The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-29 00:00:00

A variety-of other excellent Conservative speeches i SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
wire delivered, but thelate hour at which Sir Robert
Peel concluded his adaress necessarily precludes their in-
sertion on the present occasion.
The dinner, which was served up by Mr. Rhodes, of
the King's Arms, Tamworth, was of a very superior
description, and the utmost harmony and festivity pre-
vailed throughout the evening.

MANIFESTO OF THE NEW
GREEK MINISTRY•

FROM Tim MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

CHRONICLE—The Times and Standard are toiling
hard to set up, their party with political capital sufficient
to enable them to carry on the business of Government.
The substance of sundry elaborately constructed articles
amounts to this : a promise that when in power the
Tories will, in matters of expediency, do what is most
expedient ; in matters of principle, they will be exceed-
ingly well principled ; and where morality interferes
with Government, they will be remarkably virtuous.
What more can a reasonable public desire ; unless, per-
haps, some definite exposition of what measures, in the
present state of the country, they deem expedient ; what
great political or social truths constitute the principles
of their faith ; and what kind or degree of immorality
is to disqualify for the honours of their Cabinet and
their paradise of place. On all 'these points we
are hitherto left in the dark. It only appears that
the party has to seek for its policy, its principles, and
its morality ; and that it hopes to find such as will give
satisfaction enough to tolerate their continued possession
of the good things of office, when once they have got
them. But the need for such prolegomena to the com:ng
work shows the anticipation of difficulty amongst them-
selves, and of probable failure with the public. When,
after a much longer course of opposition, the Liberals
returned to office, their future system was distinctly, and
without any occasion for further explanation, marked out
by three words, " Peace, -economy, and reform." The
country knew what they meant. The words embodied
the main objects after which they had been striving. The
Tory opposition has followed no course capable of being
characterised in a similar manner. It has not even
defined purposes to embody ; or if it has, they are
not avowed, nor would their avowal be recommen-
datory. Negatively, we know that they will not
come in on the grounds of peace, economy, and reform;
positively, they can tell us nothing more intelligible or
precise, than that they will consult (as who would not?)
expediency, principle, and morality. And they put forth
thus much, partly because something must be said to the
public, though it be only the vaguest generality in the
world; and partly because some of them feel that others are
for driving on in a most inexpedient train of practical mea-
sures; some of them protest against others as utterly de-
void of that high principle without which politics are
only the struggle of sordidness or personal ambition ;
and some of them are afraid that others, who are noto-
riously profligate, deeply and indelibly " tainted," yet
hold such a position in the party as to be likely to " force
themselves into office," to the great embarrassment of
the reluctant Premier, who is deplorably hung up be-
tween their party influence and their public odium.
TIMES.--It is a happy omen of the prospects of the
British nation under Sir Robert Peel's Government, that
the definition of Conservatism given by the Right Hon.
Baronet in his Tamworth speech is one which every true
Conservative will acknowledge to be complete and accu-
rate. The Conservatives are "determined to maintain
on their ancient foundations the institutions of the coun-
try in Church and State." They are determined; their
resolution upon this point is one which cannot be shaken;
it is with them a first principle ; and they must abandon
office rather than recede from it in the least degree.
But it is not to the outward forms or the existing modi-
fications of the institutions that they are attached, but to
the intrinsic fundamental principles. So far as the insti-
tutions are consistent with these, they will uphold them;
if in anything they have departed from these they
will bring thm back. Moving or standing still, this
will be their rule ; it will be the magnet which attracts
them to a state of quiescence, or the compass which
directs them over their course of necessary reforms.
The ancient foundation of the institutions of the state of
Great Britain, and the original source of all those won-
derful effects which we use the etpression civil liberty
to describe, is the principle of self-government under sa-
lutary laws, grounded upon the basis of religion, and se-
cured by the nicely-balanced distribution of political
power. Most persons perceive the broad outlines under
which this principle is developed in the separation of the
judicial, executive, and legislative powers from each
other—a separation complete enough for a salutary inde-
pendence of action, yet not so absolute as to permit their
mutual collision, or impede the harmonious co-operation
of the whole. Again, in the constitution of the legisla-
tive body, it is easy to see how the variableness and im-
petuosity of popular will in the House of Commons are
tempered to consistency and soberness by the weight of
permanent interests and traditional authority in the
House of Lords. And in the constitution of the House
of Commons itself it requires no minute analysis to
discover the same admirable composition of opposite
forces. The proportions in which representation is as-
signed to the different constituent parts of the people,
modified as they have been by the Reform Bill, are such
as to give, upon the whole, a body indisposed to violent
or revolutionary action, yet unequivocally, and to the
satisfaction of the whole nation, discharging the func-
tions of a popular assembly. The electoral body, which
is the basis of the House of Commons itself, consists not
of the entire population, but of all who, upon a liberal
estimate, grounded upon their circumstances in life, can
be presumed to possess the necessary degree of intelli-
gence and independence for the franchise. Yet these
are not placed in a position which would enable them to
exercise the power given to them for public purposes
without responsibility to the rest of the community ;
what they do must le done openly, and the right of in-
fluencing and judging them by the free expression of
opinion, and of visiting them with those rewards and pe-
nalties which opinion can bestow or inflict, is reserved to
every individual citizen.
ADVERTISER.—The position of Sir Robert Pt e',
as the proximate Premier of the greatest nation in the
world, is one of the most momentous which ever a human
being was destined to occupy. 'Forced on his Sovereign
and his country by a combination of circumstances which
it was wholly beyond their power to control, it depends
entirely on himself whether his Administration will be
productive of unspeakable good to Great Britain, or
whether it will prove the source of manifold evils of the
greatest magnitude. Had the Right Hon. Baronet come
into office, as it was the general impression, previous to
the election, he would, by a measuring-cast nirjority,
his capabilities for good or evil would have been very
considerably circumscribed. He would have felt himself
to be the mere creature of circumstances, and con-
sequently compelled to adapt himself, as he best
might, to a state of things which, as it was brought
about entirely irrespective of any agency of his
own, he would have seen to be beyond the limits of
his power materially to modify. And paralysed
by the pressure of this consideration, he must necessarily
have abandoned all idea of casting aside the trammels of
party, and conducting the Government of the country on
those independent principles which a Minister placed
beyond the pale of party influences could alone adopt,
without periling the very.existence of his administra-
tion. He must have perceived the absolute necessity of
squaring every important measure by the previously
ascertained principles and prejudices of those on whose
breath hung the very being of his Government. What-
ever may have been his own convictions of right, they
must have been sacrificed on the altar of expediency ;
and that expediency not possessing the redeeming
quality of being calculated to promote the public
good, but restricted within the narrow limits of his
party's advantage. If the existence of the Right
Hon. Gentleman's Government had been destined to
depend, as that of Lord Melbourne's notoriously has de-
pended for the last few years, on some ten or a dozen
votes, then he would have found himself reduced to the
humiliating necessity of not propounding any important
measure which would have come in hostile contact with
the prejudices or interests of any half-dozen or dozen of
individuals, his numerous supporters. Only imagine, as
an illustration in point, what must have been the mea-
sure of Sir Roberts mortification, if he had been placed
in a position in which he could not, without periling
the very existence of his Government, have ventured to
propose any particular course of policy which might,
perchance, incur the disapprobation of Colonel Sib-
thorpe, Mr. Peter Borthwick, Mr. D'lsraeli, and
some other half-dozen persons that might be named,
equally renowned for their wisdom, and possessing a
corresponding moral weight in the country. The great
numerical majority which the Right Hon. Baronet has
obtained ensures his exemption front so painful and de-
grading a position. He commences his Ministerial 1,
career under all the encouragement which can be derived
from a conviction, verging on a moral certainty, that he
will be able to carry all his measures, without reference
to their intrinsic merits, by what, in the language of the
play-bill pliraieology, so much in vogue at the minor the
a-
t eess., NlVOlue destiniesl d b e called '
of ‘
the brilliant
country
pla
placed
d m
ata the
j or
t
mercy of a single man, to an extent which
rosy well
0111 our
fill the mind of every reflecting person over w
gracious Sovereign sways her sceptre with fear and
D.—The Ministerial Journals chuckle with
trembling.HEßAL
dweilili ghhat v
eo vienr
negotiatingthe
r en edifficultya
Sir Robert Peel
of our commercial
treaty with Brazil. How, they exela •
ltn with rapture,
difficult to , if lie refuses to admit slave-
grownwill the Right Hon. Baronet
preserve the Brazilian mar.
ket to our manufactures, an? ufaclttiusr
sayn t
hwi
sh whether
question.th e r e
But b e
greater ignorance or impudence
the reply to it is as easy its it is satisfactory. The reduc-
tion of our duties on foreign sugar is, we fearlessly as-
sert, not necessary to the reservation of the Brazilian
chief simple
market, and for a very
articlecane reason. Sugar is ra-
pidlyt ceasing to be the .
The cultivation of the sugar-
cause of the continuance of Brazil h of Bhirahzeilian been
npothre
? inas thet brutal slave-
trade ; it has prevented the increase of the slave popula-
tion of that empire, and has therebcreated an irresistible
premium for the robbery of huma beings from the shores
of Africa for the sugar-fields of Brazil. 'Neither the cul-
tivation of the coffee nor the cotton plants is fatal to
slave life. The negroes engaged in the lighter and
healthier occupation of working in the coffee plantations
do not decrease in numbers, and they are the parents of a
vigorous offspring. It is not, therefore, surprising that
coffee has become the staple export of the Brazilian em-
pire. In 1830 there were exported from Rio de Janeiro
from
391,785 bags of coffee ; in 1841, there were exported
1,051,190 bags. In 1838, there were exported
in 1840, only •
the same port 16,417 cases of sugar ;
sugar
9,253_ The increased exportation of coffee, and the from Pernambuco and
-diminished exportation of
kable asfrom
establish the fact we have stated.
incontestibly
Bahia, are also as remar R. d
-
Brazilian coffee has for
someeears been entered for
home nt) of the duty on that
article when consumptionported on pa from
yni within the limits of the
m
East India Companycharter, by being previously sent
round to the Cape o
fis Good Hope, and there trans-ship-
ped for England as East Indian
offee. A reduction of
the duty on Brazilian coffee would then neither seriously
injure our own colonies, nor exposet them to new rivals,
nor would it give an impetus to the Brazilian slave trade,
while it would preserve to our manufacturers the benefit
of the Brazilian markets, and give our population the
benefit of cheapness in a most nutritious beverage ; and
in this way Sir Robert reel may easily escape from the
difficulties hailed by his factious opponents. Whether he
will adopt this mode it is not our business to inquire :
we notice only to expose the frivolous objects which are

ADDRESS OF PRINCE MAVROCORDATO TO THE GOVER-
NORS AND DEPUTY-GOVERNORS OF THE KINGDOM ON
BEING APPOINTED HEAD OF THE NEW CABINET.
The King has deigned to confide to me the direction
of the affairs of the interior. Having accepted this im •
Mrtant mission, shall do my utmost to execute his
Majesty's wishes, but I, nevertheless, hope to succeed
but through your active and vigilant assistance. Calling
it, therefore, to my aid, I here expose to you how I think
your assistance may be useful, and may attain the end
that his Majesty's Government has in view.
It is of the foremost necessity that impartiality should
be the guide of all your administrative acts. A Gover-
nor, who is the organ of the Government and of the law,
can belong to none of the opinions or parties which may
divide those under his administration. Constantly the
same towards all citizens, a Governor must always bear
in mind that his highest and most general ;mission is to
protect them all, considering them as equals in his pre-
sence, as well as before the law which he represents.
It is indispensable that you should well understand
that the Government of his Majesty, respecting indivi-
dual opinions and sympathies, never seeks to penetrate
either into the consciences, or into the hearts of the citi-
zens, and that he protects no opinion or sympathy, so
far as it is made a direct or indirect cause of injustice or
disobedience to the law ; illegal acts should be every-
where suppressed, to whatever class the offending party
may happen to belong. But in order that this desirable
end should be perfectly attained, you should, gentlemen,
give the first example of respect for the law, the safe-
guard of property, of individual honour and liberty,
against which the Government of his Majesty will not
allow any attempt to be made on any pretence.
The Government of his Majesty has particularly at
heart to protect the free action of those institutions which
call citizens to assist in the work of Government. For
the execution of these laws, either when, by the election
of the communal or provincial authorities, or after their
installation, the law should invest you with a control to
exercise over them, I demand, in the first case, that your
intervention should be pacific and conciliatory ; that it
should be confined within the limits of the law, and that
in no case its object should be to use any influence in
elections, as the Government is most deeply interested in
the elections expressing sincerely and unequivocally the
sentiments of the electors. In the second case, and
reminding you that the welfare of the State results
from a good communal- and provincial administra-
tion, you should employ all the authority with
which the law invests you to introduce order into
the municipal administration, to grant your prompt
assistance whenever the law requires it, and by
that means to . encourage the moral and intellec-
tual development-of the State. You will, above all
things, act with the strictest severity against those who,
abusing the warrant of their fellow-citizens, and the con-
fidence of the Government, make use of their authority
for the promotion of their personal interests, and per-
vert, to the detriment of the people, those laws which
have been only established for their benefit. You should
also exercise a strict surveillance over all the public em-
ployes placedunder your jurisdiction, for the Government
will consider the Governors as responsible for all abuses
which may arise from their negligence of this duty,
whether that negligence may proceed from sympathy
with the party, or from being themselves implicated in
their bad conduct, and they have not prevented those
abuses when aware of their existence.
The authority, gentlemen, with which you are invested
'is the most general amongst those of the different public
functionaries; and it is this consideration which should
act the more strongly in preventing you forgetting the
assistance which you legally owe for the good of the ser-
vice to the other authorities, and which should constantly
impress on your memory that your first duty is to give
the example of harmony between your powers and those
whether the authorities which the law causes to act in a
special sphere, such as judicial authority, or of those
which conic within the sphere of administrative ser-
vice, and that both one and the other make part
of the same thing—the Government. I should con-
sider it as a deplorable misfortune if divisions should
manifest themselves between the different powers in
some provinces, for reciprocal respect and sincere con-
cord between the authorities•themselves strengthen the
Government as much as disagreements amongst them
paralyses and weakens its strength. And on the other
hand, how can the Government succeed in calming those
passions which may occasionally disturb society, if the
Government itself is composed of members amongst
whom dissent and disagreement reign ?
The Hellenic Society, gentlemen, revived by the aid
of Divine Providence, is composed of interests and
rights which require support and protection ; but you
should always call to mind that the most sacred right
due to society, is to ameliorate its condition by the wel-
fare of each of its members, and by the development. of
all its moral and physical Rowers ; and, consequently,
all private interests must give way before the general
interests of society. It belongs to you then, gentlemen,
to assist this development—the forerunner f a wise li-
. berty—by a-resolute and unflinching protection, as well
as by impartial justice to all, which is the most noble at-
' tribute of any Government.
I consider it superfluous, gentlemen, to encourage you
in your important labours by promises, for governmental
activity and wisdom are rewarded by the gratitude of
the governed, and by the satisfaction to the governing of
having well performed their duty. But as it is always
' the duty of the Government to reward the capacity and
the patriotism of those employed under it, and as the so-
ciety is a gainer by being served by honoured magis-
trates, I shall recommend to Royal favour all those who
distinguish themselves in the administrative career.
(Signed) -A. MAVIZOCORDATO,
Athens, July 8, 1841. Minister of the Interior.

ROYAL ARTILLERY.
WOOLWICH, JULY 2g.—Lord Bloomfield has obtained
leave of absence for the purpose of visiting his estates
in Ireland, to which 111 will proceed this evening.
Lord Sondes and a foreign nobleman arrived at Wool-
wich Marshes at a quarter past twelve o'clock to-day,
where they were shortly afterwards joined by Lieut.-
Col. Lord Charles Wellesley, of the 15th regiment.
The field-batteries, under the command of Major
Sweeting, immediately commenced practice with case,
and afterwards with spherical shot.
A stationary battery of 32 and 68-pounder guns, was
then manned, and some excellent practice was made
against the imitation fort on the north-west side of the
marshes. A section of the rocket troop also exhibited
the effects of the rocket used in their branch of the
service.
Gen. Millar's 96-pounder gun, adapted for three miles
range, was fired twice on this occasion, being the first
time this season.
After loncheon the party proceeded to the mortar and
howitzer batteries, where Captains Bloomfield, M`Bean,
and Bingham ; Lieutenants Buchanan, Irving, Crofton,
and Scott, under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Walker,
were ready to receive them. Several rounds were fired
from the howitzer and mortar batteries, which appeared
very good.
At three o'clock the Horse Artillery assembled on the
Upper Common; under the command of Lieut.-Colonel
Cator, and marched past at slow and quick time, and then
at full gallop. They afterwards went through all the
evolutions of a field-day in the usual manner.