The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-15 00:00:00

ministration L. f t was not attenliti with ary
cf whii;h required the constant pro-
•-•
sena! in that Mouse, or the coantry, of the person
ex erci3ing it. Tia-, N his Lord might also rt:c,diect that,
v-que ten or twelve years sinco, when the Noble Lord
linuselt ,:otineeted with the Government, and
when an inquiry took place as to the expediency of retain-
irg or ft,'Jolishing certain offices, the office of Privy Seal
was preserved on grounds entirely alien from its neces-
sity for practical business purnies. It was preserved
on grounds connected with the iifipoi tanos of Laving a
high ()nicer cf (loverriw.ety: uaeacurabered with
heavy duties, ready f,r special service; and that being
the case, what was so natural as that for the service al-
luded to by the Noble Lord the present Lord Privy
Seal should have been selected?—(Hear, hear.) Besides,
he had been appointed to that duty at a time when no
immediate meeting of Parliament was contemplated.
(Hear, hear.) But the objection implied by the Noble
Lord in his question not merely applied to the individual
selected, but also to the nature of the mission for which
he had been selected to repair to foreign countries. Now
it was the Tory nature of that mission which made it de-
sirable that a Noble Lord, who possessed the entire con-
fidence of his colleagues, and who was perfectly
acquainted with recent.' transactions, should be
selected. Ile (the Marquis of Lansdowne) had no
hesitation, after what the Noble Lord had stated
that evening with respect to the condition o',
Italy, in reminding their Lordships of the im-
portance of the transactions which were taking place
in that country, leading, as they might do, not only to
consequences of the greatest moment consequences
highly advantageous in themselves, and conducive to the
prosperity of each Italian state, but also to consequences
of infinite importance, inasmuch as they might invoke
the relations of the Italian states with other countries..
In the movement now prevailing in that country, which
could not be condemned, because its professed objects in
each individual state tended to a reform, which had not
only been long desired in Italy, but had been frequently
urged upon her by foreign Powers as necessary to her
welfare, and to the preservation not only of her peace,'
but that of Europe—(Hear, hear)—a movement which
had become simultaneous, which was still temperate,
but which, from its character, was likely to become in-
temperate—it was necessary that not a moment should
be lost in offering the friendly advice and interference
of England, not directed to any particular ob-
ject, but a general interference calculated at once to
encourage the Government and the population in the
steps they were taking, so far as those steps were
limited to one object, namely, the internal improvement
of each state. These circumstances, even in any Tie*.
of the case, were so iinportant as to demand the prompt
attention of her Majesty's Government, and the prompt
attention of England. A movement was prevailing in
Italy, the professed object of which was to effect altera-
tions and reforms which not only had been long desired
in Italy itself, but had bees frequently urged upon the
Italian states by friendly powers, as necessary to the
welfare of Italy, and tending not only to reserve the
peace of that country, but of Europe itself.—(llear.)
Those reforms had long Leen looked for, and the mo-
ment had now arrived when a spirit of reform; tem-
perate it might be hoped, but a spirit which,' from it.
character, might become intemperate, manifested itself
in every part of the country. There could not be a
moment when it was more imporbeet that the friendly
advice of England should be given, that there should
be, on the part of England, an interference ncl
directed to a particular object, but an interferena,.:,
that would encourage the
,Governments of Italy in
the course they were pursuing, as far as that course was
limited to the internal improvement of each individual
state. There could not be a state of things in which
it was more materiel that the state of Italy should be
fully considered by England, and through the
agency of r. nobleman of the high standing
&rid great capacity of the Earl of Minto, who had left
this country accredited to all the sovereigns of
Italy, Except one, to whom, undoubtedly, by
the law of this country, as that law is understood, be
could not be legally accredited. The Earl of :dint°
was instructed to offer the sovereigns 'to whom he was
accredited the most friendly advice, and to confine that
advice to objects connected with the internal improve"
meat of each state. He (the Marquis of Lansdowne)
considered that their Lordships would find that he
answered the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley's) question
fairly when he stated that her Majesty a Go-
vernment was sensible of the necessity of
terfering by advice for the preservation 0
f
peace, as well in Italy as outside it. The Earl of Minto
had communicated with the other sovereigns of Italy,
and ho felt justified in saying that those sovereigns
expressed their entire satisfaction for the prudent advice
given by the accredited authority of the British Govern-'
went, but he should add that that Noble Earl had no
communication with the Court of Rome. Such a pro-
ceeding would be contrary to law; but if the Noble.
Lord (Lord Stanley) wished to know his opiuion,
though he (Lord Stanley) seemed to wish to avoid gfy-
big his own, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) should say_
that he thought that it would be much to the interest
this country that information could be procured as wall
at the Court of Rome as in any other Court throughout
the world, and that through an accredited authority.
He thought that if the Noble Earl (Earl Minto) did
express any sympathy in the anxiety for reform and
alteration new prevalent throughout Italy, that be
was not to be censured, and that the Government
was not to be blamed.—(Hear, hear.) Ile did not
think that the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) need feel
the slightest apprehension for the Privy Seal, a* that
instrument was secure, and would not be used unne-
cessarily. . - •

AFFAIRS OF SWITZERLAND.
Lord BEAUMONT said he felt highly pleased with
the manly assertion of the Noble Marquis (the Marquis
of Lansdowne). He believed that this country would
be much benefited by an accredited officer at the Court
of Rome. He should next proceed with the motion of
which he had given notice, whether it was the intention
of her Majesty a Government to mediate in the affairs of
Switzerland. The Noble Lord then proceeded ;to ex-
plain that, according to the federal compact entered into
by tho several cartons in 1815, and which was the basis
of the present system in that country, that each canton
was to be represented at the Diet, and should have its
own independence in the smaller council in their respec:
tive cantons. All power was to be left to the central
Government. He considered that the Jesuits were thy'
principal agents in the disturbances of that country, sr'
the chief promoters of the Sonderbund treaty.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he did not
feel the least difficulty in answering that question. Tbil4
country had never determined to enter into the affairs f
Switzerland by any other way than advice. Above al"
she deprecated an armed interference. When England iv!‘
called upon she gave advice; and when the foundantagouisoe
parties were preparing for opposition it was
~
that one of the parties had left the field, and c°11.5::
queutly there was no necessity for England's mediation.
The House adjourned at Half-past Seven.

ROUSE OF COMMONS, Dec 14.
WEST GLOUCESTERSHIRE ELECTION.
Mr. WAKLEY, in rising to move the consideration
of the petition complaining of en undue interference
on the part of the Earl Fitzhardinge with
"WLb:
recent election for West Gloucestershire, said, "--,
he mentioned the subject yesterday to an hon. relative
of the Noble Peer, he stated that he was authorised t°
announce to the House that the Noble Peer would 11°1
no objection to the appointment of a Coinreittk
Inquiry into the matter.
Captain BERKFLEY—What I said was this : if thhie,
House thought proper to institute an inquiry ict°,7,-,
conduct, Earl Fitzhardinge would have no objeco°-
to it.
Mr. WAKLEY said that was precisely his itcPreg'
sion, and consequently there was no objection 00
the part of the Noble Earl ; and now the
bublic would have an opportunity of seeing whether
ore was any objection on the part of that Howse. The
allegations of the petitioners were not loose or ill-defined
They were of the most specific character, and there
could be no misunderstanding them. There was n 0
beating about the bush, while he might remark to
the house that the petitioners were persons oi
the highest respectability in the county cf.
Gloucester, and the manner in which tbef
spoke of the transactions that occurred at the last
election was such, that if that House desired in tkee‘
slightest degree to protect the electors of the country
in the exercise of their franchise they would not refits
to institute a searching inquiry into the circumstance''.
of the case.—(Hear, hear.) In asking for
Committee of inquiry he did not think it /yr:
his duty to make any charges against the Noble re,
question. He had not the honour of the Noble peut
Hacequmaeirrietalyncace,tednorinditdhilaseceayseeraesxacnhainn
deepaewndoerndt Mc
withinti'su:l;;ll):
of that House, into whose hands a petition,
e respec
it to be`
worded, had been placed:; he considered
his duty to present such petition, and to bring 4
under the notice of the House. He thought he had don
t'
p
ne more in that respect than discharge his duty as
to she
Member of that House. Now with respect
Noble Peer he could have no private feeling whatever;
but he did think the charges in this petition were In°6-
serious, and if such charges were allowed to pass
noticed all that he could say was, that all freedom of
election in this country was at an end. In fact, if 911613
charges as these wore tolerated they would be guilty of
fraud on the country if they suffered that standing order
to remain on their books which declared it to be an ire'
fringement of the liberties of that House for a Peer of the
realm to interfere with the election of its Members.
Now what were the charges of these petitioners? It wee
unnecessary to go through the whole of them, and be
would simply mention those that were the most serious.
' He regretted that there should be any
contentions between the noble Peer and an hoynourable
relative in that House, and far be it from him W
widen the breach that existed between ale;
parties; but he thought what had transpieed
famil strite or
could not at all redound to the credit
of one party at kaet. Still such circumstances $69,,
these ought not to deter them from the dirzleario
their duty. Now, the chief charge was, that a Baer
of the realm, in direct violation of the standing ordere
of the house, had interfered, by bribery, intimidations
and corruption, with the election of a Member of that
House; that he had interfered to prevent the elect/0s
from discharging the duty which that House called
upon them to exercise, and that being one of the allega-
tions, he asked Hon. Members how they could consis-
tently discharge their duties if they allowed such itatee
meats as these to be made without instituting a striae
searching, and scrupulous inquiry into the truth 0f
them? lie had received a communication from ono or
the electors, in which it was stated that at one_
place, by order of Earl Fitzhardinge, wino Vial!
carried to the electors in buckets, as well as brandy and
water, and he asked whether it was right—whethe!:
they could discharge their duty to the public if such
allegations as these were to remain uninvestigated I
Why, if those statements were true, and no lequiry
to be made into them, of whe‘ use would thew