The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-08 00:00:00

1' B "stf-X 1140 ND oN - :WED NiniSDA.Y.---ET

•
1845, had only been 7,500,0001., while the total re-
mitted from the Irish Exchequer to the British had
been 26,700,0001., being a: balance of 19,200,0001.
in favour of Ireland, or, adding the remittances since
1845, a total excess of remittances from Ireland of
19,789,5911. Such were his general views of what
England owed to Ireland in regard to money matters,
and when the question came before the House in a
fairer and more legitimate manner he should be pre-
pared to develop his argument at greater length. He
had, in drawing to a conclusion, to notice the last part
of the Hon. Gentleman's motion, viz., the effect of the
union upon the poorer classes in Ireland, a subject which,
as the Hon. Member had well stated, deserved the at-
tention of the House. In consequence of the poverty
of Ireland, and the superior wealth of this country,
there was a constant immigration of paupers into
England. This was one of the evils which the union
had brought upon them. The poor-rates of this
country were enormous, in consequence of this immi-
gration—the people were impoverished by the num-
ber of paupers who came among them, and the exist-
ing distress in Ireland had greatly aggravated the
evil. He would be content to be covered with shame
and ridicule if his prediction was not realised—that
the consequence of the Irish poor-law—in which
many Hon. Members gloried as providing a remedy
for the pauperism of Ireland—would be that it would
stimulate the immigration of paupers into this coun-
try. He maintained that the poor would find
their way into this country as surely as water found
its level. The effect of the poor-law would be to break
down the classes upon whom the poor-rate fell, and
add them to the general mass of paupers. He did not
speak of the present distress ; he spoke of what
would be found to be .the permanent effect of the
poor-law, which they thought was to take Ireland off
their shoulders. The Right Hon. Baronet (Sir G.
Grey), in his brief answer to the speech of the Hon.
Member for Nottingham, had alluded to the repeal
debate in 1834. Since that debate had been alluded
to, he (Mr. O'Connell) would take the liberty of re-
minding the House of the promise then solemnly
made by one of the largest majorities on record in
rejecting a motion which was supported by forty
Members identified with the Irish people—a promise
whieh obtained the sanction of the House of Lords,
and the concurrence of the Sovereign then on the
throne, and which was, therefore, a pledge from the
three estates of the realm, viz., that in expressing
their resolution to maintain the legislative union in-
violate they were determined to "persevere in ap-
plying their best attention to the removal of
all just causes of complaint, and to the promotion of
all well-considered measures of improvement." Had
that promise been carried out ?—(Hear, hear.)
Where had been the removal of grievances ? 'Were
not the people of Ireland at that moment crying out
for relief, and could not obtain it ? Did not the
Government confess that the landlord and tenant
question constituted a serious grievance, and did not
that grievance still remain unredressed, the Govern-
ment having put it off from time to time in conse-
quence of the difficulties with which it was sur-
rounded ? Thirteen years had elapsed since the pro-
mise was made which he had just quoted, and their
grievances were still unredressed. Nay, more, the
promise had not merely been unfulfilled, it had been
actually violated. They had had coercion Acts imposed
upon them in place of obtaining a removal of
grievances ; they had had a scanty and crippled Mu-
nicipal Reform Bill thrust upon them, their elective
fraachise unjustly limited, and which was declining
every day, and yet no hand was raised to remedy
it. There were a thousand other grievances which
had never been touched. He did not mean to taunt
the House with this ; he merely wished to remind
them at the beginning of a new Parliament, when
they were starting under fairer auspices than usual,
of the solemn pledge and covenant which had been
made to Ireland—a pledge which had been ratified
by the House of Peers and the Throne, and which,
therefore, ought to be as binding as a legislative Act;
and he desired to conjure the House to consider the
necessity of granting them at last a full, entire, and
ample redress of those grievances which they were
pledged to remove.—(Hear, hear) For himself, he
believed that the repeal of the union would prove the
only real benefit to his country. The great and
wasting evil of Ireland was the draining of money
out of her; and he saw no means of restoring this
vital necessary except by the re-establishment of a
domestic legislature. A tax on absenteeism, which
some looked to as a remedy, was a forced and unna-
tural expedient though he admitted that occa-
sionally it might be necessary to have recourse to
artificial remedies for artificial evils ; but in this case
he would give the means of inducing absentees to
return home without any such interference. A native
Parliament would bring them back again. It would
be their interest to return and watch the progress of
legislation and its effects upon life and property.—
(Hear, hear.) A domestic legislature therefore would
supply the landlords with a direct self-interest in re-
maining at home, it would stop the drain of money
out of Ireland and lead to its being spent in that
country, it would revive trade and commerce, it
w -mid enable the people of Ireland to do better, be-
cause richer customers to England, and in this way
would benefit both countries—for he could not sup-
pose such a solecism in the providence of God as the
prosperity of the one country hurting that of the.,
other—it would make the empire prosperous and
happy at home and strong and irresistible in its
power abroad.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. TREL A WNY, who was but indistinctly
heard, said that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat
down told them that there was a great deal owing
from this country to Ireland. He believed that was
the case, and that the income-tax and the assessed
taxes ought to be extended to that country. He
hoped the House would not be induced by the con-
stant howl of the Irish Members to delay passing the
measure which had been 'proposed by her Majesty's
Government for the purpose of checking crime in
Ireland. lie thought that if the repeal of the union
were granted it would produce a civil war between
the Protestants of the north and the Roman Catho-
lics, and that this would lead to a military despotism.
The Hon. Gentleman would propose a tax on the ab-
sentees. That class of persons would then be
placed in this position, that if they lived
in Ireland they would be shot at, and if
they remained among us they would be taxed.
The Hon. Gentleman asked the people of Eng-
land to contribute more money for the relief of the
people of Ireland ; but he did not think John Bull
would consent to that, seeing that the Hon. Member
had disallowed the debt which had been already- in-
curred. He did not see how Ireland was to be
improved, excepting by introducing machinery for
the purpose of cultivation and economising labour ;
and this could not be done while the land was so
much subdivided and a pauper population suffered to
look to the potato as their sole means of support.
He highly approved of the coercion Bill, and
sincerely regretted that he opposed the coercion Bill
of 1846. It was a mockery of and satire on
legislation to allow things to proceed as they did
in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He was surprised that
lion. Gentlemen should interpose delays to the
passing of a measure which they must be aware
' was absolutely necessary. If those Members were
likely to be successful in delaying the mea-
sure, the Government ought to act without the
Bill, and then call for a Bill of indemnity. He
' hoped that the Government would enforce the poor-
law measure, and see that every farthing of the rates
was paid. Unless they showed vigour and decision,
the murders which were taking place in Ireland would
not cease.

Mr. O'FLAHER'rY said, the Hon. Gentleman
who had just sat down was evidently totally unac-
quainted with the subject under discussion. No
Member was more anxious than he (Mr. O'Flaherty)
to put a stop to those atrocious crimes which dis-
graced Ireland; but he believed the ordinary law, if
carried out with vigour and impartiality, would
prove quite sufficient for the suppression of those out-
rages. He was an active administrator of that law ;
but, under present circumstances, he believed it was
nothing less than a confiscation of property without
any countervailing advantages. It might eventually
be productive of good ; but, circumstanced as Ireland
was just now, it was a most preposterous remedy.
Mr. REYNOLDS thought that the restoration of
the rights of self-legislation to the Irish people
would improve their condition, both socially and mo-
rally • and, believing that, he could not but regret
that the Hon. Member for Nottingham introduced,
the subject at so inappropriate a period. He should,
however, support the motion for a Committee of in-
quiry, because on so important a subject, he thought
that was the reasonable mode of proceeding. He
heard the speech of the Honourable Mem-,
ber for Tavistock (Mr. Trelawney) with sur-
prise, and he could not but think that it
had been prepared to be delivered on the coercion
Bill debate, and that the Hon. Gentleman, having had
no opportunity of delivering it on that occasion,
sought to dovetail it into the present discussion.—
(Laughter.) He thought the Hon. Gentleman's
attempt to do so was most unfortunate.—(Hear,
hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said that Ireland was
not sufficiently taxed, but he was at a loss to know
how the Hon. Gentleman could justify that assertion,
bearing in mind that the landed property of Ireland
was rated at 13,187,0001., and that it had to bear
exclusively an enormous amount of taxation, which
had been immensely increased by the introduction of
the poor-law. He was acquainted with an estate of
8,000/. a year, of which 6,0001. was eaten up by in-
cumbrances and mortgages ; and was it fair to ask the
man who had only 2,0001. to pay poor taxes on the
whole amount ?—(Hear, hear.) He was in favoui of
the poor-law, but he believed it was susceptible of
' much improvement in its details. The Hon. Gentle-
man seemed to think, that if the people were ejected,
they had an alternative in the poor-law. He (Mr.
Reynolds) would be able to prove that in certain
districts the poor-rate was not sufficient to meet the
• poverty of those districts. From a return made by

the Poor-law Commissioners during the present
month, it appeared that on the 4th of last July there
were 2,600,000 paupers receiving rations.
An HoN. MEMBER asked, what was the amount of
the poor-rate ?
Mr. REYNOLDS—That was a very proper
question, but one which he was unable to answer.—
(Laughter.) The amount varied greatly in different
districts; but in the county of Mayo the entire
rental would not afford 11. per annum for the pauper
population. The aggregate number of persons re-
ceiving rations in Leinster, Munster, Connaught,
and Ulster, was as follows :—Able-bodied men,
163,463 ; women, 104,160; families, 574,983 ; total,
842,606. How was it possible' when such was the
state of things, that the poor of Ireland could be sup-
ported by means of rates? In principle he admitted that
the property of Ireland should be made to support its
poverty ; and he was glad that the blister, at least,
had been put upon the backs of the landlords.—
(H«,ar, hear.) Ile had no wish to say much on the
immediate subject of the motion—the repeal of the
union—knowing that if he did so his words
would only be received as a " thrice told
tale." The question appeared to him to be
simply one of pounds, shillings, and pence.—
(Hear, hear.) He believed that the effect of the union
had been to impoverish Ireland without enriching
England ; and that the interests of both countries
were involved in the consideration of the question.—
(Hear.) Formerly, gentlemen who supported repeal
were charged with something like sedition. The
case, however, was materially altered.—(Hear, hear.)
He knew Ireland well, had been accustomed to travel
through it by day and night, and he had found that
every class, from the peer to the peasant, felt that
they wanted something.—(Laughter.) He under-
stood that cheer, and after the tiresome debates which
they had hart for the last three or four nights, he re-
joiced to hear it. A laugh put the House in a better
temper, and rendered Hon. Members more capable of
discussing the question.—(Laughter.) Now, for-
merly it was said that the Roman Catholics alone
were in favour of the repeal of the union. Protes-
testants, however, were now beginning to fold their
arms, and ask themselves in sober earnestness,
" What benefit have we derived from this union ? It
has diminished our bench of bishops, and substituted
a rent-charge for tithes; it may soon go fur-
ther." The repeal of ,the union was, in fact,
no longer a sectarian question ; some of the
staunchest supporters of Protestantism were also sup-
porters of repeal, whilst some of its strongest oppo-
nents were Roman Catholic Members,representing Irish
constituencies.—(Hear hear.) In the city of Dublin
there was a general feeling that the only chance for
the inhabitants lay in the restoration of their Parlia-
ment; almost to a man, the people were favourable
to that measure. They felt that the question had
never yet received fair consideration in that House,
but they thought that it was now likely to do so on
account of the comparative absence of party in the
new Parliament. He believed that the strength and
stability of the empire were involved in the question
of the repeal of the union ; nor ought the people of
Ireland themselves to be thrown overboard in the
consideration of that question, forming as they did a
third of the population of the United Kingdom, while
their country bore an equal proportion in point of
geographical extent.—(Hear.) The majority of the
Members of that House were no doubt desirous to
ameliorate the condition of the Irish nation, but un-
fortunately they did not know how to do that. It
had been the misfortune of Ireland, almost from time
immemorial, to be quacked. It was time that
quackery should be brought to an. end. Ever since
the Act of Union Ireland had been getting worse
and worse, until at last she was nothing better than a
great mendicity institution ; • her pauperism being so
extensive that it visited almost every nation on the
earth. Let Honourable Members read the accounts
of the arrival of emigrants at New York and at
Canada, wafting pestilence and famine across the
Atlantic, and involving even the Americans in an
enormous loss of life.—(Hear, hear.) He would not
weary the House by bringing forward figures : in
that aspect the question had already been sufficiently
discussed. He would only say, that no harm could
possibly arise from inquiry, and, whatever might be
the fate of this motion, he hoped some Hon. Member
would test the house, by bringing forward a Bill for
the express purpose of repealing the union.
Dr. BOWRING said he. had intended to speak
upon the question before the House, not because it
was important in itself, but because it had become so
on account of a growing feeling in this country in
reference to it; but, as he hid gathered from various
indications that it was the wish of the House that
there should be no delay in proceeding with another
question of paramount importance, he should, on that
occasion, abstain from making any remarks.—(Hear,
hear," and cries of " Drvide, divide.")

Mr. E. 13. ROCHE Mid that, representing so large
a constituency, he could not give a silent vote. The
grounds upon which he advocated repeal were two in
number. The first was an historical one. It was an
historical fact that the Imperial Legislature had
always misgoverned Ireland, even when the attempt
had been made to govern tho country properly, prac-
tically it had failed for want of acquaintance with the
people. For forty-seven years Parliament had had
unchecked control over the destinies of Ireland, and
the results were poverty and discontent in every shape.
Those English Members who assumed to govern Ire-
land, but would nut permit them to clqbate her
grievances, might depend upon it•that they would not
carry things their own way. Two parties could i play
at "the game of obstruction. They were now in a
time of peace and a time of prosperity', but the time
might come when the services of the people of Ire-
land would be wanted, and then it would be their

time to turn round and say, "fight your own battles."
He (Mr. Roche) should be sorry if that state of
things should occur; but 'as an honest man he was
bound to say, that if they refused to redress Ireland's
grievances, the day might come when, instead of
finding. her.a friend, they might find, her an open and
declared enemy.
Major BLACKALL said if this-motidttlhad been
brought forward under other circumstaildafie might
have been disposed to vote for it. But he was bound to
consider the circumstances under which it was brought
forward. He had no faith in the patriotism of the
Hon. Member for Nottingham, and he did not think
his conduct in that House had been calculated very
greatly to add lustre to the Irish name. But, indeed,
if there were no other considerations, the course pur-
Sued by the Hon. Member in resisting the very mo-
derate request of the Home Secretary to postpone his
would alone have induced him (Major
Blacks 11) to 'oppose it. The Government might fairly
take his own and other Members' votes that night as
indications of whether or not they were prepared to
give the Government a factious opposition.—(Hear,
hear.) For his own part, he must candidly say that
he thought some measure of coercion necessary at
the present time in Ireland. The conduct of the
Irish landlords during the past year had, in his opi,
nion, been such as ought to have saved -them froni
any reprobation. -
Mr. M. O'CONNELL thought the arguments of
the Hon. Member ought to be conclusive in favour of
the present motion. They were to judge men -by
their actions, and by what they did on the floor of
that House—(lronical cheers)—and when they find
an advocate in the Hon. Member for Nottingham, he
felt bound to accept his measures, in preference to
those of a Government who offered them a coercion
Bill instead of repeal. The Hon. Member for Tavi-
stock, who had spoken that night, knew evidently
infinitely more about Queen Pomare and her wrongs
than about Ireland and the sores that were ranklingin
the heart of the people of that country. Was Ireland
to submit to a course of legislation from persons so
ignorant as the Hon. Member ? There was the Hon.
Member for Bolton (Dr. Bowring). He kne w something
—at least he thought he did—of every country in the
world; but of Ireland he knew so little that he could not
summon up courage enough to • descant upon her
grievances. He (Mr. O'Connell) remembered when
the first Coercion Bill was passed. It was the first
Irish measure after the Reform Act. Ho denounced
it as an omen of the worst character that the Whigs
should commence the first session of a new Parlia-
ment with a measure of coercion for Ireland, and
cautioned the Government t,o bear in mind that it was
attempted coercion for Ireland that had turned out
the Grey Administration. It was contemptuously
said that the country was weary of this constant Irish
howl. Let the Government and their supporters take
care that they did not convert this howl into a war-
cry.—(oh, oh.) At a moment when peace on the
continent hung on the merest thread it behoved the
Government of this country to consolidate its internal
strength by the most amicable relations with every
portion of the empire, and not to irritate an important
member of the State by measures of coercion.
Mr. FAGAN denied that any measure of coercion
was necessary. As to the question of repeal, he con-
tended that it ought to be fairly and fully discussed,
since fully seven out of the nine millions of the Irish
population were deeply interested in the subject. For
himself, while he wholly deprecated a national sever-
ance of Ireland from England, he considered that a
repeal of the Act of Union would be beneficial to both
countries, for the interests of England were inti-
mately connected with the prosperity
,of Ireland.
As far as the connexion between the countries being
affected by the repeal of the union, he thought that
that was merely a bugbear raised up by those who
were inimical to the prosperity of both.—("Question,"
" Divide.") lle complained of the way in which the
affairs of Ireland were conducted in a British House
of Commons, many important Bills being passed
at-the close of the session after the great majority of
Irish Members had left town. For this, the only re-
medy was a domestic Parliament, and he trusted that
in time that proposition would receive the attention of
the House.—(The Hon. Member frequently referred
to some notes he held in his hand, and was as con-
stantly interrupted by "Read, read," and loud laugh-
ter.) Flo would not be liut down by clamour, but if

again.interrupted would Move the adjournment of the
House.—(Cries of " Oh," " Bar, bar," and other
exclamations here became so frequent as to render
the Hon. Member's further remarks wholly inaudible.)
The interruptions continuing, the llon. Member
concluded by moving the adjournment of the debate.
—(Cries of " Oh, oh !" " Hear, hear," and " Ad-
journ.")
Mr. J. WALTER--The speech of the. Hon. Mem-
ber for Cork, and that of the Hon. Member for Tra-
lee—(Cries of " Order !" and " Adjourn.")
Mr. FAGAN appealed to the Speaker to put the
question of adjournment. The motion having been
made, it was not competent, he apprehended, until it
was decided, to continue the debate.—(Hear, hear.),
The SPEAKER understood that the Hon. Gen-
tleman the Member for Cork having moved that the
debate be adjourned, the Hon. Member for Not-
tingham rose to second the motion.—(Cheers.)
Mr. WALTER again rose, but it appearing that
his object was not to second the motion, he was in-
terrupted by
Mr. E. B. ROCHE, who seconded the motion that
the debate he now adjourned.
The SPEAKER then put the question,
Mr. WALTER, essaying to speak, was met with
cries of " Order, order."

Mr. DISRAELI apprehended that the question
that the debate be adjourned having been put, it was
open to the Hon. Member for Nottingham to speak
to that question.

Mr. WALTER said the lion. Member for Cork
and other Hon. Gentlemen on the same side, had
gratified the House with their .opinion as to the qua-
lifications of the Irish people for self-government.
He had always understood that one great and neces-
sary qualification for self-government was business
habits; but, judging from the specimen of business
habits exhibited by some Irish Members during the
present debate, he should say they were as fit for
self-legislation as the blacks.—(Cries of "Oh, oh.")
In fact the blacks had a proverb that, " If nigger were
not nigger, Irishmen would be nigger."—(Laughter.)
Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to order. He appealed
to the Chair whether it was consistent with order that
this buffooney should go on ?(Hear, hear.)
The SPEAKER—The Hon. Member for Kil-
kenny is out of order in applying the word " buffoon-
ery" to the observations of any Hon. Member.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL—I bow, Sir, to anything
which may fall from you—l therefore beg to retract
the word which you have decided was not in order,
and which I only uttered under the influence of the
strong feeling excited in my mind at hearing Irish-
men and Irish Members spoken of as they have been
by the Hon. Member opposite.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. WALTER resumed—The proverb he had
quoted was from an eminent authority—that autho-
rity being Bishop Berkeley, and a distinguished Irish
bishop.—(Hear, hear.) To judge by the speeches
they had heard during that debate one would
imagine that the subjects of Irish grievances and
Irish distress were quite new to the House, and that
Hon. Members could. never have heard of the ex-
actions of con-acre or of the system of ejectments
before—whereas the fact was that there was no one
present who had not heard those questions discussed
hundreds of times. But whatever might be the weight
and importance of those subjects—and that they
were important he did not deny—this was not the
time to bring them under discussion. The House
had met for a different purpose, viz., to protect the
lives of the people of Ireland from systematic assassi-
nation, and were they to be told that they were not
to take measures for preventing murder until they
should have inquired into all the grievances of Ire-
land ?—(Cheers.) What would have been said if,
when it pleased Providence-to visit that country with
famine, and assistance was called for to keep the
people from starving, if English Members had replied
—" We will not give a farthing until we have exa-
mined into the cause of the potato rot ?"—(Hear,
hear.) Let those who, when money was the ques-
tion, would admit of no delay, but whose cry was
continually Give ! give I be consistent now, and allow
Parliament to afford protection to life before entering
into matters which were .of a less urgent nature.—
(Cheers ) He concurred with his Hon. Colleague,
that for ordinary crimes ordinary laws were sufficient,
but an organized system of assassination was no ordi-
nary crime.—(Hear, hear.) We must (said the Hon.
Member) deal with the murderer and the assassin as
Dr. Johnson said madmen should be dealt with—
knock them down first and reason with them after-
wards.—(llear, hear.)
"We must supplant those rough eug-headed kerns ;
Which live like venotti, where no venom else,
But only they, hath privilege to live."—(Cheers.)

Mr. E. B. ROCHE observed that the lion. Gen-
tleman's speech partook very much of the spirit of
those envenomed articles against Ireland which ap-
peared from time to time in a certain daily news-
paper, and which cast vitriol rather than oil upon the
troubled waters or Irish grievances.—(Hear, hear.)
But the Hon. Member's speech, though remarkable

for its smartness, was not to the point, which was,
whether or not the debate should be adjourned.—
(Cheers.) His Hon: rriend the Member for Cork,
who was well acquainted with Ireland, had been
most ungenerously and improperly interrupted in his
address, and unless he was allowed to proceed he
hoped he would press his motion for the adjourn-
ment.—(Hear, hear, anti cries of " Go on.")
Mr. O'GORMAN MAHON should in that case
move as an amendment that the Hon. Member for
Cork be called upon to continue his address.--(Loud
laughter.) He felt it due as an Irish Member
to acknowledge the admirable attention and pa-
tience which, up to the present evening, had
been shown to Irish Members generally since the
meeting of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) It was due
to English Members to acknowledge with gratitude
the spirit of fair play they had hitherto shown to
Irish Members, and he hoped they would continue
their generosity to the Hon. Member for Cork for a
few moments. They should remember, too, that in-
terruptions often renewed those energies which, if
left to themselves, soon exhausted themselves.
Sir G. GREY said the Hon. Member who' last
spoke had done but justice to the desire of the House
generally to. give a fair and patient hearing to every
Hon. Member so long as he confined himself within
the subject of debate. And until the Hon. Member
for Cork had occupied the House fora very long time
in an address which was interrupted by many very
long pauses, owing, he supposed, to the Hon. Mem-
ber's want of knowledge
of the usages of the House,
every attention was paid to him. He had no doubt,
also, that if the Hon. Member would resume his ad-
dress and confine himself within moderate limits, the
House would continue to give him its attention.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL thought his Hon. Friend,
who was not so well acquainted with the usages of
the House as
Oder Members , had not been treated
with the courtesy
he Might have expected. The
Hon. Member for Ennis had been so long absent
from the House that he
what had occurred.
Ile appeared to have forgotten,r. O'Connell) had been a
Member sixteen years, and had never witnessed such;an attempt to put down and crush Irish discussions as`inithe present session.--(Cries of "Oh, oh.") Were
Irishmen to be hooted down because they did not
choose to lay their country at the feet of English
Members? (Cheers, and " Oh.") He repeated,
that in no previous Parliament had he seen so much
intolerance exhibited as
in the present.—(Oh, oh.)
He called on his Hon. Friend to persist in his
motion.

Mr. FAGAN said that if he had conceived that
any expression he had used had given rise to the
interruption he had experienced he should at once
bow ; but he was not aware he had done so. He
thought it due to his constituents, as well as
to himself, that he should show to those who
had interrupted him that, though a new Mem-
ber, he was not to be crushed when he was
endeavouring to put forward, in language not
exhibiting much talent, and in arguments not
exhibiting much conciseness, his reasons why he
thought the repeal of the union would be beneficial
both to England and to Ireland. For himself he
much that the case of
so treated. He had
shouldbu t he
havegrieved
been
thought the battle cf repeal was to be fought on the
feared
country unt '
nothing,r y
floor of the House of Commons, but he greatly feared
from what he had seen to-night, that the Irish people
would not obtain any of those rights they claimed
through the agency of a repeal of the union from the
British Parliament. He did not wish, however, to
exhibit any angry feeling, and with that view he
should not persevere in his amendment for an ad-
journment of the debate.
The amendment having by leave been withdrawn,
Mr. F. O'CONNOR said, that as the debate had
'already been confined to one side, he really felt that
he had nothing to reply to. With respect to the
strictures which had been made upon his patriotism
by the Hon. and Gallant Member for Longford (Ma-
jor Blacken). he regarded them as the idle wind, but
at the same time he must observe, that it was rather
extraordinary that the Hon. and Gallant Member
should urge, as his only excuse for not supporting the
t motion, that it had been brought forward 1
prese n
an Irishman who represented an English borough.
He had heard in the House, and seen It stated in the
newspapers, that the Hon. and Gallant Member was
one of the newly-pledged repealers, and hence he
thought the course he had pursued to-night was still
more extraordinary. Thanking the House for its
attention, he should now divide the House upon
the motion.
Major BLACKALL explained. He denied that
he had given any pledge, or that he was fettered in
any way upon this or any other subject.
The House then divided :
For the motion 23
Against it 255
Majority against the motion —231
CRIME AND OUTRAGE (IRELAND) BILL
Sir G. GREY postponed the ,second reading of
this Bill till this day.