The Sun.
London, England, 1847-03-16 00:00:00

1041

ANNUAL TAX.-
Lord G. BENTINCK wished to ask a question o,
his Noble Friend at the head of the Treasury. On the
20th of July last year, whet the sugar duties were made
a permanent tax, instead of an annual tax, his Noble
Friend had stated that before the sth of July he would
state what great tax lie would substitute for those
duties, in or der to give the constitutional protection the
voting of a great tax afforded.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that it was not the intention
of the Government to propose that any duties at present
veral representa-
permanent should be made annual.
complaining of
Lions had been made to the Governmalt
merce sustained
the great injury which trade and
by submtttiug duties annually to ethe consideration of
the House.
DRAINAGE OFLAesNaDa3
adjourned
On the order of the day for r irTLtLbe.
debate on the Poor Relief (Ireland) Bili
attbei ntion ong read,
the
Mr. cAyLEy wished to direct.nthaeg ef
House very briefly to the Dr
which stood on the paper for the third reading that
be a Bill to amend
night. He said he understood it to by which a
a Bill that had been passed last session,
t of land was made
grant of money for the improvena
to Great Britain to the amount e:f 2,000,000 L, and to
Ireland to the amount of 1,000,00/: But now it was
intended to make a grant to Ireland itself el 1,500,0001_.
And, although there was a grant at 2,000,0001.
to Great Britain, he found there were applicationsa for
3,000,0001., in consequence of whic_lit
t b lbeen
proposed on the Committee to lmt
.t the grants
to individual applicants to the
sum
0001.
But what of 10
was
he thought singular was , that it
intended to allow 1,500,000/. to Scotland, and only
600,000 L to
turen although the object of the
t was to raise the character of agricul-
in England to a level with that of Scot-
land, and yet such was the ratio to be established
between the two in the matter of this grant
His object in rising was to ask his Noble Friend at the
head of the Woods and Forests, whether some means
could not be devised for a more equal distribution of the
money to be advanced so as to benefit the proprietors of
England as well as those of Scotland. Ile should be
glad to hear any intimation thrown out upon this
subject.
Sir G. GREY said that he would not then enter into
the merits of the Bill. He thought that the limitation
which had been made to the sum of 10,0001. removed
the only objection to the Bill. No application what-
ever had as yet been made from England.
THE CUSTOMS DUTIES.
Lord G. BENTINCK wished to know when it was
the intention of the Government to bring forward the
Customs Duties Bill, and also to go on with the Rail-
ways Bill ?
The C HANG LLLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
with regard to the Customs Duties Bill, it was the inten-
tion of the Government to have brought it forward onFri-
day, but the length of the debate upon the Irish poor-law
had precluded them from doing so. The Bill would be
brought forward next Monday, and the Railways Bill
would be upon the orders for the same daY.
Sir BENJAMIN HALL presented apetition from
the Nlary lebone Vestry, in favour of the Irish poor-lae.
POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL.—ADJOURN ED
DEBATE.
On the motion that the Speaker
do leave the Chair.
Sir W. CLAY said that the expediency of adminis-
tering out-door relief to the poor of Ireland ea 3 the
question which properly came under their consideration
upon that night; there were other questions, no doubt,
important ones of detail, but the proper place to discuss
them would be in Committee. The opponents of the
measure overlooked one important consideration—they
regarded it as one which gave an immediate arid
positive right to relief to the able-bodied.—(Hear,
hear.) But it did Rot contain any such provision ;
it gave it through the intervention of the l'oor-law
çOinDaiSSiollerS, and fo; that purpose it vested large

discretionary powers in that body, powers unex-
ampled in extent and ' somewhat unconstitutional.
The House were about to give the Poor-law
Commissioners cra right to impose taxes and
1 rates to the amount of some millions upon the people.
The Noble Lord dissented; but he, after a diligent
perusal of the Bills, had come to that opinion. Now, he
did not think any Government would ask such powers
if they did not believe that an urgent necessity existed
for them. lie himself believed that such necessity did
exist, and he accordingly did not blame the Government.
It was no longer doubtful that Ireland must have a real
and efficient poor-law, similar in principle and spirit
to the poor-law in England. The people of this coun-
try were prepared to make every sacrifice to meet
the existing distress, but they still felt that in the
long run Ireland should support her own poor. As the
poor of England was supported by the property of Eng-
land—as the poor of Scotland was supported by the
pr perty of Scotland—so ought the poor of Ireland
to be supported by the property of Ireland.
But was the condition of Ireland anything approaching
to that ? On the contrary, the whole of the population
was in a far different position. For the greater part of
the year the labourers in Ireland work only for wages
daring a part of the year, and only so long as shall
enable them to pay their rent. lie quite agreed
that it was necessary to introduce a poor-law into
Ireland, but if they consented to allow relief to the able-
bodied poor. they would be bringing in at the same
time a practice that would be highly injurious to the
country, and the difficulty would arise as to whether the
law should be introduced so as to work only in one
county, or to be conducted according to the unions. He
firmly believed, while expressing his opinion, that
the poor-•law as at present proposed would be adminis-
tered mischievously, and that the poor-law of Ireland
must ultimately be assimilated with that of England and
Scotland He believed that it was most erroneous to sup-
pose that a conviction of the necessity of a poor-law for
Ireland arose from the fact that the present distress had
touched the pockets of the people of England.
He felt assured that the conviction was one of
slow, silent, and steady growth. It was matter
of surprise, not that the people of England held
that opinion now, but that they had not thought
of and acted upon it some years before. In Ireland, to
the eternal disgrace of that country, it had been possible
for human beings to perish from famine without any
human law to appeal to, in order to avert the
dread calamity. For many years it had been a matter
of surprise that so many associations should have ex-
isted in Ireland the Whiteboy, the Ribandmen,
and numerous others; and ♦arious measures had
been adopted from time to time to suppress those
secret societies, but the attempts had been all in vain,
And why bad they failed ? Because the condition of
the Irish peasantry had been most shamefully neglected.
Was it, therefore, surprising that they should join
together and unite themselves to such associations ?
He said they all well knew that Ireland was rich in the
elements of wealth, and they did not need the admir-
able work of Professor Kane to tell them of her mines,
her fisheries, and the capabilities of her soil, that she
possessed enough to maintain a population double that
which at present existed, and in prosperity. But why, he
asked, was that wealth not developed ? Because there
was no security for life and property in that
country ; and he believed there would be no security
without laws that should be respected by the people,
and that respect for the laws could only be
founded upon a well-confirmed belief that on these
laws depended their own interest. That led him
naturally to a poor-law for Ireland. He was not
one of those who were hostile to Irish landlords. It
was therefore in no hostile spirit to them that he urged
the enactment of a good poor-law, for he considered
that it would ftrward the welfare of the people, and
also the prosperity and wealth of the landed proprietors.
An Hon. Member had made a long and detailed com-
parison between the counties of Norfolk and Mayo,
when discussing the question the other night, but he
(Sir W. Clay) differed from the conclusion to which that
lion. Gentleman had come. That Hon. Gentle
man ought to have considered that in Norfolk
there was a security for life and property.
After thirteen years experience they had found that out
of the whole sum raised for the relief of the poor in
England and Wales, two-thirds were expended in
out-door relief; and, in his opinion, it was wisely so ex-
pended. Out-door relief was not only the best mode of
relief, but the most effectual mode in which it could be
administered. In every country in Europe there was, to
a greater or less extent, a law for the relief:of the poor
—hut in no country was it upon so large and liberal a
scale, as it was in this country, and in no country were
they so completely carried out. Mr. Senior, in his
interesting report, comparing the amount of wages as
given in the Continental States with those paid in Eng-
land, says that the wages of the agricultural labourer
in England nearly double the average of those
in any of the Continental States, and such,
adds be, is the result of the English poor law.
He was not prepared to adopt the unmeasured language
which he bad read in some newspapers with regard to
the conduct of Irish proprietors, nor was he pre-
pared to adopt the sentiments which had fallen
rom the Hon. Member for Bath; but he must say in
opposition to the articles in the Times and the Tablet,
they might bring forward those of the Nation news-
paper; and against the polished sarcasms of his
friend the member for Bath, they might array
the violent and immeasured language used at Con-
ciliation Hall for a long series of years.—(Hear.)
From what he had said it would be easily understood
that he was desirous that the landlords of Ireland should
be made the instrument for bringing about the social
reformation of the people. Government had praised that
course, and although be had heard a good deal of fault
found with their measures,he mu,t confess that hehad seen
no others which were:: better calculated to effect the
great object in view. lie was sure Government would
practise every economy in carrying their measures into
operation, and he did hope Ireland would do its best to
secure their success. The success of the measure now
before them depended in a very high degree on the con-
duct of gentlemen opposite.
MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS—CRIMINAL
LAW.
A message was brought from the House of Lords,
requesting the attendance of Mr. Law, the Recorder of
London, and Mr. Shaw, the Recorder for Dublin, at a
Committee of their Lordships on the subject of criminal
aw

DEBATE RESUMED.
Captain JONES, in rising to state his opinions upon
this subject, could not but express his admiration of the
Hon. Baronet who had just sat down. He would,
at the same time, express his great admiration
also for the conduct of the English people, as well
as for that of the Government, for without the
energetic proceedings which they hadhout adopthde a
te, he
did not hesitate to say, wad ho
large portion of the Irish people would have perished.
It appeared that on the 9th of January, 1847, there were
101,189 persons in the wotkhouse,but the 9th of January,
1845, the numbers in the workhouse were only 43,764.
Now, it was clear that if 54d. was the charge in 1845,
when there were only 43,764 persons in the
workhouse, it must of course be considerably more
for 101,189 persons. It was a simple rule of
three question, and it would be found that the charge
upon property amounted to 14d., instead of .54d. The
charge for the maintenance of each pauper was
also considerably more in the present year
than in the year 1845, and previous years.
He must say that the existing poor-law had proved
quite sufficient for Ireland up to the end of 1845; in proof
of which he referred the House to the report of the
Commissioners, where he found that in 1846 the
union-houses were not half full. These were capable of
containing 101,000 persons, but they actually contained
no more than 43,000. Allegations, however, had been
made in that House to the effect that some of these unions
had not been opened in sufficient time, and that many
persona had been sent away without relief. He ad-
mitted that there were some cases of the former kind,
but, with a single exception, he did not know of any
instances whatever of persons being refused relief.
He was not subject to the animadversions which had been
passed by the Noble Lord upon these gentlemen who had
signed the resolutions, for he he had not taken any part at the
meetings in Palace-yard, or in Dublin. Yet he must, at the
same time, say that he agreed with those gentlemen on the
subject of out-doer relief, but he found fault with those reso-
lutions more for what they did not contain than what they did.
He was of opinion that they should have, in the first place, de-
clared that the people were entitled to relief out of the soil ;
they should then have showed how far a poor-law was applic-
able, instead of appearing to think, as they did, that the
Govenrnent should do everything. and the gentry nothing.—
( Hear, hear.) Long before the distress occurred, he was of
opinion that they should give relief to every man who took
the workhouse test, and few would be found to come a second
time if they could avoid it. He thought it safe to go thus far.
but no further ; he was not willing to agree to out-door relief
indiscriminately, for they would not have a single family in
the whole of Ireland who would not expect that two or three
individuals would not receive some relief. They ought not to
put the applicant upon a better footing than the rate-payer,
and his firm belief was they would do so if they adopted the
system as proposed. If Government would alter their Bill so
as to provide that there should be no out-door relief while
there was room in the workhouse, he should have no objec-
tion whatever to it. He would not detain the House longer,
but he, having had some experience in the administration of
the existing poor-laws in Ireland, had felt it to be his duty to
say thus much upon the plan now before the House.
Mr. VILLIERS STEWART said that he perceived that
his name was attached to the resolution come to by Irish
Members against the Government Bill, but he wished it to be
understood that he had never given any authority for it being
placed there. It had been agreed in that House that the Poor-
law Guardians had not been anxious to carry out the powers
intrusted to them. He would not, as far as it lay in his
power, countenance a charge against guardians. It had been
asserted in many places, the guardians had refused to admit
the poor until compelled by a mandamus. It might appear
extraordinary to an English Member, that such things should
be, but a very little inquiry would satisfy him that
the occurrence was the consequence of the condnct
of the Commissioners towards the guardians in the execution
of the great powers intrusted to them. There had grown up
a bad feeling between the guardians and the Commissioners,
and instances of harsh treatment on the one side, and remon-
strance and complaints on the other, had come under his ob-
servation. Many Members were aware that there was a pecu-
liar feeling in the Irish character, and that was, that while a
man had a potato to share he would share it with his neighbour
rather than allow him to go into the workhouse. The poor
themselves had a strong objection to enter the workhouses.
The poor-law was never much to the taste of the Irish. It was
against their habits, and the people would rather endure any
privation than go into a building where they would be barely
supported by charity, and subjected to disgrace by entering it.
He had troubled the House with these observations principally
for the sake of clearing the guardians from any charges brought
against them. He was in favour of producing some measure which
would afford out-door relief, and take away the necessity for the
poor entering a workhouse for the purpose of receiving relief.
Be believed, also, that a system of emigration must be en-
couraged, for in many cases it would be ruinous to property to
sup port all the poor that might become chargeable upon it,
from want of means to remove themselves to those countries
where they would obtain more, and better employment. He
heartly supported the measure introduced by the Governraent.
Mr. HAMILTON was anxious to make a few observa-
tions before going into the question of out-door relief. He

was sorry to be obliged to say that, judging from the speech
of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Marylebone, there was
a strong feeling in that House against the Irish proprietors,
and a desire to inflict on them what was called stringent
measures. He was sorry to say that he had often seen in-
stances where charges were brought forward in that House
affecting individuals, and those charges were afterwards con-
sidered as affecting a whole class.—( Hear, hear.) He was
sorry that the Right Hon. Baronet, in his observations, had not
looked fairly upon both sides of the question, hut had, without
taking means to inform himself of the correctness
of the statements, openly inflicted upon two individuals
the not light punishment of denouncing them in that House.
He had in his possession a letter from a Mr. Leader, a gentle-
man in Kanturk, stating that at the presentment sessions there
87,0001. were voted for the public works, and that, too, at a
time when it was believed that the whole sum would have to be
repaid. The writer went on to say, that Sir B. Hall had been
misinformed in the statement he made the other night in the
House, and that in the union of Kanturk there was not any
one single individual possessing a property of 6,000/.
annum. After the able statements which had already been
per
made on the subject it would not be necessary for him to
Trouble the House any further. He believed that no
Irish Member entertained any object ion to the mea-
sures then before the House, although they were cal-
culated to entail such severe burdens upon Irish property.
The Commissioners said, that at that moment there was a de-
rided spirit of improvement abroad, and since the furnishing of
that report the same fact had been abundantly confirmed. He
was anxious that the House should take care that that spirit of
improvement should not be checked or crushed, because in
that ca-e, Ireland would be lost. If anythino were wanting to
raise Ireland in the scale of nations it would be an incitement
to industry, and therefore he prayed the House not to act on
any hastily formed and crude opinions, not to give by a system
of out door relief to the poor of that country an excuse for in-
dolence, and thus neutralise the who'esome feeling which had
already so extensively spread throughout the country. He
regretted that the Government had not promoted this spirit, by
acceding to the measure lately introduced for the purpose of
exteedirig industrial improvement in Ireland. He would, with
the leave of the House refer to certain statements given in
1841, which showed the number of the population in each of
the districts of Ireland, the house accommodation, the extent
of land cultivated and uncultivated, &c. He found, for in-
stance, that in the county of Mayo there were 1,360,000 acres
with a population (excluding towns) of 370,000. The accom-
modation was divided into four classes of houses,
and the returns gave the means of these families.
The result showed that the valuation of Mayo,
was 299,8511. ;- the county rates were 39,289/. ; leaving a net
rental of 260,562/. The number of families were 67,000 ; the
number of individuals 370,000; and of these 255,987 above
five years cf age could not read or write. The number of first
class houses was 217 ; of the second class 312 ; of the third
class 2,200 ; and of the fourth 3,803 ; thus showing that the
burden would fall upon those least able to bear it. The Hon.
Member then proceeded to illustrate his argument by similar
statistics from different parts of the country. He considered
that it was the first duty of Government to take temporary
measures for the relief of distressed and starving people ; and he
certainly regretted that the Ministry, instead of introducing
measures calculated to stimulate and vivify the industry of
Ireland, had in the measure before the House, disappointed
the country by a promise of relief, which would end only in
delusion.
Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, was sorry that this measure had
not been introduced at a period when the minds of men were
calm, and when they would be prepared to temperately discuss
the important question of the poor-law, instead of bringing it
forward at a season when the crisis of a starving population dis-
tracted their attention, and required their fullest consideration.
From the report he had received from Ireland, there appeared
to be every prospect of a more direful famine oceuring next
year, and Government ought therefore to take steps to prevent
the calamity bearing down the landlords, rather than to com-
pel them to maintain an extensive system of out-door relief.
He thought, moreover, when it was too late to remedy the
omission, Government would regret that they had not pro-
vided seed to ensure a sufficieny of autumnal crops. On the
20th of March, 20 per cent. of the labourers at present
employed on the public works would be dismissed,
and as there was nothing for them to fall back upon,
this Act would have the effect of increasing the
misery and suffering of It eland. A good deal of land would be
altogether thrown out of cultivation in consequence of the de-
cision of Government net to allow the holders temporary relief,
and as he was fully convinced that the measures of Government
were quite inefficient to meet the emergency, he should give
his support to the Bill before the House, because he was glad to
snatch at anything which was calculated to prevent some of his
fellow beings from dying of starvation. Still, he felt
convinced the measure would never succeed. Its direct
tendency was to encourage rather than suppress pauper-
ism, and he was very much afraid it would ultimately
lead to an augmentation of the paupers of the country, which
already amounted to between two and three millions. But he
had a still stronger objection to this Bill. It must inevitably
crush the small ratepayer. There were many industrious per-
sons in Ireland who contributed towards the support of the
poor in the workhouses who themselves would be reduced to
pauperism, if they were called upon to increase their payments
to maintain an extensive system of outdoor relief. He had a
number of letters in his possession, written by persons in dif-
ferent parts of Ireland, complaining of the clause which
proposed to increase the number of ex-officio guardians.
In one of these letters he found that in one
instance, the election of two gentlemen as cx officio guardians
was refused, on account of their known liberal views, namely,
Sir Wm. Sommerville and the Marquis of Headford. if the
ex officio clause were carried, it would open the doors still fur-
ther to religious dissensions, for in many parts of Ireland the
Protestants might predominate, while in another the Catholics
might be in the majority, and the result of the passing of this
clause would be to increase religious dissensions in Ireland.
He did not wish to cast any slur upon those gentlemen who
were eligible to become ex rfficio guardians. No doubt they
were highly estimable in their private characters as country
gentlemen, but they were but men, and he did not wish to
trust them with the power of limiting the operation of a Bill
which taxed themselves for the maintenance of the poor.
New the Noble Lord had called upon Irish Members, if they
could do so, to propose a better measure. He was not pre-
pared to say that he was in possession of a better measure, but
had lie been asked to advise her Majesty's Ministers upon the
subject, he would have recommended them to pass a very
stringent poor-law of a temporary character.—( Cheers.) The
money advanced was nothing more than money extracted from
Ireland I. y means of a measure passed i n opposition to the
wishes of the Irish people He thought that a larger loan than
had been advanced would have been nothing more than an act
of justice. At the time of the union of the two countries I
it was considered that Ireland should not bear a full
proportion of the charge of the public debt, and the Act of
Union expressly enacted that no equalisation of the taxes and
liabilities should take place unless the condition of Ireland
were to be permanently and materially improved. If there
were, therefore, any meaning in words, he contended that the
united Parliament in 1816 most illegally and unconstitution-
ally exposed, by means of the Consolidation Act, the liabilities
of England, and which, it was expressly stated at the time of
the union, should not he borne by Ireland. He thought,
therefore, that as some reparation for the injustice done, that at
least some large loan should be made to Ireland. But, after
all, what was the charity that had been afforded to Ireland?
If it was an actual grant, it would be no more than justice to
give it, but it was nothing more than a loan, one half of which
was advanced upon the security of the property of Ireland, and
the other was to be repaid in part of the taxation of the country.
The charity of individuals in the country had been most liberal
and praiseworthy, but the charity (if such it could be called)
of that house was of the most niggardly and beggarly descrips
tion. He thought that the loan ought to have been a great
deal larger than it was. The Government ought also to have
imposed a tax upon the rich absentee, and not attempted to
grind down the poor ratepayers of Ireland by the imposition
of the proposed law. Irish Members had been taunted by the
question—What would the advocates of repeal do if the union
were repealed ? Why, where was the lower depth to which that
unfortunate country could have fallen than that which it has al-
ready reached under the legislation of this country ? If, how
ever, they could obtain the repeal of the union, they would
take it immediately. There were ample resources in Ireland
which needed to be developed, and which could be applied for
the benefit of the country if there were a Paliament sitting there.
He bad heard more than once in that House a great talk to
the effect that taxation should be increased in Ireland. He
thought, however, that it would be much the better course to
endeavour to remove the feelings which had been created in
consequence of the measures passed for Ireland during the
last ten years, by equalising the condition of the various classes
of the country.
Lord COURTEDs AY felt great pleasure in being able to
give his most cordial support to the measure before the
House. If he had looked at this measure unconnected with
the other measures which he hoped to see shortly laid upon
the table of the House, he should feel indeed that it was a
measure not entitled to his support. He would impress upon
Honourable Members connected with Ireland, the necessity of
endeavouring, not only as Members of that House, but also as
landlords, by every means to ameliorate the condition of ail
classes of the country. He would ask what were they to do
with the existing state of things in Ireland? The Noble Lord
at the head of the Government had put that question to the
deputation that had waited Olson him. He (Lord Courtenay )
confessed that he had yet heard no satisfactory reply to it.
With regard to the Labour-rate Act of last session, he was
bound to say that though he could not altogether
approve of it, he thought it had been the
means of saving thousands of people from the
horrors of starvation. The system of out-door relief proposed
in the present Bill was, in his opinion, sufficiently hedged round
by restrictions to prevent any abuse. He thought, however,
the wisest course would be to limit the out-door relief to the
aged and infirm, so as to make roam in the house
for the able-bodied. If they did this the law of
vagrancy would be rendered unnecessary.—(Hear, hear.) He
supported the preposition as a whole, because it appeared to
him fraught with the greatest good to the people of Ireland.
It would operate as a tax upon absenteeism, and incite the
landed proprietors to give additional employment to the desti-
tute poor on their estates. Without pledging himself to all
the details, he would give his cordial support to the principle
of the Bill.
Sir DENHAM NORREYS did not agree in the opinions
expressed by Mr. John O'Connell, with respect to the man-
ner in which ex-officio guardians where constituted to the
Bill, as instead of exciting it would be the means of allaying
the religious differences that the Hon. Gentleman anticipated
that it would excite. He then proceeded to advert to the state-
ments of Sir Benjamin Hall with respect to Mallow and other
places, and contended that England herself was to
Ireland
for the state of things that was to be seen insince
From the days of Henry the Second to the
present
the first connexion of the two eo"troiefsl nothing
reland. What were
hut misery
and oppression have been the portion
the Irish landlords but what Elaangdlantdo hamdakmeadtehethl amndlordls
e
was all very well fur Eogask,
t
of Ireland her scape-goats. Nkoys, htehemwoudldher
ma ino
had she not been always g
dirty work ?—(Laughter.) As they could,
ashe
could they
made the Irish landlords their
lo
tools. as
As long a
England had sowed religious dissensions among the Irish
people, and enabled the landlords, who were her instruments,
to exercise dominion over the leaseholders, and keep them in a
state of serfdom, but now when the pockets of the people of
'' the
r' country were touchettl, they turned round and
at sae
tid,
s' Oh, we do not want you any longer.
all these evils.
He of things which has sprung up under your mismanage-
You must now bear the responsibility of
mismanage-
ment.the poor in
He denied emphatically that the guardians of
Ire-
land had a desire to cheat the poor, as had been imputed to them.
In England the poor-laws fell upon the eccupier—( Hear) ;
but in Ireland they fell upon the landlodrdscalreonneee,
between and not the
the
position of English and Irish occupier, so that there wassha landlords;
charge, the Irish landlordsadtleorrial ds; b iffUt if the support of
the poor were made a national
could not urge the objections they bad urged, and would be
contented to bear their fair share in the support of their poorer
brethren. To show the importance of rating electoral divisions, \
he might state that the poor-rate of the town of Mallow was 23.
in the pound, but only 2d. inChurchtewn, an agricultural village
near it, thus showing the impolicy of union rating; and by
a statement with which he had been furnished, it appeared
that 300 persons who had been cleared from estates must be-
come chargeable to the Mallow district. He had felt it his
duty to trouble the House with these remarks, because it was
possible he might be compelled to be absent when the clauses
of the Bill came minutely under consideration.
Mr. VESEY denied that the landlords of Ireland had
neglected their duty as landlords and as guardians of the pcor,
and that they had given niggardly contributions towards the re-
lief of the poor, and compelled theta to resort to the public worts.