The Sun.
London, England, 1840-04-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 10, 1840.

alternative but to give their representative a defined con- streets of Canton, which roused the people of that coun-
irol over their own subjects—( Cheers)—and had he not, try against us, and they should recollect the effects that
therefore, on this single isolated point, first a grave charge might be produced on a nation ignorant of our usages by
of neglect against the Government for not having given such appeals. They should recollect all the appeals which
the powers and authorities which they might have given ; had taken place, and he believed they would then be surprised
and, secondly, reason to suppose a great part of the ex- at the great irritation and exasperation which the inhabitants
isting embarrassments had arisen from the want of that of China had received, and that they would not try
control and that neglect ? Now what was the answer ? to aggravate the necessary horrors of war by laying the
They applied to Parliament for the purpose of giving foundations of permanent lasting hostilities. ( Hear,
that control, and Parliament did not meet their views. bear.) Honourable testimony had been borne in the de-
He would give a narrative of facts connected with that ap- spa' ches before the House to the character of the people
plieation. Tbey knew the defect in their power in January of China ; and he wished to refer to their conduct when
1836, at the beginning of the Session of Parliament ; that they delivered up to the British Authorities fifteen Bri-
year they took no step—that year passed by, but no step tish seamen who had been wrecked on their coast. Cap-
was taken. In 1837, they brought a Bill into the House tain Elliot said that fifteen seamen who had been
of Commons. It passed the House without debate, and wrecked were safely delivered over to his hands, and
was withdrawn from the other House without debate also, that the generous treatment they had in the meantime
on account of the lateness of the Session, on the 10th of received from the Chinese authorities, was in the highest
July, and Parliament was prorogued on the 17th, that was degree honourable to the humanity of that country. He
to say, they who knew in January 1836, the Superintendent afterwards respectfully suggested to the Noble Lord that
had no power—did not stir in Parliament until June 1837, he should address a letter to the Governor of Canton ex-
and the Bill was withdrawn without one word of remonstrance. pressive of his Lordship's thanks for the generous treat-
The year 1838 arrived. Two years had passed full of ment they had received, while he added that they had
remonstrances, full of embarrassments. Application was been well fed and lodged, and that on departing they each
again made to Parliament for increased powers, but under received a sum amounting to about 50s. Now he ( Sir
what circumstances? A Bill was brought in on the 30th of R. Peel) wished to ask the Noble Lord if he had acted on
April 1838. He believed it had been postponed no less that suggestion—and if he had attempted to mitigate
than twenty-two times.—( Cheers.) Let the House ob- the hostile spirit of the Chinese authorities by returning
serve, that the Bill which had passed the House of Corn- some civil acknowledgment for such an act.—( Hear.)
mons unopposed in 1837, had been withdrawn from the Another favourable testimony had been borne to the cha-
House of Lords on account of the lateness of the Session, racter of the Chinese people. When Captain Maitland was
on the 10th of July, and this Bill did not appear in Corn- leaving China, he said it was a duty he owed to the com-
mittee in the House of Commons until 28th July—twenty menders of the war junks at Canton to state, that their
days later than the time at which the previous Bill had conduct had been marked by the strictest propriety.
been withdrawn the year before on account of the lateness Capt. Elliot, speaking of the general position of the English
of the Session.—(Loud cheers.) Papers were presented in China, said that there were many proofs of the sense of
to the House on the subject, and never had been papers justice entertained by that people before the late outrages
presented to Parliament' more calculated to mislead.— took place. He said that in no part of the world was life
(Cheers.) He did not complain of the absence of commu- and property so secure as in Canton. He added, speaking
nications to Parliament, but as he had not complained of the of the act of humanity towards seamen, that he believed
absence of powers to the Superintendent, but of the commu- that in many important respects the Chinese were the most
nication of powers to him which he could not exercise, so did moderate and reasonable people on the face of the earth.
he complain, not of the absence of communications to Par- After all those collisions and animosities, they had it from
liament, but that those communications were calculated their own officer, the Superintendent at Canton—that
to mislead by the suppression of every matter and every he believed the Chinese to be in many respects the most
fact calculated to reveal the real position of affairs in moderate and reasonable people on the face of the earth.
China.—( Cheers.) The information contained in those —( Hear, hear, hear.) He asked them, when they were
papers were calculated to lead to a belief that all our af- about to strike that blow, not to do so in a vindictive spirit.
fairy in China were in a most satisfactory state. Oppo- If the war be entered upon, let it be conducted with spit it;
sition was made to the Bill, and it was withdrawn : but but, for God's sake, let it riot be conducted in a spirit of
what was the effect of the Bill ?—merely to superadd civil vengeance.—( Hear, hear.) What, was there any one who
jurisdiction to the jurisdiction which the Superintendent disagreed with him ?—(Cheers.) Did any one wish the
had previously exercised. It provided for the establish- war to be carried on in a vindictive spirit?—( Cheers.)
ment of Courts of Civil, Criminal, and Admiralty juris- The Chinese were an unwarlike people ; they were a peo-
diction. But when the Bill of 1837 was lost, what pre- ple with whom we had long held friendly communication
vented their conferring on him the requisite powers by the and carried on a valuable trade. China was a country in
authority of the Executive Government 2—( Cheers.) which every blow we struck must recoil upon ourselves.—
They had full powers by the Act of 1832 to confer on the (Cheers from the Opposition.) There was no province of
Superintendent, at least Criminal and Admiralty jurisdic- China which we could ravage without damaging a menu-
tion. He did not undervalue the importance of civil juris- facture of our own.—( Hear, hear.) He had read of one
diction, but if, through the negligence or unwillingness of of our frigates passing through the whole fleet of the Chi-
Parliament, they were prevented from conferring on him nese, and sinking many of their vessels ; but he entreated
civil jurisdiction, they were perfectly independent of Par- that it should not be forgotten how uncertain were the re-
liament, so far as Criminal and Admiralty jurisdictions suits of the was.—( Hear, hear.) It was unknown what
were concerned. Why were not these established ? new powers might arise out of it—what new arms
They had full powers for the establishment of Courts, for might be brought into use. The Right Hon. Gentleman
the defining of offences, and for the punishment of offen- the Member for Edinburgh had said that we had taken
ders. The refusal of Parliament to pass the Bill of 1837 vengeance at Plassy for the injuries we had suffered. But
—the opposition of his Right Hon. Friend to the Bill of who anticipated, in 1735, the results that were to follow?
1838—constituted no defence for their neglecting to exer- --( Hear, hear.) He was struck by the remarks of the
eise those powers with which they were furnished under historian on those events. Mr. Clive marched at the head
the China Act. It might be urged, indeed, that the consent of 700 Europeans and 1,500 natives, and a great revolu-
of the Chinese Authorities was required before those tion was the consequence. In the space of fourteen days,
measures could be carried into effect ; but what was on one Sovereign was deposed, and another necessarily placed
record in tbeir own Order in Conncil ? That Order was in his stead. In fourteen days a great revolution was
distinctly to this effect, " that whereas the officers of the effected, and a government superior in wealth, territory,
Chinese Government resident in Canton had signified to and population, to most European states, was transferred
the supercargoes of the East India Company that it was from one Sovereign to another, under the command of a man
desirous that effectual provision should be made by the wholly unacquainted with the arts of war. He ( Sir R. Peel)
British Government for the effectual maintenance of peace did not know what might be the result of the war with
and good order among his Majesty's subjects resident in China. He did not know to what revolution it might
Canton, and whereas it was expedient that full effect should give rise. He did not know with what scenes of anarchy
be given to such reasonable demands." This was in 1833, it might be attended.—( Hear, hear.) He did not know
and after this admission in their own Order in Council, but the results might be similar to those of the battle of
they could not say in their defence that they had not con- Plassy.—( Cheers.) But we should remember that there
ferred this power on the Superintendent, because they are other powers ; and he could not tell what might be the
could not obtain the consent of the Chinese authorities.— result of a conflict with commercial nations.—( Hear,)
( Loud cheers.) He would further refer to the letter of We should be prepared to find that there might be a colli-
their own officer in his despatch of the 26th of September, sion between us and other nations.—( Hear, hear.) It
1837. Captain Elliott said distinctly, " I would, in this had been thought that we would be fighting the battles
place, my Lord, express a respectful hut earnest hope of other Christian nations. Do not act (said the Right
that no time may be lost in the formation of adequate judi- Hon. Boronet) on that opinion.—( Cheers.) You insti-
cial and police institutions for the government of the King's tuted a blockade on the 11th of September. You with-
subjects in this empire, and I have no hesitation in draw it on thel6th. You instituted it on the supposition that
assuring your Lordship that it is in my power to secure a boat was missing, and you withdraw it because the suppo •
from the provincial authorities the most formal sition was a mistake, and the boat was recovered.
sanction to their operation."—( Loud cheers. He would But do not forget that the result of your blockade was a
here close his case—he would allude to no other point, protest from the Americans, who told Captain Smith that
and he did feel that he had established fully the case with the blockade was unlawful, and that he must be responsi.
which he had set out—namely, that the Government had ble for any loss they might suffer from it.—( Hear, hear.)
had the means of conferring important powers—that they But I cannot help thinking that the protest was more ef-
were perfectly cognizant of the fact that those powers did fectual in putting an end to the blockade than the recovery
not exist—(Cheers)—that they had received continual re- of the men.—(Cheers.) And the protest dissipated the
monstraeces on the subject—that from January, 1836, up illusion that common cause would be made with us by the
to the present time the evil had continued to exist—bad other Christian nations.—( Hear.) Some years ago
become aggravated by the lapse of time, and that Admiral Owen entreated you to recollect the difference of
no attempt had been made to supply this de- your position now, and when you had the power of die-
joct, although they were possessed of ample tiding the conditions of the China trade.—( Hear, bear,
means for so doing.—(Loud cheers.) On this ground hear.) He told you that then the Dutch, the Danes,
alone a strong case had been made out in support the Russians, and the Americans now trade with
of the motion.--( Cheers.) As strong a case existed with China, and that on the first interruption of your
regard to the abuse of instructions.—(Cheers.) But on commerce, so far from making common cause with you,
that point he would not touch, as he considered that he they took the opportunity of impressing the Chinese Go-
had already proved that the great calamity with which vernment that they were more capable of carrying on the
we were threatened was mainly attributable to the neglect commerce with them than we were. He told you that
and misconduct of her Majesty's Government.—. there would not be wanting those who would assert that
(Hear, hear, hear.) At the same time there was another the trade would be carried on more safely under the flags of
and a perfectly distinct question, what, under the present these nations than under ours.—( Hear, hear.) Again and
circumstances of extreme difficulty, was fitting to be done ? again, I say, do not enter into this war without a becoming
The Right Hon. Gentleman at least had acquitted the spirit--( Hear. hear)—a spirit becoming the name and
Opposition of taking advantage of national difficulties to character of England.—( Cheers ) Do not forget the pe-
embarrass the Government.—(lronical cheers.) The culiar character of the people with whom you have to deal,
Right Hon. Gentleman had said, that during the time the and so temper your measures that as little evil as possible
expedition to the north-west frontier of India was in pro- may remain.—(Cheers.) Remember that the character
press, at the time when the issue was doubtful, so of the people has lasted for many generations. The clia-
little was their disposition to embarrass her Majesty's racter that was given to them by Pliny was given to them
Government. or to take advantage of any de- by many subsequent writers, and still remained.—( Hear.)
feat or calamity which, in spite of their best It is your duty to vindicate the honour of England where
precautions, or the gallantry of our soldiers, might vindication is necessary, and to demand reparation
occur by possibility—that they had abstained from say- wherever reparation is due. ( Hear, hear, hear.)
ing a single word on the subject. This was the testi- But may God grant that all this may lead to the
mony borne to their conduct in Indian affairs, by the restoration of amicable relations with China, with
Right Hon. Gentleman more immediately connected with little disturbance of our relations with other nations.—
that department, and who therefore was most competent (Cheers from the Opposition.) In the absence of every
to form an opinion on the subject. He said that on that confidence in her Majesty's Ministers, I will express a
occasion their conduct was characterised by a wisdom wish, in which the party of the Right Hon. Member for
and moderation and discretion which was entitled to the Edinburgh would join—l pray the Almighty Disposer,
highest praise.—(Cheers.) He thanked the Right Hon. from whom all just council and good works proceed—l
Gentleman for that conclusive reply to the charge made by pray to God that he will dispose the minds of this people
the Hon. Member for Lambeth, who had not been quite and defend them from the evils which they may deserve-
-01: :a,rre' harbour,—
in rgo u
hostilities r .
deserve—
so charitable in his construction of their motives.— I pray to God that he will avert from them the calamities,
( Cheers.) He had not the slightest doubt that if the oh- and from us the evils, which, I must say, the neglect and
jeer of the present motion had been a factious one, if they incapacity of our rulers have most righteously deserved.
had really desired merely to embarrass and annoy the Go-
Lord PAL aIERSTON—Mr. Speaker—Sir, at this
vernment, the most effectual motion for that purpose
late hour of the third night of the debate, I need not
would have been denouncing the opium trade, and
assure the House that I shall, as much as possible, corn-
deprecating altogether the war with China.—( Hear.)
press my observations.—(Cheers.) If the resolution was
He very much doubted whether, if for party purposes they
not so directly pointed at my department, I should not
had made that motion, a majority of the House of Cons have risen to address myself to what I must (without any
mons would not have given them its support.—( Hear,
intention of giving offence) call the feeble conception of the
hear.) But he could not at present permit himself to
motion—( Cheers)—and its still more feeble enforcement
conciliate any parties, by denying the necessity there
in debate—( Loud cheers on both sides)—particularly alter
might be for hostile demonstrations with respect to China.
the. able. manner in which both the one and the other
He might think, as he had before said, that violent out-
.have been, as I think, completely disposed of
rages had been committed, for which her Majesty's Go-
by my Hon. Friends who have spoken on this side.—
vernment were responsible—( Cheers)—but which having
( Cheers.) Sir, I say the con.ception. of the mot.ion. is
been committed, there might be no alternative for this
feeble. —( Cheers. ) Without impugning the distinction
country but a recourse to measures to vindicate our per drawn by the Right Hon. Baronet, that you may admit tire
tional honour.—( Hear, hear.) It might be that, after
policyd of a war, and yet attach blame to those who ren.
what had passed, the British honour and the British name
erea it necessary. I must say, that the precedents of the
would suffer unless something was done to procure redress
Right Hon. Baronet were by no means applicable—.
for the injuries we had sustained. The Noble Lord (Lord
(ear)—they all pointed to some direct and positive event,
J. Russell) had told them what their motives should be for
and were not founded on answers to letters, or the precision
entering into that war. They were three in number—first
of instructions.—( Hear, hear.) If I were asked, Sir,
to obtain reparation for the insults and the injuries offered
whether I thought that this was the first form of the me-
to her Majesty's Superintendent and her Majesty's subjects ;
tion that suggested itself to the Right Honourable
secondly, to procure indemnity for the loss of property
Baronet's mind—or that if he thought he could,
they had incurred ; and lastly, that the trade and tom- by altering it otherwise, have gained the sup_
merce of this country should be maintained on a proper
port of those who oppose the opium trade, arid disap.
footing.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said those were not his prove the war, he would not have done so, I should
reply that I believed no such thing.—(Laughter and
words. The expressions he had used were that the lives
cheers.) The motion is, that "In consideration of the
and properties of British subjects carrying on trade with „
papers, and so forth.—( Laughter.) Now, Sir, as to
China should be protected. commercial rciations. Up to the latest arrivals, those re-
Sir ROBERT PE EL admitted the explanation of
the Noble Lord. If it were to be demonstrated that Kos- lations had not been put an end to—(Cheers)—on the
.
contrary, the trade last year was more prosperous than it
tilities were inevitable he must say that he still deprecated
ever was before.—(Cheers and counter-cheers.) The
the expressions used by the Right Hon. Member for Ellin-
main body of the charge is, that the Government neglected
burgh. When that Right Hon. Gentleman had referred
to furnish the Superintendent with definite instructions,
to the vengeance we had taken of our Indian enemies at
and sufficient power. Yet every lion. Member who has
Assayc, and to our having humbled those enemies in the
supported the motion, arid fur this I complain, though Cer.
dust, he was speaking in a tone and spirit not essentially
necessary to a vigorous and successful prosecution of hos_
1 last spoke—they have all avoided stating what powers
1 tainly in a less degree, of the Right Hon. Baronet who
tilities, and which might aggravate the inevitable salami-
should have been given, and what instructions sent
ties of war. He also deprecated the details that had
(Cheers on both sides.) There is one circumstance, Sir,
been entered into of outrages committed by the Chinese,
which I notice with unaffected sincerity of satisfaction—
without some more clear and distinct proof than had yet
that the general tone of the debate has been to
been offered on the subject. He knew how easy it was to
avoid an severe scrutiny into, or remarks on,
arouse the indignation of this country by details of indivi- the conducty of the Gentleman who filled the office
dual sufferings, and how justly they might be roused, but Superintendent r, ; it • most
they should be perfectly satisfied with the evidence given of at Canton for is
in such cases. Advantage had been taken of expressions important, Sir, that servants of the Crown, performing their
in the heat of debate had fallen from his duties to the best of their ability in distant. regions,. should
whichilonourable Friend the Member for Newark—( Hoar, noQse made the victims ofeohuripsarzstoruhgegetteselfor
honourable
posses-
Honourable
sides.—(Cheers.) With regard
bear)—an advantage which, from the joy with which sion. of that powerhoth vvsilidies.
ambition .to
it was seized, proved to him ( Sir R. Peel) how happy Elliot, I must just Observe that it is
Hon. Members opposite were to receive any adventitious . to Captain
incorrect to state that he encouraged the opium
aid even from a casual expression of a Member whose :
' trade—the very reverse—neither is it true that
character and uniform demeanour might have told
them they were putting a construction upon his he intimated an intention
ships
defend the opium ships,
words which he never intended they should bear. but the cargo, the merchant schipinseaste thhaedirnthoraenpe
should not be forgottentheht,, according to the Honourable
should
But what was the evidence afforded of an act
Member for Portsmouth, t
which all must admit was contrary to the usages of
nations ? The allusion to that subject was to be found their own laws to seizeh opium outside
he would remark as to the
in the postscript of a despatch, and all that Capt. Elliot (Hear, hear.) N
said was, that he had heard of a placard declaring the which took place, thwat in every case Captain Elliot en-
wells were poisoned, but that he did not believe that to : the defensive, and was successful.---( Cheers. )
en-
tered on s
Sir, it was with deep regret I listened to the speech of the
have been done with the consent of the Chinese authori-
Honourable Member. for. Newark—( Hear)—that he shoud
ties. There was merely a su,picion on the part of Capt.
Elliot that such a placard had been exhibited, but there wasi nLse gala
have spoken of poilLsoonuindgeriethseorwej wells
ebayr,the
hear.o I)i
no evidence of that, and there was not the slightest proof matter of course.--,
that so atrocious an act had been sanctioned by the people Mr. GL A D STO N E rose tinder some excitement, and
of China. There was no evidence of the fact that there said—l spoke of the allegation—not the fact—and imme-
had been any poison used at all ; and he ( Sir R. Peel) de- diately corrected myself in the hearing of the Noble Lord.
precated any allusion being made to such a fact for the —( Loud cheers )
purpose of exciting public clamour against a great people, Lord PALM E R ST ON—What I objected to in the
but a people of unwarlike habits, and with whom it was of Hon. Gentleman's speech was not so much that he asserted
the utmost importance that, after the hostilities we 1 the fact, as that he seemed by his mariner to indicate that
might be forced to enter into, amicable relations and 1 what was passing in his mini led him to allude to the cir-
a friendly spirit might again be renewed.—( Hear.) The 1 cumstanee merely as a matter of course, and of no
poisoning the wells would he bad enough, but let them not 1 great importance.—( Hear, hear.) I did not think that
on that account poison the people of this country by alle- I the Hon. Gentleman—that any man—would deliberately
gations such as those he had referred to, while unsupported ! have laid down such a monstrous doctrine.—( Cheers. )
by sufficient proof.—(llear. ) There had been outrages What I wished was that he should have at once avowed
committed by the people of China, and he regretted it; but ; (what I doubt not his own feelings, on reflection, would
they can set against these outrages the testimonies which , lead him to avow) that he spoke carelessly, and did not for
had been borne to the character of the people of that coup- an instant mean seriously to utter such a sentiment—
try;gh an individual act might have been am- ! (Hear, from Mr. Gladstone). For the honour of the House,
n
would admit of no defence they should also : Sr.: for the honour of tire country I wish to do away with the
iitter idnd which
recollect the provocations the Chinese had received. impression that such an opinion should deliberately have
They should recollect the acts of Lord Napier—they been expressed among us. Then, Sir, came the Learned
should recollect the publication of a printed placard in the Member for Woodstock ( Mr. Thesiger), who commenced

by saying that he brought nothing to the task but his diffi-
dence and his industry.—(Laughter, and Hear, hear.)
Now, as to his diffidence, I really did not discover it. --
( Loud laughter.) But as to his industry, I think it de-
serves some slight consideration.—( Laughter.) I doubt
not the blue book was handed to him, and it was said,
You must give us a speech upon it"—(Laughter)—and
then the Learned Member went into it as into a brief—
(" No," from the Opposition, and cheers)—without any great
insight in, or attention to, the political history of the time,
and he took it for granted that the beginning of the Blue
Book must necessarily have been the beginning of the evil
which has arisen in China.—(Laughter, and Hear, hear.)
And the Learned Gentleman went on giving not only to
the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke, but the
Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down, the most ter-
rific back-banded blows that ever an awkward sparrer dealt
to his friend.—( Loud laughter and cheers.) The Learned
Gentleman traced the origin of the evil to the measures and
instructions of 1833—( Hear, hear)—and though certainly
where Ministers have confidence in their colleagues, they
are left to their respective departments, yet the Right Hon.
Baronet will admit that for the general principles of that
measure he is responsible.--( Hear, from Sir J. Graham. )
Not only had the Hon. Member given these back-handers
right and left, but he called upon the House to look at the
letter of the Duke of Wellington, which bad been so often
quoted. It was quite unnecessary to attempt to raise the
reputation of that Noble Duke as a man of business, by
stating that he had answered a letter one day which he had
received the previous one.—( Hear, hear.) Now what was
the effect of that letter? Why, that the Noble Duke re-
ferred Lord Napier to the instructions and Order it,
Council given by the preceding Government, in effect
state g that he had nothing better to tell him than that he
must observe those instructions.—( Hear, hear, hear. )
Those instructions, which were, in the opinion of the Hon.
and Learned Member for Woodstock, the origin of all the
evils, were concurred in by the Honourable Member
who brought forward the motion, were afterwards ap-
proved of by the Duke of Wellington.—( Hear, hear. )
He had been much condemned for not answering the
despatches with sufficient punctuality. Now if so much
praise was due to the Duke of Wellington for answering a
letter one day which he had received the day before, he
( Lord Palmerston) was entitled to equal credit at least,
for he had answered two letters in the same time. He had
a list of a great' number of despatches' with which, how
ever, he would not trouble the House, but if Hon. Mem-
bers would take the trouble of going through them, and
comparing the dates, they would find what had been stated
by the Honourable Member for Liskeard to be the
fact, that where there were any points requiring answers
they were immediately given.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
But then they say, aye, but there a-e instructions you
did not give, and the Right Hon. Baronet narrowed his
attack very much to that point that the Superintendent
did not receive certain instructions which he ought to
have received ; again, we are asked what were our in-
structions, and in return for that we asked what instructions
they would wish to be given, and to that they replied
that it is not for us to tell you; they say we make the
charge, and it is for you to repel it. Now where there
was a charge of doing something which ought not to have
been done that would have been all very well ; but where
the charge is the reverse, and where it is said we blame
you because you did not do tomething, surely we have a
right to ask our accusers what that something is.—( Great
cheering.) They say that we did not give instructions,
and that we had not a sufficient force, I know perfectly well
what they mean by that, but they do not choose to explain
to us that meaning.— ( Hear, hear.) What they mean is
this—that we should give our Superintendent powers to
expel from China every man and vessel engaged in the
opium trade. Now that is what I should call a most
monstrous and arbitrary power, and one which, if exer-
cised, would be in direct opposition to the power given us
by the Act. Then it was said that the Order in Council
gave us the power to go to such an enormous extent. I
do not hesitate to say that it gives us no such power, and
there was nothing in the instructions that would warrant the
exercise of the power of expulsion—the instructions which
we gave were the instructions which were given to every
officer when he went to a foreign station ; the instructions
given were to obtain statistical information, and to
do all in his power to ameliorate between British subjects
and the Government of the country. Then it was said that
we had not established Courts in the country, I retort that
charge upon the Honourable Gentleman opposite,
who say that we have not established those
Courts which the law enabled us to establish.
The Hon. Gentleman opposite could not have read with
common attention the papers which were in their hands.—
( Hear, bear.) Had they read the second Order in Coun-
cil of 1833, they would have seen that by it was established
the criminal and admiralty jurisdiction so much insisted
open by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, and which they
charged the Government with not having established.
( Cheers.) It was not only established, but had recently
been called into action. A trial had taken place—
(Loud cheers)—before the Court, the proceedings
of which I felt it my duty to refer to the Law
Officers of the Crown, so that all that long argument,
founded upon the assumption that I did not give those
powers, falls to the ground, upon the simple statement
that the power was given, the Court constituted, and in
existence down to the present time.—( Loud cheers.)
No doubt I will be told if such was the fact, why did I
bring in that Bill called the China Courts Bill of 1837 ?
Sir, that question is easily answered. I brought in that
Bill because of the representations of the Superintendent
of 1836. Those representations were not complaints
of the want of criminal jurisdiction, but were made in
consequence of a dispute between two merchants. The
Court found that they had not power to dispose of and en-
force their decrees in civil cases, and the main object of
the Bill of 1837 was to remedy that defect. That Bill,
however, contained another provision, and it was this. By
the China Trade Act, power was given to the King in
Council, to establish Courts, not to give the Superinten-
dent power, but that he should exercise that power him-
self, and make such regulations for the government of his
subjects in China, and to attach such punishments to
offences, as he might be advised. The Bill of
1837 which I proposed, was to give the Crown this
further power, not only to give the Court power in civil
cases, but to give in criminal cases the power to deport
from that country any British subject for a breach of the
regulations. But, Sir, what was the fate of that Bill ?
--( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet the Member
for Tamworth said—" No doubt the Government would
excuse themselves by saying that the House would not pass
the China Courts Bill." Undoubtedly; that Bill did not
pass. The first year it failed in the House of Lords, not
in consequence of the lateness of the Session, as the Right
Hon. Baronet said, but, it was withdrawn in conse
quence of opposition offered to it from a quarter
which they well knew would in that House be all power-
ful. I may say say that we withdrew the Bill in conse-
quence of the opposition offered to it by Lord Ellenbo-
rough. Sir, I brought in that Bill a second time next
year, and I was charged or blamed with showing no great
earnestness in pressing that Bill, and that it was not until
July that it came on for discussion. Now, Sir, I speak in
the recollection of many Members now present, and I as-
sure the House that I attended in my place night after
night till the rising of the House, in order to get the Bill
on another stage, but I was invariably met with the as-
surance that the Bill was opposed, and that Mr.
So-and-so was absent—you see the state of the House—
)ou are in our power, and it was by compulsion that I was
obliged to allow the Bill to drop. That Bill was opposed
by my Hon. Friends the Members for Portsmouth and
Lambeth, and also by the Right Hon. Baronet the Mein •
ber for Tamworth. In the Mirror of Parliament the Right
Hon. Baronet is reported to have taken two objections to
the Bill, the first of which was to the principle of establish-
ing any Court in the territories of an independent Sovereign
without having his consent. The words used by the
Right Hon. Baronet as reported in the Mirror of Parlia-
ment are these, " I do not see how writs and processes
are to be served, and I much disapprove of the absolute
power given for the deportation of British subjects."—
(Cheers.) As far as the absolute power of deportation
goes, I go along with the Right Hon. Baronet, but it
is to be remembered that it is by the sentence of a
Court after a trial.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if the Right
Honourable Baronet objected to such a power,
being placed in the bands of a Court so constituted.
I must be allowed to ask him upon what possible grounds
he could, by any means whatever, think it expedient
that the same powers should have been lodged
in the bands of the Superintendent ?—(Hear, bear.)
Well, then, as was stated on a former occasion, in order
to show the Right Hon. Baronet's opinion on the general
question of power and authority, I must remind him that
so far from being favourable to the extension of these
powers, the Right Hon. Baronet thoUght that these powers
ought to be withdrawn. Now then, Sir, here is the
Right Honourable Baronet, who makes this motion to
I the House, stating, in his place in Parliament,
that the powers already possessed of Criminal and
Admiralty jurisdiction, ought to be withdrawn, and
there is the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam-
worth stating that the gravest charge against me is, that I
had not constituted a Court with these powers.—( Loud
cheers from the Ministerial benches.) Sir, it is exceed-
ingly difficult for any Government or any individual Mem-
ber of a Government, to exculpate himself to the satis-
faction of parties entertaining such different opinions.—
( Hear and cheers.) But now, as to what we ought to
have done, for, after all, that is the question, the Right
Hon. Baronet has not explained ; and, therefore, we are
are left to grope our way in the
to
me
dark, and by means of a
proclamation ; and it appeats that he must mean
that I ought to have given him powers such as I have de-
scribed. We are told that if w the Government in
1835 had continued in power, e would have been
in a very different position, and, as a
proof,
of that we are referred to the memorandum of the Duke
of Wellington. Sir, I wish the House to refer to that me-
morandum, and I must say that it is a fair exposition of the
case, and considering the short time that the Noble Duke
had the matter under his consideration, and the pressure of
more important matter, it was not to be expected that he
could have done more than give that general outline of the
question. There is one point in that memorandum which
I wish to refer to, and it is that which recommends certain
regulations with regard to this Court. Certainly it was
found very difficult to frame anything which might
be satisfactory, but as the Order in Council stated that the
regulationswerc to be according to theßritish Courts of Law,
the Noble Duke observed that it would be necessary to
frame—what ? Rules for the regulation of the British sub-
jects in China? rules for putting an end to contraband
trade? rules for delivering up vessels which might con-
tain opium ? No ; bat " some simple rules of practice,
which might be carried into operation with Out the inter-
vention of legal gentlemen;" a very proper regulation
certainly; but one not in the remotest degree bearing out
the proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet. The memo
randum contained instructions to the Superintendent to
reside at Canton within the Bocce Tigris, to which point
British vessels were not allowed to go. The Super-
intendent was required to reside at a place at
which the Chinese authorities would not allow
him to remain. That was a point which the Noble Duke
thought required alteration, and he added, " with respect
to the effort to be made to improve our relations with
China, that was a matter fur further consideration, but
that which we require now is not to lose the enjoyment of
vi hat we have got. ''—(f.Meets.) Under the circumstancci

of the case that was the wisest course that could be adopted. I have turned our flanks at once, and would have
'Mc eiternative recommended by the Noble Duke was that ' carric3 on the trade in American vessels. They
the Superintendent should not reside at Canton ; but by would deceive our cruisers, and the trade would go
the exertions of Captain Elliot the restriction to which he lonas at present.—( Hear, hear.) I say that on every
had referred had ceased to exist.—( Cheers.) Again, the ground I object to our having-given to our Superintendent
recommendation of the Noble Duke was at complete those arbitrary powers over trade in China which Right
variance with the principles upon which the trade lion. Gentlemen opposite would have given. I think
had been carried on by the East India Company, and were such powers would have led to great abuse, and could not
at variance with the principles which had been deliberately lead to any beneficial results 7 Suppose that the power
and distinctly laid down in the instructions given to Lord was used with moderation, there might still be those party
Napier, and the instructions uniformly given were, not to divisions among the merchants, and those principles of
allow ships of war to go to the China station at all. The party spirit might oe acted on by them as well as
instructions to the Admiral on the India station were, to by Hon. Members of that House—( Cries of " Hear")
send when necessity arose ; but not so as to alarm the jea • while many inconveniencies would thus ensue. What
lousy of the Chinese that anything further was intended. would the papers of Canton—what would the papers of
But the Duke of Wellington says that under the present India or London have said of such an abominable exercise
state of things, a naval force was necessary. I won't say of arbitrary power as that which the Hon. Gentleman op-
I acted upon that, but upon circumstances which showed posite recommended ? What could they say to British
what was necessary to be done—but I wrote to the Admiral merchants at Canton who had large commercial
not only to send a ship of war to remain as long as neces- interests at stake in that country, or what corn-
sary on the Chinese station, for the protection of British pensation could they make to them, if they had
subjects and interests, but I directed him to do rather an unjustly and capriciously expelled them from China at a
extraordinary thing—to take the earliest opportunity of time most critical to themselves and those who confided to
going himself with a line-of-battle ship to the Chinese t hem their interests. I can only say, for my part, that so far
station, in order to communicate personally with from regretting that I had not given such powers and
the Superintendent, that he might give that local in- such instructions as those referred to, I claim to
formation, and enter into those particular arrange- myself some merit for not having issued them.—( Cheers.)
meats to render it certain that by subsequent communica- It has been said that we should seed an embassy to Pekin.
tion between the Superintendent and the Admiral, naval That is a proposition which I admit to be deserving of con-
protection might be afforded whenever required.— sideration. But I must say, that looking to what has passed
Yet I am accused of not having afforded sufficient on former occasions—considering the disinclination of the
naval protection, though the papers on the table disprove Government of China to have diplomatic relations with any
it.—( Cheers. ) Nor can it be said that it was my duty other country—considering, too, that we would have no
to request the Admiralty to order a ship of war proposition to make to that Government (unless, indeed,
to be constantly stationed on the China coast; a treaty of trade,to which there is no prospect of their agree-
for if any one looks to the despatches of Captain tugs, but an agreement to out down the opium smuggling,
Elliot, he will see that he speaks of short visits of ships as I think, on the whole, no good effects could result from such
most likely to bring about the settlement of the question, an embassy, especially as in all probability it would arrive just
and legalization of the opium trade, and that he did not at when the Chinese Government had legalized the traffic.—
all desire a permanent continuance of the ships, but only a —( Hear, hear.) It is said that the opinion that the Chinese
short visit. Therefore as far as the memorandum of the Duke Government would legalize the trade is tenable only up to a
certain poofintht .e
nSiinrm, up
ctoa tth eElvg
slaaitdest
,m,
lomeoennfte—ssuf
htaovtehae
of Wellington goes, there is nothing recommended in it but
the simple rules of practice, and that naval protection that seizuresp that the presenPt spoliatory measure will end in the
was afforded, and if any proof was wanting that ships of
legalization of the trade—perhaps putting it on a Government
war out side the port could not have prevented any proceed- monopoly."—( Hear.) Now, Sir, I think I have disposed of all
ings which the Chinese authorities might have thought fit to the points which have been urged by Gentlemen opposite.—
adopt respecting them, look to the effect when the pro- (Loud Ministerial Cheers.) I have shown that we gave in-
ceedings towards Lord Napier occurred, while two frigates timations on all points on which it was desirable that
were within the harbour. But what were the motives of intimations should be issued.—( Hear, hear.) We pro-
the proceedings of Lord Napier? Could they have been vided an adequate force for the protection of the legal
prevented by any instructions to Captain Elliot ? The two trade. We told the Superintendent not to forget the illegal
points throughout which served as a reason with the trade.him Sirt,htahtewßhathrter, Hon.hemi B ahrotntehtinsktantef d
the (and
melanwsahs glad
whichto
Chinese Government were, that Lord Napier insisted upon Bear
personal communication with the Viceroy, and upon send- the present crisis had been broughtg about, in the presenyt state
of things measures must he taken to vindicate our honour, and
ing him a letter, not a petition, through the Hong Mer-
obtain reparation for the injuries we have received.—( Cheers. )
chants. Now, what was the opinion of those
I think that is the general opinion of the House—l know it is
who were present at the time, and acquainted of all parties most interested in the question.—(Hear, hear.)
with the circumstances. Great blame has been No man can venture to predict what the result may be; but I
thrown upon us for insisting upon matters of form. do not see any reason to think that the measures taken may
Mr. Davis says, August 4,, 1834—,, Lord Napier seems to not effect the object in view. The Right Hon. Baronet has
be clear as to his instructions allowing him to decline any stated, and lam sure that all agreed withh tlittima,
tthatofthohsee
but direct communication with the officers of the Govern- acts (which were renderednnt nheeceossfaray
by
eivec caharactt •
ment, and in the policy of that course I have no hesita- Chinese authorities) I
adheosntruction unnecessarily. I can assuerie
Lion in complying, for we are governed by the Hong mer- or caßuisehrtavage
Hon. andßaronet and the House that her Majesty's
chants—a system more detrimental to our interests than theMinistegrs fully partake in the sentiment expressed by the Right
when we were under the reign of the Company—
Hon. Baronet, and I trust that when these affairs are brought
( Hear, hear). Unless we can have direct communi-
to a close, and we have to render an account, you shall find
cation with the Government officers we can do nothing that the demand did not exceed the measure of justice, and that
•ehatever."—( Cheers. ) And here lam accused of pre- the measures we adopted to enforce them, were necessary.
venting these officers being able to do anything from not I think that my Right Hon. Friend will see that it is quite
having instructions—for having insisted upon that direct foreign to the subject to discuss whether the Chinese are a
cruel
and kind
as in most
communication, which these Gentlemen allege to be abso- cruel or a kind people.—(Cheers.)
China both I be
lutely necessary to do anything at all. What does Mr. countries, there
donethere somear e
l acts of barbarity and great cruebelievethnmefn.
Davis say about direct communication by letter instead They
instance, h
nce, the burning of a Spanish ship which the Chin
of petition ?—‘' That Lord Napier's letter was rejected on
the moat frivolous of pretences."Sir George Robinson is of had mistaken for an English one.—( Hear, hear.) The
that opinion. Both these Gentlemen concurred in its being atrocious attack upon a passage-boat in which there were some
unfortunate Lascars, who were so cruelly and barbarously mur-
necessary for the Superintendent to do everything for
cloned. There were many acts of cruelty on the part of the
then to obtain direct communication. Was it, then, un- Chinese. But on the other hand, there were instances in
reasonable to insist upon this on all suitable occasions. which kindness and benevolent dispositions were evinced. On
That point, however, was to have been given up, if I un- the contrary, I believe they had a great dislike to severe and
derstand this memorandum of the Duke of Wel- capital punishments. But that is nothing in this question. If
lington's, but my own views were carried, for Cap- you have a quarrel with a Government, your measures are not
tain Elliot obtained leave that all communications to be the stronger or more vigorous because the people with
with the Government should be as was desired. whom you are at war are cruel, nor must you make your
whom
y„,
mea-
But the Superintendent was at a loss to know how to act sores the aless vigorous because
hthe
people
umane
w
and civilised.
with regard to the illicit trade, and I ought to have given
iohuer eairse this advanjage also attending the not resorting to
him instructions. Sir, I did give him instructions, but
measures of severity, that the steps which may be taken are the
they were found fault with as not being long enough,
more likely to be attended with success. It has been said that
Gentlemen who make long speeches seem to think that it we may involve ourselves in quarrels with other nations in the
is necessary to write long letters.—( Cheers and laughter.) pursuit of our just demands.—( Hear, hear.) If that misfor-
But the length of the instructions should be in proportion tune arises, we muet meet it as we can.—( Hear, hear, from the
to the distance they had to travel, and that consequently Opposition benches.) But neither we nor any other country
instructions to bo sent to China should be proportioned to ought: t o be deterred from enforcing
ttoliodauetrt jeturostthedeveemr
yafnroodtmshc.
e—aers
ne(c,fColurshenejeirgyes
the length of the voyage.—(Continued cheering.) I, on from the Opposition.) IlitapniOl
the contrary, am of opinion that instructions, especially if as well
sats.his,
demands,that
btuttoug
every country, in sumch a
sent to persons resident at a great distance, should be as best
tir j
short and as simple as possible, as being less liable to be judge of how far it ought to go on this point. Now, Sir,
the Right Honourable Baronet had referred to the United
misunderstood by the person to whom they are
states' and he stated that there were certain Ante-
' addressed.—( Cheers. ) In my instructions I told the rican merchants who had interfered with that
1 Superintendent not to afford any protection whatever to blockade, and he further stated that our outbreak with China
the illegal trade, but that those engaged in it should suffer was likely to produce disastrous results with our transatlantic
the loss they had incurred by their own acts. What more neighbours in the United States. Sir, I should say in the first
could I have told him—(Cheers)—unless I had thought place, that I know nothing of the protest of the American mer-
proper to say that be was to take measures to put down the chants except from what I have seen in the public papers, and
opium trade by seizing her Majesty's subjects and acting in no copy of. any such protest has been forwarded by Capt. Elliot,
a manner contrary, I think, to the British law and to the buth ere is
amemorial addressed by the American merchant
Cnatotheirown Government. They say thats
international law—( Cheers)—without the authority of an tradingrel. merchants at Canton have memorialized the Congress,
with
hi
1
Act of Parliament? or it may be argued, though I think several
setting forth the recent proceeding at Canton, and
not soundly, that by the existing Act of Parliament the
recommending the co-operation of the Government
Crown was empowered to make an Order in Council for of the United States with that of Great Britain in esta-
the regulation and government of British subjects in China. blishing commercial relations with China on a safe
Ido not think the Act authorizes the Crown to make and honourable footing. If the memorialist avowed their opinion
such regulations as that; I think it would be a forced in- that the course pursued by the Chinese Government was unjust
tcrpretation of the Act to do so, and it would be unwise and no better than robbery, that if satisfaction was not yielded
and improper in any GovernmEtt to do so on their own to the demands of the British Government,h a
ebloretkeaddetnof thed
0 foaugnatr toal
fnerere resorted
En
authority, without taking the sense of Parliament on the chief Ports and China
'laand,
subject.—( Loud cheers.) I say it would be improper in tthheeyth g of
e
any Government to vest a mere functional officer residing Unitedn States, anclptte coasts of France, would even with-
at a blockade obtain from the Chinese Government such an
such an immense distance with arbitrary power to send
acknowledgment of their rights as was require.—
(
away any British subject.—( Cheers). Ido no believe that Hear, hear, and cheers. ) I say that this shows d
that
Parliament ever intended to give Government such power.
at least those American merchants who are most interested in
I would not be the one to propose such powers to be con- this matter, and most capable of judging of the state
ferred on any officer, and I must say that if any other of the case, entertain an opinion that the conduct of the
man had made such a proposal, I should most certainly Chinese Government was most unjustifiable and !improper.
have opposed it.— (Loud cheers.) I will say another The opinion of the country is in favour of the proceeding her
thing, if I had proposed it I am sure that the first person Majesty's Government has taken. I woudld have stated that
who would have resisted me would have been the Right this morning upon my-w-
Hon. Baronet himself, who so strenuously objected to give sonalutu minutewrictohuras which' I information,
hadn formdaut i ?
n , atnh e alZunrsineyo if
)wt
he per-
Hon. grrmegat and important interest
a qualified extension to the powers already existing.— A
ret
connectedies represewnittihngthe trade of China, but lam
(Loud cheers.) lam sure that he would have opposed in this countrrY
now enabled to state it upon better authority, for I hold in my
such a proposition, and that it would have exposed the
Government to great and merited censure. But suppose hand a letter signed by most respectable membtnoeesrt9santohfrAmthpbiar;ilyd: 1
firms in London engaged in commerce with China.—( Hear,
I had applied to Parliament, and suppose that Parliament
had given the necessary powers for confiscating British hear.) This letter 1 will read ; it is datepdreLsogsinroednao
1840.—" We, the undersigned British
iThetrheehants, interestedaia in
ships and seizing British subjects—suppose they had given the trade ththCelunranbcaahnlenoetffeet
of,
wthwe ex
the Superintendent a right to issue orders prohiboituilndg Bri- apprehension
inion with respectll to the justice and policy of the jellasnures
fish subjects from engaging in this trade.
have obeyed these orders ? We must have found theysome iorneptdernedssedfotroibnesutlatkseninbilyiehteear OAuI aj
Britishe sty 's
subjects Government
bT t h toe chobiutaesine
means of punishment for the violation of those orders, for
most certainly they would have been violated by two-
Government, and for the future protection of the legal trade of
that country We refrain from dting the mode in which the
thirds of the British subjects in that country, and by the trade should. be carried on, but weict satate it to be our deliberate
great majority of ships coming to that port—for, be it re-
opinion, that unless the measures of the Government are fol-
membered, that the value of British commodities sent lowed up with firmness and energy, the trade with China would
from England and India to China, amounts annually, as no longer be conducted with security, with propriety, or with
far as I am informed, to five millions, of which credit or advantage to the British nation." When I read the
2,000,000/. consists of opium, the remaining 3,000,0001. following names, I think the sentiments expressed in
consisting of cotton goods. Well, then, the orders would it will be considered wori‘tdhisity.o.noufe. ai :ladl considerationnceor,,
1l ia
el :
ee
It u Thede hCahvairmaian,
be disobeyed, it would be necessary to have some force to of the China AdssocciatioGn,le,
carry them into execution. Some physical forge—a small F r
NVthe
kllirsmanadn Cao , Col"uhoun and Co., Geo.rge Riggs of the firm
naval force would be necessary, and a small band of armed
of Fox and C.() , Crriawtord, Colville, and Co., Lyall Brothers
men. Now this, I should imagine, would not be very
and Co., Sanderson and Co., Gardner and Co., Alexander
palatable to the Chinese authorities.—( Cheers.) They
Matthews and Co., Dallas and Co., and Willis, Ryan, and Co.
would be glad to have the;authority of the Superintendent to These are the parties whose interests are at stake—these are
back them, but if they were told that it is necessary to the parties whose interests are most interested, yet although I
have a little fleet and a small detachment of troops, believe the majority of them are hostile to the Government
and that it must be landed in your country, then I think generally, they coins forward voluntarily, spontaneously, to
it is extremely probable that they would recal say that it the objects of the Government are not carried out,
to their recollection some of those stories of which we have Itsitish commerce in China would be at an end.—(Loud
heard so much, of the manner in which our footing in In- cheers.) It was impossible, quite 7repos
attero Cantonus,toonocould
supposeuoablte
dia was first obtained.—( Cheers.) They would most that since the time mellf
Lordof a Napiermerchant any h
probably say, my good friend, we are perfectly well saris- man pursuing
us the n
b professiones
s with sasfaction to himself or honour to
fled with your word—your word is as good as your bond,
the cyountry to which he belontigs.—( Cheers. ) The motion of
and a great deal better than your army and navy.—( Cheers the Right Hon. Baronet does not in terms touch upon any of
and laughter.) But suppose this little force had been per- the great questions—or whether any measures should be taken
mitted to ace—suppose they had succeeded in expelling the by the Government to diminish the trade in opium—indeed, I
opium traders from the river of Canton, what would be the think it doubtful whether the usual effect would not be
consequence? Why, that which has been stated by my produced upon the destruction of any monopoly—whe-
Right Hon. Friend has been already the consequence ther the same effect would not be to increase the
of the trade having been expelled from the river of produce. Is it not likely that, supposing we were to diminish
Canton - it would have taken refuge, as it already has
ttheo Tsuurtply
ii,enrsilandoira,soirnt
ewonuelidhbimoumriendiactoeulyntrbc; transferred
done, done, all along the extensive coast of' China—( Loud
tion steering clear' of this guest question, we Ind the limono.-
cheers)—a coast most admirably adapted for the carry-
Gentlemen opposite are at once at issue upon the conduct of
in gon a contraband traffic of this nature, studded as it is
the Government and the :measure they are going to pursue.
with islands indented with harbours, covered with cities The motion of the Right Hon. Baronet attempts by a side
and towns, all desirous of trading, more particularly of wind to fix censure upon—us by incidental means to cripple
trading in this commodity—(Cheers)—it would be driven our means.—(Loud cheering.) And probably to take out
from one place in which it was concentrated, and in of our hands the execution of our measures.—(Cheers.)
which consequently its horrors were mitigated, only Now, Sir, probably it is only out of kindness and
to diffuse itself over the whole empire.—(Loud cheers.) compassion that the Gentlemen opposimifltoleirencasageruevewsi.l.l.n(g to sustain
Would the Chinese Government be content with that? in their own persons that defeat which our exp!ditionrewnitllriennet
Was their object only that it should not take place at fallibly meet with in their eyes ; perhaps it is,as fought
tmitns
Canton? Are they indifferent if it takes place elsewhere? enemies feel a kind of friendshipnnG ftolremt heons e 0 they havepposite, who have
—( Cheers.) We are told that the Chinese Government battle.
fPurobhatbliyuth H
tffheya t w e willfrom
toof placethns
e themselvesdisastrous
are anxious to destroy this trade, chiefly on the ground of in
ue
tohfuten g
its destroying the morality of their suljects. I would bethisti o
tv,o House,
bfrrom k earenotuhrew
the last man in the world to defend a trade carried on in resultswhichbreach,o in m orderust
violation of the commercial laws of any country, more
especially when such a trade is in a commodity calculated the mind of the Emperor, h
01 afu gf
otirteeer .
v‘), h i
eh Sir,
acc 0
mt that ya t
our l e a
believeleast
demands
edbse demonstration
o actn
different
ea:pi oonn
to produce demoralisation, and to destroy good order from the authorities at C anwtono_7:l.o dloduobthveelrieyvedi
among those who use it.—( Hear.) But I must ask the counsels of Commissioner L
to a war. sir, last year the Right Hon. Baronet
Hon. Gentleman opposite, if there is any one of them obtain justice at the Court of Pekin, without the necessity of
who can stand up with a grave face, and say that be be. rheas: rat ial
egsson of the inconveniences of delay ; he was continually
Htheeara,ffahierasro. )f
sieves the object of the Chinese Government in putting 1
down that trade was a regard for the morals of its subjects? '
the East —(Cheers.) This year he left me no peace in this
My answer to the questions which may be put to me is, House, and almost killedh the clerkst in the Foreign-office._
anxious for the production of papers relative to
his
temp on.H( Baronet did
that the Chinese do not prevent the growth of poppy in ( eaughter)—by makingwhirt them sit up night f after night in pre-
their own country. It was for the purpose of encouraging paring thenepapers
offloere.
f the floors of the printing- broke down with
their own agricultural and poppy interests—( Hear, hear, Indeed
)—and when they came the Right
and laughter)—that they desired to discourage the the
_ear weighto
of printing apparatus required to print the papers—
trade of British merchants. If, when we formerly H
nothing—the( natural candour of laugh)—in
carried on the trade with them we bad all atidonctoe
site of the patty feeling which I know iser—at-tAheh
endeavoured to suppress it, car- him—(Loud laughter)—he could not bring himselfi toollornosoef
us—You are only trifling with us—you h any motion—(Heae)--and so the result has been, that phroepand
they would haveaysea
ried on that trade, and why do o do away
Y n dealing in his friends have been compelled, though most willingly—
with the means of now controlling the
parties
is spread- (1-lear)—to concur in a vote of thanks to our gallant troops
1 laughter and cheers.) And now the Right Honourable
it. The fact is that alreadyehat abominable trade.n_i. i for having nobly executed what we wisely planned.—( Roars of
I Baronet is resolved not to fall into the error of yratnispmrgevent ptFhoe_pttr.a.olo,
icnhgin itselfa
It
over vwe
or
utlhde
hcaovaus coast,
been
ud
and if we had come down to Parlia- '
delay—
along the entire coast, I now, suspecting as he does, that these transactions will lead to
of the expense necessary for such an results if not accompanied by such brilliant deeds, characterized
ment with an estimate
would have been laughed at. I by
believe wo
niseedesesmar°
equarsuccess--( Cheers)— the generous feeling which actuates
undertaking, I
of China were resol 'ed b ' 'tl R.
1 on eing 1 le ;Probst t on. Gentlemen opposite to gladly concur in marks
The fact is that the people
use of opm , • in and nothing could prevent, ' of apon to our gallant soldiers—(Laughter)—impels
corrupted by the
..
t too
have ridiculed any Go- them with chivalrous impatience—(Laughter)—to endeavour,
such a result. Parliament
embarked under such circumstances in a though even by a side wind—(Cheers)—to place themselves in
vernment which ember anticipate—
foolishthe laws of China and which a situation to meet the victorious accounts they
foolish endeuvonr to executevotes of
to discharge, the f (Cheers)—lay proposing, instead of concurring in
would determine en endeavouringturic-
thanks to our gallant forces.—(Cheers.) Sir, I believe they
prevent contraband trafficresult of this
ions of a police in order o
will be deceived in their anticipations as far ashe all the
int so remote a country.—(Hear, leer, hear.) T 1 I believe that
-je debate is concerned.—(Loud cheers.)
fact is that we are unable to prevent the smuggling little solicitations which have been einployed—( Tremendous
to exclude from ourports Don't you disapprove of the
of tobacco from Ireland, or to
the
French.—(
the cheering one Member—
" nother, " Can you approve,
brandy of our good neighbours
expenses and increased
Of course, then, any attempt to protect the shores and even by implication, of a war with
I believe the little at-
bays of China would be treated with laughter ;and the taxation. —( Reiterated cheer.iengs)n_
avai_._ .
i (Loud cheers.) I
attempt to obtain a vote on such a subject would be per- tempts to undermine us n will be of °
ported us on the want of con-
fuctly fruitless.—( Hear, hear.) And yet we were told am satisfied that those who
rt usPnow—( Continued cheering )
that we should have given instructions to China, which fidence vote will
I notnowsupport us in resisting this palpable en-
would have bcen nothing better than so much waste paper. adt(iadrtohnart
to they
substitutew another Ministry in our places.—( Tre-
I will go a step further, and I will suppose that we en- continued cheering, which lasted for several
mentions and long-continued
to carry into effect such resolutions as I have re- minutes.)
ferred to. Why, Sir, in that case our merchants would Sir J. GRAHAM said he could assure the House that at that