 156,0001. ; and, on the 16th,
172,0001. ;—making an amount of 565,0001. for
the month of December, and 485,0001. for the
first three weeks of January, and it is calculated
that the expense of the whole of this month will be
between 700,0001. and 800,0001. It is impossible
that this expenditure could have taken place without
great concomitant evils attending it. There must be
great evils under any circumstances, hut there have been
peculiar evils attending it, arising out of the present
state of Ireland. For instance, there has been a diffi-
culty in procuring sufficient labour for the unemployed.
Persons who have travelled through the country con-
tinually reported that there were large bodies of labourers
idling along the public roads, talking together, and doing
no work, and these reports led the Irish Government to
the determination that task work ought to be introduced.
Considerable difficulties, however, were experienced in af-
fecting that object. Much resistance was made to the intro-
duction of the system, but the Lord-Lieutenant remained
firm upon the point, and task work was substituted
for idleness. Many evils sprung up out of this system;
for those men who became accustomed to task work
earned considerably more wages than any money wages
that had ever been paid in the market. Many of them
earned from ls. 4d. to Is. 6d. and to Is. 10d.,
and sometimes more. The result was, there was a
strong competition to obtain employment upon the public
works, and farmers found a difficulty in procuring labour
to till their land at any sum. I lament to say, however,
that this evil was produced by the conduct of the farmers
themselves, for many of them who held twenty, thirty,
fifty, and even sixty-eight acres of land, removed
their sons and labourers from their usual occupation,
of tillage to place them upon these pubic works, and
enable themselves to receive the increaed pay which
that description of employment afforded over
what could be earned at husbandry. I will
now read part of a letter from Colonel Jones to
Mr. Trevyllen, dated the 19th of January last:—" We
are pressed by our officers for instructions as to how
they are to act ; those which they have received
to regulate their conduct are no longer applicable
in the altered state of things. They are
besieged for relief, and if they refused it, they were held
up as the stumbling-blocks in its way. In my opinion it
would be better to give food, than to be paying away
money, which would be considered as a useless expenditure.
The poor people are disabled from executing task-work.
Their bodily strength is gone, and they have not power
to exert themselves ; the works will consequently, be
left incomplete." Sir, the opinion of the Government
previously to the receipt of this letter was, that
the system had become so vast, and the dissatis-
faction and the want of food had so generally increased,
that it was desirable to attempt some temporary scheme
by which some of the evils which now meet us might be
mitigated, and with so vast an expenditure of money
more relief might be administered. Sir, it is
the opinion of the advisers of her Majesty,
that it will be desirable to form district
relief committees, which committees shall be empowered
to receive subscriptions, to levy rates, and to receive
donations from the Government ; and that by this
means they should be enabled to purchase food,
to establish soup depots, or that they should,
as far as they were able, distribute relief,
to the famishing applicants, and that they should not
require this indispensable test of work—(Hear, hear)—
but that a labouring man should be allowed to work
upon his own plot of ground or on the farmer's, and thus
his labour would tend to benefit the approaching harvest,
and perhaps, by such an arrangement, he might be en-
abled to earn some small trifle in addition to the relief
afforded him" by the committee. After we had considered
this scheme, I communicated it to the Lord-Lieu-
tenant of Ireland. We have consulted the various
officers of the Ward of Works and the Commis-
sariat Department, they are prepared to consider
it favourably, and we will endeavour, by a
series of preparatory measures, and next by
a Bill, to carry into effect the arrangement.
We propose that these arrangements shall be carried
out under the superintendence of a gentleman who has
had extensive experience of public works. The person
to whom I allude is Sir John Barrow—(Cheers)—
at the present time the Inspector-General of forti-
cations in this country —(hear.) I sent for him the
other day for the first time, aad having explained to
him what we wanted, he said he would obtain leave of
absence from his preseet duties, and instead of devoting
the time to relaxation he would consider it his duty to
devote it to the services of the country, and that he
would be ready to go to Ireland at any time when '
called on.—(Loud cheers.) That gentleman will be in
communication with the Lord-Lieutenant, and will co-
operate or not, as he thinks best, with the Board
of Works, with the Commissioners of the Poor-
law. with the heads of the constabulary force,
and with any other parties in Ireland that
may be calculated to assist him.—(Hear, hear.) The
question with regard to proposing this measure as one
of immediate relief, and for the more efficiently supplying
the people with food who are in want, will be treated in
connexion with what has been done already. While
every thing will be done to give speedy effect to the
operation of this measure ; at the same time, care will
be taken, and the Lord-Lieutenant will see to it, that its
substitution for the system of public works already in
operation, shall be easy of transition. There will
be no rude dismissal of the people at once, but when all
the arrangements of the present scheme are made, then
no further presentments shall take place, or new public
works will be commenced.—(Hear.) The Lord- Lieutenant
states that in regard to the toads already commenced,
if they are abandoned, they will be left in a most
miserable state ; he, therefore, suggests that these
shall, at least, be finished. These works will,
therefore, be allowed to go to completion.
With rasps ct to this advance a condition has been made,
that the whole of it should not be a burden to Ireland.
I think that the misfortune was so severe that, passing
by the remote causes of it, we ought not to throw the
full burden of it on the possessors of property in Ireland.
It would be right that the whole of the burden should
not remain on Irish property. I should, therefore, pro-
pose, on some tuture day, that an arrangement should
be made by Parliament, by which, in each succeeding
year when the instalment became due, one half of that
instalment should be paid and the other half should be
remitted, taking care that the whole &ht should be
kept up until the half is paid; but when the half was
paid the remainder should be remitted, and this provid-
ing that one half of the whole charge shall be refunded.
eq question—withtuheery
havea
nl regardbteheent o
Cits,lisineuseodsl
iudmab s hitherto issued,
I should state, with regard to the financial part of the
thatEx cConsolidated
d
Fund, n the
t
it neither has been, nor is it now in contemplation to
issue Exchequer-bills in order to meet this demand,—
(Hear, hear.) But, however, it must be considered
when we are making these propositions to Parliament,
that it is placing a very considerable burden upon the,
finances of the country—(Hear, hear)—and that in
placing that burden on the finances of this country I do
feel myself disabled from
uponmak to making some propositions
makeitnh e t
the
ee ray
pn
rhdee
sueavnie
1) it.
which I should
inisbNenencx called en:l,e
d.
ebsutittuwtieitnh
obfurdtheenm entailing
g year, it would be hardly fair fur the people
of this country, to propose them ; bee ,
whether it is stated that the burden is a"borneu
by the Consolidated Fund, or whether the burden be
borne by the imperial Treasury and the general finances,
it must always be recollected that these sums are not to
be granted by Parliament or the Government without the
most serious consideration, for they are all sums derived
from the pay meat of the people of this country, and who
pay it on their soap, thi it sugar, and their tea and
coffee. It is from that source is derived the surplus by
which we are enabled to come to the assistance of Ire-

---- -
land. The people are willing, as I think, to do all that
is liberal in this respect. We must always consider what
is meet and just to the people of this country. We must
consider the difficulty and privation, and by what hard
labour they earned these sums.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") With respect to another part of this subject,
via., the advances made under the authority of the
Lord-Lieutenant's order, I have here a letter from
my Right 11. n. Friend, stating that these advances were
male to persons who really wt bed to assist in carrying
this measure into effect, who undertook to carry out
works and the improvement of estates, and who are liable
for it in the terms in which it is proposed to be made unc:er
the Treasury minute of 'the Ist of December, and
which would be embodied in the Act of Par-
liament. These terms are also to be applied
to persons who accepted advances under this Act.
These advances I propose shall be repaid, not, as under
the former Act, in a period of ten, but in twenty-two
years, because I consider that this is a beneficial em-
ployment of that money ; and I intend, therefore, that
the Government should deal with it as with
the moneys advanced to the persons I have
just referred to.—(Hear.) Sir, I have now stated
what I think we can do for the present relief
of the distress in Ireland. There is, how-
ever, another question, to which I must confess some-
what of hesitation in making the proposition I intend to
do to the Hous.,, but yet, on the whole, we think we are
right in rec,anmending to Parliament that
we should be enabled to grant a sum of
money, not exceedin4 50,0001., to be repaid before
the end of the present year, that is by the 31st of
December, 1847, to enable the proprietors to purchase
seed for potatoes.—(Hear, hear.) I do not mean that
the Government should make those advances to the
small tenant-farmers themselves, because I think the
principle is exceedingly dangerous that the Government,
should an occasion come like the present, assume
the character of a lender, but I also think
that if these advances were made to the proprietors the
measure would nut be fraught with harm, while it would
be found beneficial to the country.—(Cheers.) Sir, in
stating these measures to the House, I wish, at the same
time, to declare that we cannot expect, and we do not ex-
pect, to be able, by any measures of Government, or by any
measures which Parliament may sanction, to ward off,
or prevent, the effect of this awful visitation under which
we labour.—(Hear, hear.) It is not in the power of
man to do away with the effect of such a calamity.
Nor, Sir, should I think that any one would impose on
us so impossible a task as to make so presump-
tuous an attempt, were it not that I have read
in one of the newspapers an address signed
by the Marquis of Sligo and Mr- George Moore, both
most respectable individuals, both persons well worthy
of deference on the part of their poorer country-
men. It is stated in the newspapers that they
have travelled through twenty-seven counties
in ordes to make their propositions popular.
at Castlebar, at eleven o'clock on Monday next,
'• We, therefore, earnestly entreat you," they say, " to
tn,dpauetonaricdnegca
demand,b
tel
hya
ep,
fsaunmtpdhipnel lynei ksovae m
of
food
dircohetohnde
surroundsrtoo ttworthyhoeppe ote
petition
theosl,ne a rights Parli-
ament
thisthe
youcmqcooueunieenstn itttlar'yelytoslo take such steps as may ensure an immediate,
n t
reytesaht
oi education
tellm e n
famine which is impending over the country." I o
oughttime of famine Sir, that lam astonished—(Loud cheers)—that inwn,
lov their m e
men
c ooufthem,
in the language of this address, that
they were
to demand from Parliament " steps which may insure
an immediate, constant, and cheap supply of food."— ,
(Cheers.) Why, Sir, that is a task which it is impos-
possible for us to perform.—(Loud cheers.) They
should tell their countrymen, " The visitation
under which we are suffering is a task made
impossible for man to remove—that is a
task beyond all human power to perform."—(Cheers).,
All we can do is in some mode or other to alleviate the
miseries of the people—(Cheers)—somewhat to lighten
the dreadful calamity—in some measure to save a part
of the people of this country.—(Cheers.) But they
must not imagine that we can turn scarcity and even
famine into plenty.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, what sur-
prises me more even than this announcement is, that it
so happens that at Castlebar, where the people of the
surrounding country are requested to meet, it does
happen that there is an union workhouse ; that union
workhouse should contain 600 inmates, but it at
present contains not more than 130, the doors being
closed against the admission of other persons, the
guardians saying that it is impossible for them to levy
rates in order to enable other persons in want of food
to come to that union.—(Cheers and counter-cheers.)
Among those who have not paid those rates—who have
not furnished the means by which famine might be,
to a certain degree, averted—are some whom we
cannot but suppose must be fully able to pay
those rates due from them, and I cannot but see

in this proposal a most unhappy tendency—an un-
happy tendency which I have more than once
remarked—to recommend to others to du fur them some
vague and impossible thing, and call upon the Govern-
ment or the Parliament to do something, the practi-
cability of which has not been considered, or to confer
some benefit which may be either visionary or impos-
sible, while the plain practical duty—(Loud cheers)—of
paying the rates for the sustenance of the starving
men, women, and children in the immediate neigh-
bourhood is left neglected . and unheeded.—(Cheers.)
Sir, I am obliged to say, therefore, that while we at-
tempt all that we think practicable, we must, in the
first place, refuse to make promises the performance of
which we think out of our power; and, in the next
place, we must call upon, and expect those who have
local duties to perform in Ireland, to perform those
duties, and to assist the Government and the Parliament
in the arduous performance of theirs.—(Cheers.) sir,
when I say that we expect this, I am quite sure that by
many those duties will be performed, because I know
there are many, very many, ,instances of resident pro-
prietors in Ireland who have been most ready with their
money, with their time, and with their attendance, in
endeavouring to provide for their destitute tenants.—
(Cries of "Hear, hear.") Sir, I proceed then
to another part of this subject, and I trust
the House will give me their attention while I ask them
to follow the proposal of other measures which
we think may be beneficial not only now, but
permanently beneficial to Ireland. We say, in
the first place, that we think although we
may have been unhappily directed from the observance
of general principles witn regard to these measures, yet
I do think that we should observe thesegeneralprinciples
as far as possible, and that they prescribe thus much with
regard to the interference of the Government—we think
that that interference may be given in three ways, and
that those three way s ought, as far as possible,
to be kept separate and distinct, namely—that
Government, with the support and sanction of
Parliament, may grant assistance to individuals—
to proprietors—±or the purpose of improving their
private property, to assist in public works, by making
loans, or partly by grants for public works which are of
evident public utility ; and, thirdly, to enact that relief
should be given by law to the destitute.—(Cheers.)
I think these three modes ought to be kept
as far distinct as possibe—that is t say, that when
you advance money to a private individual, for the
purpose of improving his property, that you
should take security so far as this, that it is for that
purpose, and not to be spent in extravagance,
or for any other purpose-Cheers)—but laid out simply
for the purpose fur which it is granted, but that beyond
that you should interfere as little as possible with
the use of that money.—(Hear, hear.) That, for
instance, you should interefere as little as possible
in compelling him to employ a certain class of labourers,
and to conduct the works in a certain manner, which
Government may lay down as to the best manner in
which they c ,uld be performed, or in any other way,
which would prevent him from having the free use
of the loan advanced by the Government.—(Hear.)
Now, Sir, such is the principle of the measure of which
lam about to speak. It is a measure founded on the
various Acts which have preceded it, the chief of which
is the Drainage Act of last session, and which came into
operation on the Ist of December. According to this
Act, and the minute of it which appears on the
book, it is proposed that certain assistance
shall be given for the improvement of estates
and for the reclaimation of waste lands, where such
improvement of the value shall prove no detriment to
the legal heirs, and that the advances for such improve-
ment shall be provided out of the public funds. The
usual mode has been to grant these advances from the
Treasury, on an interest of five per sent. In the
Drainage Act of last year, three-and-a-half per cent.
was charged, making, with the other expenses, 6i per
sumtermaofthebeDrainagraonpdo s
toean
ex t
en
d advancethe
e term on thefo
r
repaid. 43 Act,l 13
cent., to be retained for twenty-two years, when the
given
the improvement I have mentioned. In doing this, 1
must say that the Noble Lord opposite is in no way
responsible for the deficiency which has been experienced
in consequence of the working of the Drainage Act, but
I conceive that the improvement of the estates, if the
term be extended, as well as the construction of roads,
will amply repay the money that has been advanced
during that term. lam convinced that the plan which
I have adopted is better than that which has been pro-
posed by the Lord-Lieutenant for the relief of the poor
in Ireland. These are the reasons which have prompted
me to adopt this measure; and I believe that it will
not only be found to provide profitable employ-
ment for the poor, bat will also prove of great advan-
tage to property. We propose also to make a grant for
general works, such works as shall not only be important
in themselves, but which will prove of permanent ad-
vantage to the country. We propose this in addition to
the money to be granted to the proprietors of
estates, and to give to the Board of Works
the general superintendence of the loans We
propose, therefore, to consolidate and amend these
laws. We propose, likewise, on the same principle to
which I have just adverted, namely, the principle of
promoting great public works for the benefit of the State,
we propose to undertake the reclamation of portions of
the waste lands of Ireland. It has long been stated
in various reports of Commissions, in reports of Com-
mittees of this House, in the works of eminent writers,
that in many cases the reclamation o£ the waste
lands of Ireland —would produce large profits if
v cultivated Mr. Robert Dale,
they were properly cu ti a
iu his most interesting work upon the Indus-
he thinks the
rial resources of Ireland,
says,
estimate of 4.600,000 acres of wasted
y be
by no
re-
claimed, farmed, and cultivated with land marofit, an
_opw,
we
propose to
means an exaggerated estimate. this
ose, and we
devote a million of money to pur p
propose, should the proprietor of the waste land be
unwilling to sell or reclaim means
his land by of the
loans I have mentioned, or out of his own resources, that
there should be a compulsory power to take and improve
the waste lands which are below a certain value. We
propose that that value should be put down at 2s. 6d._
Mr. GOULBU RN—ls that the annual value?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Yes, the annual thevalue.
We propose upon this data to improve and reclaim
waste lands so far as general operations are

concerned; that is, roads are to be made and
general draining is to be effected. The necessary build-
ings are to be erected, but we do not propose to take
upon ourselves the cultivation of the land. It having
been so reclaimed, we propose that it should be divided
into lots, not below nor above a certain quantity. Ido
not think it necessary to mention figures, but I
would say not less than 25, nor more than 50 acres, and
when reclaimed, the land shall be let or sold in these
quantities ; if let, the tenant at the expiration of his
lease to have the option of purchasing his allotment.
I confess that I do expect that great advantage will
arise from this plan. I do expect that a great many
persona who have been driven to despair and crime from
the great demand for land, will be enabled by such holdings
to earn a competent living. I think, also, that you will
raise a small class of proprietors who may be very in-
dustrious and very independent, which will form a very
valuable class. Let me say, in the meantime, that, as
far as I can form a judgment, I do dot think the
small holdings are the great evil of Ireland.
I do believe that the method on which land has
been held is the chief source of iti want of cultivation ;
but I do not think that the small holdings of the country
have been injurious : and I have arrived at that conclu-
sion from the fact, that the most prosperous and best
cultivated county in Ireland is Armagh—a county in
which the greatest division of land exists. If you com-
pare the whole province of Ulster with that of Munster,
you will find that there are many more divisions in the
province of Ulster in proportion to that of Munster. I
believe, therefore, in adopting this plan, and by giving a
compulsory power, a great advantage may be secured.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, I come to the third class of
propositions. I have stated, and I wish to repeat it,
that ttie measures which I am now stating are those
which we intend immediately to introduce, and that I am
not referring to those which we have in contemplation, and
which we think it will be our duty afterwards to propose.
But I say these measures, which we now submit, are cal-
culated to promote the improvement of Ireland, and
will enable proprietors to obtain sufficient funds to make
great improvements upon their estates, and also to pro-
vide the means whereby works of a more public
nature may be carried out.—(Hear, hear.) The
third class of measures to which I have alluded are
those intended simply to afford relief to the destitute.
It will be remembered that when the Poor-law Commis-
sion of Inquiry made its report, it advised that only a
certain class should be relieved, and in that class it ex-
cluded those who were infirm and permanently disabled.
We thought, upon the whole, that it was much safer, in
the first instance, to have workhouses erected in Ireland,
and not to confine the relief to any particular class of men.
Sir, it is not only the experience of all those acquainted
with the present state of things, but it is our own opi-
nion, founded on a general view of the state of Ireland,
that the poor-law should be more extensive than it is.
I theref,r,• propose to bring in a Bill for the purpose of
more efficiently meeting the distress in Ireland, which
shall confer on the poor-law guardians powers to afford
relief either in or out of the workhouse to all parties
disabled by bodily ailment.—(Hear, hear.) This
is what we propose in,
,the Bill to do; and to give
due effect to the measure, in the first place, the
guardians shall have the power, as a general rule, to
use the workhouse as a test of destitution ; and, in
the second place, to afford relief to the starving people
at their own houses, in order to satisfy the general
feeling of the country on this matter. —(Cheers.) Sir, I
also propose, that in cases when the workhouse is full,
that the Poor law Commissioners shall have power to
direct the guardians to give relief out of the workhouse
to the able-bodied poor. My opinion is that this power
should be cautiously used, and that the workhouse, as a
general principle, should be employed as a test of able-
bodied destitution only ; still I think the House will
agree with me, that the Poor-law Commissioners should
have the power to make alterations in the operation
of this test.—(Cheers.) I propose, therefore, that in
cases of urgent necessity—that is, in such cases where
the able-bodied make application for relief—that these
shall be relieved out of the workhouse, but in
food only.—(Hear, hear.) We further propose
that relieving officers shall be appointed, whose
duty it shall be to take cognizance of all cases of distress,
and who, in urgent cases, when there is danger of the
people starving, shall have the power to give
relief out of the workhouse till the next meeting
of the board of guardians such meeting to decide on
what arrangemeut shall be made for the paupers
relieved in this manner in future.—(Hear, hear.)
Such therefore, is the nature of the measures which I
propose immediately to introduce. There are, as I have
stated, other measures which have been and are under
the consideration of Government. With respect to the
first class to which I have alluded—that class of
measures which enable proprietors to make better
use of their own property, to increase their
capital and improve their estates—we have under con •
sideration measures which shall facilitate the sale of
private property.—(Hear, hear.) There are two modes
by which it is to be done—one mode is, I think, taken
from the general principle of the Copyhold Act. Every
one knows that there are private Bills passing every year
by which certain individuals are allowed to sell a por-
tion of their estates, in order to pay off encumbrances
One way of carrying into effect the principle I have
mentioned would be to propose that there should be
general Bills, giving the Commissioners power to exa-
mine into each case, and then having the Bills passed
in another period of the session, by which, instead
of one private Bill, many private Bills would be
sanctioued by Parliament. Another mode which we
have under consideration, by which the same object would
be gained, could be done by application to the Court of
Chancery. I cannot say decidedly at this moment which
mode we shall eventually adopt, but we have the subject
under our earnest consideration. I shall like
wise prepare Bills by which those tenures in Ire-
land, which are called long leasehold tenures,
renewable for ever, may be converted into freehold
tenures. I must say, generally speaking, with regard to
the present unfortunate state of Ireland, the most in-
jurious system is the mode in which property is held in
ears to be that
country, The present mode app
of having a
• small rent charge upon a large
various tenures, and under various c(eiditions in that
him, so that
him, and that anent has a middleman under
roperty
it is impossible to say on whom the ofdutyorthp
estate. The landlord has a property agent under
y of the
rested.—(Cheers.) It is a question w
is possible
tenures may be simplified, and how it
tenant and
to connect the proprietor with the
are connected
labourer in the manner in which they
of that con-
attention of Parliament to consider. h ow these
in Ireland and Scotland. It is to the want
many causes
destitution
nexicn that is to be attributed,
in Ireland, the frightful instances of
which so often reach the ears of the public ;
and when inquiry is made as to who are the
.persaonds
who ought to be responsible for that destitution, n
icTnochlotienmcionsequence Iv
it is
who are called upon to subscribe for relief,
impos-
sible to fix on them or find out who those persons :west.
in the most
It is not so in England and Scotland, where,
themselves
distressed districts, the proprietors charge
among the
ke
and their estates with a considerable debt; they
themselves responsible for advances of money, by w
the
they may relieve their tenants and dependants from.
calamity under which they are at present labouring.--
(Hear, (Hear, hear). Sir, under the second head of Public
Works Works there comes the subject of
make
I have not at present any distinct statement
to make
in
upon that subject, but I may inform the House
for the
the course of last autumn three establishments mlitich
but
founded ; there was a vast amount of fish caught,
no
been had were it t
manufacture of salt, for the purposes of curing,
a much greafer amount might have
by the fishermen
that the fisheries were almost neglected
We trust,
for thecultivation of their portions of land,
this subject in
however, to bring forward a measure on
another subject
the course of the session. Sir, there is
any state-
on which I am likewise not prepared to makethere are large
were
anent to the House. but an which I know
.s
the
very im-
expectations entertained in Ireland. I 1
emigration,
although Parliament may assist tow
ere
entertained
the extravagant expectations
tha;
realised. It is
on this head can never
portant subject of emigration. I emigration,
although
b©
truly stated, that
stated by Sir Robert Kane, and most truly
they never
where pauper families have been removed,
sensible
to have any • •
can be removed in such numbers as
But there is this
aI think that,
effect on the remaining population
extraordinary effort
to be considered, that if by so migration, if you can
you can increase the ordinary
the question is not
seas, you must consider that
have, or have not,
simply whether these peopleryou most consider, also,
the means of profitable labour, you
to which they emigrate
whether there is in thecou
are.
expect to convey
If by a large addition
such means, and what they
d you could convey hundreds of
ausmoilylionof persons across the
to the public fun
overoffi c teh,
complain that we Cain upon
...- (Hear, hear.) If
States would most ;when
this was a duty properly
them our paupers,
bese,ntyooun. d°surooseffivtese
of benefiting the colonies, you
ealtchoounthryl.l
thousands of paupers into your
introduce hundre.il
find that the labour market is
a. In considering this
thousands of perse.s to the United States, the United
ostgaeolefsuritnher than I although
galnadttHeda,lifaanxdwith ce of
perpetuate
a ra
ould be the crowding of Nova Scotia
ayt,oarissoimnge
bee!! subjectj
s thebeg gCaorlso n i al-
when I held the seal! tosedoth could
confess I was then clop h
go, in consequence_
the
instead of
him my
yerwe
finances, but I did think that
from the state of
which emigration could be pro-
the best mode by
charge of the -, ants
muted was by talc
lace
of abode, not at etmhel-r - ' not
at his present p
nor at the portport of his
embarkation alone, .
from where he disem-
barked, but con s
mi,,rants mightaccordingly
find a mar-
ket for their labour;nr_.e I propsed a
certain grant for the_l3 P. 3 of emigration, which has
' ued from time to time,
since been continued sometimes to a
t es to a smaller
larger and s ane.imamount. By means of
families have been
this grant many poor conveyed from
and fr
Quebec to Montreal, . . ( m Montreal to Kings-
ton and the interior na.rts of Western Canada.
and been placed in sibu'Poes where they could earn
wages and be comfortably
.settled. The emigration
• in this way has been in the past,
going or, years very large,
there went to our
In the year 1845, 1 orth American
n' red States colon:es:11.000 persons, to t htatessB,ooo,making
leU .
a total of neatly 90,000. !I the first three quarters of
the year 1846, which contains the great bulk of the
emigration of the year, there went to our North
American colonies 42,404 emigants, to the United States
67,792, making a total of 110,196, The report from the
Agent of Emigration in Canada states that " during
the past year a much larger number of Irish emi-
grants
-
grunts had arrived in a state of destitution as
to bed and clothing, exceeding anything '
he had ever before witnessed." The that
reporton to say, " that among the earlier emigrants goes
there was
no distress except that resulting from their own mis-
conduct, and that employment could be • easily obtained at
remunerative wages, and that the carrying
the public works would give additional out of
and
Montreal that the formation of the employment,
and Quebec Rail-
ways would give employment to a much larger number
of persons. I should certainly be afraid to give

anything like a stimulus to emigration, to such an
extent as to send a large number of paupers where
they could not obtain the means of support, and
involving a large outlay and waste of public money.
Under these circumstances it could not be expected
that the State would undertake the whole expenses of
an extensive system of emigration. Sir, there aro some
difficulties with regard to a general system of emi-
gration which cannot easily be encountered, and
the plans on which it is proposed to be carried are ob-
jectionable, although there are some kinds of emigration
which are not objectionable, and to which I hope facili-
ties will be given. But I do not propose on the
part of the State that any Government plan of emi-
gration should be undertaken, and whether I may or may
not bring forward any measure to facilitate emigration
on the part of the Government. I wish to give no hope
of an extensive system of emigration. —(llcer, hear.)
Sir, I know not if the calculations of Sir R. Kane may
be taken altokether as a sober estimate, but he main-
tains that there are such resources in Ireland—such agri-
cultural resources—( Hear)—independently of the mineral
resources of the country, and the means of employ-
ment by water power for manufacture—that no less than
17,000,000 of people could be maintained out of them.
I do not enter into this calculation ; but this I
say that I do not think, if there were a good system of
agriculture introduced—if there were a good security
for investment of money in land—(Hear, het, r)—if
the proprietors themselves undertook the task of im-
proving the country, if the other classes co-operated
with them—l do not think the present pepulation
of Ireland is excessive.--(Hear, hear.) And now,
before I conclude, if the House will so far
bear with me, I will venture to allude to those countries
which apparently had been in as bad a state, so far as
their general condition was concerned, as Ireland, and
which we now see flourishing, and in the possession of
peace. I think there may be some good in that retrospec-
tion, because I know that in the many evils that have af-
flicted Ireland—especially in viewing the present cala-
mity—there are some who are disposed to despair. I
know, unconnected with those laws, which
I hope have ceased to exist unconnected
with unhappy circumstances to which I do
not like to allude, but which the Poor•law Commis-
sioners have generally inquired into—unconnected with
these circumstances, I see no reason why Ireland may
not become a state enjoying the greatest prosperity.
I will give you a description of a country where property is
secure, and where life is safe, where it is stated that the
whole of the inhabitants are in a state of poverty and
destitution and as being turned out of their habitations
without food or clothing, or the least means of defend-
ing themselves from the inclemency of the weather—
where men and women, husbands, wires, and their chil-
dren were left to wander about the country in a state
of destitution and famine, where the young men were
alike without employment or the desire for it, and the
old had no place to rest themselves—where the only
resort that they had was in begging or stealing. That
was an impartial description of a country where pro-
perty is secure, and all the enjoyments of life have
been read of. This shows that the evils that now
afflict Ireland do not depend upon the country
itself, but seises out of the state of society there,
where the wretched families are.now described as being
driven from their homes and have no resource but in
begging or stealing. This is a description of wealthy,
secure, happy England, by Sir Thomas More, in his
time.—(Hear, hear.) In this description it is stated that
the people roved about in bands of from 200 to 300 at a
time, who lived entirely by stealing or begging, taking
cattle from the fields, and committing such excesses,
that not anything or any place was safe. In
such numbers, indeed, did the people roam, that
it is said that as many as seventy thousand thieves,
rogues, and vagabonds were hanged in ons day. I will
now turn to the state of society in another country,
where an equal degree of prosperity is known to pre-
vail. It is a description of the country at the end of ,
the 17th century, and in this description it is stated that
so great was the number of families that had been
driven from their own homes, that as many as
200,000 to 300,000 individuals were known to be
prowling about the country, living by steal-
ing and begging from door to door. It water
indeed, believed that 100,000 persons who were con-
tinually on the prowl about the country, and though the
poor people who lived upon farms would give relief
to as many as forty persons in one day, yet
they could not avoid being insulted, or protect themselves
from the commission of the most grievous depredations.
Such is the description of industrious, sober Scotland at
the end of the 17th century.—(Hear, hear.) It shows
that a country which has been without order
where robbers were, where industry was neglected. may
afterwards become orderly and civilised, and I think we
should be unworthy of our position as Members of
Parliament, if we were to give way to despair.
in the present case.—(Cheers.) Sir, I know, however,
that what I have touched upou relating to the social state
of Ireland—touching as I have done upon many impor-
tant measures—is but a part of the case.—(Hear, hear.)
I am not one of those who think, that apart from politi-
cal questions—from political rights—from other ques-
tions connected with political institutions—a merely
beneficent Government can restore a country
to prosperity and happiness.—(Cheers.) It is my opi-
nion that other means will be required, and when the
pr3per time comes for preparing such measures I shall
be ready to undertake anything for the benefit of Ire.
land ; but, Sir, I feel that, with respect to these and all
other measures, that there are things which
the Crown cannot grant, which Parliament
Jannot grant, such as a spirit of self-reliance, a
spit it of perseverance.—(Cheers.) I must say plainly
that I should indeed despair of this task, were it not
that I think I see symptoms amongst the people of Ire-
land both of a greater reliance upon their own energies,
their own exertions, and a greater willingness to co-
operate with us.—(Cheers.) I believe that they will en-
courage this spiritamongst themselves—l believe that they
will see what has been done in this country and in her
neighbour Scotland, by industry, by perseverance, by
never despairing of success—that they will, go on in
this spirit, not looking always to Government for pro-
posals, and to Parliament for enactments—(Cheers)—
but see what is the task immediately before them,
and set themselves dowrib heartily and strenuously
to perform that task, and prove that there are means
and resources in Ireland which may bring these
matters to a happy issue.—(Loud cheers.) There
is no doubt of the fertility of the land.
Its fertility has been the theme and admiration of the
writers and travellers of all nations. There is no doubt
either of the strength and industry of the inhabitants.
The same man who is loitering by the mountain side in
Tipperary or in Derry—whose potato crop has just
furnished him with occupation for a few days—
whose wages and whose pig have just enabled him
to
pay his rent, and eke out a miserable subsist-
ence, has perhaps a brother in Liverpool,
wogee equal to any of theta.—(Clear, hear.)
oorrninLgondotnalwhnoighbty, the sweat
poeftinhgi bwith TOW,
OhTatvhee shtreeenngthdioffrertehheceins_dubsutrty of the inha-
bitants ftGillesinsgostwnrlongest and stoutest labourers, and is
oninngot think, therefore, that either the fruitfulness
earning
us if we lay the foundation for the
botirtfiutatenbh_etestlhaafrenoeo be blamed. There have been faults, it is
true—there
wdilelsifirendd
ttoh that rheowhatrhe
cure of these differences —(Hear, hear.) Happy will
iptrbeee,epitf
,t,hhelellpri)shentrhseelmf,snenlvdesHteaakveenfowr.tllheir maxim,
uses in aulversity.—(The Noble Lord ;hen help
resumed r% )u
his
seat amid protracted cheering.)
thesnirlmtrumrst. tuhliatiitihteoyN
knowthe been
were to be supported, and in what way the taxes
be levied ? were to

Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I made a mistake when I
said that rates were to be levied by the relief com-
mittees—the rates are to be levied by the board of
guardians, and they will have the power to levy any
additional rates they may require. The committees will
be empowered to receive them, and to this will be added
private subscriptions and donatious from the Go-
vernment.

Mr. B. OSBORNE wished to have from the Noble
Lord some explanation of his statement about Lord
Sligo and Mr. Moore refusing to pay the rates at
Cabtlebar.

slit
cooonresiderable
Lord J. RUSSELL said the Hon. Member had mis
stated apprehendedthata
mheisetimngeanhiandg He (Lord John Russell,
that Lord Sligo and Mr. Mooreah ed
se-
conded the resolutions to which he at Castlebar, and
had
hpars palluded
a 71
and
dthat in the Union of Castlebar therllvieereearrears of
rtehnattshdeudei,das
noth emehaaidt:ll d
44,3:: tsh.eoM,BalrlqiuEisNo:wShloigroosoer
amidst
ird.
statedto
rtbfle
reflect
cntbuoe
he
th e Noble
nLs aoar' saying
ihnso that
thsse who were in arrears.—(Hear, hear.) werel amongg
the other gentleman referred to.—(Hear.)
con-
fusion, said his object was to ask the Noble Lord the
course the Government intended to adopt in reference,first,
to making advances on railway ? and,
second, whether her Majesty's Government,"rks in their con-
sideration of the present condition of
the people of Ireland,
had decided on bringing '
Bill, in order in a Tenants' Compensation
to provide for the compensation
of tenants
in cases of removal?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that respect-
ing making advances for railways, that sub-
ject had been under consideration, and it was
thought unwise to do so generally on works
of_ that description. It was a subject into which the
Government was not prepared to go at present. Re-
garding tenants' compensation, a Bill bad been pre-
pared, but it was not intended to be introduced into
that House at present, and would, in all probability,
originate in the other House.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord CLEMENTS was desirous of knowing if any
arrangements had been made for the poor emigrants
who might arrive in the colonies —whether it was
their intention to appropriate any capital in the
colonies of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the
Canadas, in order to encourage emigration to that
quarter?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the subject had come
under the consideration of his Noble Friend the Secre-
tary for the Colonies, and the Government was prepared,
if proprietors or companies in Canada were willing to
construct villages or build dwellings while railways were
in the couise of construction, to make advances of money
to assist them.—(llear, hear.)
Lord CLEMENTS said his question had reference to
advances for the cultivation of the land in the colonies,
and not for the construction of railroads.
Mr. F. FRENCH said that just before the meeting of
the House an Hon; Friend dr his connected with the
he
late Government had assured him, from information
had received, the measures to be brought forward by her
Majesty's Government were likely to prove most
distasteful to the Irish Members, and most
particularly so to himself. It did not
appear to him
•desirable to go into details as to any part
of the measure proposed by the Noble Lord, but he
could say that his first proposal was in accordance with
the Treasury minute of the Ist of December, with
reference to the employment of the people. The objec.

tionable portion of it appeared to him to be the inter-
ference of the Board of Works, in the employment of the
people. With regard to the proposition of out-door relief,
under the poor-law, such a course appeared to him to
be most desirable, and altogether the provisions of the
Noble Lord appeared to him to claim the utmost admir-
ation. He admired the distinction drawn by the Noble
Lord between the temporary measures for the relief of
Ireland, and those likely to become permanent ones—those
for the emergency of starvation, and those for
the improvement of the country. Ireland had
lately become involved in many serious diffi-
culties, and those difficulties appeared to him to
be increased by the measures adopted by the Right Hon.
Member for Tamworth, in tampering with the provision
trade, which was at all times a dangerous speculation.
He had created a feeling in the minds of the people
that it was the duty of the Government to feed them'
and that the Government had the power to
do it, and that feeling had given rise to
considerable discontent and dissatisfaction in the
distressed districts that the Government did not
perform impossibilities. That feeling had led to the
occurrence which had taken place in the county of
Galway, in which county, on the coroner's jury sitting
to inquire into the circumstances attending the death of
a woman who died of want, a verdict of wilful ,
murder was returned against Lord John Russel.
The second error which the Right Hon. Baronet's Go-
vernment committed was, the administering indiscrimi-
nate out-door relief—seconding the intervention of the I
Board of Works, the principle of State interference in
matters purely private. That the Noble Lord at the head
of the Government clearly saw the clangers and difficulties I
of the position which the Right Hon. Baronet took,
was clearly manifested from his first Treasury miante,
from his speeches in that House, from his letter
to the Duke of Leinster, and many other evidences ;
but in the confusion incidental to the formation of a
new Government, the legacy left by the Right Hon.
Baronet, namely, the Poor Employment Bill, with
all its attendant evils, evils which had created
the greatest discontent between landlord and tenant,
from one end of Ireland to the other, became law.
The evil was in the very principle of the Act, for
he could bear his warmest testimony to the great
abilities of Mr. Jones and Captain Larkinn. The first
evil was in the diversion of the entire population from
the cultivation of the soil. According to the
statement of the Noble Lord, not less than
480,000 persons were now employed. The commerce
of the county was therefore greatly interfered with. In
the county which he had the honour to represent, a road
from Roscommon to Athlone, a distance of 15 miles,
which usually took the mail an hour to traverse, now
took four and a half hours, and an application was made
to Government to grant as additional hour. In fact,
the Board of Works were designated throughout the
whole of Ireland as the wholesale destroyers of her
Majesty's highways. That expenditure of 180,0001. a
week was going on in the country, when every eminent
agriculturalist who had studied the subject agreed
in the opinion that by a proper system of
drainage the produce of the soil might be in-
creased from 25 to 100 fold. Another effect of
this public employment was its demoralising in-
fluence upon the minds of the people, taking
from them all self-reliance, and encouraging them
to look to a system of out-door relief, and
fostering habits of laziness and indolence at a period
when every exertion should be used to rouse their in-
dustrial energies. He was glad to hear that the
opinion, of the Right Honourable Baronet the
Member for Tamworth had been somewhat
modified since the last session, and he recommended
that the army of 10,000 overseers should be disbanded,
and labour again caused to flow into its proper
channel. That was the expression of the general
feeling of the people of Ireland, and their voice had
been heard by the Government of the country. When
the Lord Lieutenant first issued that letter, known
throughout the country as "Labouchere's letter,"
which the Honourable Member for Limerick had
threatened to impeach, its object was to substitute
tute productive for unproductive works, and proposing a
division of the country into electoral districts, allowing
presentments to be made for private interests under the
Drainage Act. That letter was not acted upon,
because it was provided that the works should
be carried on under the Board of Work, thereby
entailing an additional cost of cent. per cent.
He anticipated that the measure proposed this evening
by the Noble Lord would confer material advantages
on Ireland. He agreed fully with that part of the Noble
Lord's address in which he said there was no cause to de-
spair of the future state of that country, however lament•
able her present position might be—as he had no doubt
that after much acute suffering a better state of things
would ensue, and the prosperity of the
country be re-established. The decrees, as
well as the calamities, of nature generally
caused a reaction, and often led to the best re-
sults in the human frame as well as in the
body politic : thus Ireland, the difficulty and
problem of statesmen, through the fearful ca-
lamity with which it had pleased Providence
to afflict her, had done that for that country
which neither King's nor statesmen had been able
to effect, as it had led to the adoption of
measures which would give Ireland a fair field, and
which would go far to promote her regeneration. In
after years they would have to look back upon these
measures, either ns having promoted the prosperity, or
led to the utter ruin of Ireland.

Mr. BULLER thought that indeed the importance o
this subject could not be exaggerated, and the feelings o
the Irish Members cou'd not but have been gratified by the
arrangement which the Noble Lord had proposed. lie
rejoiced that the principle of rendering the Irish land-
lords responsible for the support of their
poor had for the first time been adopted i❑ that
House that night ; and he thought that the Members for
England and Scotland would be satisfied with the arrange-
ment, es it extended the poor-laws from these countries
to Ireland. Yet it should be remembered that the rate
levied under the poor.law in this country only amounted
to one-sixth, or 2s. in the pound, whilst in Ireland it
amounted to one-fourth. The Irish landlord was
generally supposed to be an embarrassed
person. It was, therefore, stated that the
he ought to be relieved from all contingent expenses, but
when a tradesman or a merchant was unable to meet the
demands made upon him, the country interfered and di-
vested him of that property. The lirainage Act, passed
in the time of the Hon. Member for Tamworth, had only
just come into useful effect, for the Act of
last session had not yet come into useful operation.
The proposal to advance money at 31 per
cent. for twenty-two years would take away
all the just grounds urged by the proprietors
of land against the improvement of their property.
With the aid of these measures, he confidently antici-
pated, seeing Ireland restored to peace and happiness.
Mr. LEFROY wished to ask the Noble Lord two questions.
Did Government intend to take steps to insure a supply of
food in Ireland ? Unless they did do so the proprietors of the
land would experience considerable difficulty in alleviating the
sufferings of the people. The next question he wished to ask
was, in what way will the proptietors of land have the benefit
of the borrowed money ?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied, that Government did
propose to interfere with the trade and importation of corn
into Ireland. With regard to the second question, he would
rather defer answering it for the present.
Lord LINCOLN said there were two questions which he
was desirous to put to the Noble Lord. The first was with re-
gard to the drainage ; he wished to know whether the Noble
Lord proposed to extend the operation of the Million Act of
last year? The Noble Lord would recollect that two millions
had been voted for the drainage of England and Scotland, and
one million to Ireland. Now, did he propose to limit the
amount to that sum, or was he prepared to advance sums from
time to time, according as there might be a demand for them ?
The second question had no immediate reference to the speech
of the Noble Lord, but it was exceedingly important that public
attention should be directed to it, and was becoming daily
more so. He alluded to the anticipated increase of fever in
several parts of Ireland. The late Government were so
strongly impressed with the necessity of taking some measures
to prevent such a calamity, that they passed a short Act called the
Fever Bill, that enactment would expire on the Ist of Sep-
tember next. Under it, power was given to constitute a cen-
tral board. Sir Philip Crampton and Dr. Corrigan were
named as presidents. He believed that the present Govern-
ment, conceiving that the board was no longer necessary, abo-
lished it. He wished also to know when the Noble Lord would
proceed with the Bill, with a view to the renewal of the dis-
cussion, and when he would be prepared to lay on the table
those papers to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had
alluded. He apprehended that the Government were in pos-
session of a great mass of other information, which it would
be most desirable should be placed in the possession of the
House.

Lord J. RUSSELL said that the Government intended to
have a separate Act for the drainage of Ireland. They wished
somewhat to enlarge the clauses, and although the sum would
be limited to one million, the overnment would not hesitate
to advance such sums as might seem requisite. With regard
to the second question, the Noble Lord was aware that there
were many practical difficulties which he was better able to ex-
plain than he (Lord John Russell) was. With regard to the
third question, I do not know that I can precisely fix a day.
Sir G. GREY—Say Wednesday next.
Lord J. RUSSELL—WeII, then the papers will be laid upon
the table of the House on Wednesday next, and I propose to
renew the discussion on Monday next.
Mr. LABOUCHERE explained that the operation of -the
Fever Act had been very unsatisfactory, and many abuses had
crept in which had materially operated against its efficiency.
The Noble Lord opposite (Lord Lincoln) was aware, that be-
sides the Fever Act there were other Acts that could be
brought into operation for the prevention of Fever. There
was a provison under the Poor-law Act, by which the poor-law
authorities, with the consent of the commissioners could attach
fever hospitals to the workhouses. In many instances this
had already been done. There were likewise one or two other
Acts of Parliament. There was one of the Acts of Georgeih
111., cap. 55 and 56, empowering local boards to establish
fever fever hospitals, the expense to be levied for the.tin?e,oo_
county as the case might be. The Government bad dons
p 7"
ll
in their power to meet the fever which was alleg d t e
vail, but such had been the abuses ofilthbe law
tbe
ordinary
liaseetrsyeslsaiwone.,
that they were anxious to meet the evil by
there was a defi-
Though fever had arisen in cases
ciency or want of food, other respects the country was
.
generally free. He believed
edthe alleged cases of fever that
bad taken place in the workhouses were cases of dysentery and
not proper ik fever.—( Hear, hear.)
Sir R. I GL IS said, that from the observations of the
Members,lrish
eeed and looking at the state of the benches, the
general that the discussion should be ad-
journed. feeling
em
Still, he would be even more unworthy of a seat in
that House than he was if he suffered such a speech to pass
without expressing his cordial admiration of that addrest re-
markable as it had been for the topics introduced, as well as
for those omitted.--(Hear, hear.) In discussing such a
question as the one under consideration, the difficulty was to
treat the state of Ireland so as to avoid those points of diffi-
culty through which other Ministers had been overset.
His Noble Friend had attempted to conciliate both sides of the
House, and had not attempted to provoke any opposition to the
measures he proposed. There was one point upon which he
(Sir R. H. Inglis) ventured to express some doubt, and that
was whether his Noble Friend might not re-consider his pro-
posal to great advantage. As far as he (Sir R. H. Inglis)
understood the statement made, there were no less than
4,500,000 acres in Ireland, which it was proposed to
reclaim. His Noble Friend proposed to divide this
large area into sections, so inconsiderable as not even
the most purely political economy would propose for an