The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-09 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION

was no case for a prosecution. He put it to
Honourable Members whether they would consider
it just that their characters should be injured
by a formal order for a prosecution of this mi-
. Lure, when there was no precedent for the proceeding,
" • and the present House of Commons had so nearly ter-
minated its existence ? He thought the prosecution,
under such circumstances, would be most unjust, and he
trusted that the House would not consent to the motion.
Sir R INGLIS explained. It was not the Committee,
but that House, which he had compared to a Grand
Jury. He had adopted a comparison used by those who
had preceded him.
Mr. PRINGLE said a great deal had beenbronght out
in the Committee which was entitled to the notice of the
House. 'As one of the Committee, he thought there was
good ground for the present motion. The Committee had
made no special report, because they did not think they
would be justified in doing so ; and they considered also
that it would be much better for the House to take no-
tice of it in a formal way, than'that the Committee
should have done so. He trusted that the vote the House
would come to that night would vindicate its own pro-
ceedings, and punish the guilty parties. Such being his
views and wishes, he would support the motion of his
Right Hon. Friend.
• Mr. HUTT had been also a member of the Commit-
tee, and, as such, he thought that the House, if it
a 'opted the course it was proposed to pursue, would
stultify itself and i:s proceedings. He felt convinced
that the present question had been bi o ight forward, not
so much for the purpose of putting a i end to bribery, as
from a hostile feeling on the part of Hon. Members on
the other side of the House.
Mr. BRAMSTON had also been a member of the
Committee, and, as such, he felt convinced that
it had acted as it had done from the hest of motives.—
(Cries of "Hear, hear.") He looked at the present case
as if it was one that had been brought before him as a
Magistrate. He looked to see whether there was enough
evidence to commit the man, and it was his firm belief
that there was. Such being his views, he should vote in
favour of the motion of his Hon. Friend.
Sir T. COCHRANE supported the motion, and said
he would vote not only for a Bill to put an end to bri-
bery, blitOne calling upon a Member to account for every
shifting of his expenditure at his election. •
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL trusted the House
would not expect him to take any part in that debate If
the evidence to be brought forward would support a
charge of bribery, he would prosecute upon fair and ho-
nourable principles ; but, of course, upon such a case the
House would not expect him to give a vote.
Mr. WYNN replied. He knew nothing of the case
except from the Report of the Committee, and he thought
there was evidence enough given before them to warrant
the prosecution of Dr. Webster for gross bribery.
Mr. WARD gave notice, that, on Friday next, he
• should call the attention of the House to the Special
Report of the Committee on the Cambridge and Ludlow
Election petitions.—(Cheers.)
Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but no division
took place, the motion being agreed to without a division.
• NEW PENAL SETTLEMENT.

Sir C. GREY then rose to bring forward the mo-
tion of which he had given notice for the appointment
of a Select Committee to inquire into the fitness of her
Majesty's territory of Labrador for a penal settlement.
The firs-i. point which he would rely upon was its proxi-
mity to that country, it being only about ten days' sail,
while at present they were compelled to incur an enor-
mous expense in transmitting their convicts 16,000 miles
to-lire-very-eatipodes. There was nothing in the climate
prejudicial to health, and there was abundant employ-
ment for any number of convicts that might i.e sent
there. He believed it would materially increase their
trade with that country, which at present amounted
to upwards. of half a million. He was glr.d
t.. • had taken that opportunity of bringing the
subject before the House. He would not, however,
think of pressing his motion to a division ; but he trusted
that nett Session some Member of influence would take
np the subject.
• Mr. FOX 3,IAULE could not allow the matter to
pass without observing that in the present advanced stage
of the Session, the appointment of a Select Committee to
inquire into a subject was completely out of the question.
'He also differed from the Hon. Gentleman in his views
with reference to the distance at which such an establish-
ment ought to be founded.
Lord MAHON concurred in the inutility of appoint-
ing a Committee to inquire into the subject at the pre-
sent period of the session and the prospects of the House.
He would take that opportunity of calling attention to
the state of the convicts at Woolwich. The number of
those unfortunate persons at present confined there was
4,000, which was 400 more than the number there last
year. That continuous increase was, he had no doubt,
.one of the causes which produced diseases among the
convicts.

Mr. F. MAULE said that both among the troops and
convicts at Woolwich an epidemic prevailed, which ac-
counted for the ill-health that was said to exist there.

Sir T. COCHRANE would defy any one to keep con-
• victs at Labrador, unless they kept them within four
walls. The coast of Labrador during the whole of the
summer afforded the utmost facilities for escape, and
daring the winter it would be impossible to employ them.
Sir C. GREY explained.
Sir R. PEEL wished to ask the Hon. Gentleman
whether he understood him rightly that the question of
establishing a new penal colony had engaged the atten-
tion of the Government.
Mr. FOX MAULE said the Right Hon. Gentleman
• must have misunderstood him if he understood him to
say that the Government contemplated any new penal
settlement All he meant to state was this, that as the
Noble Lord had brought the question before the public
he was not sorry the Right Hon. Gentleman had sug-
gested some particular spot, in order that the public
might see the difficulty there was in fixing on any place
for the object. The Government was satisfied with the
present penal settlements and with the hulks, and until
the experimental prison should be completed it would be
impossible to iulopt any other system.
Sir R. PEEL asked what were the number of convicts
sent out annually under the present system? He knew
they had been greatly diminished, but he wished to
know the exact number.
Mr. FOX MAULE would have been prepared to
answer the question had he had notice of it. Convicts
sentenced to transportation for seven years were de-
tained either in the hulks at home or sent to the hulks at
Gibraltar.

Lord MA HON could answer that question.—(A laugh.)
In 1839 the number of convicts in the hulks amounted
to 1,300 ; they had since increased to 3,650, and
in the estimates for the present year, which
if they had been brought forward in the regu-
lar *ay he should certainly have opposed, it was
proposed to raise them to 4,000. The number sent
abroad ranged from 1,800 to 2,000 annually. He would
now ask the Hon. Gentleman when it was probable that
the returns for which he had moved in last March, of the
evidence taken before the Coroners' Inquests on convicts
who had died at Woolwich, would be laid before the
House.

Mr. FOX MAL-LE said the Coroner's notes of evi-
dence belonged exclusively to themselves, the same way
as Judges' notes, and if they refused to produce them,
there was no means of compelling them to do so, and in
this ease, also in the case of similar returns,
moved for by the Right Hon. and Gallant Member for
Lincoln relative to certain inquests in Poor-law Unions,
he had requested the Coroners to furnish the notes of
evidence, and that was all he could do.

Sir C. GREY would certainly-bring the subject for-
ward again next session if he had a seat in the new Par-
liament.—The motion was then withdrawn.
Mr. J. STEWART withdrew his motion of which he
bad given notice, to bring in a Bill to lessen the ex-
penses attending small properties.
RAILROADS IN IRELAND.
Sir R. FERGUSON presented a petition from Lor-
denderry in favour of the plan for establishing railroads
in Ireland.
Lord MORPETH, in rising for leave to bring in a
Bill for the purpose of establishing railroads in Ireland,
said that in the present state of the session he should not
move fir leave to introduce a Bill of any importance,
i h any other design than that of having it printed, so
as to give information to the public generally on the
subject, more especially to that portion of it
mole immediately concerned. He would merely then
refer to a statement which had been made on the occa-
sion of his bringing forward this motion. The Right
Hon. lronet the Member for Tamworth, towards the
conclusionof his;ispeech last week, had made a slight and
ramble allusion to this motion, as if it had been brought
forward with a view of propping up the Government on
the eve of a general election. The fact was, that
_certain
private individuals had come forward and made a pro-
position on the subject to the Government. He would
merely state what that proposition was, and not
enter .at any length into any of the circumstances
connected with it. Re was still of opinion that the pro-
osition whichhe had first brought forward on the .
feet f the GOvernment undertaking various railways in
Ireland, waq the most expedient plan. But as when he
•had;/ brought it forward he had reason to believe
-that it would not meet with the assent of the Lea sla-
ture he : had withdrawn it, and had not attempted
again to introduce it, although he believed that persons
of s/tparties had since expressed themselves in its favour.
A proposition on that subject had been submitted to the
Government on the part of certain individuals
of great character, ;station, and financial ability, and
although in making that proposition they had doubtless
imagined that they were, not entering upon; a hazard-
ous speculation, vet he honestly believed that they had
been principally induced to take up the project, because
they believed that it would be of advantage to Ireland.
—(Cheers.) Those gentlemen had adopted, as the basis
of their calculations, the Report of the Railway Com-
missioners, for which the country was so much indebted
to the assiduity and energy of his late excellent and la-
mented friend, Mr. Drummond.—(Loud cheers.) They
had proposed to the Government to raise a capital of
1,300,000/., to be applied in the first instance to
the completion of the southern line of rail-
way, that from Dublin to Limerick, which would
go quite across the island, and would unite the two seas;
the works to be carried on under the exclusive superin-
tendence of Commissioners to be appointed by the Go-
vernment, and in order to obviate any jealousy as to the
the selection of these Commissioners by the Govern-
ment, it was proposed to nominate them in the Bill, ang
they would consist of Sir John Burgoyne, Mr. Ren-
nie, and Mr. Jones, who had been the Secretaries to the
bay Commission. The sum was proposed to
lelnes of debentures, and the expenditure
er
of seven
of a Board of Con-
trol- consisting
vernment had reason
seven members, and the Go-
all .yarties would be t° hope that gentlemen of
sernees
as
members miind wiling to give their
The debentures, when signedsuch Board gratuitously. ! '
two Commissioners and '
by two Members of the bY
of Control, to bear an
interest of 4 per cent-, and .in
rtatt should not be .
made gcod by the profits of the
teed to be paid by the countries which Tvo.tuirbertrabn;
the railwly pfming thrsugh them. In addition toh the

interest of 4 per cent. the holders of the debentures
would be entitled to one-half the surplus profits. The
Commissioners named in the Bill were to have the
sole direction of the works. The lands neces-
sary were to be taken in the manner to be pro-
' vided by the Act. The Bill contained further
powers enabling the directors to extend the line to Cork,
and also to enable other parties to make lines in other
parts of Ireland at the same time. A deposit of 10 per
cent. on the capital to be paid up before the Act should
come into operation. Such were the main features of the
proposal which these gentlemen had made to the Go-
vernment ; and as at present it was not his intention to
elicit the opinion of the House as to its merits, but
merely to lay the Bill before the House, in order that
it might be considered fully both by the House and by
the people of Ireland, he should not enter into any dis-
cussion as to the merits of the scheme. In bringing for-
ward the measure at the present time, his only object was
to give facilities to the present Government, or if it
should be displaced, to any other that might succeed it,
for bringing forward a measure calculated to benefit the
population of Ireland.
Mr. SHAW, in seconding the motion, was glad to
bear testimony to the great attention which the Noble
Lord had paid to the subject.
In answer to a question from Lord STANLEY,
Lord MORPETH said the same plan would be
adopted in taking land as that in the Shannon Naviga-
tion Bill ; and in answer to Mr. Sergeant Jackson, he
would state that the counties would be assessed in pro-
portion to the benefits they derived from the railway.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN approved of the measure.
He thought there could be no objection to the principle
of rendering the counties liable to a four per centage on
the expense of the undertaking. He was sure that even
a larger per centage would be realised by the profits
from the lines. He therefore approved of the measure,
although he reserved to himself the right to object to
any of its details hereafter, as he might think fit.
Mr. F. FRENCH regretted that his Noble Friend
had not followed the recommendations of the Railway
Commissioners ; but he would willingly support the mea-
sure before the House as the next best plan.
Mr. LUCAS approved of the measure of the Noble
Lord, and he thought the thanks of the House were due
to him for the pains he had taken upon the subject..
Mr. LITTON gladly hailed any measure which, by
giving railways to Ireland, would increase commerce and
intercourse in that country.
Leave was then given to bring in the Bill.
On the motion of Mr. MARK PHILIPS it was or-
dered that the Clerk who attended the Committee on the
Copyright of Designs in the last Session of Parliiament,
had leave to attend at the next Summer Assizes at Liver-
pool, and give evidence in a certain action now pending
between William Ross, plaintiff, and Edward Wording-
ton, defendant, and to take with him and to produce to
the Court and the Jury the Minutes of Evidence, and all
other proceedings whatsoever had and taken under and
appertaining to the said Committee.
Sir J. Y. BULLER moved that the Committee on
West India Means be instructed to send for and exa-
mine the Committee appointed to inquire respecting the
port to be selected for the arrival and departure of steam
vessels conveying mails to the West Indies.
After a few words from Mr. Freshfield, Captain
Pechell, Sir Thomas Cochrane, and the Chancellor of
the Exchequer,
Sir J. Y. BULLER said he should not press the mo-
tion against what appeared to be the sense of the House.
The motion was then withdrawn.
Mr. WYSE brought up the Report of the Committee
of Supply, and the several resolution, were agreed to.
The New South Wales Bill and the Western Australia
Bill severally went through a Committee. The reports
were ordered to be received on 'Wednesday (this day).
The Houses of industry (Ireland) Bill went through a
Committee.

'The Report on the Insolvent Debtors (Ireland) Bill
was further considered.

The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'Clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—It is very idly argued that Ministers
ought to resign on the vote of Saturday. moraing, and not
advise her Majesty to dissolve Parliament. What justifica-
tion could there be for such a course? Three hundred and
twelve Members have voted their want of confidence in the
present Administration ; but, by the very same process,
three hundred and eleven have voted their want of confidence
in the candidate administration ; and to these must be added
all the voluntary absentees, without pairs, for the Tory party
avowedly voted to its la-t man. Now, if the voluntary ab-
sence of eight Members indicated a want of confidence in the
present Ministry, et more strongly did the fact indicate
their want of confidence in those aspiring to be their suc-
cesears. So that if 312 Members lack confidence in the
Whig leaders, 320 (including the Speaker), lack confidence in
the Tory leaders. Adding pairs and tellers, makes the num-
bers 333 ; and is it fitting that the reins of Government should
be assumed by a party from whom 333 Members of the House
of Commons withhold their confidence ? Would it have been
right, just, or honourable, for Ministers, by resigning, to hand
over the powers of office to a party in this predicament ?
Would it have been fair towards the majority of the House ?
Would it have been honourable towards a Sovereign who has
. already, single-handed, resisted the fraudulent influence of
which that party would have made her the unwilling agent?
Would it have been honest towards the nation, which would
. thus have been delivered over, bound hand and foot, into the
power of those whom it so long struggled to dispossess ?
Would it have been true to the principles of that wise
and beneficent policy for which the Government has en-
countered this infuriate hostility, and by which alone
the prosperity of the country can be secured ? A
plainer obligation cannot be conceived than that by which
Ministers are bound to give the people an opportunity of speak-
ing for themselves, and practically making their option between
the opposing systems of monopoly and anti-monopoly. It
, could not have been avoided but by a gross dereliction of duty.
They owe it to themselves, to the Sovereign, and to the nation.
Nor will the cause of the Queen, the country, and no mono-
poly, be reineuished as hopeless by any honest man while
there is yet a battle to be fought fur them at the hustings.
The ensuing polls will be taken on the largest and most inter-
esting set of practical questions that ever came before a com-
munity. Every vote will tell, ay or no, upon some great
public interest, now sacrificed to class cupidity and power. To
blink this fact, recourse will be had by the Tories to all sorts of
mystification' and falsehoods; but still the truth must come
out, that the constituencies are deciding, not merely on men
but on measures, not upon a party but a policy, and on a policy
which involves consequences of daily and hourly importance.
TIMES.—The vote of Saturday morning has produced its
effect. Every one knew that Ministers were too far committed
with their supporters to resign without dissolving, and there-
fore no one can be surprised that they do not now adopt that
course. The result which we expected from the success of
Sir R. Peel's motion was that which has followed—an aban-
donment of the threatened conversion of the House of Com-
mons into an arena for electioneering agitation about the Corn-
laws, and a resolution on the part if Ministers to appeal
immediately to the country. We were fully persuaded that
they would not insult Parliament by bringing forward any
public business of importance after the House hid empha-
tically declared them to be retaining office in violation of
the sprit of the Constitution not because we gave
them credit for any sincere respect for Parliament,
or aany reluctance whatever to govern by coups d'etat,
but simply because we knew that in their case the attempt, if
made, would be certain to fail, and the personal consequences
of failure might be serious. No men were ever more entirely
of Colonel Butler's opadon in the play, that " after all, the
dearest thing that a man has is himself," than her Majesty's
present advisers. They have given way, therefore : the Con-
stitution has bsen saved the blow, Parliament the humilia-
tion, and the country the unseemly exhibition of a " discus-
, sion without any final result," anti " speeches intended for the
hustings rather than for any usetul purpose of legislation."
The squibs and crackers of the Government Press will receive
no echo within the walls of St. Stephen's ; the Anti-Corn- law
League must reserve the miserable garniture of its shrunkeu
coffers for some better purpose than that of publishing and distri-
buting inflammatory pamphlets, purporting to be speeches deli-
vered by Cabinet Ministers from their places in Parliament.
Lord John Russell's Anti- Corn-law oration, which was to have
produced such wonderful effects, has seen the light still-born, a
dead unshapely thing, with the dimly-described lineaments of
arguments that were to have been, much like that disagreeable
phenomenon which offends the eye and turns the stomach,
when we break open an egg in which the process of incuba-
tion has been prematurely interrupted. Anything more com-
pletely chapfallen than the Noble Lord's speeches of last night,
in one of which he admitted that " he felt deeply the diffi-
culty of remaining in office after the vote of the other even-
ing," it would be impossible to conceive. Almost inaudible in
tone, confused in manlier, and prevaricating in substance, he
gave evident proofs of a mind ill at ease, discontented with
itself on account of the past, and despairing of the future.
It was the gamester who had staked everything, and was just
beginning to realize the knowledge that everything was lost.
HERALD.—Lord Melbourne, Lord John Russell, and
Lord Morpeth ; Mr. Macaulai and the Marquis of Normanby ;
Sir John Ilobhouse and Mr: Sheil have steeped themselves
over and over again to the very ears, in the most troubled
waterswars of party, in their pursuit of popularity • and those
waters in which they have so much delighted are' now rising
upon and threaten to annihilate them, The Liberal Premier
who coquetted,---as Earl Grey (to be sure) had done before
him—with the democratic associations of Birmingham, and
Westminster, and even with the high priest of Socialism it-
self,—the Noble Secretary for the Colonies who made
the unforgotten and unfor
giveahbaleve by turns courted
pool,—and all their colleagues
speech at Liver-
and been courted by,—invoked and received the in ta t
assistance and comforting& of Ultra-Radical, Republican,
Socialinst
demagogues,—anybody, in short, provided only that
he would
be their liege man, their active and uncompromising
partisan.
What happens ? That these bad inst. uments of
" bad eminence," tee those who first paved the way, by their own
reci-
procal dissensions, by their unreasonable demands, and by uncompromising pertinacity in enfercing them,—for the down_
fal of their former patrons; and who now turn round,—if not
to exult over, vet at least to taunt and rebuke them for their
overthrow ! A righteous catastrophe for those, who, called on
by their own private station and character, but still more
loudly called en by. the responsibilities, the claims, and
the dignity of their offices, to keep the strict and
even line of constitutional duty, have deviated into
crooked and dark and slippery paths, in order to unite secretly
in inauspicious " compacts" with men who, having the "cause
cf freedom" inscribed on their flags—and with the name of
" liberty" breathing from their lips, have ever proposed to
themselves only the accomplishment of the ends contemplated by
their own reckless selfishness, or their sordid ambition! Let
us pause one moment, to consider who they were, on first en-
tering the ranks of office, who are now, it may be said, scat-
tered in ignominious route and disorder in a conflict at which
the whole empire has been looking on with intense eagerness.
We ask what arc the benefits they have reaped for the people--
what the additions to their own reputation, from their concur-
rence in the " solemn compact"entered into at Lichfield Howe
—that political Council of Trent of which Mr. Sheil has come
forward on several occasions as at once the champion and the
historisn ?
GLOBE.—If the question now about to be submitted to
the decision of the country, by an appeal to the electoral bodies,
were to be placed before any impartial person, or number of
persons, in its abstract form, and without relation to the po-
litical or chess interests which are mixed up with its discussion,
it would be at once settled as one on which but one verdict
could be pronounced. The prosperity, the very existence,
of a nation like that of England is obviously, in no small
measure, dependent on commerce and manufactures. To
persist in a course of fiscal policy which tends to exclude
our manufactures from the markets of the world, and offers
a bounty to other nations to become the fabricators of the very
articles on the production and disposal of which our own capi-
talists and population must depend for employment and suste-
nance, would, to such' an observer, be abundant evidence of
fatuity in the Statesmen who would introduce or persist in up-
holding such a system, and would be held decisive of their un-
etnees to govern the nation. Yet this is the very ground on

1 which the Tories rest their claim to the confidence of Parlia-
ment and of the country ! A majority of the present House
of Commons has voted that a prohibitory duty on the
importation of corn is essential to their intetests. The land-
owners thus modestly assert that they must be protected by the
Legislature at the expense of the other great interests of the
country. In other Words, that as they cannot live as they
would like to live, on the fair market price of their land, the
deficiency must be made up to them, whatever it may cost the
rest of the nation--at the expense of driving the manufat -
turers out of the kingdom, with the fearful aggregate of mi-
sery which must inevitably be entailed on the manufacturing
masses by such a result. The attempt of the advocates of the
present restrictive duties to fasten upon the Government the
imputation, that it proposed the measures which the house of
Commons has refused to sanction, for the purpose of getting up
an agitation for party objects, is as false as it is futile. Is it like:y
that, even if the subject had net been forced upon the Govern-
meat by its own intrinsic importance, the great manufacturing
communities would have submitted much longer to the mono-
poly—would have quietly looked on, while they saw their trade
diminishing, their capital decreasing, their workmen idle and
clamorous for bread, and, in short, certain ruin to their pro-
spects and their property inflicted, in order to gratify the
craving cupidity of the landowners, whose interests were re-
presented as of paramount importance to every other, and to
which, therefore, the entire population must be sacrificed, that
they may be aggrandized ?
STANDARD.—Had the motion of Sir Robert Peel been
productive of no other result than that of defeating the inten-
tion of Ministers to use the House of Commons as the medium
of their electioneering addresses, and of compelling them to
make their long-threatened appeal, before they have time to
organise the several conspiracies they had premedi-
tated against the most important interests of the country,
there would have been ample ground of congratulation.
It was not, however, to be expected that men who had already
violated both the letter and spirit of the Constitution, by re-
maining in office after successive defeats had satisfied every one
save themselves that they no longer posses-ed the con-
fidence of the House of Commons, would abandon their
tenure so long as it was possible for them to flatter them-
selves with the chance of some new and happy
diversion in their favour. But we firmly believe, that but fir
the determined and business-like conduct of Sir Robert
Peel last evening, a new trick was intended to have been
added to the many sleights of hand of these political juggler.,
and that, could Lord John have escaped unquestioned with his
six months' estimates, he would have been in no hurry to re-
assemble a new Parliament. He had, however, no alternative
but to consent to the pledge extorted from him by Sir
Robert Peel, and was thus deprived of the power of further
equivocating on the subject. In the course of his speech Lord
John Russell offered as an excuse for a dissolution of Parlia-
ment at the present juncture, the assumed fact, that the two
great parties are so equally balanced, that were Sir Robert
Peel to succeed to the Government, he could not hope to carry
on the public business ; eight members having by their ab-
sence evinced their want of confidence in both parties. His
Lordship appears to have overlooked the fact, however, that
whilst Lord Melbourne and his colleagues have had large
majorities against them on several vital questions of their policy,
and would have been left in repeated and still larger minori-
ties on others even more important, but for the timely aid sf
Sir R. Reel and his friends, the Conservative majority, small
as it was on Saturday, may be considered the lowest estimate
of Sir R. Peel's strength. But no one knows better than Lot d
J. Russell that the influence of the Government would of itse4
supply an additional number of votes to Sir R. Peel abundant
for all his purposes. Had the majority of one been on the side
of Ministers, it would have supplied them with no pretext for
an ovation, seeing that on most other great questions they
would be certain to have considerable majorities against them.
COURIER.—Lord John Russell's denial of the double
budget—that is, of the " fair and foul weather budgets," as
appositely characterised by Sir R. Peel, will hardly satisfy the
country, even with the certificate of its truth attached by Mr.
La! ouchere. For ourselves, however, we will not be so un-
courteous as to refuse credence to the denial, so far as it can be
construed to extend. But it extends clearly no further than the
disclaimer of a double budget, both concocted at the same time,
whereas it may have been the fact—and we believe was so—
that the new sugar duties, timber duties, impost duties, and
Anti Corn-law budget, was a scheme never seriously thought,
nor the heads of it thrown together at all, however
loosely, until Lord John's Irish Registration Bill had been
hooted out of the House, and Mr. Baring's final conviction,
from the financial returns then made up for the year, of
the frightful deficiency which had grown against. the Exche-
quer under the penny post blunder and miserable hand-to-
mouth shifts of Vast fiscal system of himself and his predecessor.
And we are, moreover, satisfied that, to this very day, no
scheme for a new budget is actually drawn up in any order or
detail fit for presentation, or exits as such, either in the Trea-
sury archises or those of Lord John's own department
The clap-trap announcement of a new and forthcoming scheme
was resorted to only because the wretched Government
found itself at a dead lock, and therefore, as a desperate expe-
dient for retrieving so much popularity as might help it to a
majority in a new Parliament, cast forth this random
firebrand scheme as the means of a new agitation among
the constituencies. We are here judging Lord Juhn
Russell more charitably than what we should be justified
in doing from his own recent antecedents ; for we cannot
forget that within the last few weeks he formally stated in the
House that Lord Poulett Thomson had been duly, officially,
advised of the intention of Government to bring forward the
timber duties; whilst we have it under the hand of the Cana-
dian Governor himself, in a letter of reply, given some days since
in the Morning Herald, to certain. memorials of the merchants
and inhabitants of Quebec and Montreal, requesting information
'and condemnatory of changes in those duties, that, to that
date—April 18th, mark—he had had no " official " intimation
of any such intention on the part of her Majesty's Govern-
ment. There is, therefore, a strange contradiction and misin-
telligence between the Colonial Secretary and his Canadian
subordinate on the subject, but on which side the equiv-ocatiese
to use only the mildest term, may rest, we shall not decide, but
leave the Lone of contention fur amicable digestion betwixt
those-noble persons themselves.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—The funds have been fiat to-day, and bu-
siness limited.

'fhe chief cause of the drooping state of Spanish Stock is
the fail in Paris and Hamburgh, and the wretchedly low po-
sition of the Spanish Exchequer. It is surprising that the lie.
gent has net by this time evinced some proof of his usual judg-
ment, by adopting some practical curse of financial reform.
The premium given to-day on the Britannia at Lloyd's was,
we understand, seventeen guinea per cent.
POST.—The tea market assumed to-day a more important
and intelligible position than it had done at any time since
the arrival of the last overland mail fr3m India and Canton.
The trade have now had more time to digest and reflect on the
news, and to see pretty clearly the dilemma in which the weak
agent of a weak Administration has placed them. The advance
of the British forces to Canton has proved, as we find from Sir
G. Bremer's despatch, the signal for the removal of the tea
and silk collected there; and, as it is quite evident that our
troops will not venture into the interior of the empire, or the
natives dare, to judge from their late conduct at Chusan, to
violate the laws by bringing down supplies, an indefinite time
must elapse before the first shipments can be calculated upon.
The dealers who have kept oat of stock in the auticipatiun of
an amicable arrangement are, accordingly, now running the
gauntlet with the speculators who have been beforehand with
them. They were to-day buyers of the common black leaf at
2s. Id. to 2s. 2d. per lb. The speculators have been active
also, and a very extensive business was done at a general ad-
vance of Id. per lb. on Saturday's prices.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN
MR. HANDLEY AND LORD STANLEY.
COPY.—NO. I. MR. HANDLEY TO LORD STANLEY.
" 30, Pall-mall, June 6, 1841.
" My Lord,—Your Lordship will recollect that, in the re-
marks you addressed to me in your speech on Friday night,
you observed that when Sir Robert Peel came into office I
consulted you as to my vote on the Speakership, and the course
I ought to pursue, not liking to give an absolute refusal to
support the Right Honourable Gentleman.'
" I at the time contented my self with an expression of dis-
sent, thinking it of little moment to the House or to the ques-
tion what was my course on that occasion. Finding, how-
ever, that the circumstance has been commented on out of
doors, I take the liberty of ade:ressing )our Lordship on the
subject.
" Your Lordship's charge against me, of having been
uncompromising and devoted adherent of Lord Liverpool's
Government,' will be contradicted on a reference to Hansard
by those who may take the trouble to ascertain the votes which
I recorded in opposition to that Government ; but the state-
ment, as to my having sought your Lordship's advice, having
been made on your own authority, I must beg to recal to your
Lordship's recollection the following facts.
" I had no communication whatever with your Lordship
previous to my vote for Mr. Manners Sutton ; but on the
following morning I received a note from Lord George
Bentinck, purporting to be written by your desire, and
stating that, judging from my vote •on the Speakerahip,
I was not prepared to go ail lengths with the Opposi-
tion, your Lordship had requested him, as a mutual friend,
to invite me to meet a few members at your Lordship's house,
to consult on the course to be adopted as to the Address. Itly
reply was, that having made up my mind to vote for any
amendment to the Address that implied a want of confidence
in Sir Robert Feel, I could not, in fairness, join in the consul-
tation. A subsequent communication, however, was made by
Lord George Bentinck, urging my attendance, which, he said,
would be in no way binding upon me, with which I complied,
and after remaining some ten minutes, during which you did
not address a syllable to me individually, I found that, your
Lordship's views and mine were totally different, and I at once
quitted the only conference, if such it can be called, ever held
between us, and which your Lordship will now perceive was
not of my seeking, but your's.
" I leave it to your Lordship's sense of justice to give such
explanation as you may think fit, either in the House or by
letter, reserving to myself the right of giving publicity to this
correspondence.—l have the honour to be,
" Your Lordship's obedient humble servant,
(Signed) " HENRY HANDLEY.
" The Lord Stanley," &c.
COPY.—NO. 11. LORD STANLEY TO MR. HANDLEY.
" St. James's-square, June 7, 1841.
" my return to town this morning, I have had the
honour of receiving your letter of yesterday. It would be a
matter of sincere regret to me to find that in the observations
which I made in the House of Commons on Friday night,
1 had misrepresented any part of your political con-
duct. My own strong impression was, that I had seen you at
my house in 1635, together with other gentlemen who were
not prepared to place implicit confidence in Sir Robert
Peers Government, but who, at the same time, declined to
' commit themselves to active opposition against him. My
impression was confirmed by the recollection of others ; and
it appears from your letter that on one occasion you
were so present. Your memory is much more likely to be
accurate than mine, as to whether that occasion was pre-
vious, or subsequent to, the vote which you gave in favour
of Mr. Manners Sutton against Mr. Abercromby ; and if
I mistake not, I distinctly admitted on Friday, that your
attendance at my house was not long continued. The po-
sition which I occupied at that time was not one of my own
seeking, but was pressed upon me by several gentlemen, some
of whom, I believe, previously attemied a meeting in Palace-
yard, of which number I understood that you were one : and I
am not aware of having invited the attendance of any one at
my house. I can, of course, have no objection to your making
use of this correspondence in any way you may think proper.
" I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,
(Signed) " STANLEY.
" To H. Handley, Esq."
No. 111.
"30, Pall-mall, Monday evening, June 7, 1841.
"My Lord,—l beg to acknowledge the receipt of your
Lordship's note, and shall avail myself of your permission to
snake it public.
" I will only add, that I was not at the meeting in Palace-
yard, and most certainly should nut have intruded myself at
your Lordship's house, but for the communication to which I
have already alluded.
" I have the honour to be, your Lordship's obedient, humble
servant, " HENRY HANDLEY.
" Right Hon. Lord Stanley."

THE PRESIDENT STEAMER.—We learn, from
good authority, that the underwriters have appointed Thursday
next, the 10th inst., on which to pay the losses on this ill-
fated vessel, which may be taken as a tolerable proof that,
in that interested and well-informed quarter. all hope of her
safety has vanished,