The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-16 00:00:00

DINNER OF THE OPERATIVES.
MANCIIIESTER, WEDNESDAY.
The dinner of the Anti-Corn-law Association took
place last night in the splendid pavilion in Peters-
street, the decorations and arrangements of which re-
mained in the same state in which they were on the
previous evening. At six o'clock every corner was
occupied, and several hundreds who arrived subse-
quently, were obliged to content themselves with stand-
ing room around the walls and at the end of the tables.
The galleries were also crowded, and, on the most
moderate calculation, there were upwards of 5,000
persons present. Although the tickets of admission
were only one shilling each, the dinner and dessert ap-
peared, so far as our observation went, to be much
superior in quality, and much more abundant, than on
the previous evening. The same superiority was mani-
fested in the arrangements for attendance on
_the
guests, &c., and we were much struck with the
marked difference between the conduct of the
company of last night and the former evening.
On Monday night, unless a speaker exerted his
voice to the very utmost he could not be heard, but
last night the profound attention with which the dif-
iferent speakers were listened to, enabled all parties to
obtain a hearing with, much less effort. * At half-past
six the Chairman of the Operative Anti-Corn-law As-
sociation, Mr. Warren, entered the room, and was loudly
and enthusiastically cheered.
On the right of the Chairman sat D. O'Connell,
Esq., M.P., R. Phillips, Esq., the Mayor of Manches-
ter, Colonel Thompson, C. A. Walker, Esq., Dr. Epps,
C. F. Villiers, Esq., Vigors, Esq., M.P., Sharman
Crawford, Esq., Henry Warburton, Esq., M.P., and
Thomas Bazley, jun., Esq , Boroughreeve of Salford.
. On his left was Alderman Cobden, Alderman Brookes,
? Dr. Bowring, Thos. Milner Gibson, Esq., Mark Phil-
lips, Esq., M.P., J. B. Smith, Esq., and the Rev. Thos.
Spence. Most of the Delegates and Deputies from
the varita_a towns who had attended the dinner on Mon-
day evening were also present, but it is unnecessary to
enumerate them over again.
After dinner the CHAIRMAN rose and said—l have
consented to take the chair on this most important oc-
casion, and as working men I ask you, are you willing
to support me, by maintaining peace, order, and regu-
larity, without which no good can be effected ? I know
there arc among you 2,000 working men who have
come to the meeting to-night with the determination to
show that they are not unworthy of the favour conferred
upon them in being allowed the use of this splendid
pavilion to agitate a question of the greatest national
importance.—(Hear, bear.) While beholding the
glorious scene of last night, I could not help contrast-
ing it with the scene which was acted on the 19th of
August, 1817, when the largest assemblage that ever met
in Manchester were assembled on that spot. What
was their object on that occasion? To agitate a
1 repeal of the Corn-laws, and a Reform of Parliament.
Tuey had then Magistrates and municipal authorities
and brave national yeomanry as now. Then, their Ma-
gistrates were employed in charging the multitude, and
shooting and cutting down and massacring unarmed
men and helpless women, yea, and innocent babes. What
are your Magistrates doing to-night ? They arc here
contemplating your proceedings, and rendering their as-
. sistance, and: by their presence telling you that if you
t:: : e men you shall have their support.—(Much
cheering.) Gentlemen, I have told some of those who
move in a higher sphere of life than I ever expect to
do, when complaints have been made against my fcllow-
-1 workmen, that these complaints were not founded in
( truth. It was said that it was impossible to ,1.-et up a
)meeting at which this important question could be pro-
perly discussed. I told them it was not because there
1 were a great. many to attend the meeting, but because
they could not get enough to attend it--( Hear, hear.)
I have always insisted that if there was a majestic ga-
-1 thering of the working classes, the intellectual capacity
j and intelligence, and moral power of the artisans of
Great Britain, would secure the order of their proceed-
, ings.—(Cheers.) Front the bottom of my heart 1
4 ,
i t'i all'i t on tailt you havelborne testimony to the truth of
my assertion; to-night.—(Cheers.) Ought you not to feel
i tha-ndul that instead of being in danger of being ridden
over by a brutal and tyrannical soldiery you are coin- ,
fortably seated in this magnificent building. If you feel
igratitude to these gentlemen give them three cheers.—
(Tile whole assemblage here rose and gave three hearty
and deafening cheers.) A great many efforts have been
made to persuade you that no community of feeling
exists between you and those by whom you are cm-
pioyed. I say that is not true. It has been attempted
to be proved that your interests and theirs are diame-
tric illy opposed. I say that is not true.—( Hear, heir.)
4
4 And if we only had such mighty demonstrations as we
-, have had to-night, such nonsense would never have been
listened to. We have met here to-night to support the
repeal of the Corn laws, and before we separate I trust
f we shall come to the conclusion that they must be for
ever done away with.—(Loud cheers.) You have your
Magistrates, and Members of Parliament,and employers
assembled with you, to tell you that they are resolved
,
k to seejustice done you. Remember, however, that
t
there arc in Manchester ten thousand of your fel-
-1 low- workmen who have not an opportunity of en-
joying themselves as you arc. Remember that
1 there are four thousand perishing hand-loom weavers,
and that there are 10,000 operatives who know not
from day to day where they shall get their bread. I
appeal to you also in behalf of the millions of your starv-
ing fellow countrymen, whom Heaven has blessed with
unbounded fertility of soil, and who, although the pro-
ducers of vast wealth, are left to live on a scanty meal
of potatoes.—( Hear, and cheers.) All this suffering
and privation is the result of the unjust, the unrighteous,
and destructive Corn-laws, by which 20,000 idle aristo-
' crats are able to roll in wealth and luxury, while the
great mass of the population are starving.—(Hear.)
God has said, " Thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the
oxen that treadeth out the corn ;" and we are assembled
to-night to tell the proud aristocrats that they shall no
longer convert the blessings of the Almighty into curses,
and to tell them that the mouths of the men and women
and children, who are the producers of wealth, shall no
longer be muzzled.—(Loud cheers.) Why should not
the working man be allowed to bring his labour to the
best market, and when that is dond, to buy bread where
1 he likes ?—(Cheers.) They possess as much intellect
and intelligence—as much purity and honesty of
purpose, and love justice quite as much as if they rode
in carriages. We are met here to-night to tell them
that they have put their hands in our pockets long
enough, and that they shall do so no longer.—(Loud
cheers.) We are met to-night to merge all our political
differences, and to put down the Corn-laws, and you
are the very fellows to do it.—( A laugh.) When all
the uses to which this magnificent pavilion can be put
are at an end—when all the tea, and coffee, and cocoa
parties, and music and intellectual parties, are over, and
when all the chairs and tables are removed, we shall get
up a
'I meeting of 10,000 of the working-men of Man-
i chester, and by one united burst of righteous iudigna-
tion we will seal the death-warrant of the Corn Bill
(Tremendous cheering.) You, working men, are the
very men to do it—you are, what is more important still
—eaters, and while the eaters have increased, unfortu-
[lately the food has remained stationary. This is not
i fair play, and as we are determined to show fair play to
1 ' others we expect it for ourselves--(Loud cheering.)
Those of you who know me most, know that I am fond
of water—(A laugh)—and I will now propose a toast
1 which I trust will be received with all that hearty en-
-1
' thusiasin for which the men of Lancaster, and the
Lancashire witches too, are so very remarkable.—
(Cheers.) I had liked to have forgotten one very ar-
-1 ticular part of the business—(A laugh)—we have par-
ticular
eyes of the fair upon us, and we have pledged ourselves
in the presence of those whom we hold in the highest
estimation, not to allow any one to cast the imputation
on us that we do not know how to act likemen
(Hear, hear.) Of all things detestable in the eyes.—
of
a female, that which is the most detestable is to see a
thing like a man not acting like a man.--(Loud cheers
and laughter.) I now propose the health of her most
Gracious Majesty, our lovely little Queen, the Duchess
of Lancaster.

The toast was drank with the most enthusiastic
cheering, which lasted for some minutes.
The CHAIRMAN said the next toast would be re-
sponded to by one of their own great men—a man who
would be one of the greatest men of the age, inasmuch
as he would be one of the best friends of the working
men. He meant Mr. Richard Cobden.--(Cheers.)—
The toast was, " The people, the only legitimate source
of political power."
Air. O'CONNELL exclaimed, " Three cheers for the
people," which were immodiately given.
Mr. COBDEN then rose,-and waslgreeted with hearty
applause. Gentlemen, I sincerely hope that our
friends, the reporters, will not make any comparisons
between the order of the proceedings this evening and
those of yesterday, for I am very much afraid that if
they do, it will be very much to the disadvantage of
that meeting which I attended here last night, and
which I suppose we must consider to have been a meet-
ing of the better orders.—(Laughter.) I have to re-
spond to the toast of " the people." Who are the
people? Is it one class of men who are dressed
in this suit of clothes, or another class dressed in
another fashion, or a third, distinguished by a courtly
suit? No. By the people I comprise the whole com-
munity—the lowest, the middle, and the upper.—
(Cheers.) I should no snore think of separating the
one from the other without injuring the whole, than I
should think of separating a limb from the body
without affecting the parent trunk.—(Great cheerincr.)

* Iu fact, the conduct of the operatives of Manchester
)last night elicited the strongest testimonies of approbation
from the different speakers, and reflects the highest credit
1 upon them.

But it is said the people are the source of legitimate
power. I will not disguise from myself that on this oc-
casion, at least, the term " people " was meant to apply
more particularly to one class, and that class not the
highest nor the middle class. I will not blink the
question, for I tell you plainly that so far as that toast
is literally construed, it is, in the present day, telling a
lie. The people, emphatically so called, the working
classes, are not now as they ought to be, with other
classes, the source of legitimate power.—(Hear, hear.)
I think it right to mention this, because, although as
Corn-law repealers we repudiate party politics, I shall
never dare to suppress my sentiments on a great prin-
ciple like that when I am meeting four thousand of my
fellow-countrymen.—(Cheers ) I should be unworthy
to stand with this beautiful motto above my head
(" Justice "), if I ever lost sight of that which was due
to the great majority of the people. (Hear,
hear, and cheers.) I know there are those who
will say you are met here to-day to sell your political
birthright for a mess of pottage. I deny it, so far as
I am concerned at least.—(Cheers.) I say that in
joining hare to agitate the total repeal of the Corn-
laws, I expect no man to lose sight for an instant of
what is due to him as a man and a citizen of this
country—l mean his political franchise ; but what I
wish at the same time to contend for is, that every indi-

...__ _
vidual has a right constitutionally to agitate and endea-
vour to effect whatever he considers in his humble

judgment to be more conducive to the interests of the
people. I don't wish that you should agitate a repeal
of the Corn-laws, and turn your back on other ques-

, . .
tions.—(Hear.) Go on, and God speed you, I
say, in every righteous object you may have, but
I must particularly impress upon you to go on and
press forward for that object which I consider to be of the

greatest importance of all, I mean to wrest yourselves
from that class which has been well expressed by a distin-

. _
guished friend among you, as a slave class,and endeavour,
by every means in your power, to put yourselves on a
level with those who are here called your betters, but

with whom in the eyes of God and the law you are on
a level. I think, so far as I am concerned as an Anti-
Corn-law repealer, it will not be said I wish to induce
you to turn your backs on your own rights and privi-
leges.—(Hear, hear.) I will endeavour to show to the
working men of Manchester, that it is to their para-
mount and vital interest that they should join us in-
stanter on the question of the Corn-laws.—(Hear.)
There lies at the bottom of one fallacy the foundation
of all the differences that exist between working men
and their employers—that fallacy is in the falsehood
that is told you on the subject of wages, but inform
yourselves of the truth on this vital question ; and I will
engage for it that you will not allow a man to come
among you and say your interest is in opposition to
that of your employers.—(Cheers.) Do you remember
1835, when the mill-owners were prosperous ? Do you
remember that in the August of 1835, you never saw a
spinner a bankrupt. Were not the calico-spinners pros-
perous ? Were not the fustian-cutters prosperous ?
W hat was the price of corn in the year 1835 ?-38s.
and 40s. a quarter. What is the condition now of the
master calico printers, and of the fustian manufacturers ?
Look at the Gazette—see the families that were living
in 1835 in affluence, plunged into your own ranks—
labouring men.—( Hear, hear.) What is the condition
of the operatives now, as compared with 1835 ? Arc
they thriving ? Are they prosperous? Are they
realising the promise of their pretended friend, the
landlord, that wages will rise with the price of bread?
Or arc they not, on the other hand, half employed,
and, I am sorry to say, wages declining ? You will
ask, what is the cause of this ? The cause is simply
that, twelve months ago, when the masters met to-
gether in the Chamber of Commerce, and talked of
their distresses—of the rivalry abroad, of the want of
trade, they lost ' their capital ; but when they
lost their capital, who was to pay the bill ?
When the capital is gone, when the master is ruined,
then conies the suffering to the labouring men, and as
sure as sunshine folloes the night, so sure will the ruin
of the operative follow the ruin of the capitalist.—
( Hear, hear, hear.) How has it been in Nottingham
There are gentlemen here who tell me that in Notting-
ham, in 1835, the stocking weavers struck for a rise of
wages. Wheat in the Nottingham market was then at
3es. a quarter. Now there are '2,000 weavers out of
employment, and the masters are filling the Gazette.
Now there is the fallacy put forward as to the question
of wages. How will it be if you get the repeal of the
Cern-laws, and the master realizes his wishes for ex-
feuded markets ? Tue Germans, the Russians, and the
A ustriens, will then becorne our customers. They wi:l
send their corn and we shall send our fu.tians, our prints,
and our yarns. You want 10,000,000 quarters cf
wheat every year. How sei!l you pay far it ?
Dr. Bowring tells you they want youc cottons
and your hardware. 10,000,000 quarters of wheat
at forty shillings a quarter, would he 20,000,000/. of
manufactures to send abroad. How would the capital
lists get their manufactures, think you? Where would
they coma from? Why, from the master manufacturer,
the spinner, and the calico printer. How does he get
them but from the labour of the artizans ; and if tiaere
are twice as many prints, and twice as many yards of
fustians wanted, will not the masters be running after the
operatives to work for them instead of the operatives
running after the masters ?—(Cheers.) Will not the
putters out, as they are called, be running down to
Chorley, and Burnley, and perhaps even to Bullock
Smithy, and will not they say get us out three webs in-
stead of two, and pay you extra ? That was done in
1835. The putters out would be e nllopping over each
other—(Laughter)—they would be'bidding ss. an extra
cut—they would be tempting the men to work on Sun-
day, and, indeed, there is no knowing what they
would be trying to do.—( Hear, hear, and laugh-
ter.) Well the reverse of this cheering pic-
ture is the reality, and let us look at that
reality. You are inventing—you are improving your
manufactures ; and to what purpose ? During the last
50 years there has been an increase in the manufactur-
ing power of steam and water equal perhaps to 500
millions of human hands. Here is an amount of wealth
produced, and what has become of it ? Why if you had
had a fair share of this mighty production, every one of
you would have been on a level with the middle classes
of the present day. How has it been perverted? By your
landowners, who say you may toil and spin—you may
swarm above your coal beds and your iron beds, but
you shall cat your bread at no other shop but our's.
The land refuses to extend in bulk even to the will of
this oligarchy, but your population extends ; and you
know what it will end in. Your teacher (Colonel
Thompson—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—says, if you
were shut up in Manchester you would have first
to eat your own flower-pots to begin with, and then
to eat one another. Gentlemen, these are facts which
we must discuss and understand, and when we do un-
derstand them, no enemy will be able to persuade you
that the master and the workman have opposite in-
terests.—(Hear, hear.) Let me exhort you again and
again to commune with each other On this vital question,
neither leaving out of sight other views which ycu may
rightfully entertain, but giving to this question that at-
tention which I believe from my heart it merits at your
hands.—(Hear, hear.) We have had other questions
to discuss, but I cannot see why Englishmen should
not any day meet here on this great question, and
go on harmoniously together without clashing or in-
terfering with one another.—( Hear, hear.) Bear in
mind that two good things can never injure each other.
Fortuuately it is the will of Providence that two bad
things will jostle with each other; but if you are in pursuit
of two truths, one truth will never tell against the
other.—( Hear, hear.) I joined you in accomplishing
the Penny Postage.—(Cheers.) Now, in connection
with the Penny Postage let inn give you an anecdote,
in perfect good humour, which I think will convince you
that among some parties of the working classes there is
a mistake whether or not people should be allowed to
pursue their own course in agitating any question
whatever. I sent a copy of a petition in favour of the
Penny Postage over to Bullock Smithy, in the last
spring ; it was at the time the Chartist fever was at its
height, and a few score of men calling themselves
Chartists assembled round the shop window, and in-
sisted on its being withdrawn, for they said it would
interferere with the Charter.--(Laughter.) Now, I say,
on the contrary, that the Penny Postage is a great en-
gine in the hands of the people for the accomplishment
of their objects.—(Cheers.) That shows bow the good
folks of Bullock Smithy were misled. I am not going to
set up for a political leader ; therefore I may with great
safety give you a recipe as to how you may know
whom to trust as a political leader. Look to the pri-
vate character of the man before you trust him on pub-
lic matters. Is he a sot or a drunkard ? If so, de-
pend on it he is not fit to be trusted. If he is a bad
brother, or father, or son—if, in short, he is what we
call a wasterel, and if he is a tyrant in his workshop,
you may depend upon it that in his heart he is not a
real lover of public liberty.--(Cheers.) Your conduct
this evening I cannot too highly praise—it forms an ex-
cellent contrast to that of the meeting of last night.—
(Loud sheers.)
The CHAIRMAN again rose and said, that as all the
Gentlemen who were to address them to-night were the
friends of the people, he trusted they would wait pa-
tiently to hear all the speakers. The toast he wns now
about to give them was one to which they would hll, he
was sure, most heartily respond—they were no half-and-
half men, and they should have nothing less than " The
total, immediate, and unconditional repeal of the Corn-
laws."—(Tremendous cheering.)
Mr. BROTHERTON, M.P., was called on to speak to the
toast, and was loudly cheered. He said he felt highly
honoured in having been selected to respond to the
toast, because he believed if the repeal of the Corn-
laws were carried it would be a measure the most bene-
ficial to the working classes that could be attained at
the present moment.—(Cheers.) There were many
around him more eloquent, but none were more ready to
do the bidding of the people than hiniself.—(Cheers.)
He was delighted at the present meeting, and when it
was known in London the manner in which their gra-
cious Queen's health Lad been responded to, who would
say that the working men of. Manchester were not a
loyal class?—(Loud cheers.) Their Chairman had
well referred to the extreme distress of Ow working
classes, and pointed out the steps to be taken to re-
lieve that wretchedness. He trusted all classes would

No one could doubt that the 'Corn-laws were a
monopoly, and if they were, in the name of eternal jus-
tice let them be removed. He was fully convinced of the
injustice, impolicy, and inhumanity of the Corn-laws.
It was unjust to make a law for the benefit of a few land-
owners at the expense of all the other classes. They
had heard a great deal of vested interests, but the
labourer had an equally strong vested interest in his
labour, and had a right to dispose of it at the best
market.—(Cheers.) The law was'an impolitic one, be-
cause it injured the merchant, it impoverished the
artizan and the farmer, and would be ultimately the
ruin of the landowners.—( Hear.) The law was inhu-
man and oppressive, because it was highly injurious to
compel the poor man to purchase dear bread. It was
the parent of want, of crime, of immorality, and every-
thing that tended to demoralize and degrade the people.
Allusion had been made to what had occurred twenty-
three years ago on that spot, and he trusted the result
of that meeting would show the world what unity
could do—(Hear, hear)—and that they would accom-
plish the object which had been first agitated
twenty-three years ago, where he then stood.—(Hear,
hear.) The landowners had no right to protection on
any principle of justice that could be alleged; and
with respect to the argument that they should be inde-
pendent of other countries, it was one of the principles
of their nature, that man should be dependent upon
man, and the intercourse tended to produce the most
beneficial results to the whole human race.—(Hear,
hear.) It showed the necessity of preserving universal
peace, and when that time came they might convert
their " swords into ploughshares, and their knives into
pruning-hooks," and have war no more.—(Cheers.)
They should recollect that the tax on bread did not go
to the support of the State, but to pamper a wealthy
aristocracy.—( Hear, hear.) Wheat was always 50 per
cent. cheaper on the Continent than in England, and
when they purchased a ninepenny loaf they should re-
member that sd. was paid for the loaf and 4d. for the
tax. In 1839 the people of Manchester and Salford
paid in the shape of a bread-tax alone 400,0001. more
than they paid in 1835.—(Hear.) That would show
them how deeply they were interested in the repealof these
laws. All who wished to preserve peace and prevent
revolution in the State, should endeavour to promote the
repeal of these laws. All who wished to prevent
strikes and turn-outs, and misunderstandings among
masters and workmen, should unite in the same great
work.—(Cheers.) When bread was only sd. a loaf the
wages of the labourer were equally high as at present,
and therefore the argument of the wages rising with the
price of bread was at once overturned. Cheap bread
would promote the interests of the working
classes in a most essential degree, as it
would enable them to devote more of their wages to
the education and clothing of their families. He would
have every merchant write in his ledger, " Down with
the Corn-laws." He would have every commercial
man write on every invoice he issued, " Down with the
Corn-laws." He would have every weaver write on his
loom, " Down with the Corn-laws :" and he would have
every man write on his Bible, " Down with the Corn-
laws." And if they were once overturned they would
have peace and plenty and happiness throughout the
land.—(lmmense cheering.)
The CitAiamAN said that as probably he was then
sitting on the spot on which some unfortunate man or
woman fell at the Peterloo massacre, he had obtained
from the Committee leave to propose a toast which
must be drunk in solemn silence—it was, " The memory
of those who fell in 1819, while meeting together to pe-
tition for a Reform of Parliament and a Repeal of the
Corn-laws."
The toast was drunk amidst the tr ost profound si-
lence.
Dr. BowaiNo then came forward to propose the
next toast, and was received with loud and protracted

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gratification
ose
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of Manchester moving forward in the majestic march
of intelligence. It had been his privilege to watch the
progress of this great question, and well did he remem-
ber when he saw a large community gathered together
among the Alpine snows of Switzerland—a community
which had entered into the possession of all its political
rights, that it began by reforming its commercial system
—that its first step was to obtain free trade in corn,
and a recognition of the rights of labour.—(Cheers.)
With respect to the present meeting, that day on which
they had met so nobly, was a great day for the friends
of the people ; they were putting into the hands of
those who desired to serve them mighty argu-
ments, and were giving irresistible evidence that
they were worthy of entering upon the heritage
for which they were struggling. Well did he recollect
the phraseology of a Memorial which had been agreed to
at a large and most important meeting at Lyons, at
which he had the happiness of being present. It was
that no man was so ignorant as not to know that he
who desired to sell must make up his mind to buy ; and
that if they wanted to dispose of their labour to other
countries, they must accept the produce of the labours
of those other countries in return.—(Hear, hear.) His
Hen. and Worthy Friend who had just spoken had re-
commended them to write in their Bibles " Down' with
the Corn-I.aws." That was a work of supererogation, for
in every page was written " Down with the Corn-laws."
—(Cheers.) It was a great principle in Holy Scrip-
tures to do as you would be done by.—(Cheers.) His
Worthy Friend had talked, as he well might, of
the absurdity of the plea for protection. Against
what were they to be protected ? Against the
benefit of the sun's rays ?—( Hear, hear, hear.)
Against the blessings of fertile soils ?—(Hear, hear.)
Against the results of rivulets and rivers, and the
heaving ocean, and all-producing earth ?—(Cheers.) Free
trade would bring home to them the blessings which
both heaven and earth offered in abundance. He
wondered much, that those who would deny to them
the food which other countries had in superfluity, did
not also propose to shut up the clouds of heaven.—
(Loud laughter.) He wondered that they did not ask
for a monopoly of the dews that fell—he wondered they
did not show it was for their interest that every water
course should be stopped in its passage to the sea.—
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Of what were those per-
sons apprehensive ? That the working classes would
have too much fond—that their common Father would
send them too many enjoyments ; and that this beauti-
ful earth would send too many benefits and blessings to
their hearths and their homes ?—(Cheers and laughter.)
Full as the world was, and full to overflowing of the
means of happiness, it was only by the just distribution
of those means that every individual of the community
could have that portion to which he was fairly entitled.
(Hear, hear.) The resistance raised on the part of the
landowners, was merely for three or four millions of
quarters, and he had not the least doubt that
if they could start fair in the field of commer-
cial rivalry, that every grain which they could import
would be consumed in addition to the produce of the
English soil. Why. Russia herself had been visited
by faMine. In 1834, cargoes of wheat, imported from
the Baltic, were shipped in this country to the Black
Sea. Every one knew, who had studied the subject,
that this country, daily increasing in population, but
not increasing in extent of soil, was less and less capable
of providing food for its inhabitants ; and happily, by
the provisions of Providence, there were. countries
which had a superfluity of food, but whose inhabitants
would not purchase those manufactured superfluities
which this country desired to dispose of.—(Hear, hear.)
Symptoms were manifesting themselves which afforded
comfort, and which showed that the agriculturists were
now disposed to take heed. He rejoiced to say that
their agitation was already producing some beneficial
results ; for he found by newspapers of that day, that at
the Earl of Hardwicke's audit dinner, his Lordship ad-
dressed his tenantry, saying there was every reason to
believe that the Corn-laws would be repealed."—
( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Excellent news !—(Loud
cheering.) " And that the only means which the
farmer possessed for competing with the foreign
grower was to raise as much corn as pos-
sible." Why, that was just the lesson they
had been giving the agriculturists.—(Loud cheer-
ing,) The Noble Peer went on to say, " In order
that they might do what they could, he would bear half'
the expense of any experiments made by them."—
(Laughter) The people of this country had borne all
the expense of the experiments made hitherto by the
Right Hon. Peers.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
However, to that state of things they were about to
put an end—the working classes began to feel that this
was the people's question ; and that those who had told
them they were not interested in it had been deceiving
them.—(Cheers.) They had 50 or 60 millions of ma-
nufactures produced yearly, which the people of that
country could not. consume ; were they ready to receive
the food they eat, and give in exchange for it the pro-
duce of their labour?—(Cheers.) It was only when
they stood upon the verge of absolute want—when every
grain of their own corn was consumed, that their corn
legislators allowed them to receive the produce of other
lands. The land was man's inheritance, and the
vicious legislation on their Corn-laws would
set aside that great principle.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Instead of having only the twenty-five millions of cus-
tomers at hume, they ought to have the right of trading
with the multitudinous millions of the whole world.—
(Cheers.) They must have heard that there was a place
in Italy which was said to be the entrance to the gates of
hell. That scene was one of utter desolation—the air was
filled with suffocating vapours, rendering the whole dis-
trict unfit for the habitation of man. Science, however,
had lately discovered that in these noxious vapours there
was contained an acid of the greatest advantage in manu-
factines, and English skill and capital had succeeded in
converting that barren and unprofitable waste into a bound-
less field of wealth, by the production of boracic acid.—
(Cheers.) In the deserts of Arabia, and the heights of
Mount Lebanon, he had seen British facturemanu, the
produce of British capital and industry, nby he pee-
_

pie of these countries, and that appeared to him a higher
and a more important triumph than all the laurels that had I
ever been gained by the warriors of their country in the
battle field.--( Great cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN having called upon George Thompson,
Esq , the friend of the white slave as well as the black
slave, to speak to the toast of " Free Trade," that gen-
tleman came forward, and was received with loud and
general cheers from all parts of the meeting. We regret
that we cannot find room for his extremely eloquent and
impressive address, which produced a powerful impression
on the meeting.
Thos. Poems, Esq. (le Mayor of Manchester), was
received with hearty cheering. He had obtained the per-
mission of the Chairman to say a few words ; and pro-
ceeded to express his pride and delight at the orderly and
quiet conduct the meeting had displayed. They had
proved themselves to be what he had always known to be
the fact—that they were the most honest, intelligent,
orderly, and respectable people in the whole world; and
their order and regularity was an example to any commu-
uity.—( Much cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN said he had next to introduce an old
veteran, the grandfather of the repeal of the Corn-laws.
(Hear.) He first taught the A. B. C. He then wrote
the catechism; and now he had come to teach them tho
Testament. He meant their old friend Colonel Thomp-
son.—(Cheers.)
Colonel Tuosarsots then came forward, and was re-
ceived with great enthusiasm. He same there, he said, in
consequence of an intimation that his presence would be
agreeable to the working classes; and that he supposed was
the reason why the toast which he was about to propose
was put into his bands.—( Hear.) Nothing could be more
agreeable to him; for where the working classes were,
there he wished to be. Their fortune should be his for-
tune, and their success his success.—( Cheers.) He could
not but congratulate them on the step which the conduct
of that meeting would make on public opinion, of their
fitness far the enjoyment of all they had, and all they
wanted to have. There was no concealment among them.
Having carried the repeal of the Corn-laws, they hoped to
carry other measures.—( Cheers.) There had been dif-
ferences of opinion amongst members of their community,
which he lamented. He re-appeared there, in some mea-
sure, as the apologist of those friends who had not joined
them. Perhaps every edvantage had not been offered
them—perhaps there were causes which might excite dis-
trust in the minds of some of them. —( Hear, hear.) All
men could not come over to a great cause at once. It was
apparent from that assembly that many had done so ; and
it was an earnest that those who were not with them then
must be with them hereafter.—(Cheers.) Let thorn get
fullness of bread, and they would be better able to meet
any enemy in the gates. They had all the evidence be-
fore them of what it was to be cramped in their honest
callings. There were some who, if they could beat them
down to a fired duty, would pray to have a shilling left for
the sake of calculating the amount of Corn imported.—
( Laughter.) He would ask, then, why sixpence bounty
would not do just as well ?—(Hear, hear.) But they
will fight for more than that, for they will bold out
strongly for a " fixed injustice."—(Cheers.) They had
advocates, too, who went about to deceive, if they could.
He knew what they wanted by a fixed duty. They wanted
to place in the hands of the Government the power of
taking off the duty, when the people were roused to that
degree that made their injustice dangerous. Why, if they
wanted to entail slavery on their children, they could not
take a better course to secure it for ever. If they took the
advice of an old counsellor, they should give the Govern-
in, nt anything short of an eternity in point of time—
( Great laughter)—but if the delay was likely to be long,
kt them just whisper the little word " Compensation."—
( Cheers.) Had they not had for twenty years the duty
up 01 the foreign corn the people consumed ? If, however,
tir..'y (the Government) acceded to moderate terms
nothing need be said of compensation. As men of the
world they must know that it was always well to have
something as a set
,off against their adversaries. The
toast he was about to give them was " The Working
Cl asses of the United Kingdom." He had taken the
liberty of makinz a verbal alteration with the toast, and
substituted " classes" for " men," as including in it the
partners in their toil as in their hours of happiness or re-
laxation, be they few or many.—( Loud curers.) The
time, he trusted, would shortly arrive when there would be
slave class in the country. He did not mean to flatter
ti-m, but be believed the advocates of the Rep:al wanted
an infusion of new blood—they wanted the sound sense
and honest principles, and acquaintance with practised
m .tters of the working men, and then they should drink
the healths of the free voters of that country in addition
that of the working classes.—( Loud cheers)
Dr. Eros being called upon to respond to the toast said,
Gentlemen, in responding to this toast, moved by the
Author of the Corn•law Catechism, I claim the honour
being regarded as one of your number, as being a
werking man. You work with your hands in producing the
ingenious and useful inventions of your minds—the manu-
la.,tures. In the same manner. I use my hands to enable
hie to record the productions of my mind, and, therefore,
I am indeed a working man.—( Hear, hear.) In this
eh iracter, therefore, I can with propriety respond to the
toast; but there is one point more in my character as a
v.orkmen, as a physician I often have to be at the bed-s;de
u sickness and at the bed-side of misery, and there I have
learned these never to be forgotten truths, that the Corn-
laws arc the ministers of misery, disease, and death;
that the Corn-laws are continually immolating, by slow
corture, thousands of our fellow labourers, their wives and
th,ir children, at the shrine of the landlords' Moloch, the
',treat rent roll god they so murderously worship, the god
the hymns in whose praise are the widow's curse, and the
cries and the plaints of the starving.—( Loud cheers.)
But, Gentlemen, in behalf of the working men of Eng-
-1,411d, whose health you have drank, I think I may
venture to predict that they will take up the cause
wnich the working men of Manchester have so
splendidly, so determinedly, and so perseveringly
held up to their notice ; and when once they have learned,
as they now will, that the working men of Manchester
have determined to stone this monster of monopoly—this
i.r.age made of the clay, the stupid-headedness, and the
iron, the hard-hearted selfishness of the landlords—with
the stone formed out of the mighty mountain of mind now

h• fore me, they will join in the stoning, crying " Down
with the Corn-law, the whole Corn-law, and, for ihe pre-
vat, nothing but the Corn-law."—(Hear and cheers.)
Working men, we have many oppressions under which we
groan. The hand of the aristocratic oppressor is upon us.
l-lc makes us sweat to feed fat Archbishops, Bishops, and

. -
State-fed Clergy. Those black bodies that, as George Fox
used to say, form an eclipse between God and men's
souls. They make us sweat to keep up an immense
standing army for the purpose of keeping down our own
roshts and liberties. They make us sweat to furnish an
placing
oppressions them a
which
hd
m heri might
Majestybena named,
eat
,are
nothing; they are, as feathers,
immense Civil List, not fur the comfort of the Queen
(God bless her) but to fatten their young lordly cubs and
cubbesses,multitude of other l
their portious.—( Hear and laughter.) But these and a
light
think
ieedai
grophtfaht
yat
ftheeevtaehrrfe.
yopll
oleaoubxwnopdiuenrnglesoreavpviineae
sycsus :—anar-r agriculturalinen oxe cpeetshns that
teo moment
laboureraapefh e
ite
compared to the op-
cat
pressions produced by the Corn-laws. Just for a
earns 10s. a-week ; he has a wife and four children ; they
sly that sixpence is a sum that, if no Corn.laws existed,
si
oil each loaf, which will amount to two shillings a-week
out of his wages, or one-fifth of his income; a sum amount-
ing in the year to 51. 45., which goes to purchase the
luxuries, and to pamper the sensuality of the landholders.
—( Hear, hear.) Take the artizan who earns 20s. a-week,
and who, with his family, consumes eight loaves also. He
pays his two shillings excess every week to the landlord,
but he pays less in proportion to his whole income than
does the poor agricultural labourer; namely, one-tenth in-
stead of one-fifth, or 10 per cant. instead of 20 per cent.
Go a step further. A clerk earns 40s. a-week, and he
and his family consume eight loaves a-Week, and he pays
two shillings excess every week to the landlord, but he
does not bear more than one-half the burden in relation to
his income that the artizan bore ; he giving to the land-
lord one-twentieth of his income, or 5 per cent. If we;pro-
coed we shall find that the larger the expenditure the less
in proportion which the Corn-laws take from the consumer.
Is it not clear from these facts that the working man is
more than any other person interested in the repeal of the
Corn-laws ?—(Cheers.) But there is another point
we
incurred
threepenceeikn mat
a kn
wherein the working man is interested in effecting the re-
peal of these laws. A working man wants two things—
ork, and a fair reward for that work ; in other words, he
wants good and just wages. The Corn-laws, of necessity
lower wages. Wages being the price which labour fetches
in the market, it is quite evident that if there is a glut of
ti.e commodity—labour—in the market, the value of the
commodity, labour, must fall. There is such a glut now.
And why? because we cannot exchange our manufac-
tured goods for the corn of other countries. Wages are
low, how can they be made to rise? There are only two
ways--one by diminishing the amount of the commodity, la-
bour, in the market ; the other, by increasing the demand
for the products of labour proportioned to the quantity of
that commodity which can be brought into the market.
Shall we give our babes, when they come into the world,
Let us consider whether we can effect a diminu-
tion in the quantity of labour in the market.—( Hear.)
instead of the mother's milk, a dose of carbonic acid in a
warm bath, as Marcus, the diabolical Marcus, recommends?
Shall we let loose our Yeomanry, of Church extension no-
toriety, and, by repeadng Manchester massacres, diminish
the population, and thereby the supply of labour, ?—( Hear,
hear.) Shall we be such fools, as for a shilling a day to
play at war, the game of kings, which, if the people were
ise, kings should not play at, and therefore diminish po-
pulation ? Your kind-heartedness, the bursts of indigna-
tion, when a certain individual appeared on your platform
at the great meeting you held in this town a short time
since to repeal the Corn-laws, your common sense, answer
—No. Well, then, we must adopt she other plan. We
must increase the demand, so that the increase shall render
labour a commodity, rising in value. How are we to do
t:iis? By repealing the Corn-laws. The Corn-laws
being repealed will open markets to us wherefrom we are
now excluded ; will open wide those "that are now par-
tially closed or closing; will create new markets in parts
where we never expected to find an outlet for the pro-
ducts of our industry..— (‘ Hear, hear," and cheers.)
But the next question comes, flow arc we to repeal the
Corn-laws ? Who have we against us, and who have
we for us? We have atsainst u; many enemies. We
have a majority of the ffouse of Commons, of the House
of Lords, the Archbishops, the Bishops, and the Clergy ;
we have monopolists of every kind and degree. For us
e have (if using the usual modes of petition, address,
t;ublie meetings, and the preaching the truth by Anti-
Corn-law lecturers, and the diffusion of information by
.\ nti-Corn-law publications), the middle class of society,
the capitalists among the manufacturers, the enlightened
,:non; the upper classes, a powerful minority of the House
of Commons, some noblemen among the Lords, and to
tiles° we have, I am happy to say, as appears from this
meeting-, the working men ; and to all these we may add
sot!), justice, Nature, and God. Working men, we now
old out the band of kiendliness to the middle class.
We now agree to help them and ourselves in carrying the
iope al of this most unjust law ; and for so doing we look
to receive assistance on some future occasion from the
middle class in the struggle which we shall have to go
';:rough to gain the right, without which we cannot be

considered to be men; namely, the right of making, I
through our representatives, the laws which we obey, the I
right of not being interfered wish in the exercise of our
electoral rights—the Ballot ; the right of calling our Mem- 1
bers to account at frequent periods—short Parliaments;
the right cif electing whom we please, independent of pro-
perty qualification ; and the right to pay for the services
of those we employ. In fact, we ask of the middle
classes to help us to realise for our labour and our , industry
what we are agitating, in common with them, to abtain
for their trade, namely, the privilege of being left alone,
the privilege of being enabled to prevent ourselves being
robbed by law, or fleeced by injustice.—( Cheers.)
The Rev. Tuos. SPENCER observed that Dr. Epps had
said the clergy to a man were opposed to the repeal of the
Corn-laws. Now he (Mr. Spencer) was a practical refu-
tation of that statement; and he maintained that among
the clergy of this land there were hearts as warm and
heads as clear as were to be found any where.—( Cheers.)
He wished to mention a fact, and perhaps he was the
only clergyman who bad thought of it, that the Prayer
Book contained a prayer which no clergyman could make
use of that was not a Corn-law repealer. What was the ob-
ject of the Corn-laws? To make the price of bread high
for the good of the landowner.—( Hear, hear.) If that was
not its object it had no object at all.—(Cheers.) He would
read two short prayers from the Prayer-book, which every
clergyman was bound at a proper and fitting time to offer
up to Heaven, and then the meeting would hear what the
Church of England herself said, and not any of her unna-
tural sons :—" Oh God 1 Heavenly Father, whose gift it
is that the rain doth fall, the earth is fruitful, beasts in-
crease, and fishes do multiply; behold, we beseech thee,
the afflictions of thy people; and grant that the scarcity
and dearth which we do now most justly suffer for our
inquity, may through thy goodeess be mercifully
turned into cheapness and plenty."----( Hear, hear, hear. )
The other prayer was, " 0 God, merciful Father, who in
the time of' Elisha the prophet didst suddenly in Samaria
turn great scarcity and dearth into plenty and cheapness,"
—the very words which every Corn-law repealer used—
(Cheers)—" have mercy upon us, that we, who are now for
our sins punished with like adversity, may likewise find a
seasonable relief. Increase the fruits of the earth by thy
heavenly benediction, and grant that we, receiving thy
bountiful liberality, may use the same to thy glory, the
relief of thosa that are needy, and our own comfort, through
Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen."--( Hear, hear, hear.)
He would not detain the meeting any longer. He merely
appeared in behalf of a Church that had many excellent
members, and though there were many who opposed the
repeal, he thought that, like the Apostle Paul before his
conversion, they did it ignorantly and in unbelief.—( Hear,
hear.) The Bishop of Exeter told his clergy that no man
ought to be a clergyman who could not heartily agree in
every sentiment contained in the Prayer Book. Now he
( Mr. Spencer) would ask, how could a clergyman support
the Corn-laws, which made food dear and scarce ?
( Hear, ) But he must confess that he thought the clergy had
not had justice done them. No Anti-Corn-law Circu-
lars had been sent to them, and his advice to the meeting
was to raise a sum of money and to purchase a great num-
ber of Anti- Corn-law:Gil culars to insert in them articles
showing from the Bible and Prayer-book the duty of
Ministers of the Gospel, and to send a copy to every cler-
gyman in thueland ; and then if they still stood out against
the repeal, he would give them up as lost.—( Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then gave " The English and Irish
Members of Parliament who voted in the minority on the
question of the Corn-laws, in the last Session of Parlia-
ment."—t Drunk with loud cheering.)
Mr. C. P. VILLIERS, M. P., in returning thanks on be-
half of the English Members, observed that he would not
abuse the favour which had been conferred on him. He
might be tempted to do so, because the present meeting
was more orderly and numerous than any he had ever at-
tended.—(Hear, hear.) He presented himself with all
the diffidence of a perfect stranger, and had no recom-
mendation to their notice except that of having been en-
trusted with legislative powers by his constituents, and
never having abused it.—( Cheers.) Though a stranger to
them, he was not a stranger to the cause in which they had
met, as he had mooted the question for four years in the
House of Commons; and it was with the highest
•ettisfaction he attended the present meeeting.—( Hear,
hear.) He had pleaded the quea'ion in the Legislature
among the scorn of those interested. —( Hear, hear.)
What was the taunt invariably cast on those who advo-
cated the repeal of the Corn-laws ? Why, " You have
[lot the working men with you"—( Hear, bear)—" and we
ill dare to vote against you." He had always answered

hat taunt by saying that the reason why there was no
manifestation of feeling on the part of the working
classes was because they despaired of obtaining assistance,
and therefore called for increased power.—( Hear.) He
neve' believed the working classes were ignorant upon the
question, but he did believe that they despaired of obtain-
ing cheap bread from the existing powers.—(Cries
" Hear, hear.") Ho could not disagree with the
reasoning of the working classes. They said they were s
interested in getting a repeal, but they had no chance
of it as Parliament was constituted. He would not venture
to intrude himself on the meeting if he could not show
the working classes were interested in the question. He
recommended the agitation of the repeal not only because
.he working classes would gain an advantage from their
repeal, but that they would be benefited by ulterior mica-
sures.—( Hears hear.) If the Corn-laws were not re-
pealed they gave the beat reason for reforming the Legis-
lature.—( Hear, hear.) The repeal of the Corn-laws
would tend to raise the condition of the working classes,
because the repeal would tend to increase the demand for
labourers. It would extend trade and the demand for the
employment of the working classes. He believed it would
be better to address the reason than the imagination of any
person they might wish to convert to their way of think-
ing. The working classes must feel that the best way to
raise their condition would be to increase the demand for
their labour. Increasing the demand for labour would ex-
tend the power of the working classes, while it would
diminish the ill-begotten wealth of those who
ruled over them.—( Hear, hear.) If that great
measure of justice was refused it would enlist great
numbers on their side, to demand a Reform of the Legis-
lature, which should extend the power of the working.
classes —( Cheers.) The working classes, therefore, had
in every way a deep interest in agitating the question.
The argument always urged against him in Parliament
was, that the working classes were not on his side, and
tnat was the best proof of the power of the operative
.;lasses. What would lie have given last Session to have
known that a meeting of 4 or 5,000 of the working classes
would take place, to demand the repeal of these laws ?
Their order, and decorum, and intelligence showed plainly
that they understood the question, and were fit to be en-
trusted with further powers and increased privileges. He
believed when these laws were first proposed the working
classes had more strenuously than any other resisted their
enactment. He believed they had never altered their opi-
nion on the subject.—(Cheers.) He would not detain
them longer, as the evening was far advanced ; he would
conclude by thanking them for the patient attention with
which they had heard him.—( Much cheering. )
Mr. O'CONNELL then came forward and was received
with a burst of enthusiastic cheering and waving of hand-
kerchiefs which lasted for some minutes. He said—My
eloquent and patriotic Friend who has just sat down,:the
Hon. Member far Wolverhampton, has told you that in his
political experience he never saw such a meeting as this.
Now I was an agitator before he was born.—( A laugh.) I
have served five distinct apprenticeships, making in vulgar
arithmetic thirty-five years, to agitation, and I never saw
such an assembly—nay, I believe mortal man never wit-
nessed such an assemblage as this.—( Hear, and cheers.)
It is not your multitude—it is not your intelligence—it is
not your patriotism—it is the polished politeness of your
conduct that dignifies you, and shows that the operative of
this country is beyond the gentleman of ally other on the
face of the earth.—(Much cheering.) I thought last night
that we had struck a blow at the Corn-laws, and I went
home cackling and laughing at the idea that we had given
them a good kick to drive then. cut, but the blow of last
night was nothing to this.—(Cheers.) Oh I this is the
finishing blow.—(Tremendous cheering.) Here it is that
the blow is struck, when such a set of men congregate toge-
ther, and tell the Legislature that they will no longer
submit to injustice and robbery for these are the
names of the thing.—(Great laughter and cheering.)
When that is told to the Legislature. I defy the most
despotic Government on the face of the earth to
persevere any longer in a system of dishonesty and injustice
in the face of such ,a mighty multitude as I have now the
honour to address.—(Applause.) Why, Gentlemen, po-
pular principles have found their way even among the
Turks, and the Sultan of Constantinople talks of popular
rights. The Government of England would be more
despotic if it dared, when we see it plunder the people in
the name of the Corn-laws.—(Choers.) Last night I had
very little inclination to make a speech, and was dragged
into it by degrees.—( Hear, hear.) To-night, if I had the
talent, I would wish to make a speech.—(Laughter.)
Surely no man can possibly possess a power of intellect
sufficient to give utterance to the ineffable delight he must
feel at such an exhibition of civilized freemen as I have the
honour to address.—(Cheers.) Oh, what a contrast to
the barbarity of former times I—the idea of making a
change by brute force, which, in remedying one evil, left
ten other and greater evils behind it—or the notion of ef-
fecting improvements by the pike, the torch, and the mus-
ket. All that vanishes at once in the presence of the
majesty of an assemblage of 5,000 persons, who conduct
themselves with the propriety of a lady's drawing-room—
(Cheers)—with the courtesy of demeanour and the firm-
ness of men who, knowing they have rights, dare
to maintain them.—(Loud and enthusiastic cheering.)
The thing cannot last.--( Hear, and cheering.) For my
own part, what I was beginning to think of was, employ-
ing myself as counsel in the case—(a laugh)—and as so
many excellent speeches have been already made upon
the subject, exhausting every topic and illustrating every
argument, I was thinking I was counsel on behalf of the
people, and I shall sum up the evidence as briefly as I possibly
can, and I think I shall leave no doubt on the minds of
the jury (although it may be tried before the House of
Lords itself) and compel them to give a verdict in favour
of my clients.—( Much cheering and laughter.) Now, I
shall take up the case, and shall put it in this way : I
always like to begin as I used at the bar, by showing how
weak my enemy's case was before I gave in the strength
of my own.-_( Hear, hear.) First, our opponents say we
must have the Corn-law tax, because the land is taxed
more than other species of property. Now, that's a lie,
saving your presence.—(Roars of laughter) But, ad-
mitting it were so, the argument is bad, because if the
land is too much taxed, that may be a good
reason for equalizing taxation over property of other de-
scriptions, but none in the world for robbing the labourer,
the widow, and the orphan of a slice of their bread.—
( Hear, hear.) I first deny the fact, and I laugh at the
inference.—(Cheers.) Next they say the Corn-tax is
good for the working classes because it raises their wages,
but how a man's wares can be raised by robbing him of a
portion of his bread is a piece of magic that can only be un-
derstood by the white witches of the House of Lords.—
( Great laughter.) They say it raises the price of wages
when bread is dear. Why, corn was only 48s. a quarter
in 1835, and in that year employment was greater and
wages greater, whereas now, when corn is 635. a quester,
employment is less and wages lower.—( Hear and cheers.)
What, then, becomes of the assertion that dear corn in-
creases wages? I have the fact, the vulgar arithmetic with
me, and oae calculation out of Coceer is irresistible even

see what case have we-4 Hear.) In the diret tsetse:, it is
robbery of one class to insist that they shall buy their
goods only at a particular market. If any of you went to
to a lord, and said, " Here is my calico, at 20s. a yard,
which I wish you to buy." " No, thank you," says the
lord, " I can get it cheaper from a neighbour." " Oh,
no," you reply, "my name is Corn-law, and I insist that
you shall pay me 20s, a yard."—(Cheers, and cries of
" Bravo.") Why, if one ef you did that, the lord would
send his servant to kick you out, and you would de-
serve to be kicked out.--( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Now do the lords act in the same way by you?—(" No.")
Now, remember, it is only necessary that all England
should understand that the system is a robbery. It there
be a man amongst you who would submit to be robbed, let
him hold up his hand. Let those who are determined not
to be robbed hold up their hands—( A forest of hands sud-
denly arose.) That's exactly what I thought.—(Cheers,
and laughter.) Let us illustrate this robbery a little fur-
ther. When is the time the people most want to get
foreign corn? It is when the crops are deficient in
quantity, and worse in quality, as they are in Ireland at
present. Is not that the period when they want most to
get foreign corn? and yet that is the very time when the
Corn-laws increase the price of foreign corn.—( Hear,
hear.) Although the crop is small, the quality is very
bad; the people pay a low price, and, while the averages
fall, the duty rises, and at the present moment the duty is
90s. a quarter.—( Hear, hear.) So that the working of the
system is as Satanic as the original principle. The worse
the corn is at home, the dearer the foreign corn is ;
the worse the crop is, the more you have to pay for getting
a good crop from persons who are willing to take goods
from you in exchange.—( Cheers.) Now this is a viola-
tion of common sense, and I trust that my neighbour,
John Bull, will no longer put up with it.—( Cheers.)
But this is not all. What is most necessary when the
crop is bad and small, is that the number of employers
should be increased—that there should be more mills at
work, and more speculators in the field to give employ-
ment to the operative classes.—(Hear, hear.) Yes, but
how does the Corn-law work ? It sends the gold out of
the country—the manufacturer becomes bankrupt—th e
mills are stopped, or put upon half-time--(Hear, hear)—
and the result of the Corn-laws i 3 to put away all possi-
bility of relief.—( Cheers.) I like calling things by their
true names, and I say that so Satanic a code as that never
was invented this side of a very hot place.—(Roars of
laughter.) That is my case, and I am counsel for the
people against the Corn-laws. Oh, how 'I did delight to
hear the toast of "The people, the only legitimate
source of political power"—( Continued cheering)—
not a fraction of the people—not a portion of the people,
not a segment of them ; not the lords and landowners,
nor the employers and cotton factory possessors—No, but
emphatically the people.—( Vehement cheering.) Any
man who excludes a portion of the people, gives power to
a faction or a party, and is guilty of a crime against this
principle, to which you have just pledged yourselves.—
( Hear.) My friend Colonel Thompson returned thanks
to the men who invented the phrase " slave class." Does
he not know that the man is here. It was I invented it.—
( Cheers, and a voice, " thank you.") You are heartily
welcome. And it is emphatically true. The man who
has not a vote is a slave. What is the characteristic of a
slave? By law he has no power directly or indirectly to
interfere in their making. How were the Corn-laws
passed ? When the landowners and the aristocracy had
the absolute property and control of both Houses of Par-
liament. They have dominion in the House of Lords yet—
( Hear, bear)—and when they might have sent in
their servants in livery, or if it was thought in-
decent, to send them in 7 livery, they might
have sent them out of livery.—( A laugh.) They had the
sole control in the House of Commons—they nominated
its Members, and by that means they had a majority, and
passed these abominable laws.—( Hear, hear.) When you
want to cure a disease you must look at its cause, and by
reversing the system by which the landowners passed
_the
Corn-laws your object will be accomplished. Let the
people have their own servants who will wear their own
livery, and the moment they have that the Corn-laws will
disappear, and for ever. Let us only pursue the proper
course, and the Corn-laws will disappear before the people
reach even the gates of the Constitution.—s-(Much cheer-
ing.) I called those a " slave class" who have no votes,
the others who have votes a master class, and it is unbe-
coming a nation of Englishmen to have struck off the
fetters from the swarthy blacks of the West Indies—they
may be good Christians but they are rather ugly ones—
( Loud laughter)—and leave the noble people of a country
which produces such operatives as I now see before me,
as they are.—(Enthusiastic cheering.) What distinction
is there between the two classes—what inferiority is there
on your part, or what superiority have the lords and lord-
liugs and squires over you in the face of Nature,lin the face
of society, or in the face of Nature's God?—(Cheers.) If
you are curious to know I will tell you where the Ki-
ri-h. rity lies. It lies with the honest men who
eat that which is their own, and consume that
food for which they have given honest value.—( Cheers )
It' there is any inferiority it is with those who are rolling
in luxury, by having robbed the honest portion of society.
But mark me ; no change ever took place satisfactory to
men that was effected by violence or force.—( Hear, and
cheers.) An insurrectionary movement, if it fails, leaves
the wretches who raised it the victims of the law, and in
anguish and bitterness they count the fading hours of their
existence, while the sentence of the law hangs over their
heads, and approaching death gives them a sense of the
wretchedness in which they are placed..—( Hear, hear.)
If it were successful what good would it do for the opera-
tives? Would not every factory in Manchester, for in-
stance, cease to employ operatives? Where would you
go at the end of the week for• wages? There would be
nobody to pay them.—( Hear, hear.) When you went to
the butcher he would say to you—who is to give me the
money ? The farmer would not give the butcher his cat-
tle without means of repayment. In fact there is no class
of society that would suffer so much by a violent insurrec-
tionary movement, if successful, as the operative classes.—
( Cheers.) But when I say that, am I advising you to ac-
quiesce in injustice ? Oh, no. I have led persons whose
hearts might be as good as yours, but who have not the
same means of education and information that you have ;
I led them through a struggle of 20 years without com-
mitting a crime, without °T .:ring violence to any man, or-
ganizing public opinion until it became too mighty in its
stature and proportions, and the chains of centuries fell off
the men whose moral station was so great that tyranny
could .no longer bind them in its fetters.—( Cheers.) The
meeting of this evening shows you are infinitely fitter for
a struggle of that description. What did the Duke of
Wellington say to the Grenadier Guards at Waterloo ?
" Up, Guards, and at them 1" I say, up, Englishmen
and insist on your rights 1--(Loud cheers.) Some people
tell me that if you concentrate your efforts towards one
object you. will have more force. It is not so with the
waters of the ocean—the more they are diffused the
stronger is the outgoing tide.--(Cheers.) It is not so in
the moral world. Virtues have a social quality. Great
and mighty efforts for the political redemption of mankind
belong to the great family of moral virtues; they encou-
rage, strengthen, and fortify one another. Put them all
in the phalanx—ask for everything in detail and altogether,
and if you don't get the entire at once, why you may get
the worthy instalment of 103. in the pound—( Cheers)—
and giving no release fof any part of your claim, go on
stronger against your fraudulent debtors until you can get
the other 10s.—( Continued cheering.) But the Corn-laws
can never be made a subject of instalment. It is radically
unjust—it is in its nature a robbery—call it nothing in
future but a robbery—and therefore you cannot compro-
mise with the titled felons who insist on their t iglit to rob
yeu.—( Hear, hear, hear.) There is not one of
the great principles that have been agitated by
those whom Dr. Epps has called Chartists—l
don't care what you call them—that I don't embrace
with the utmost alacrity and sincere conviction ; but no
man is more opposed to the detail of Chartism than I am,
because I am convinced that instead of advancing its ob-
ject, as you are advancing the repeal of the Corn-laws,
they are throwing it back by a portion of time larger in
proportion as the duration of this violence, shorter in pro-
portion as ycur good sense overpowers those who are going
the wrong way. Oh ! why should we be divided into par-
ties on this subject? If you produce me any stamp that
nature has given to one man why he should be a voter and
another should not, I will recognise the impression of
Nature 'and of Nature's God; but while I do not recognise
those marks, I say it is a villainous brand, which an unjust
law and the hand of tyranny has placed upon him, and that
he has not the dignity of man until he wipes it off. No,.
the time is coming, and I think it is approaching
fast, when these two great countries ought to be
co-operating together—(Hear, hear)—when the spirit
of freedom, that like a mountain nymph courts the ma-
jestic hills and green valleys of my native land—where
leaders of mischief may be flung off, and leaders of tranquil
firmness may be adopted.—(Cheers.) A man is not the
less firm for being moderate and temperate, and keeping
within the laws and defying his enemies, because he who
violates no law is himself strong, whereas he who violates
the law gives strength to his enemies, while he brings
weakness on himself.—( Cheers.) Pardon me, if in the
habit of uttering advice to others, whose accent more
neatly resembles my own, and on whose ears the intonation
of my voice fall with the recollection of early friendship and
long-continued fidelity—pardon me if I mix up with this
great question, other and important considerations for
you3to take home to your dwellings and to meditate upon ;
there is a natural connection between thcm and I—the
agitator of five apprenticeships is agitation—know that to
be successful they want only to coalesce tranquilly toge-
ther.--( Cheers.) They tell me the torch of religious dis-
cord is to be thrown amongst us. The preachers of hatred
and animosity pass throughyour streets,and resound occasion-
ally in some of your clerical buildings. Oh ! heavenly God,
is it possible that men should call themselves ministers of
charity, and instead of promoting peace, benevolence,
and goodwill among men, should sow hatred, animosity,
and ill-will I—(Cheers.) Do they not miscalculate.—
( Cheers.) I see there is a population that has outgrown
prejudice, and defies the minister of animosity and of
bigotry to disturb the tranquil dignity of that mind which
knows the justice it claims for itself, and that freedom of
conscience, the first gift of God, belongs equally to men
of every creed, of every caste, and of every coin:try.—
( Cheers.) Igo from Manchester delighted..—(Cheers. )
Some of those who amused themselves by abusing me
(and I, believe I am as well-abused a man as ever existed)
_( Laughter)—l should suspect I was unfaithful to my own
country if I was not exceedingly abused by the supporters of
the Corn-laws. Some of those imagine that there is an ob-
ject gained by making the advocate of one country odious in
another. Accordingly, so many paragraphs have been in-
sertedin a certain portion of the Press, stating it was not
actually safe for me to come to Manchester.—(Mr.
O'Connell here cast a very expressive glance at the meet-
ing,. and which elicited a burst of rapturous applause. )
'I he recording angels are here (pointing to the reporters),
those who

" Waft a sigh from Indus to the pole,"
are here.—( Cheers and laughter.) One portion of the
Press has been uncontaminated, and that is the reporting
portion of it—(Cheers)—for I will do the gentlemen who
report for Newspapers of all parties the justice to say, that
as fair reports appear in the anti popular Papers as in any
others—( Hear, hear)—the facts that occur here will be
known abroad, and I trust that, humble as I am,