The Sun.
London, England, 1840-12-05 00:00:00

these observations

Now, although neither he nor that meeting could oh-
j ect to any one leaving the eounti y who might be in-
clined to do so, he could not but assert his hostility to the
principle of emigration, believing as he did that at best
it was a contemptible expedient, a miserable quackish
prescription for the effects of bad government, and that
it was by the attention given by a great portion of the
operatives to that and several other silly remedies, to the
neglect of one great means of cure, that the day of their
emancipation from slavery was so long protracted.
Their operatives, however poor and oppressed, had an
undoubted claim upon Vie land that gave them birth,
but they had no claim, t ,ir 3 had no right to the posses-
sions of the poor nativ,s d New Zealand.—(Cheers.)
The colonies by right h waged not to the British Go-
vernment—and it is 1 wnrigbt robbery to legalise
their sale.—(Tremendnn s. Leering, and loud cries of
" True, true !") But itting that it was just and
proper that our reduce l -10 rativcs should be !breed to
emigrate thereto, what (.. ',mace had they that their
condition would be bit c id? The same Government
that reduced them he; v t tdcontrol them there. The
capitalists there wouldg trendily at enorinousprefits
as they did in Great Br ;,'e, • The effects of competition
would be felt in New Zealand as well asin this country. In
what then did the advantage consist ? They had liberty
at home—the liberty to starve, he believed the same
liberty awaited them in New Zealand. But he would
ask what benefit could it be that a few thousand opera-
tives left the country—their places would be speedily
supplied by others, who would assuredly be reduced to
the same level ? If one thousand had a claim upon the
Government, or desired to leave the country with the
aid of the public money, twenty thousand had the same
claim. Nay, he believed that in Great Britain and Ire-
land, there were millions of human beings farther re-
duced and in greater poverty than those who now
claimed to be sent to New Zealand, some of whom were
high paid operatives ; and was it right to leave these
men struggling against the iniquitous system which
ground the industrious classes to the dust—was it proper
to sanction the carrying away of the materials of which
popular political agitation was composed, and to render
the chances of an impression upon our rulers more diffi-
cult and time more distant ? No ! he would say, let
us stand together, united and determined.

That is a noble spirit. There speaks one of
those sturdy and righteous sons of Scotland who
love, independently of all poetry, the " mountain
glens and passes" of their fatherland, and in whom
their native poets have made it an object of heart-
felt adoration. A similar spirit pervaded the
speeches of several other working men, and the ge-
nerous and proud resolution to obtain rights at
home rather than plant abroad a colony to become
a nation of slaves must command admiration. It is
held to be a moral duty that mature beings should
have a reasonable prospect of rearing a family in
virtue, independence, and honour, before entering
into matrimony. On the same principle it must
be the duty of a nation to see a reasonable prospect,
before it plant colonies, that they will grow
up into virtuous, independent and honour
able nations. But men who arc them-
selves slaves, who have no share in the govern-
ment of their native land, whose bread is taxed at
the mercy of idle and worthless landlords, who are
denied all the benefits of political society, while
they are obliged to hear all its burdens, can have
no hope of planting free and independent colonies,
aeJ they are right first to demand freedom at home.
It is not only unjust, it is cruel to posterity to plant
colonies of slaves. We trust, therefore, that the
example of the Glasgow operatives will be imitated
by all the industrious classes of the empire, who will
steadily resolve to achieve freedom at home, not
spread misery and slavery over the virgin soil of the
southern hemisphere.
We have already pointed out in this Journal that
a Corn-law lies Ai certainly in Mr. WAKEFIELD'S
schemed transporting labourers by the money raised
on laud sales as such a law exists in England. We
have already, too, 'stated that the very object of his
scheme is to prevent the labourers, from acquiring
land, by affixing to it. a price beyond their means,
and so of keeping them /la poor and As degraded
in the new colonies as they are in the old country.
PersoLally, therefore, we rejoice that the Glasgow
operatives have seen through the bubble, and
that they prefer struggling
,for freedom at home
to being transported as slaves of the capitalists to
New Zealand.

A subject is broached by Captain MA RIIYAT,
in his " 011 a Podrida," which is of greater influence
and deeper philosophy than the Captain seems to
be aware of, viz.—the " enmity between the press
and the aristocracy." He approaches near the
truth when he states—,

AtiZtrs are
o
. .1 _ 0 not to be so easily purchased as for-
----, , .uuy pieter writing i;, Pn.r9Mity with public
opinion, to writing for government, because they are
better remunerated. Now, if it be recalled to mind
that in the rapid march of the people, in their assertion
of their right to a greater share in the gov:rment of
the country, in the pointing out and correction of abuses,
and in the breaking down of all the deft
ces
is th whicau h have
gradually yielded in so many years, it e thors
and the press who have led the van, and that in these
coutiuual lin oads the ariAi-nt-...ney have bet-3a the parts?
cet 1 au vioader that there has ari.co, ui,-
waitittingly, perhaps, on the part of the aristocracy, a feel-
, ing against the press, and against authors in general.

The pen has been, and will probably for a long while
continue to be, the enemy of the aristocracy : and it is
hardly reasonable to expect that the aristocracy should
admit the enemy within its camp.
But an important question must be put and
answered, in order to carry the matter further.
Why is the onward march of the people against
the government ? why should inroads be continu-
ally made on the aristocracy, and why should the
press be the organ of those :attacks ? The aristo-
cracy possesses nearly all the wealth of society—
the government is in possession of power. Public
writers, like other men, desire power and wealth,
which the aristocracy and the government can bee
stow; their productions are purchased in a great mea-
sure by the aristocracy, and why then should they be
the organs of incessant attacks on the aristocracy, of
incessant encroachments on the government? Not
long ago the case was the reverse. The bulk of
the press, the mass of the penholders, whether
they composed ponderous folios or single para-
graphs, were all on the side of the aristocracy and
government. What has produced the change ?
The press is the organ of public opinion ; and we
must conclude, from Captain MARRYAT'S
statement, that public opinion, in spite of the im-
mense bribes offered by government and aristo-
cracy to go in a different direction, has declared it-
self hostile to both. Authors only lead the van :if
the onward march of society, and, according to
Captain MARRYAT, that runs incessantly against
government and aristocracy.
Some persons seem to suppose that public opi-
nion is uncertain, capricious, subject to no law,
and the result of fancies like the opinions of a love-
sick girl. They suppose it is made by writers.
Such is Hot the case. NV ha te ver may be the opi-
nions of individuals, which, after all, arc not more
liable to alteration than their bodies, which grow,
strengthen, and decay, the opinions of nations are
regulated and determined by fixed and certain laws,
which are quite as unalterable as the laws
of the material world. For example, every
reasonable man refers to that material world,
as the test of all truth, so far as it concerns this
life, and that being governed by regular laws ulti-
mately corrects all the vague, false, and incorrect
impressions of individuals, and models public opi-
nion on itself. But clockwork is not so regular as
the periodical revolutions of the material world.
In relation to government and aristocracy, this
principle comes thus into operation. They both
profess to be extremely beneficial to society, or to
the bulk of the people—to be instrumental in keep-
ing order, promoting prosperity, repressing crime,
and effecting a variety of great social benefits. But
the bulk of the people have for a considerable time
been in a state of considerable suffering, prone to dis-
order arising from physical privations, and immersed
in deep poverty, while crime has increased, and all
the prosperity and happiness of society have been
clearly traced to the active exertions of individuals,
to commerce, which government and aristocracy
only impede, and to the great desire of men to im-
prove their condition, which government and aris-
tocracy only misdirect and pervert. Thus the pro-
fessions of government and aristocracy have been
engraved by the condition of the people on the pub-
lic mind as erroneous impressions, misbegotten
falsehoods, or wilful lies ; and hence the march of
public opinion has been against government
and aristocracy. Sensible of this, govern-
, ment and aristocracy have made efforts, mock
or real, to reform themselves, and so fulfil
the conditions they profess, or redeem the pledges
they make to society. Whether or not
they will succeed in this, and so again
turn the current of opinion in their favour, time
alone can show ; but those who judge more from a
contemplation of events than from books—who
look at the history of society, as it has been acted
rather than as it has been written, who know that
events, not authors, make and correct opinions,
seem generally to agree that they will not, and that
government and aristocracy are doomed to very
great changes, if not to annihilation.
Of government it is remarked, that it is a ma-
chine of very ancient date, and that whatever theo-
ries may, in latter times, have been invented to up-
hold or justify it, such as—that it is founded on the
sacrifices of individual freedom for the advantage
of all—that it is borrowed from parental au-
thority—that it originated in a contract, by
which allegiance and protection are mutually
exchanged—the fact undoubtedly is, that govern-
ment was originally founded in rude conquest and
brutal usurpation, and that modern governments,
however modified, have all been tainted with the
vices of their origin, and still continue practically
to act on the principles from which they sprung.
One and all they practically endeavour to coerce the
mass of the people for the advantage of a few, though
that few may have become, as in England in latter
years, more numerous than formerly. The facts on
which government is founded, and the theory—the
practice and the profession—contradict each other,
the material world continually reminds men of the
falsehood ; and the old machine will never recover
so far its influence that public opinion will be again
turned in its favour. A completely new one,
founded on true representation, may be built, but
whether that will answer better, or remain in work-
ing existence longer than the one founded in con-
quest, and upheld by coercion, is a question which
we cannot undertake to answer.
As to aristocracy which depends for its so-

dial existence on government, it took its rise in
circumstances ; it was in its origin useful to
society, and was respected and honoured for its
own intrinsic merits. The members of it generally
were strong and armed men, who organized their
followers into a means of mutual defence. They
were the leaders of the people in war, and their
judges in peace. For the possession of their estates
they performed most important duties, which they
have now laid aside, for which in fact they have
become unfit, and those duties, such as command-
ing armies and fleets, and presiding in courts of law,
are performed by hirelings, whom the people, still
paying the aristocracy, by securing them their
estates for performing such duties, are obliged to
pay by taxes.
Besides depending on government, which is net
likely again to find public opinion run in its favour,
the aristocracy has great and glaring vices of its
own. Its practices are a standing contradiction to
its professions. It is latterly exhibited to the
people as a sordid plunderer, while it professes to
be all that is noble, generous, and disinterested.
To its other great, glaring, and irredeemable vices,
it now adds the most iniquitous exaction and the
most detestable hypocrisy. Nature, the laws of
the material world, and of the mind of man, must
be wholly reversed, to enable it to turn public opi-
nion again in its favour. Not contented, appa-
rently, with the certain destruction which awaits it,
it aspires to perish amidst the jusi And indignant
execrations of mankind. Now, authors a:P oP-
posed to the aristocracy because they are the organs
of this growing and inevitable public opinion.
Captain NI/anti-7AT". has done good service by
drawing attention to the fact, and by
helping to c
oristo mion
ex-
plain the natural law by which publi p
been turned against government and acracy.has

Lll been

The Paris journals of Thursday have a,
received, together with a report of the continuation
of the debate upon the Address in the Chamber of
Dcputiec, up to th:- hour of post ou Thut sday
afternoon. The speakers were the late Minister of
tho Interior, M. DZ RgI,IUSAT) Me GARNIER

EVEN ING_

PAGES, a Member of the Extreme Left, and M,
rstAUGUIN, reeking hot from St. Petersburgh, as
desperately in love with every thing Russian',
from bears, train-oil, and tallow, to serfage, to
knoutage, and Imperial alliances. Basking in the
smiles of the EMPEROR, no wonder that.AU"
GUIN found the climate of Russia delightful, and
the fresh breezes off' Cronstadt milder and more
life-invigorating than the air of the far-famed Mont-
pelier itself. M. REMUSAT, like his colleague, g.
TRIERS, affected no concealment of the policy Of
the late Cabinet. He unblushingly admitted that
the integrity of the Ottoman empire was a mere
fiction in the mouth of himself and colleggues•
The Ottoman empire might have gone to the deuce
for what the Ministry of M. THIERS cared, pro-
vided they could but have established the sure-
macy of France in Egypt. In the debate on Thurs-
day M. BEcun RD contplained of a letter addressed
by Marshal SOUL T to Mr. LLoTn, an English"
man, wherein the illustrious President of the Conn"
cil had expressed a hope of the continuance of
a friendly alliance between Frameand Engsaid lanthed.
The Gallant Marshal, in explan.ation,
letter was not intended for publicatiun,
nevertheless, he gloried in avowing befe the
or
Chamber the opinion which lie had expressed in
decided
that letter. He was an advocate, a strong, d
advocate for the continuance of the French an
Easi;;;11 alliance. This declaration electrified the
Chamber.... The Marshal had not concluded his
remarks wheLi the post left Paris. hut that,
The Jottrimi des Debats, which ably soPrrti
the pacific policy of the Cabinet, has the follovving
remarks upon the ...lobate of Wednesday, and the
day preceding :
meAnlt.s Gofarilnii.eTr
hP;acgrse,s,anadttatchkei
directng:e vemr.y,,acbkosdyi i
of sparing Royalty. lie turned ft.' "count the conecearl.
of M. Berry.
Guizot mounted the Tribune not to r
It was high time to put an end to "c3,oaasYstem' b.,:
tiltics of M. Gamier Page., but to 'reslit
respect for the Chamber. 'The noble and. e.lergeitoliegieuse
guage of M. Guizot produced in the Chinni's) a"
sbiettaintgthaendsatmhee
timeapplause oo fmtalagi this nt of the
explosion. This was in our opinion the great 0:1c.,,„ Will
Minister, and a solemn lesson given ta the °P of TA-
of tba e
bM. Guizot protested against the rashness oatr,
unc, and against the follies of the press. The c beri
will receive this protest as it was received by.tlie theanctut.
the country will not see without'', surprise n gi..
ceivable ovation which the journal of M. Teiers,
Iht)e..eta ty
timist journal, and the journal of the Republic, now',
;nal
on M. Berryer. " What a great citizen" says a rwarSt
of the Left. " The Royalist orator, (and it is a J"7. lite
journal which speaks,) has denounced the polieY Cl. ,t, !
King. This great citizen curses the July Cl.
.v 0
of legitimist interests calls for war, the
This Royalist orator insults Royalty--this representative..
lution, the overthrow of France and of Europe ' Actor r.
13errje ,
ingly, the journsl of M. Thiers confesses that M.
He is g°°three,
is the most eloquent man in the Chamber.
eloquent than M. Thiers. Sea what it is to attack
n,
What ine or
King 1 What courage 1 What genius
lion I It is because M. Berryer is passionately too
_...
revolution ; not the Revolution of July, which is too
propagrda re
d..
,cific, too mean, too honest. M. Berryer loves a grand:s _
t
volution—that uhich would take by storm all the Monarj:
et
0° lea n'Pd:i:nigi :nebdvtalif al
or,_l:!cit.
ifolotclit. 'fifuiall:-:
in Europe, beginning with the French monarchy.
~..I.° a
the Quotidienne to add, .: at length"
Courrier has reason to say " What a great citizen,
has spoken.
i .
general news news in the French Papers of Thuro) • _ a
The following brief extracts include the onlY
and Vice
Turkish I
Turkish Ambassador, AdmiraljiZousgiu,
Yesterday evening his Ilfa'esty gave audience to !rbil.,
The Duke of Orleans set out last
Roussin. the Royalist oraatuor
o'clock, for Sr. Omer, accompanied by
and Lieut.-Col. Montguyon._ to
to-dei
The Committee on the Address met ag.vio
examine the several amendments which have' e,Acn far:e
posed by different Deputies. It resolved that it e'du"-a-e,./..
hito consideration several of these amendments, .I"lcus.
ingon o. n the whole the proposed Address now under wg-
i in the Chamber.—Courrier Francaise.
.nig.Chotioaaeti Gleerlaraell