The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-21 00:00:00

coats in the dtist, and threatening to crack the skull
of whomsoever may presume to tread thereon. The
Hon. Member is sadly mistaken in looking upon
Parliament as a kind of political Donnybrook. Other •
wise the discussions upon the Address to the Sovu-
REIGN, in answer to the Speech from the Throne,
(moved and seconded in the Upper House by Lords
HATHERTON and CAREW, and in the Lower House
by Mr. C. HOWARD and Mr. RICARDO) were satis-
factory from the majority of the sentiments they
elicited.

By the constitution of this country, the Crown is
considered the fountain of honour. This is a wise
provision of the State. From time out of mind, in
the rudest, no less than in the most civilised nations,
wherever the sovereign power has been vested, a
spontaneous spring, as it were, has been suffered to
flow for refreshening, by means of peculiar dignities
and emoluments, the minds of those who have de
voted their talents and energies to the welfare of their
country. The principle of public acknowledgment,
from the highest and most esteemed quarter, of meri-
torious services, in whatever influential department
of the State they may have been rendered, has been
found not only to minister to the honourable pride of
the individual who has happily distinguished himself,
and also to accord with the feelings of grateful re-
cognition naturally entertained towards him by the
community at large, which, in common with the
SOVEREIGN, has participated in the benefits at-
tendant upon the achievement, military, naval, or
civil, that has been accomplished ; but it is a prin-
ciple which has had the desired effect of stimulating
others to imitate the example that has been set, in
order that they might attain to similar honours.
This principle has been considered of such import-
ance, that the people, with mingled feelings of
jealousy and gratitude, are not always content to
permit its fruits to rest in, or emanate exclusively
from, the Crown. Thus it is that, in addition to what
has been conferred at the pleasure of the SOVEREIGN,
manifestations of popular approval are being con-
stantly exhibited in favour, and during the life-
time, of those who have done well to the State. These
laudable testimonials are displa) ed in different forms,
—monuments, subscriptions, public dinners, presents
of value to be preserved as heir-looms, &c. But there
are instances, where, by the rare union of great
talents, high integrity, and noble personal prowess,
the prerogatives of the people are ably sustained in
opposition to a dangerous infringement of them by
the servants of the Crown. In such cases, where a
great evil has been averted, or a positive advantage
secured, the English are ever ready, in some signifi-
cant manner, to evince their gratitude towards the
champion of their just rights and privileges. Among
these, the impartial administration of justice is held
in the highest veneration. This sacred principle was
unhappily very recently invaded, not intentionally,
but in effect, by one of the highest functionaries
of the law—the Lord Chief Baron—in the case of
" GOLDICUTT v. BEAGIN." To the energy, talents, and
unflinching-valour of Mr. CociornaN, Q.C., are we
indebted that the stream of justice has been purified
from the temporary taint it had received. Had he
taken any other course than that of solemnly pro-
testing, in open court, against the intemperate lan-
guage of the Chief Baron, and immediately quitting
his Lordship's presence, the ends of justice would
have been substantially frustrated ; for had he de-
fended his client whilst charged with " insanity" by
the judge, and the verdict been adverse tohis advocacy,
a motion for a new trial would never have been
granted. As it is, the Bench has been properly re-
buked, the honour and independence of the Bar man-
fully upheld, the rights of solicitors to adopt what
legal line of defence they please in conjunction with
their counsel fully maintained, and the prerogative of
the people to the pure administration of justice
firmly established,' how grave soever may he the
" indiscretion" of one of the principal judges in
Westminster Hall. We believe and hope that Mr.
COCKBURN'S admirable conduct will be testified to in
a way that will cause him to look back with pride for
he part he has taken ; and sure we are that he is
well entitled to some signal proof of the heartfelt
approbation of every lover of justice.'

'(TROM A CORRESPONDENT.)

During the last week, the deep and loud sound-uniuo
tne still increasing cry of Irish famine. Two great
political meetings have been held at the Rotunda, in
Dublin, one on the 13th, the other on the 14th in-tant
The Minister or the journalist who would neglect the
omens afforded by either of these meetings, or meet
them with scorn or with defiance, would ill deserve the
character either of patriotism or of sagacity.
The first meeting was an aggregate assembly of that
portion of the Young Ireland party resident in Dubiin.
It was crowded to excess—conducted with order—distin
guished by eloquence of a high class—but marked by
the most passionate bitterness towards England. The
great argument used was the following one—forcible,
we admit, but far from conclusive against the possi
bility of a good united Government.
e England promised Ireland every kind of advantage,
social and commercial, if we would consent to the union.
Amongst others, she consented to extend to us a full
participation in all British rights and privileges. The
union was carried. England assumed the uncontrolled
those
mastery of Ireland. The legialative and the executive
powers in Ireland, have, during years. The very hands
power over Ireland have been now absolutely in the
hands of
ni Englandn
iste e
dfor forty-six
that period been almost all British. Lord-lieutenants,
secretaries, chancellors, heads of offices, have been,
almost without exception, English and &etch. Irish
that a,dr r
P owmind, Irish knowledge, Irish experience, has been almost
altogether excluded from influence in Ireland. Irish re-
monstrance has been almost invariably received by those
British governors with contumely or neglect, and the
results have been a practical exclusion from all
beneficial British rights, increasing poverty, decreasing
trade, destitution, famine, and starvation.
How much of this bitter argument is true, and how
much erroneous, we shall not now pause to examine.
Most certainly it is the heartfelt passionate belief of a
number of cur Irish fellow-countrymen, and, as such,
it is deserving of patient and careful consideration even
by those who do not concur in it. As a specimen of
the unfortunate feeling of this meeting, we subjoin the
following extract from the speech of Mr. MITCHELL,
'who, after enumerating the blessings flowing from a
good government, proceeded to say—
These are the choicest blessings, and ought to be
the dearest treasures of a nation of men. Where these
are to be found, egitatinn is a crime. Wheresoever on
the face of the earth there is such a relation between
the Government and the people, then let no demagogue
breathe his poison into the popular ear. Let men till
their lands, and ply their trades, and eat their daily
bread in peace. But,
my friends, have we such a Go-
vernment as this? Are those precious blessings known
to us, save by reading, and hearsay, and the dreams of
poets? Who in Ireland obeys the law for the love of it?
—(Cries of No one.') Who in Ireland honours
the State or trusts the Legislature?—(Loud
cries of No one.') Government! what is the
thing which we call Government here ? A
a machinery for insuring payment of our annual subsidy
to England.—(Cheers.) What is the Viceroy ? A
steward to superintend England's store-farm, and keep
the labourers in order.—(Cheers.) What is the Castle?
An office where England's business is done. Since the
first year of this century you have been strangers on
your own soil. The laws are not made for you, but
against you. And see what has become of all this.
Behold the crowning year of the union.
For 46 years the ruling nation hes been drawing her tri-
bute regularly, and she has brought us to this at lust.
Exhaustion can go no farther. The destruction of our
crop flings more than half our people into the very jaws
of death ; and when their imperial treasury lends us
some of our own money to keep us alive, on the security
of our lands and mortgaged industry, they dare to call
it alms. But I was wrong to say dare ; what is it they
dare not do to us ? Are they not our masters? And
after all it is alms. The money is not ours. The land
is not ours. The indnsilry is not ours. The nation that
governs not itself has nothing. Nothing in heaven
above, nor in the earth beneath."
The immediate results of this meeting was the forma.
tion of a body, stiled " The Irish Confederation," a name

- - - -
borrowed from the American Confederation, and no
- -

doubt intended to labour for a similar object. Mr.
SMITH O'BRIEN, in his speech, announced to the meet-
ing that Mr. BOVERT HOLMES was to be regarded as the
head of this Confederation.. We hope this announcement

may turn out incorrect. There is no man in Ireland
more to be respected and admired than Mr. ilowns, the
greatest Irish lawyer, the most consistent Whig; the
most incorruptible patriot, of great wealth, and now
more than Brj 74?ara of age, The adhesion of such a