The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-11 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION`.

. - .
would at the same time be' tlflSi:tcd v.ith the two of
n scarcity of corn and a defalcation in the revenue. Ile
believed that last year a duty of 1,200,000 i. had been
paid upon corn imported, and now the Chancellor of the
Exchequer calculated Aq-Aeoti an increase in that revenue
from the imposition of a fixed duty. Was it right
:to suffer a revenue of two millions to be sub-
ject to the fluctuations which must necessarily occur in
times of scarcity? Some gentlemen said they did not hope
to carry these measures at present, but that they hoped
to do so at some future time.—(Hear, hear.) Ile would
at once join issue with them and say, that as long as
the Legislature continued, as at present, composed of
sensible men such measures never could be carried.—
(Hear.) How could that which was just to-day be unjust
to-morrow, or that which was true to-night be untrue
a year hence ?—(Cheers and counter cheers.) He stood
by the present law becaused he believed it to be just,
reasonable, and necessary ; and he believed that in that
opinion he was in unison with the great majorit?, of his
constituency. With regard to timber he was far from
saying that when the protection affiwded to any interest
was excessive it would not be right to diminish it, but
regard should be had to the time at which such alte-
rations were proposed, and when he recollected that we
had recently suppressed a formidable insurrection in
our North American colonies he could not but regard
it as impolitic to introduce among the colonists a fresh
subject of irritation, and thought it a poor return to those
loyal colonists by whose exertions the rebellion had
been suppressed.' Besides, he could not forget the great
shipping interests of the country, and how impossible
it was .to maintain the navy of the country with-
out a large commercial marine. The securing a
supply of hardy seamen for the navy was of priceless
value and far beyond any pecuniary consideration.
With regard to the sugar duties, he considered that a
great and costly experiment, but one most glorious to
the honour of the country, was now in the course of
trial in the West Indies, and one which he should be
sorry to see abanioned. The Noble Lord, with a man-
liness which did him honour, had stated that he could.
not think of attacking the protective duties on timber
and on sugar without attacking the greatest protected
interest of all. So he, .as representing that interest,
would say that they would never think of defending/
themselves alone, but also defend the other interests
attacked with it.—(Cheers.) Why did not the mann,-
facturing interests, who were so clamorous for free trade
for everybody else, abandon their own protective duties ?
—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Hume.) He knew the Hon.
Member for Kilkenny would say " hear, hear," but he
wanted something more than vague declarations. He should
like to see some one connected with those interests coming
forward with a motion to that effect.—(Cheers.) The
Hon. Member for • Wigan had talked about our setting
an example of free trade to foreign countries, but would
they follow it ? Ile thought not, and as he preferred the
substance. to the shadow, and practice to theory, he felt
himself with great regret compelled to vote against Mi-
ni§ters on this occasion.—(Cheers from the Opposition.)
Mr: LASCELLES who was very indistinctly heard
in the -gallery, protested against the Ministers arro-
gating to themselves exclusively the credit of being the
champions of free trade. Mr. Huskisson had began the
system, and he had no doubt his Right Hon. Friend, the
Meinber for Tamvyorth, would be fully prepared to fol-
low up Mr. Husliisson's policy. The question was one
snrrounded by difficulties, which had been increased by
the conduct of the Government in making i t a party
question. With respect to the principle of free trade
lie cordially concurred in it, and thought that all re-
strictions might be relaxed, provided such relaxation
took place gradually and in a manner consonant to our
present artificial state. He would not taunt Miiisters
with having brought forward their propogitions to sup-
port a tottering Government, but he.. would protest
against their right to go to thq country as the
exclusive advocates of free trade%

Mr. anon,: said IT pesstefly agreed with the lion.
Member for Lincoln, al considering this as one of a
series of measures which were intended to divest the
commercial tariff of this country of a restrictive charac-
ter.. The measures propoed by her Majesty's Govern-
ment for relieving the present financial difficulties with-
out increasing the 'on dens of the people, met with his
unqualified approbation. Though there had been no im-
mediate financial distress, he would still have • con-
tended that there was ample space for improvement.
The three articles ineluded under these propositions were
articles of comfort, essential in any domestic establish-
ment, whether rich or poor,"and in his (Mr. Grote's)
opinion rho same principle of legislation applied to each
of thems The propositions of the Government recog-
nised the necessity of protection, but they limited the ex-
tent of that protection, and in so doing greatly softened
and 'mitigated Its pressure upon the consumers. He con-
sidered that the trade in corn ought to be perfectly free,
ilnd'he had already more than once expressed himself to
that effect. The proposition of tfee Government, there-
fore, fell short of what he thougle'i justice to the country re-
quired. At the same time e fixed duty of Bs. would be
a great benefit, Compared, with the system now in opera-
tion. Amongst the mercantile community a considerable
difference of opinion prevailed as to the propriety- of giv-
ing protection to the landed interests at all ; some thought
that it sluntld be given, others that it should not ; but there
was no difference or opinion, he believed, as to the
superiority of a fixed over a fluctuatino•b
hear.) A fixed duty would be regarded by the mercantile
population as a great improvement. It would convert
the trade in corn from the irregular and precarious cha-
racter which it now had, into a regular proceeding ; and
would prevent the evils arising from those sudden and
unforeseen demands which at present could not be avoided.
The Hon. Member for Lindoln had talked about the kn.
possibility of Maintaining this fixed duty in a tivae of
seaeoity, lie contended that the present enhancement of
price arose in a great measure out of the very 'irregular
character of the duty, and that the country wesuld in any
case be benefited by the alteration.—(Hear, near.) With
respect to the propdsition for an alters lon of the defies
on susear„ there again the principle of protection was
maintained, but it was limited to w•! eat. he considered the
terry substantial protective dues, and difference of 50
peeeent.--(lleac, hear.) Hai',Clitferential duty of 50
per cent, Ixten maintained in favour of West Indian sugar
over linst Indian' that have been considered most
1141tir to East IndifrA interests.—(Hear, hear.) Or if
the United States hail imposed a duty of 50 per cent. upon
our manufactures, over and above what it imposed on those
of France; there would have been serious complaints of
the disfavour `,sown to England. It could not, then, be
contended ',oat a differential duty of 50 per cent. was
' not tia..istantial protection.—(Hear, hear.) Throughout
the whole of this debate great stress had been laid upon
the encouragement which would be given by this measure
to slave-made productions. He must say he could not
concur in the opinion which had been expressed on this
subject. There had been loud denunciations against sla-
very, but what was proposed ? Was it proposed that we
should remonstrate with slave-holders, or that we should
use force to abolish the system, or that we should pass
an interdict on certain articles of food ? Why even the
Ron. Member for the Tower Hamlets had distinctly dis-
claimed any such intention. If Gentlemen would not
go that length they must be prepared to reason the mat-
ter not as one of conscientious objection but of public
prudence and policy.—(Hear, hear.) They denounced
the slave-holders of Cuba and Brazils, but upon whom in
reality did the weight of their displeasure fall ? Why
lent upon the slave-holders, but upon the consumer:.
They were punishing the poorest portion of o'er own
poPulation, while they were thinking to punsh the slay( -
holders of Cuba and the Brazils.—(Hear, hear.) It
should be remembered that the restrictive policy which
had-been adopted fir the suppression of slavery had en-
tirely failed to produce such a result, end had even had
the contrary effect.—(Hear.) His own opinion was that
commercial intercourse would have the direct tendency
to diminish slavery. By persuasion, by inducement, by
intercourse much might be done to mitigate the system.
The Noble Lord who had opened the debate had dwelt very
much on the example of England in inducing other nations
to abolish. shivery. It appeared to him that the line of ar-
gument adopted by that Noble Lord was calculated re -
ther to encourage than repress slavery ; for he had ar-
gued as if the productions of that system were superior
to those of free labour.—(Hear, hear.) He believed,
however, with his Hon. Friend the Member for Wigan-
that that argument was founded on an entire misappre.
hension of the subject. The question before the Howse_
was not whether they should or should not
giveP it
tion to colonial interests, but whether they shouldt give,
to a greater extent than a differential duty r.
If distress
per
higher duty. He would not draw pictures
cent. It appeared to him most unreasonable to claim
which prevailed throughout the country,
thealz decision
be-
lieved that such a course seldom influenced
House that
of the House. He would, however, remind the of
he w
thing more.
the aggregate consumption last
pressed upon the people was no less than than 180,000 tons. The addition instedaerht"O'altsh:e,96t9aoxoa,otioonzwhlicihie
therefore called upon them to pause
people, not for the
to impose so enormous a burden upon
uer of the country,
purpose of replenishing the Exc .tbefore they consented
laeqprivate interest. It
re-
presentatives for the purpose of proteetinntgw
would be much more consistent ,
in what manner they
of the people,
I:)tirdens.—(Hear, hear.) A
ith their duty, as
could best- diminish
presentedthose
a petition, numerously
few day.
s ago he had
eemmunity of London--a most
signed by the mercantile community ,
praying r a, - total
enlightened class
.1.(1)f
Ile rejoified that the Ministry
revision of our a
measure that went '4O far to ae:
had come forwardiwist
of the petitioners-4 Cheer f s)— or
complish the
".is2,el that it would leak to he felt quite satisht
of the a very large
extension to thecountry.-Cheers.)_ The
upon tUgilr
remission of the
duties-
of the s ould tend greatly to
make London the
centre
now • 'Agar trade for all Eu-
rope, HambuT luts.7 -(Cheers.) With such
rope, e. his humble support to the proposition of
the Noble Lord, which, he trusted, would be successful,
and would be followed up whwo the proper time arrived
by measures directed towards the same end, and con-
ceived in the same spirit.---(Aeess.)
l‘fr. COLQUAOUN Legged to call the attention of
the House to the fact hat they were not discussing a mo-
tion for the House tk/ go into a Committee of free trade,
but a Committee cif Ways and Means to consider of the
scale of sugar duties.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord
on Friday night stated that he appeared there as the re-
presentative of the people of England, but they dis-
claimed such championship most emphatically, as was
shown the other day Nottingham,
at where the
Ministry
\\As even more unpopular than the Poor-
laws. rll-
\,ee finances of the country had now been
under the control of the Government for six years,
and certainly, they were in a bad state, but the. remedy
proposed by the Noble Lord was not the proper one ;
the only real remedy was to place them in other and
hatter hands.—(Cheers.) There was a party as anxious
that the change should take place.—(lronical. cheering).
11014. Gentleman might put their ;own construction on
what be said, but he meant by the party to whom he
had alluded, that party who were not fitly represented
by the Noble Lord—the people of England ; 'that great
and influential party were most anxious that the Whigs
should be relieved from all the cares and responsibilities
of office ; nay, he believed the constituencies of Sheffield,
Leeds, and every other great town were anxious to
follow the example of their fellow workmen of Nottingham.