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London, England, 1841-04-16 00:00:00

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IMPORTANT MEETING OF ELEC

. TORS AT BURY.

On Tuesday evening, a meeting of the electors of
Bury, convened by circular, was held in the Commercial-
buildings, to meet a deputation frete the National Anti-
Corn-law League. The room was crowded to excess by
an intelligent and attentive audience. About half-past
seven, R. Walker, Esq., M. P. for Bury, entered the
room, accompanied by Mr. Alderman Brooks, and Mr.
Alderman Cobden of Manchester, John Bright, Esq.,
of Rochdale, and several merubors of the Bury Anti-
Corn-liw Association.

On the motion* of EDMUND GRUNDY, Esq,, of Park-
hills, R. WALKER, Esq., M. P., was called to tho chair
amid the cheers of the meeting.
The CHAIRMAN said they were all aware that the pre-
sent meeting had been called together at the request of a
deputation from the Anti-Corn-law League. These gen-
tlemen wished to confer with the electors of Bury as to
the best means of getting rid of the Corn-laws. On that
question he trusted there would be unanimity among
them. It was not a question of party, but one
which affected all parties alike. Within the last
few years the agitation for the repeal of these
laws had been carried on with much spirit, and if :it
could be continued with equal energy, he had no doubt
! but it would speedily prove successful,—(Cheers.) It
was not necessary for him to state his opinions on this
question, for they all knew very well what these opinions
! were. For the last five and twenty years he had looked
upon the corn monopoly as the greatest curse which
afflicted this country.—(Hear, hear.) The Corn-laws
were not merely impolitic, they were unjust, and had been
enacted by the landowners to suit their own selfish pur-
poses. It was the landed aristocracy who had been mainly
instrumental in involving us in these wars with France and
other nations which saddled us with the national debt;
and yet, in spite of their having done so, they refused to
pay their share of that debt. They had enacted the Corn-
laws for the express purpose of taking the taxes off their
own shoulders, and placing them on those of the labour-
ing classes.—( Hear, hear.) Viewing the question in this
light, he lamented to find that a certain portion of the la-
bouring class had thought proper to lend their aid in sup-
port of the bread tax. He would not say a single word
against the political doctrines of those men to whom he
alluded. They had a tight to advocate these opinions as
much as he had to advocate the opinions he held. But he
objected in the moat decided terms to the course they had
pursued in obstructing the agitation for a repeal of the
Corn-laws. He would not trespass further on their
patience, but conclude by introducing Mr. Alderman
Brooks, of Manchester, whom ho was proud to call an old
friend, and he might add, the friend of mankind.
Mr. Alderman BROOKS, who was warmly cheered, said
he had been sorry to hear that the electors of Bury were
rather lukewarm in the cause.—( Hear.) Why were they
so ? he begged to ask. Did they not suffer as much
from the present system as their neighbours did ?
(Hear, hear,)—and if so, why not give their utmost
attention to a question which, if once settled, would put
an end to all that suffering ? To any man who felt luke-
warm in the cause he would say, just look at the price
paid for food in this country, and bear in mind that one-
third of that price is caused by the landowner's monopoly.
Why should they not try to save that third? Would it
be no gain to the poor man to be able to provide food for
himself and his family for 10s. a week, instead of paying
? Would he not in that case be able to lay out
the ss. he had saved, in buying other articles, which would
promote trade and give an impulse to manufactures? But
they were told that this would not be the case. Their
opponents contended that If food were one-third cheaper
wages would just fall in the same proportion. This was
the most absurd fallacy that bad ever been broached.
When was the time that wages fell ? Was it not
when food was scarce and dear ? When was it that work-
men were so much in demand as to Cal,£o wages to rise? I
Was it not invariably in those seasons when food was
plentiful and cheap ?—( Hear, hear.) It had always been
so hitherto, and surely it would continue to be so in
future. Those who pretended that the members of the
League wanted to reduce vvaees, had surely their eyes to
the evils of the present system,oe else they must have seen
that a bet:er invention for reducing wages could not have
been devised. It was impossible to keep wages from falling
so long as we had laws to forbid foreign trade. It was only
by tlfe continual extension of trade that employment could
be found for our working population, and unless they wo-e
fully employed nothing could prevent wages from being
reduced. Ile was connected with the foreign trade
himself. He sent out goods to Brazil and other
countries, but he did not send one half of what he might
do if he were allowed to bring food in exchange for those
goods—(Hcar)—aed they must remember that every in-
crease of the quantity of goods for which a market was
found gave employment to an additional number of hands.
In order to procure the abolition of the Corn-laws, all
classes must unite. It was not a party question, as Mr.
Walker had said—it was a religious question. The Bible
was in favour of free trade. That was what they ought
to tell their ministers, for the purpose of converting them
to the right way. But it was said that the members of
the League went too far. Well, let us know what length
those persons would go who mike that objection. Were
they in favour of a fixed duty ? If so, what would they fix?
One would say be was for Os., and another for lee.
There would be no agrcement—there could be no agree-
ment, except among those who go the entire length of
justice.—( Cheers.) The members of the League denied
the right of the landowners to tee the bread of the poor.
Was it going too far to assert that ? Let those who
thought so come forward and defend the bread-tax if they
dared. But the landowners were too cunning to do that.
They knew that they had not a good case to defend, and
therefore they declined all discussion. They called him
and his friends a pack of unpriecipled agitators for stirring
up the country on the subject. It was quite natural that
they should do so. They were arraie lest John Bull
should happen to waken and find out how they had been
robbing him.—(Cheers.) And this reminded him of a
good story he had lately heard of a fellow who belonged
to Colne, named Billy Whittaker. Billy was a
merry, laughirg sort of a fellow, who was much
fonder of drinking than of working, but as he bad
no great estate he very soon fell deeply in debt. It was
all one to Billy. He was still as merry as ever, laughing
and singing as it' he were the wealthiest man in the parish.
One day a person to whom he owed a pretty large sum
happened to meet him. " I wonder, Billy," said the cre-
ditor, " heow them can be so merry when theaw owes so
mich. I wonder the very thewt on't does not hinder thee
fro sleepite at nett." " Nay, nay," said Billy, " I wonder
more why theaw can sleep at 'met for thowt o' what I
on es thee." (Laughter and cheers.) Now, this was pre-
cisely the case of the landowners and the people whom
they had been fleecing. There had they been robbing us
for the last twenty years in the most merciless manner,
robbing us of about 1,000,0001. a-week, and yet their can-
sciences did not loom to be troubled in the least degree. All
that surprised thorn was that John Bull could sleep so
sound, 011ie they were picking hie pockets. —( Renewed
laughter.) Mr. Brooks then went into some interesting
statements about our foreign trade, and the dangers which
menace it at present, and concluded en excellent speech
amid much applause.
JOHN BRIGHT, Esq., of Rochdale, who was very kindly
received, next came forward. In the outset of his re-
marks he said he had lately seen a small tract containing
an account of the conversion of a poor person to a
sound belief in the doctrines of Christianity. From the
account which that man have of the means which led to
his conversion, it appeared that the only instrument in
producing the change had been the reading of the New
Testament, and that alone. In a similar spirit he would
have them to study the question of the Corn-laws. It
did not require a learned education, nor the commentaries
of men bred at universities, to enable thorn to under.
stand that great question. All-important as it was,
the principles on which the course of free trade was
founded were intelligible to the humblest capacity.
All that was needed was that men should meditate upon it,
with an honest heart, and there could be no doubt enter-
tained as to what conclusion they would come to. Strip
the question of all the sophistries with which it had been
surrounded by those who throve on the present system,
and it came to this, that the Corn-laws had been enacted,
and were maintained, to keep the price of food higher
than it would otherwise be. But how was that enhance-
ment of price produced?—by causing an artificial scarcity.
Let their common sense be brought to bear on that single
fact. Could they believe that a law enacted to produce
scarcity was beneficial to any class of the community ? It
might be good for those who live by the rent of land to
promote a searci:y of the produce of the land, as it en-
abled them to get a higher price for it. But how could that
be good for the great mass of the people, who had to
pay that icerease of price ?—( Hehr, hear.) He would
dory any of the landholners or their organs to answer this
question. They always blinked it. They began to ask
what would hesome of the agricultural labourers if the 1
Corn-laws were repealed ? Just as if the labourers were.
not among the very worst sufferers by these laws.
Why,
at the precut time such was the distress among them,
roving fu the hiyh price qj jboti, that charitable associations
h.id ether counties 1
n formed in Sussex and 0 purchase
c'othing fur the poor people, they not Leine able in many

instances to purchase it themselves. Again, in Wiltshire,
the proportion of paupers to the rest of the community
is double what it is in Lancashire—a clear proof that
there, great as the distress is here, tl.2re must be still mere
distress. But if these fallacies we:e disposed of there
were others in reserve. It would throw the land out of
cultivation. Why should it do so? From 1832 to 1836,
the average price cf food, owing to a succession of good
harvest?, was lower than it would likely be were corn im-
ported freely into this country. But did that cause the
farmers to throw any land out of cultivation ? Not a
single acre. There wag more land under the plough in
1836 than ever there had been in any former year, although
corn had for several years bean filling in price, and was at
that time less than 40. a quarter.—( Cheers). Let them
listen no more, then, to the melancholy predictions of those
who frighten us with stories about all the land being
thrown out of cultivation. There was indeed room for
very melancholy reflections in connection with this ques-
tion, but they were produced by contemplating the
terrible evils which menaced our manufacturing population
in the event of our rulers persisting in the present system.
The marvellous extension of our manufactures had enabled
this country to maiatain a much larger population than
could ever have been maintained by agriculture alone.
But if the present restrictive system were upheld a few
years longer, a large part of the manufacturing population
would be thrown out of employment. In that case they
must fall back on the rates. 'What would be the conse-
quence? They would eat up all the capital of the country
first, and then they would come on the land. The land-
owners would then find out what folly they bad committed
in destroying the trade of the country rather than give
up their unrighteous monopoly. But they were told
by a certain class of persons that it was impossible
to make every body comfortable—." it was the order
of Heaven that some should feel poverty." This was
no doubt true, but would any one assert that laws
to produce starvation, misery, and death were the
order of Heaven ? If he could believe that such was
the case, it would go far to destroy his confidence in the
superintending wisdom and justice of Heaven.—( Cheers.)
But it was impossible for any rational being to lend his be-
lief to so outrageous a doctrine. It was not the ordinance
of Heaven that England should be cursed with dearness.
Did she not possess greater natural advantages for carry-
ing on manufactures than any country on the face of the
globe ?—( Hear.) Why then was it that the people of
England were not allowed the fruits of that superiority
which they had attained ? It was simply because they had
hitherto been working for the landowners. They were
now seeking a little for themselves, and if they followed
out the present agitation, he had no doubt that they would
succeed.—(Cheers.)

The CHAIRMAN, in -introducing Mr. C9bden to the
meeting, said he was one who had done more to stir up a
right feeling on this question than any man in England.
(Cheers.)

Mr. Alderman Cosner, who was most enthusiastically
cheered, said he did not think he merited so high a cha-
racter as their Chairman had given him. He was simply a
member of the League, lending his aid in a cause which he
deemed the greatest that any human being could engage
in. In coming there that evening he might tell them that
he was not engaged in fore'gn trade like his friend Mr.
Brooks, so that it was from no special desire to see any
extension of it that he aided in the present agitation. But
he did not lay claim to a whit more disinterestedness on
that account. He was as much interested in the prosperity
of our manufactures as any capitalist present. His busi-
ness, however, lay with the home trade, about which a
great deal was said by the monopolists. They pretended
that dearness of food was the only thing that could make
the home trade prosperous. How stands the fact?
When he sent out his travellers for orders he did not
send them into the agricultural districts. Very
few prints were sold among the half-starved pea-
sant!), of the Duke of Buckingham. It was to Lon-
don, Liverpool, Glasgow, Bolton, Bury, Rochdale, and
other busy towns that they went. Now he had inva-
riably found that when food was cheap it was easy to get
large orders, and then trade was brisk. When food was
dear the demand for prints fell off, because when the
people had to pay so much for provisions they had nothing
left to buy anything else, for they all knew that people
would fill their bellies before they cared much about cover-
ing their backs.—(Cheers.) But although he stated
tVse things to show in what manner it affected trade, he
had not joined this agitation merely from selfish motives.
He viewed it as a great question of justice—( Loud
cheers)—as a question of humanity. He could see
no more right that the landowners had to hinder
him, or any one else, from buying food in the
cheapest market than those same landowners bad to
possess themselves of his body, and make him work as a
slave for their benefit. They were told that, in spite of
those bad laws, trade had been very good a few years ago.
He denied altogether that we had good trade at that time.
It was temporary and unsound prosperity. Had it been a
healthy state of things it could not have given place so
rapidly to a panic. The truth was, between 1831 and
1836 the Americans had been biwrowing money in Lon-
don at a great rate. During these few years they had
borrowed forty or fifty millions of our money, upon stocks,
bonds, shares, and other securities, and wish the
money so advanced they had bought our goods for
expo►tation to the United States. This was not
a healthy state of things ; it was only borrowing
and leading. The only wholesome trade that could
be carried on was one of barter—one in which two coun-
tries exchanged their surplus commodities with each other.
To show bow far we were from such a state of things at
that time he might state that by a comparison of our ex-
ports and imports in the six years ending 1836 it bad been
ascertained that our exports exceeded our imports in
ofaiil value no less than 124,000,0001. The revulsion
came, as all of them knew too well. In the latter end of
1836 the bubble burst, and they bad not recovered from the
consequences.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Cobden concluded an
able address by calling on the electors of Bury to join
heart and hand in agitating this great question.
EDWARD GRUNDY, Esq., of Parkhills, moved that this
Meeting pledges itself to support no Candidate at any fu-
ture election who shall not promise to vote in favour of
total and immediate repeal.
The Rev. Mr. SUNDERLAND seconded the resolution,
which was carved unanimously.
A vote of thanks was then given to the deputation, to
which Mr. Cobden replied, and moved a vote of thanks to
Mr. Walker for his conduct in the chair.

The Meeting broke up about half-past ten, every ore
expressing himself pleased with the proceedings. The
general impression was that it was one of the most important
meetings that has ever been held in Bury.

THE CORN-LAWS-LEITH.

(From the Scotsman )
•

Yesterday a public meeting- of the inhabitants of Leith,
called by the Provost, pursuant to a requisition numerously
signed, was held in the Trinity House, for the purpose of
petitioning Parliament for a repeal of the Corn laws.
Shortly after one o'clock, the room was filled. On
the platform were Provost Reach, Bailin Thom and
Muir. Convener Ferney, Councillors Taylor, Ferguson,
Carnie, Gibbs, and Mitchel!; A. Geddes, James Whit,.,
John Gillon, Gerrge Berry, James Miller, C. Thorburn,
and R. Philip, Esquires ; and the Rev. James Harper.
On the motion of Mr. C. Moaarsom, Provost Reach
was called to the chair.

The PROVOST said the question of Corn-law Repeal was
now exciting great interest throughout the country. As
members of a great commercial community, suffering from
the effects of these laws, it was their duty as well as their
interest to come forward and express publicly their sense
of the evils connected with the present system.
Mr. GEORGE BRRRY then rose and proposed the first re-
soiution. In again offering before a public meeting of his
townsmen his opinion of the Corn-laws, he would state,
that he had considered the subject to a groat extenr,
and the more he had done so, the more did be
see reason to hate and detest them. These laws,
he was convinced, hid drawn biter tears of anguish
from the widow and the orphan, from the poor,
and the destitute in the land. Into many bun-
ble dwellings, where peace and plenty formerly existed,
the Corn_'aws had introduced poverty and want, disease,
ay, and premature death itself.—( Hear.) He did not say
so for the purpose of catching their ears, but from convic-
tions seriously and deliberately formed, and founded on
his practical experience of their banefol and destructive
effects. The cause of repeal was a good cause ;it was
the cause of mercy, and of justice, and of truth. It
were absurd to think that they could have too much agi-
tation upon this subject, and that too much light
could be thrown upon it. The best wish he could ex-
press in regard to it was, that it would be made clear
and intelligible to every man in the kingdom; then it
would be impossible that the evil could exist. Alluding
to the tone of despondency which he regretted even
some of the advocates of repeal sometimes assumed, he
observed that nothing was more absurd. There was no
despondency with Clarkson and Wilberforce, the untiring
and zealous friends of the slave. There was no despon-
dencv with ourselves when, as one man, we demanded and
wrung from our unwilling and corrupt aristocracy, by the
Reform BillAso much of that power which they had grossly
abused. Let them not forget that the cry for cheap bread
was the cry of a whole nation, and that no cause so
powerfully backed could be other than successful. The
voice of this free and intelligent nation had been raised
for a repeal of the bread tax, and it would not be stilled
or hashed but in the triumph of its adopted cause.—
( Loud cherre ) Already they observed the harbinger of
brighter days in the very extensive agitation among all
classes for a revision of the import duties. Ile then
warned them against a compromise, for to that some of
the organs of the Corn-law party were directing them-
selves as their only hone.-_( Hear, hear, hear.) They
had all along acted on the Rob Roy plan of keeping what
they had, and taking what more they could get ; and when
they found no means of escape, they would certainly at-
tempt a compromise. He hoped they would have the good
sense not to listen to anything of the sort. It was not
alone cheap bre id which they sought. Bread was dear
to any man who had not wherewith to buy. It was necessary
that the Corn_laws be repealed, that the labour of the in-
dustrious classes might be restored; that they should get
the produce of their manufacturing skill exchanged for
the produce of other countries, and especially for the corn
grown in et!,.er cointries, of which we bad a sea-city. The
landholders had attempted to gull:the working classes with
the idea that their wages would be reduced with a free
trade in corn. Nothing was more absurd; and, at the
present time, when the loaf was 9d., wages were lower
than in 1833, when the loaf was only 5,..—(11err.) He
bore 1 cvery intelligent elector would make the Cern-laws
a hust'ng question, and declare that no man was fit to be