The Sun.
London, England, 1824-08-14 00:00:00

FREE PREgg-INDIA.

The SPEECH of Sir JOHN MALCOLM, O.C.R. &c. &s.
at u GENERAL COURT of PROPRIETORS cif EAST
INDIA STOCK, on Friday, July 9th, 1814. ,
Sir MALCOLM rose and said,
" It certainly was not my intention to have spoken unless
personally alluded to in the course of the debate. What the
lion. Proprietor (Mr. Kinnaird) has said regarding my senti-
ments on publications in England, would not have made me
depart frosts the resolution I had taken ; but I cannot sit pa-
tieotly and hear the abuse (I must call it so) that has been
lavished upon Mr. Adam. The Hon. Proprietor has given
high eulogiums to Mr. Buckingliem, and he has closed them
with a profession, that all he thought of that Gentlentun's cha-
racter from his writings awd actions, had been confirmed by his
personal acquanimillice since his arrival in England. I can
speak of Mr. Adam on an intimate knowledge of thirty years :
he is as remarkable for mildness and humanity as for hotness
and judgment ; he is front birth 4111(1 education a lover of the
free Constitution of his country, anti all he has done in the case
now before us has. I sin asmured, proceeded solely from an im-
perious mote of public duty. It is, however, trifling with the
great subject before us, to waste our time in discussing the re-
spective merits of Mr. Adent and Mr. Buckingham; but even
to understand this small part of the question, we must first
consider the scene in which they acted. bet us commence by
limking at the character of our Indian Government, and then
determine.how far such it free press, as that which is the boast
of England, can be transplanted to that distant possession.—
This is the real question, anti it should be met openly and de.
cidedly. • The facts appear to me only to require to be fairly
and boldly brought forward, to convince every reasonable man
of the nature of the measure proposed. To enable us to judge of
the probable operation of this meatture,we must take a near view
of the component parts of that body called the Public, in Eng-
land, whose eintracter makes the good outweigh the evil of a
free press. NVill•the lion. Proprietor (Mr. Kinnuird) who hits
made the minion, or hint by whom it was seconded (,tr. II llillt),
admit that officele of his .Majesty's army and navy, that Secre-
taries, Under Seceittariese, and Clerks in public offices, or men
immediately dependent on ate favour of Government, or upon
that of the paid servants of the State, are essential parts of that
body ? Certainly not: but I will go further; I assert that those
Noblemen who form the House of Peers, nod the gentry of
England who sit In the house of Commons, though they are a
part are not the most essential one, of the public of whom I
!peak. They mum, in some degree, be swayed by their con.
nexiont, their interests, and their political parties. Far less
can we number, as men who ought to have superior weight in
this hotly, the lowest orders of this comntunity, who are too
uninstructed, to judge political questions, or the demagogues
who lead them, or those daily periodical writers who gain popu.
lathy anti profit by flattering the self-love anti the passions of
the lower orders,a* well as that of the party feelings and pride
of the higher. 11l these mix with, anti are parts of, what I
understand by a British public : but the essential component
part of that body, that which gives gravity and steadiness to the
whole, lies, as the ballast 05 the vessel ought, in the centre:
It is that numerous class who occupy the middle ranks of life,
whose education and knowledge places them above being mis-
led like the lower order, and who are, from their occupation,
free from many of those motiees which influence the servants
of the state, and all who can be benefited by its favour, or
injured by its displeasure; and who arc also in a great degree
removed from the passion's and feelings which gives so strong
a bias to the lowest and highest orders of society. It is the
minds, and the character of this middle class, which give them
that decidil weight they have in a British public. Though
less forviai4 and much less heard titan the other classes, they
govern them : it is their moderation anti. good sense combined
on
combined
with their habits of thinking and of forming a judgment,
all points connected with the constitution anti the prosperity of
their country, that enables it to have a press free in a degree
unknown to other nations Without this class, it would be a
curse instead of a blessing. Now, I will ask, have we one of
the class I have described in India ? (I speak now of the Eng.
huh in that country): there is not an individual. The English
crornnt :t t
has bye,e
n' I the c(iirtzipitohye
ostetrloevethrial.t
tment, and the few that are not, are persons who reside there
for a period by license, under the covenants and legal restric-
tionsttwsieltll ),"atrecaallintiloTtnalnl put:
was well explained by an able Proprietor (Mr. Impey.) If it
which we have just heard read, and the value of whicts
is wrong, from considerations of State policy, to deprive these
persons of any of the privileges which they would have enjoyed
had they remained in their native land, why, it is assuredly the
law'that is wrong, not those who act under its authority. Let,
therefore,• this subject be taken up on its true grounds; let an
efibrt be made to alter the law ; but this is not the place. There
are present those who titty.t the power to bring it before the Pare
liament of the
,eoMaiyi
where it will be fully discussed ; and,
in my opiniorl,
the mote dinettimion it receives the better. The
good sense of the people of Bold: old will not be slow to decide,
whether a tree press, such as they enjoy, can he established
and exist in a country governed, us British India, by absolute
power. But there arc parts of this subject on which I must Hot
be mistaken; I have stated that the English community in
India neither are our ever can be a body resembling the public
in England but it is a happy effect of our constitution, that it
portion of that spirit of liberty and independence, which gives
life and vigour to the mother country, is spread to her most
distant Colonies; and all, even to her armies, partake so much
of the blessing as is consistent with their condition and with the
safety of the State. T
hough much communities may be so situ.
:tied as to render a free press dangerous both to themselves and
Government, they have a right to expect from the latter, as much
of information and of free communication as is consistent with the
public safety ; the tone And temper of an English society can he
preserved in :mother mode. I am, end ever have been, theadvocate
of publicity in all snits of Government ; I hate concealistent and
mystification : good and wise measures will ever gain strength
from daylight: For such resotons' though a decided opponent
to a ftee press in India, by which I mean one, that, being re.
strained only by the laws inmate for the press in England, could
publish a series of such articles us we have heard read from the
Calcutta Journal; which, though not punishable by law, must,
if permitted, prove deeply injurious to the reputation and
strength of the local government. Though I am 1 say, an
enemy to such a press, I am friendly to any publication that
refrains from those subject!, that have been properly prohibited.
We have had these prohibition* retail, and tite Hon. Mover of
the question has depicted them as calculated to degrade all to
whom they apply ; hut this is not their operation. There have
been no complaints but those found in the pages of Mr. Buck.
inghant's paper, which it has suited the case of the lion. Pro.
prtetor to represent as the exclusive organ of the public. This
gentleman, from the moment he landed in India, became, ac-
cording to hint, the solitary upholder of English liberty In that
enslaved country, and this arduous task he is represented to
have undertaken and performed from the most pure and disin.
terested motives I He Mond the office of censor removed, and
the restrictions which were imposed when it was done away he
considered as waste paper. 'These restrictions, however, which
were orders of Government, were, in my mind, more severe on
the press than time censorship. ftleridely prefer the latter; for
where it is established, its responsibtlity rests where it ought,
with those who have the actual power to restrain anti to punish;
while. in the other case, it Is left to those who may have less
knowledge and discretion, and who are more likely, through
indiscretion, inadvertence, or from motives of feeling or of in-
terest, to offend against the Government. There is something,
no doubt, odious in the name of censor; but it signifies not, if
it is necessary; and if the law authorises such a check upon
publication, it cannot, for the good of all parties, be too openly
and too decidedly exercised. As for myself, I have, from all
the knowledge I have of the scene and of the society, no fear
of any harsh or unwise exertion of this power : but to be satin-
fied that we are safe upon this and all other matters affecting the
rights and privileges of our countrymen abroad, let us paw to
look at the actual condition of those tyrants and despots (as they
have been termed) under whoa authority they live. The Go.
vernor-General of India, and Governors of the different settle.
went*, are either noblemen or
gentlemen sent front England, or
persons who have raised themselves by their services in India, and
the latter fill all the high offices under Government. The race
of Nabobs, who are said to have once existed (I never knew
any of them) are extinct. Those who fill the highest slum.'
tions in India are seldom, if ever, elevated to any forgetfulness
of their character as English Gentlemen. They proceed to the
execution of their important duties as wan gn Into this coon-
try to those of an office; their minds are neither corrupted by
intrigues, nor disturbed by dreams of irrational ambition. They
enjoy, it is true, great, and in some case*, es I have said, ab.
solute power; the situation of the country they govern requires
it, and the law of England sanctions it; but there never were
men who exercised power under such checks. Leaving out of
the question that natural desire to stand well with the commu.
nity of their countrymen over whom they are temporarily
placed, and not adverting to their views of returning its early
as they can to their native land, and of enjoying that fair es-
teem and consideration in England to which any cruel or un-
necessary exercise of arbitrary powers would be Emil; leaving,
I say, these motives (powerful as they must be in the breast of
every Englishman) out of the queetion, let us examine what
are the other checks under which they exercise power : first,
them measure* in detail are submitted to the Court of Directors;
weal! know the compoeition of the Court; assuredly it is nut pro-
bable it will support despotic acts ; but suppose it WAS to do so,
its proceedings, whenever culled for,muat be laid before the Court
of Proprietors, anti, judging from the two last meetings of that
body, those who exercise power in India must expect rough
handling in it. Their next ordeal is the Board of Controul,
which, though associated with the Court of Directors in the
administration of our eastern empire, is, by one of those happy
aneinalics which characterise every part of our constitution,
composed of poisons whose situetions and views must leave

titers to judge gneditions ten very dtterant grounds hom the Ili-'
rectors; but their confirmation, even, of the measures adopted
by the Indian Governments is not final ; the vigilance of Per-
'lament, the unbending severity of the law (should they have
offended against its letter), and the freedom of the English
Press, all heng over them, and form a combination of check
that could exist in no other country. I do not enumerate these
checks to complain of them; on the contrary, I recognize their
utility, even when carried to an extreme; they may pain, and
sometimes inflict temporary injury on an individual, but their
tendency is to benefit the public. Power is always intoxi-
cating, and, though I will not allow that those who
exercise it in India are like Sultans of the East, who
require the flappers (which an Hon. Proprietor mentioned) to
remind them they are men, I will readily admit, that the oftener
they are reminded they are Englishmen the better. But
while I admit this, it is with a fell conviction, that if those Ap-
pointed to your Governments abroad should ever permit these
checks to have an undue influence on the performance of their
public duties, if they act under dread of responsibility, or seek
popularity, your danger from their measures will be greater
than any that could result even front tyranny : the latter can
be checked and punished, hut that weakness which, in consi-
dering its own safety or gratification. forgets the interests of the
state, evades all remedy, and the mischievous effect is produced
before the cause can be removed. It is useful, nay, moat es-
sential, that the checks I have noticed should remain in full
vigour ; but they must dwell in Eogland—they cannot be co-
existent with absolute power in Intim. We have heard much
of the press in that country being first restricted by Lord
Wellesley establishing the office of censor. To understand
whether this is the fact or not, it is only necessary to take a
short retrospect of the history of its newspapers. 'There have
been known. in India little more than half a century. About
forty-five years ago, when his Majesty's Courts of Law had an
extended jurisdiction in Bengal ( which it was soon found indis-
pensable to limit) some of the Judges came In violent collision
with the local government, and the free press (as it is termed),
which in such a society is exactly suited to create and support
such divisions of authority, became very licentious. A paper
edited by a Mr. Hickey was put down, as that of Mr. Buck-
ingham has now been ; and Its editor, like him, declined
to go to law. Many years afterward», when Secretary to the
Marquess Wellesley, it became my duty to peruse and abstract
a petition from this individual, who represented himself as a
martyr in the cause of liberty, and he complained, as Mr.
Buckingham has done, of Englishmen being ruined by oppres-
sion and tyranny. Amongst others he charged with having
denied him justice, was that wise, moderate, and great man,
the late Lord Cornwallis. • 1 applied to the Noble Marques.
for redress,' said Mr. Hickey, in his petition, ' but he only ad-
vised me, if 1 thought myself aggrieved, to go to law. The
Noble 3larquess,' he added, ' might, in his condescension,
have as well advised me to fight one of the Company's ele-
phants, as to go to law with their Government.' Phe fact pro.
bably was, in that case, as in the present: Mr. Hickey pub-
lished what compelled the Local Government to suppress his
paper, and as he could prove no malice or illegal exercise of
authority, he could obtain no redress at law. After this period
.I never heard of there existing any thing like a free press. Ar.
tides were occasionally published, more I imagine through in.
advertence than design, which called for censure on the pub.
Halters ; and it was un imprudence or inadvertence of this cha-
racter which led to Lord Welleeley's orders, that the proofs of
the newspapers should he submitted to the Secretary of Govern.
merit. But though opinions might differ, as to whether that
was the best mode of attaining the deeired end or not, it is only
of very late years that it lists been supposed a free press could
exist, to any gond or useful purpose, in the Europeon comm.
nit), of India. I do not say, that, so far as that society alone is
concerned, its existence would immediately entienger the safety
of our empire. I am satisfied it would excite dissensions, chi-
flab insubordination, and weaken authority, and produce evils
a hundred times greater than any good it could effect. But its
effects on the European part of the community is a very small
part of this question. Amongst that increasing part of the po-
pulation called half-caste, the sons of European fathers and
native mothers, it would do infinite harm. 'l'his class must be
viewed and treated as an infant society, and all the hopes we
entertain of their advancement, through the adoption of' gradual
measures for their instruction, will be disappointed, if we adopt
the free press as the means of effecting that object. I have for
many years given all the considerationl could to the unfavour.
able and depreesed condition of this class. I entertain opinions
(which this is not the moment to state), regarding the policy of
their introduction to particular branches of the services, but I
entertain no doubt as to that of every effort being made for their
improvement, or every avenue that can be opened being opened,
for the encouragement of that industry and talent which many
anythe
regard friends
haveito.
of them possess in a very eminent degree. There are men in
suet!
t amongstchant of rite!
those
whomiln
this u dreta
share as
for Colonel Skinner,
who has so long commanded a large body
of native horse, with honour to himself' and advantage to (In.
yernment. But with every desire to see this part of the popu-
lation encouraged and advanced, I deem it essential for their
good that their progress should be gradual, in order that they
may he fitted for the place they are destined to occupy in our
empire in the east. Much has been of late done for them, and
particularly by those regulations 'which entitle them to pos-
sess land in every part of our territories. There are many
of this class, however, who are prone to impatience and
discontent at their condition ; and these, who naturally seek
to make coneerte to their opinion, will be found amongst
the loudest of the advocates for a Free Press. But both
these classes of the European inhabitants of India sink into
comparative insignificance, when we contemplate the effect of
such a press upon a native population of eighty millions, to
whoni the blessings or the evil* that it may carry in Its train
are to be imparted. Passing over the impossibility of web-
Lilting, or at least maintaining, for a short period, a press
really free, in an empire governed by foreigners who have con.
quered, and who have not nor cannot, from the difference of
language, habits, and religion, amalgamate with the natives.
Let us examine the character and condition of the latter, that
we may discoverwhat would be the effect of the boon it is pro-
posed to grant them. They are divided into two great classes,
alabornedatim and Ilindoos ; the higher ranks of the former,
who possessed almost all India before our rule was introduced,
are naturally discontented with our power. They bear, how.
ever, a small proportion to the Hindoos, whose condition and
character it is of more consequence to examine. Front the moat
remote period till the present day, we find the history of this
unchanged people the same; and there is one striking feature
in it—all the religious and civil classes are educated, anti as
prompt and skilful in intrigue as they are in business. From
their intellectual superiority they have ever influenced anti di-
rected the more numerous, ignorant, and superstitious classes
of their countryniett. These instructed classes (particularly
front
such its preoagureses:
the Brahmins), who have already lost consideration, wealth,
hostile will still
more
feeling degradetowards them ri tfsi:eaynittin ttteitis,
and power, by the introduction of our power, fear, anti justly,
thatis not likely to decrease from the necessity they are under of
concealing it. They will seize every opportunity of injuring
our power, and many must be afforded them. They are to
my knowledge, adepts in spreading discontent, anti exciting
sedition and rebellion. They know well how to awaken the
fears, to alarm the superstition, or to rouse the pride of those
they address. My attention has been, during the last twenty-
five years, particularly directed to this dangerous species of' se-
cret war against our authority, which is always carrying on
by numerous, though unseen bands. The spirit is kept up
by letters, by exaggerated reports, and by pretended prophe.
cues. When the time appears favourable, from the occurrence
of misfortune to Our arms, from rebellion In our provinces, or
fruits mutiny in our troops, circular letters and proclama-
tions are dispersed over the country, with a celerity
that is incredible. Such documents are read with avt.
dity. The contents are in most cases the same. The Eng-
lish are depicted as usurpers of low caste, and as tyrants
who have sought India with no view but that of degrading the
inhabitant'', and of robbing them of their wealth, while they
seek to subvert their usages and their religion. The native
soldiery are always appealed to, and the advice to them is in
all instances I have met with the same : • Your European ty.
rants are few in number, murder them ! The efforts mad
by the part of the Indian population I have mentioned,e
and
their success in keeping up • • •
a spirit w itch places us always in
danger, arc facts that will not be denied by any man acquaint-
ed with the subject. Now I will ask, if we can rationally in-
dulge a hope, that A dislike and hostility to our rule would not
be cherished and inflatned by men, whose consideration, wealth,
and power, must he ruined by our success ? Is it likely to
abate? and Write, is it politic' is it wise, to put such means es
a free press (such as has been described) into their hands? It
could only be used towards one object, that of our destruction ;
but that, when effected, would be but a prelude to a greater
evil—the destruction of themselves. Every fair hope that can
be formed of rendering this vast population worthy of the blest-
ings that may be gradually imparted, would perish, and they
would be replunged into a worse state of anarchy than that
from which we have relieved them. That this will be the re-
sult, if we give them, in their present stage of society, the bane_
fill present that Ilse been proposed, I conscientiously believe.
But it is here necessary to ask, for what are we to increase such
hazards, both to the European and native community oe
India? The object, we are told, is to promote knowledge._
Do we mistrust our Local Government.' ? do we mistrust those
under whose orders they act, and those by, whom they are con.
troulled, that we are to take from their hands the accomplish.
merit of that great object, that we should place it in the }kande
of Whore of papers and, of periodical publications ? Are we
to confide almost exclusively to the latter, and to their ateany.
mous correspondents, the retnrm of abuses and the improvement
of our eastern subjects ? The eloquence of the lion. Mover
Ilse been powerfully exerted to make us do so. The general
tendency of his arguments has gone to **prase a belief, that demo

wino are taunted for nab& dodo In India, and who haveie
peraddcd, to the early instruction they received, hug and ive-
provtd service, are not the fitest instraments for this great sad
good purpose. To bring their knowledge and local experience
3 level with the comparative ignorance of others, who hate
not the same savant:ova, the make-weight of prejudice has
been thrown into the scale, and they have been represented. se
having forgotten all the lessons of their youth, and hafnag
become dead to the feelings of British liberty, in order to fare
itish arguments to prove their incompetence to the higher
sts-
tinnM of Government. This is a convenient doctrine ; it exalts
ignorance to a par with knowledge: it testa been urged, in the
present instance, to suit the case. That high and respectable
body of men, the Civil Servants of India (with whom, 1 apt
proud to say, the principal duties of my life have asitocsated.
me), have been held light and depreciated, that a most dis-
tinguished member of their service might be proved unfit for
the station of Governor-General. The prejudices Mr. Adam
had imbibed by his long residence in India, were alluded to
us the cause of his maltreatment of 3lr. Buckingham. Bet
what conies next? Lord Amherst, a Nobleman who 111 84;
mitted to he as amiable as he is sensible and just, anti who
acknowledge to be deeply imbued with the feelings and sinus
menus of an Engliehnutn, hardly arrives in India before be
finds himself compelled to adopt the same principle .putt
which his predecessor had acted, and to send to England hst.
A rnott, who had succeeded Mr. Buckingham as Editor of the
Calcutta Journal. Fur this act of authority, Lon! Amherst
we are told, worse than a tyrant ; he has allowed himself fe,
become the tool of tyrants, who have taken the advantage to
his want of experience. What does all this mean' one*.
vernor..oenerai is declared unfitted tOr his office hetet/of hr
has local knowledge, and the other because he wants it. /4
appears to me, that it is the abstract name of. Governor-y.IIP
ral, or rather the person who exercises, to the beat of his et*
usent and conscience, an absolute power which the law Me
vested in him, that is the object of the attack which Wit bs,r
heard this day. If so, let the system be arraigned, not 1'54 7":
dividllals. I have *hewn the checks under which they $S
their probable motives and their means of knowledge
there ere not, we are told, to be relied upon, to prevent
av
or to promote good purposes. No ; for such we Mutt 100
to nsen like Mr. Buckingham. They are, on their first tol.
of the soil of India, to start, as if by inspiration,. into .'-
tue and knowledge, which is to controul, to reform, end.:
improve the society, white and black, of India 1 -,Let 'mew&
quire the means of the individual who has been brought 7..„
ward as an example of what has and may be done by onF:
characters. %Viten be came first to India and published theme
apectus of his Travels in Palestine, and at the same tiros WO.,
meneed a newspaper on an improved plan to any then efoaliff
1 deemed him, as many others did, a man of enterprise oil
talent ; but in a very short period several paragraphs 'prior,
in his paper, which satisfied me of the course he meant 60. Pr.
sue, and I early gave an opinion on the probable tersrib‘n
of his career, which has been verified by the result. 1 w*"'
not go into the detail of the offences he committed, hie oft
logic', and his promises of amendment ; nor shell I 10:7
into the exact character of that offence which compenou
Adam to withdraw his licence. It was the agreg,"
offencee, and the principle upon which he continued to act
that caused the severe but necessary measure of whlob
complains. lye knew Mr. Adam's sentiments, ho knew lit;
resolution, but instead of benefiting by such knowledge
avoid that ruin in which we are told he is involved, be fl..
severed in the same bold and contumacious course he hStn,
long followed. He chose, no doubt, for the first
If
stretuoli with the new tiovernor-General, a popular soFr"
He judged that Mr. Mans, though pledged to arrest bit
ever no the first departure from the restrictions, would b5l
tate before he acted, in a case where he was or mlg
thought to be pereonelly interested; hut he showed little dCii"
cernment In his appreciation of the character with whoti)
had to deal, or be would have known that uo perrionel s„tn:
sideration would induce hilts to evade a public duty. 01,"
Adam, vested with the highest authority its India, was (floor
by the course of conduct, to appear in contest with Mr. ROL'
ingham, the self-created champion of British liberty, ab"°,
not only the English commenity, but the natives, were krok"',
on at this trial u. strength. Was the issue of such a coolT
to be left doubtful tOr a moment? It has often been 1!"n
and it has been repeated to-day, that your empire in Indiokr
one of opinion. It is so, but it is not an opinion of your Min
but of your power. The inhabitants of India see that I:int''
by law and regulations, and the spectacle increases their cor
fidence ; but show them the person who exercises an authot.tti
they deans supreme braved anti defeated by dines under how'
and the impression which creates the charm will be bras!
This, at least, is my view of the subject; I am, howell"
I confeee, rendered thuid by experience. It has made lriq
humble, and I look with awe anti trembling at question
which the defenders of a free press in India treat as nttls
bugbears, calculated to alarm none but the weak and use
Orr
pi' diced. The Hon. Mover of the resolution now before Vow'
has asked, if the press is restricted in the manner it is ate'
sent, how we are to obtain information of the merits and 61100;
ter of our servants. I had before thought that might be fasi...'"
ou the records of the Governments ; in the opinion of Oil"
under whom officers acted ; but these are, it would eeernelw
perfect sources, as are all papers of documents published Pod°
the restrictions now placed upon the Indian press. It is frta
the pages of the Calcutta Journal, and the comment+ 0(117;
editor who has been three or four years in India, and 0.11:1;i
beyond the precincts of a Presidency—it is from hie able
e pia
disinterested view of men anti measures, and from that 0;
anonymous correspondents, that we can alone derive full ana gwo
partial information on this important point. But eaerugh °O!to
part of the subject. We have heard a petition, said ,
written, and I have no doubt it is, by that respectablo tts“'j
Ram Mohun Roy, whom I know and regard. I tool °3...ath•
those who earnestly wished his mind could have been mud
drawn from useless schemes of speculative policy, endist
to giving us his useful aid in illustrating the past and Ore-10
history of his countrymen ; for that knowledge (of which ne
are yet imperfectly possessed) must form the basis of cola"
urinal plum of improvement. We have bad comments inflow,*
lead to a belief that he had robbed the mak'
lion. Mover of the question, on those parts of the feed° ight
! by Mr. Adam, that relate to native newepapers, which tn„e
had long enjoyed, of a free press; but there stew orolli teSl
very lately, any native newspapers printed ie Indhu *I! Da 0
are now only subject to the same license and refP'llBlW
those in the English language. I could say much twit :poll
this subject, but feel I have alread intruded too lung geti•
your indulgence. Allow me,
however,
to repeat tol,,ioe.
meats of Mr. Adam, who is an individual not more "by bio
guiehed by his temper and virtue in private life,' thiknemabio
zeal, integrity, and talent as a public servant. fie is In:iota"
es of a freedotar'ffio
of malignity to any human being. On the present nec%,-etbt
has come forward to expose himself to obloquy itv
public. The best testimonies to the wisdom and no.cesso; Of
racter which lewd Amherst has found himself hut conduct will be found in the eorrespondity,!, ientimitc)e 6tBl.
those be is associated with ;in the measure ut. the 58-11 l 18
of the Board of Controul. It only coot Pe. 01
adopt ; in the approbation of the Court of Directors iZe
ceive, as I ern assured he will, the support of this C°1',„:01 oce:
I cats have no doubt, will show by their vote on the kr:Ddon
casks!), that they will never give up to clamour, or io 411
any shape a public officer, who has performed his dot/
Able, faithful, and conscientious manner."
remains that he si;, ,tsra