The Sun.
London, England, 1840-11-04 00:00:00

ropeans and 8,000 or 10,000 Turks on the coast of
Syria can for the future afford grounds of serious ap-
prehensio❑ to the Sultan at Constantinople, or a pre-
text for sudden interference from the northern shore of
'he Euxine. The French, o❑ the other hand, must be
undeceived by these events as to the real char icter of
the Egyptian commanders and their resources. The
reports of renegades, and the high•flown paneg rics of
the Semaphore newspaper, which it is said that the
Pacha of Egypt had cunning enough to purcha
some years ago, had altogether turned the heads of his
French admirers. The reminiscences of Egypt were re-

vived by the hopes of a fresh alliance with the enterpris-
ing Viceroy ; but the game has ended in a mutual decep-
tion. At the first touch of British power the Viceroy's

Syrian dominion has crumbled like the evanescent
strength of other rebellious Pachas less known to his-
tory ; and in the first hour of trial Mehemet Ali has
_ .

earned that to obtain the real support of France he

must show himself strong enough to.demand and to re-
pay it. Here, then, as we observed the other day, natu-
rally ends the first act or epoch of this eventful history.
The French Ministry is changed, the Chambers are
about to rneet, the fate of Syria is decided, the season
for maritime operations is nearly over, the leading diplo-
matic representatives of Austria and Prussia have un-
expectedly returned to London, and the wisest course
will be, without any ill-timed retrospection as to past
differences, to take up the question as it now stands,
with an entirely different state of things in the east, and
perhaps some change in the state of opinions in the
west. In short, nothing is wanting to convert this suc-
cess into an honourable triumph but to make a wise and
moderate use of !t. It is no secret that a considerable

portion of the British Cabinet, consisting of the men
most entitled to respect in it, are decided advocates of
such measures as may be requisite to restore the world
to its wonted state of confidence and tranquillity. It is
believed that the envoys of Austria and Prussia have

returned to this country for the express purpose of
recommending a similar policy. It is certain that a
Government has just come into power in France re-
solved to do whatever can be done honestly
and honourably to resume its place at the council-
board of Europe. Moderation is on every tongue ; men
are still, thank God, ashamed to confess the brutal
passion of war, and no one but a courageous civilian
named Macaulay ventures to indulge in a bloody taste
for arms, which he justifies by an infinite number of
heroical examples from the age of Cambyses to the
battle of Waterloo. But is all this moderation sincere ?

Are no presumptuous and fretful passions lurking in

. . _
these moderate and respectable hearts ? Are there no
purposes unavowed—no sinister obstacles—no hidden
fires of discord ? The result will show. It is evident
to demonstration that from all these pacific elements a

pacific combination must result, unless there be some
contrary power at work which it is much less easy to
define—some active minority dictating conduct to a
feeble majority—some untoward combination of circum-
stances marvellously adapted to defeat the best inten-
tions. There is nobody in Europe who dares openly to
demand war but the extravagant Opposition in France ;
there is no Power in Europe which can have anything
to gain by war but Russia : if therefore a war oc-
curs, it must be because one or the other of these
craving extremes has prevailed over the sensible and
Christian part of civilized society either by force or by
fraud. The only argument which ever is used to jus-
tify the refusal of timely concessions is, that we must
not compromise our national honour by a surrender to
fear. What fear was ever yet imputed to our nation,
that we should rush into such evils for fear of fear ?

Men are not ashamed to insure their houses for fear o
fire, or to have their children vaccinated for fear of the
smallpox. Is war less destructive than fire, or less ma-
lignant than smallpox ? And if war entwines in one ge-
neral scourge all the curses which can afflict humanity,
certainly all the precautions which can be take❑ not only
to avoid but to repel it—not to crouch to it, but to crush
it—are claimed by the first laws of duty, honour, and rea-
son. The time is come when these precautions must be
taken, these efforts male. It is no use to squabble
about causes when we have to deal with facts. The
main fact is, that France finds herself at this moment
not included in the great combination of the European
Powers, and her present Minister, her King, and her
people reasonably claim such a mode of adjustment as
may conduce alike to the security of their own institu-
tions and the peace of Europe. The occasional diplo-
:natic correspondence which has taken place between
France and England—the latter writing in her own
name, yet representing three other Powers—has ob-
viously produced no result. Innumerable dissensions
may be covered by pretexts of distance, insufficient in-
structions, and casual circumstances, by which the
power that is most remote from the scene of the confe-
rence is best able to obstruct the policy of her allies.
To meet these difficulties a negotiation is the most ob-
vious remedy in which France should be invited to join
the other European States, for-the purpose of settling
the affairs of the East on the basis of the present state
of the disputed provinces.
(From the Morning Herald.)
The letter of the cash;cred Captain Reynolds, repn-
dieting the expression of public sympathy in his behalf
does not appear to us execily in the same light that ii
has struck some of our Contemporaries. We confess
we cannot admire its tone, or applaud its spirit. It is
not because Captain Reynolds deprecates any public
proceedings in his case that we object to this produc-
tion of his pen. We think the same thing might have
been done in a way more gracious to the public and the
public press, who are not once thanked for their exer-
tions to obtain him justice, or, perhaps, we should say,
mercy ; and we think also he might have expressed con-
trition for his offence as a soldier, without adopting a
tone which indicates rather too abject a view of his own
case as a man. We view the letter in the light of a
motion in mitigation of punishment. But surely,
in appealing to the throne for mercy, it was not
necessary to set so completely at naught the
opinion of the people. Last Sunday the jour-
nal which describes itself to be " under the especial
patronage of her Majesty and the Court," threw out a
" feeler" respecting the possibility of the restoration of
Captain Reyolds to his lost rank. Our firm opinion is,
that the expression of public opinion, through the public
press, coupled with the fear of public meetings on the
subject, drew forth that dcmi•ofhCTal announcement of a
future restoration. There is reason to believe that the
manner in which the press had taken up the subject of
the extraordinary proceedings which have led to so much
discoid and dissension in the Eleventh Hussars, pro-
duced a salutary• apprehension at the Horse Guards of
very inconvenient consequences resulting from an obsti-
nate perseverance in supporting the Cardigan-system
of military discipline, and subordins:tion. Captain
Reynolds complained bitterly in his defence on
his trial of having suffered from tyrannical conduct,
but in his deprecatory letter he speaks like one
who never had a defence, and who ought, there-
fore, orginally to have thrown himself on the mercy of
Lord Cardigan, or of the Court-inertial. But let that
pass. The question is now not of the individual but
of the public principle affected by his case, and the far
worse case of the " black bottle," wherein it appears a
British subject was deprived of his liberty fur eleven
days, and refused even the justice of a Court-martial.
As to the meeting of yesterday at the British Cof-
fee-house, Cockspur-street, it was not either con-
ducted or attended in a manner worthy of the sub-
ject. We presume the letter of Captain Reynolds
had the effect of preventing any more decided mani-
festation of public feeling. The tone of the speakers
was calculated rather to injure than to serve the cause
they professed to advocate. How absurd it was, for
instance, to say "the name and character of Captain
Reynolds would stand out in bold relief, and posterity
would feel proud of the conduct he had pursued."
What had he done to be proud of ? Such absurd ex-
pressions bring ridicule upon a public cause. There is
one passage in Captain Reynolds' letter, which shows
that it was not written with much reflection. He
says, " My Gracious Sovereign knows that I have
served her in all climates for a period of 15 years,
(luring which (with oae exception) I have endeavoured
to do, and I hope I have done, my duty as her devoted
servant." Her Majesty has not yet been four years
upon the throne. and, therefore, he could not have served
her for fifteen.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
(From the Globe.)
The ensuing contest for the High Stewardship of
Cambridge University has drawn from the Times one
of those peculiar articles in which, while treating the
defeat of its own side as " an event which can exist
only by hypothesis," it betrays evident symptoms of
alarm that the party it opposes will obtain the victory.
Consistently, therefore, with its sagacious notion on the
war question, that no preparations can be too extensive
for meeting an enemy that is not likely to come, the
Times devotes a whole column to the task of proving that
though there is no chance on earth for Lord Lyttelton,
no exertion should be spared—no means neglected—
for defeating him. There is certainly more of cau-
tion than of magnanimity in manifesting this spirit
of merciless violence against an adversary whose utter
prostration and consequent defencelessness is at the same
moment insultingly proclaimed ; but the principle of
" hitting him now he's down" (or when the Times
thwilnk lichshimthe so) is a
leading modeourn of
alis cnoontdurcet wsttroainaerdds a
by anyf oe,
troublesome scruplesj of honour or generosity from fol-
lowing. That Lord Lyttelton's case is not so desperate
as the Times would makeit it appear
which intimates that all
ppear is proved by the ad-
missions of the article
general 1 showing that votethe for i ; and
thus shw
of se
the
tt
both
Conservatives
parties
thinkin e intend d
his
Whigs s
election desirable on
groundsral (the only grounds
on which a candidate can be tfo
So that should Lord Lyndhurst be eel!ccffitecde ini t diill spute)
uet
ne
1)y.
be to satisfy the Tory cravings of a clique
content unless every subject be
inoculated
who are not
virus of party politics. The writer in the Times withthe
oscil-
lates elegantly between "soft sateder" and bullying—he
alternates with Protean agility the respectable 11
c arac-
ters of the humbug and the blusterer.
(From the Courier.)
This is not the only country in which a popular out-
cry has been sought to be raised against railways and the
railway system. General Jackson the former, and Mr.