The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-27 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION

popular objection, that a tenant without a lease did not
possess the independence which should qualify him for the
franchise. Many gentlemen attributed a ptejudicial ope-
ration to the clause introduced into the Reform Act by the
present Duke of Buckingham ; but he confessed that, in
his opinion, the objection was one to which very undue
force was attached. As far as he had observed the work.
ing of the system in England, it certainly appeared to
him that the tenant was in general disposed to vote with
his landlord, unless on occasions of extraordinury excite-
ment, such as that which preceded the passing of the Re-
form Bill, when tenants. in spite of threats, acted in opposition
to their landlords. He remembered very well that at an
election at which complaints of intimidation had been
made most loudly, namely, at the election at which his
Hon. Friend the Under- Secre'ary for the Home Depart-
ment had been defeated in Perthshire, that intimidation
bad been used principally in regard to tenants holding
leases for a longer period than nineteen years. In the
case of Ireland, he found it stated as a universal fact in
the Reports laid before them, that that land for which
there was the highest competition was that which was let
to small holders. It had been stated that such land was
sometimes let at four or five times the rated value, and
this circumstance would show, that in general this class
was in a much lower condition than those who held
larger farms. But there was another consequence which
ought to be looked to—the multiplication of small tene-
mente.—( Hear, hear.) What would be easier than that
a landlord should create a number of small tenements at
nominally high rents, with the understanding that
there should be an abatement if the tenant voted
according to the landlord's bidding 2—( -leer, hear.)
Such was the case under the old forty-shilling. freehold
franchise, notwithstanding the many guards with which
that franchise was surrounded, for the purpose of preserv-
ing the tenant totally independent of the landlord. In
the present measure of his Noble Friend there were no
such contrivances to prevent evasion. The lease so far
from adc.ing to the independence of the tenant would ren-
der him truly and irretrievably at the mercy of his land-
lord. Still more, by imposing the necessity of a lease,
his Noble Friend was driven to the necessity of going
down to a much lower grade in society than would other-
wise be necessary for extending the right of voting to a
large body of the people. But that was not all. Would
his Noble Friend by these means attain his object of suffi-
ciently extending that right ? He (Lard H.) doubted that
he would. Such might be the effect of the measure at
this moment, but it would not be so in future. It was
admitted by his Noble Friend—it was a matteieof notoriety,
not denied on either side of the House—that there was a
growing indisposition to grant leases. In the Report of
the Poor-law Inquiry Commission, it was expressly stated
as a fact, that when leases expired they were not re-
newed, and in that way whole districts were unrepresen-
ted. He (Lord H.) believed that the great motive for
the lendlords'conduct in refusing leases was the improvement
of their lands. He thought that in the present state of rgri-
culture in Ireland, it was a very great advantage to that
country that the landlords should keep the land in their
own power.—(Hear.) His Noble Friend ( Lord Mor-
peth) had great interest in a large property in Ireland—
some of his colleagues in the Cabinet, were large proprie-
tors of land in that country, and were they not, or most of
them, acting on that policy of allowing leases to fall in as
they expired ?—( Hear, hear.) But the effect of his
Noble Friend's Bill would be to extend the franchise only
on the ill-managed estates on which that policy was not
pursued, encouraging landlords to cut up their property
in small holdings, and giving the franchise to the class of
voters who were the most dependent on their landlords.
He thought it would be far more expedient to take a larger
amount of value, and dispense with the lease. Whilst he
objected on these grounds to the proposition of his Noble
Friend ; he thought there were reasons no less pressing
for now granting a new franchise.—( Hear, hear.) It was
of great importance to the tranquillity of Ireland that there
should be an ample representation of that country, not of
a class, not of that class only which almost exclus vely
consisted of the owners of the soil, but an ample representa-
tion of the great bulk of the people. His Noble Friend, the
Member for North Lancashire, admitted that, and said
that the constituency ought not to be reduced to too small
an amount. But his Noble Friend also said " wait till the
evil arrives, before you attempt a remedy by altering the
franchise." He (Lord H.) thought the evil had arisen.—
( Hear, hear.) Returns this day laid on the table showed
to a demonstration that the evil was in progress. It was
true that the actual diminution of the county franchise,
from the year 1335 to the present year, was only 7,563 ; but
the same return clearly showed that it was progressive,
and that, in consequence of the non-renewal of leases, it
was likely in the course of time to affect the whole of the
101. and 201. leaseholders, who constituted two-thirds of
the whole county constituency, being 41,711 out of 57,103.
—( Hsar, hear.) If, therefore, it was not intended to
allow the electors to dwindle away, and to restrict the
fitenchise to the owners of the soil, the House should not
hesitate to take without delay a decisive step to put an end
to the evil, by altering the franchise.—( Hear, hear. ) Oa
this ground be proposed an occupation franchise, simi-
miler to that which was possessed in England. Its Noble
Friend (Lord Stanley) proposed to wait until the evil was
felt ; but was it safe thus to deal with the discontent
of a whole people, and to wait until it arose to the
point at which it was no longer tolerable ?—( Hear, hear.)
He thought that the future effects of their delaying a re-
medy had been too much and too recently felt, in the case
of Catholic emancipation, for any gentleman now to ad-
vise this Parliament to return to the principle.—( Hear,
hear.) Besides, his Noble Friend ( Lord Stanley) must
surely feel the importance of reforming the registration of
Ireland with the consent of the Irish people themselve'.
The working of ether that measure or Lord Morpeth's
must particularly depend ore the spirit in which it might
be received by the people.---( Hear, hear.) In putting an
end to fraud, which was not denied on that (the Liberal)
side of the House, their measure for its suppression should
bo accompanied by the admission to the franchise of those
who were unjustly excluded from it.—(Hear, hear.) It
was possible for the Noble Lord to force his measure
through the House without such an accompaniment; but
his chance of doing so was not more encouraging than
the prospect of its being afterwards attended with
benefit.—( Hear, hear.) In addressing such remarks to
his Noble Friend, he would also urge upon that (the Li-
beral side) of the House the necessity of not asking for
too large concessions. He hoped that gentlemen on both
sides of the House would sec the importance of coming to
some agreement on this subject. Gentlemen opposite
would find it impossible to carry a measure for reforming
the representation unless they coupled with it a measure
for enlarging the franchise, and gentlemen on his (Lord
Howick's) side of the House would find it difficult to
enlarge the franchise, without at the same time reforming
the system of registration.—( Hear, hear.) Even if the
franchise could be enlarged without reforming the regis-
tration, it could only be done at a loss iii public opinion.
The frauds which existed were such that, even though they
failed to obtain an extension of the franchise, the people
of England would not join in an attempt to resist an im-
provement in the registration. An agreement which
would secure both objects would confer inestimable benefit
upon Ireland. Let him remind Honourable Gentlemen
on that side of the House of the necessity which
existed for such an agreement.—( Hear, hear.) They
had now no chance of enlarging the franchise except
with the concurrence of their political opponeats. They li
might carry it through that House, but in the other House
any measure which was resisted by so large and powerful
a party must inevitably fail. They were not in the posi-
tion which they occupied at the time of passing the Re-
form Act ; and a measure for greatly altering the foto-
chise would not have that support out of doors to which the
Reform Act greatly owed its success. These were rea-
sons is bids should weigh powerfully with all parties, and
lead all to endeavour if possible to effect a settlement of
this question. The mode of settling the Irish franchise
which he (Lord Howick) proposed', would be found
just and fair to all parties ; and even if the House should
differ from him as to the propriety of creating an occupa-
tion franchise, that was a question which arose upon a
subsequent elanse; the whole scope and purport of the
first amendment which he now proposed was that of re-
taining, subject to a better definition, that franchise which
now existed by virtue of a beneficial interest.
Lord MORPETFI said it was quite needless for his
Noble Friend to repudiate the notion that in bringi ngfor-
ward the amendment of which he had given notice, he was
actuated by a desire to emGboarvrearsnealnd impede the move-
ments of her Majesty's
t withseb regardf tof the
Bill which they had introduced on then
he
tdo the fran-
chise. chiste His Noble Friend had stated thatj itetakire
seeing that measure brought to an amicable settlement,
or to any settlement at all, if ether of the partieSmienntt,
which that House was chiefly divided should stand upono
extreme opinions. They had certainly done their hest to
demonstrate that they were not disposed to stand upon ex-
treme opinions.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter from the
Opposition benches.) Ever since the expiration of the
recess, though they were convinced that the original pro-
posal was amply borne out by ad the infermation on thia
subject, they had net hesitated, within the limits of fair
justice to the Irish people, to conciliate their opponents
by raising the amount of qualification for the fianchise.
His Noble Friend had told them that they could net look
for any great support out of doors. He begged to assure his
Noble Friend that they sought no such aid or reinforce-
ment in what they proposed ; they were content to leg
their proposition upon its abstract justice. He perfectly
agreed with his Noble Friend in wishing to see the fran-
chise in Ireland placed upon a simple test of rateage ;
and he trusted that whatever alteration might be proposed
in the Committee on this Bill, 11 test would be fixed upn,
at once easy of access, and easy of proof. His Noble
Friend
had also expressed a wish that the constituency of
Ireland might not be indirectly diminished by any mea-
sure which might be adopted by this House. Whilst he
(Lord Morpeth) entirely sympathised with him in that
wish, he found that the amendment, taken by itself, ws.s
calculated in a most striking and startling m inner to
counteract that result. The amendments pro posed by
his Noble Friend were three in slumber two
substantial and one chiefly verbal. The Noble Lord then
read the first amendment. It appeared to him that his
Noble Friend, equally with the esovernment, proposed a
material change in the definition of beneficial interest.—
( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then read the second
wards, though it was not openly
amendment. By those
stated, a change was in reality made.--(Hear,
dear.) fle
(Lord Morpeth) preferred the words in tie Government
Bill as being the simplest and the most straightforward.
His Noble Friend proposed that a person, in order to
be qualified to vote, should be rated at a net annual value
which should exceed the sent and charges to which he was
liable in respect thereof, by the sum of 51, per annum. If
his Noble Friend had brought this forward as ee
addition to what be (Lord Morpetb) proposed, namely,
that a person should be put upon the register
who was rated at the net annual value of
81. he (Lord Morpeth) would not perhaps have ob-
jected to the proposal ; be would then have considered it
as only an enlargement and relaxation of the franchix ;
but
considered as a substitution for that, and as the staple
for the elective franchise in Ireland, he thought that the
proposition of his Noble Friend, when carefully examined,
would turn out to be a mere deltvion. The proposition
should be very carefully scrutinized before it was adop-
ted by the House. His Noble Friend had concluded his
speech by saying that the proposition upon ele'ch he then
ailed upon the Howe to ro nounee judgment was that