The Sun.
London, England, 1840-08-17 00:00:00

chisse.c, for the

it own sake, in order that they may
ernment—that society may not
culties or revolutions, should

offer

mm

ed into (lift

employ ail the mean, in their power to give correct
and unlarz,ed pol,real knowledge to every class in
the At lea,.t they :•Iniulcl place no o!i-
-stacle in the way of the pt ople oiltaqiitip• the best and
most accurate information, and they ought to be
especiaily careful what opinions they promulgate,
awl v,hat prejudice, :h, -t co( rah.

The masses of each natton, it is plain, can know
comparatively little of the masses of any other
nation. A mongst tilt ►n accordingly, arid against
each other, the most niveterdte prejudices did and
yet do exist, arid of those pr, jud ces, it the masses
in Eagldnd and France are to influence the re-
spective Governmt nts, as they must, the other and
better classes will he the victims. How can this
be cured, and how can a knowledge of each other
be most certainly and swiftly ,:in.earl so that the
power of both shall not be blind and mischievous?
We say first and best, by giving them as much as
possible a common interest. It is the business of those
who now pretend, like Lord ASHBURTON, to
guide the national comic:ls, to lessen their prejudice,
and knit them together by as mutual and extensive
a commerce as they can carry on.
Instead of that, however, our pretended wise
statesmen, who are so averse from heating of the
popular influence, have long laboured most assidu-
ously, by a barbarous system of anti-free trade re-
gulations, to give each people separate interests,
and to nourish their ruinous prejudices against
one another. Even Lord ASHBURTON, while he
had the sagacity to make the remark we
have quoted, had the meanness to shelter him-
self—as the prebininating influence of the breeches-
pocket swayed him from rectitude, under the ex-
cuse that other nations would not give free trade ;
as if pocket-picking by JACK justified pocket-pick.
ing by JEm, and as if it were not the business of
enlightened legislators to do right—to set a good
example, and trust to its mighty influence to com-
pel others to imitate it.
In fact, free commerce will never be established
by commercial treaties; every such treaty is a fetter on
commerce. To compel other nations to gdopt the
system of free trade, it is onl) necessary for us to
begin it. Our Government may safely rely on our
merchants not trading with any nation unless they
gain by it, and their gains are national advantages.
It may, as far as other countries only are con-
cerned, and no revenue questions interfere, freely
open our ports to them, being quite certain that
no trade will grow up which is not a•lvantageous
to England. Other countries will, if our ports
be freely opened, desire to trade with us,
but they will only be able to do that on
mutually and reciprocally advartageous terms, so
that the way to force free trade on them is to begin
at home, regardlt ss of commercial treaties. We
contend that this is the duty of our Legislature,
not 50 much to increase the national wealth,though
that will ensue—not so much to augment the food
and comforts of the people, though that will be
sure to follow, as to lessen the mutual prejudices of
the d:fferent people, who now in part control the
Governments, and kn►t them together by the bonds
of a common interest.

At the present mument no little uneasiness
prevails lest a war should take place with France.
Many persons believe that it cannot be avoided ; but
it there were only as many commercial relations be-
tween that country and Englar.d as between Eng-
land and America, it would be at once recognised
as impossible that such mutual advantages should
be sacrificed to aught that concerns the empire of
Turkey or the Pachalic of Egypt. Peace has ex-
isted between France and England for twenty-five
years ; for ten years the two Governments have
cultivated active political friendship, and it is
a disgrace to both—it is a severe condemnation
of the system pursued by both, that at the end of
the twenty-five tears, the two nations are not more
closely united by the mutual 4dvantages of trade.
The wisest of our Statesmen, and the most bene-
volent of our public men, would most regret should
a war arise between the two nations ; and for want
of mutual commercial interests there is now a great
risk that their benevolent counsels may be overruled
by the mutual prejudices to which mischief loving
persons in both countries can yet successfully
appeal.

We see by the Carlisle papers that the distressed
hand-loom weavers of that city had a Meeting on
Monday last. About six or seven hundred persons
were present, and being in a most suffering state,
they naturally gave vent to strong feelings in strong
language. Their political theories may be erro-
neous, we see few political theories without errors ;
but about their deep distress there can be no mis-
take. An address was read and adopted by the
meeting, as the " Address of the Hand-loom
Weavers to the Public," which states amongst other
things that, according to the Report of the Com-
mission of 1838,

LONDON:
MONDAY, AUGUST 17, 1840

In the Spectator yesterday there is a rea.ark to
the effect that the influence of the French over
their Government, through the means of a repre-
presentative system, must be taken into account in
consideting the probabilities of war. It is, of
course, the unavoidable effects of the representative
system, and the more complete that system is the
more powerful is:the effect—to give the popular pre-
judices and the popular ignorance, whatever they
may be, a control over international relations as
well as over the march of the Government at home.
It may he grating to statesmen, it may be humbling
to their pride, it may sound strange and dissonant
to some ears, nevertheless it must be stated, that
the effect of a popular representation is to
give as much weight to the opinions
of those who are called the foolish people, as of
those who flatter themselves with being wise states-
men. The late mee►ing at Birmingham furnishes
a direct proof, for there the extensive knowledge
and learning of Messrs. URQUHART, ATTWOOD,
MONTEITH, and Co., were obliged actua ly to take
the law from the presumed ignorance of Mr. CON-
LINS and his Chartist friends. A moral is to be
drawn from this which is worthy of the attention of

" It then appeared from the evidence adduced by the
master-mttnufacturers arid their workmen, that the ave-
rage gross earnings ot a hand-Loan weaver was eight
shillings and sixpence per week, winch, after necessary
deductions, such us loom refit, winding, and other
casual expenses—there would only remain the miserable
pittance of five shillings and sixpence, to support a
hand loom weaver, his wife and children, in victuals!
clothing, firing, house room, education, &c., for a whole
week! which, you are perfectly aware, is altogether
insufficient to obtain eten the commonest necessaries ot
life ; and that under this state of things, hundreds or
poor men, their wives. and Willies, niust be fast sinking
into premature grates.'
They go on to state " since that period there have
been further reductions in their earnings to a most
enormous amount ;" and they give a tabular view of
the earnings of several of them to justify this state-
ment. " There are upwards," they say, " of live
thousand souls in Carlisle and the neighbourhood
dependent on this branch of industry ; and that, in
consequence of the scarceness of work, there are
innumerable instances of families not having more
than three-halfpence per head a day to live upon,
which is considerably below pauper's allowance."
This description of their distress was confirmed
by one of the speakers, Mr. BLYTHE, who said—
" When he looked around him every day a :id saw such
a state of nretettedu»ss ,among his feiloi.v-erraiurts„
could scarcely think that this was a Uhristrau rout!),
which could see so many of
its people starving, hoe
so great a proportion were living in riches and splen-
dour, who ought to support them. He, for one, knew
many families who had not tasted food for twenty-four
hours. Was it to be endured longer in the present
state of society ?"
We should not be surprised were men, exposed

statesmen.
As a further illustration, however, of it, we must
remind the reader that Lord ASHBURTON, with
...hat great sagacity which is natural to him, when
unvrarped by the throbs of the breeches-pocket,
pointed out, on the debate on Earl FITZWIL.
LIAM'S motion (June 11th), the same influence of

popular representatives in controlling the Govern. to such privations and sufferings, not to be very
vents of the Continent on the subject of trade :_.... strictly observant of the laws of property, and they
6, So hie," he said, " from other countries being in- very openly warn the Magistrates that they " feel
dined to agree in this liberalism (free trade), all ttio,e apprehensive, if relief in some shape is not shortly
in whi.A there were popular bodies of repre-
e entries granted, that property may not be secure, and
sent's/es, actually repu hated 6 I rep trade.' They would
tarry on negotiations on the subj..et, but they all ended imany may suffer wno are neat at all concerned in the
cupidity of the master manufacturers, nor the mat-
'rti nothing. 'I an Ambassador of Louis the
tryFour-
it ty, they. rui;ht
adtninistratiosi of our laws." We will not injure
2:,,enth had agreed to a commercial
have reckoned on his carryii,g his coun• ry with nim. tint
them by quoting any of the harsher language which
they could not do so with an A nib ,ssmlor of Louis Phi-
.lippe, as the Chambers of his country would be very they used, as we only wish to make their distress
known, and stir up the opulent and the hkely to refuse to accede to any such treaty."ll<uuwn,
ligent to devise means to relieve them. It is
intel-
In the present state of society no human being,
we apprehend, unless fitted for a residence in Bed-
a disgrace to the country, that her
skilful
chit- I
Jam, will conclude that the countries of Europe can 1 dren should want bread. How to relieve them I
be governed without allowing the masses to par- is the difficult problem. At the Meeting a letter I
0
tieipate in the government b means of rehresen-
I Ll/20. y 6 I was read from Mr. AGLIONBY, which, while it
tation—, .I.itrywhere the press, at least, appeals to ; breathed the best and waimest wishes for their wel_
the Nyliof; " ople, and there is no country in fare, ho
confessed that the writer saw no
E ',l rope in,-,:i leh the press has not considerable t testi)*
means of giving them relief. There is plenty of
ow over t
per.,..- The influence of the masses • he
fluur and wheat :o be go; at New York for a corn.
march of ..s, vernmeht is therefere unavoidable. paratively small sum of money ; why shouid not a
What does-this dictate ? Why, that the upper portion of the national funds—since the nation