The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

PROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.)
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
We elsewhere insert a copy of a letter from a gen-
tleman in the United States to his correspondent in
this country, dated 29th December last. The Ame-
rican gentleman is highly informed on the subjects on
which he writes, and his statements are peculiarly en-
titled to attention at this moment. Of the value of our
commerce with the United States few persons in this
country have an adequate notion. But, then, the rapid
growth of the United States in population and wealth
constitutes an important feature in this commerce.
The American gentleman observes, that " a free
trade with the single state of New York, now con-
taining 2,420,000 persons, is of more value than the
whole trade of the peninsula of Spain and Portugal,"
but then the progress of improvement in the Penin-
sula is hardly perceptible, while the resources of the
United States are every year increasing with un-
exampled rapidity. " I regret," he says, "in the
examination before the Import Duties Committee
to find how few facts were brought out as to the ex-
tent and character of our trade with you, and as to the
resources of this country, which, under a restrictive
policy on your side and ours, may be brought into
competition with yours." The manufacture of cotton
goods commenced in the United States during the war
of 1812. "To show the rapid progress in manufac-
tures, I refer," he says, " to 1826-27, and we find we
only worked up 103,483 bales of cotton, of about
3401b5. or 35011)s. In 1833.34 it extended to 196,413
bales ; in 1838-9 to 276,018 bales ; and in 1810 to
291,279 bales, of about 4001bs. each, cqual
to 116,511,600165. of cotton." Our readeFs may
confidently rely on the statements in this let-
tar. But it the commerce with the United
States be of paramount importance to this
country, we ought not to neglect the means by
which that commerce may be continued. " If," says
this American gentleman, "you would take our grain at
a duty of ss. or even 103. a quarter, we could send you
to the amount of from 2,000,0001. to 3,000,0001., and
the grain-growing States, if that were a permanent
rate, would at once extend the cultivation, and would
always, or in most seasons, have a surplus to barter for
your cottons, woollens, glass, iron, &c." But what do we
' hazard by the continuance of our present restrictive sys-
tem? The tariff question will come on for discussion next
Congress, and General Harrison and his supporters are
understood to be more favourable to prohibitory duties
than the Van Buren party. "It is, in truth," he says,
" the great mass of the nation who favour this bad sys-
tem, and therefore it cannot be lessened, unless we can
induce your Government to repeal the Timber and Cot n-
laws—and it should be done soon—immediately, to have
any effect on the new proposed tariff." The period is criti-
cal—the change in our system must take place soon,
immediately to have any effect in the United States.
No doubt the people of that country will do a very
foolish thing ; but we are not entitled to reprove them.
They are merely treading in our steps—with this dif-
ference, that they arc better able to make foolish ex-
periments than ourselves. The millions of these king-
doms who aro starved to make incomes to bankrupt
landowners, would do well to bethink them in time of
the danger with which they are threatened by the reta-
liation in the United States.
(From the Morning _Herald.)
We may congratulate the friends of order, and the
loyal supporters of our old-fashioned Constitution, on
the recent failure of one of the most pompous, but most
abortive, demonstrations which, even in Ireland, have
been yet attempted against the established Monarchy.
To contend that an attempt to bring about the repeal
of the Union by factious organisations of clubs and sedi-
tious harangues at public meetings, is not equivalent in
its theory and management to a purpose of subverting
the Monarchy, is a manifest solecism. A skilful surgeon
may have very original notions about the extent to which
be can carry the process of amputation without risking
the extinction of life ; but a reckless mountebank, who
should undertake veritably to effect that species of dis-
memberment which, in the mere fervour of his eloquence,
he assures his auditory at a country fair that lie can
readily perform " without any sort of inconvenience to
the patient," would scarcely reduce' his propositions
into practice, without arriving at a fatal issue. To
divide the trunk, for exomple, from the head, or to dis-
member the larger extremities from the trunk, would
prove an operation fatal to the subject, whoever might
be the operator. Now, surely, taking into the ac-
count the mere physical consideration of territorial ex-
tent and production, and the relations of geographical
position, Ireland is an integral member of the kingdom
of Great Britain, sufficiently extensive and essential to
the vitality of the united monarchy, to excite in every
reflecting mind the most painful conviction that the
excision of the one would be followed by the dissolu-
tion, more or less speedy, of the other. On the 15th
instant, at the Theatre Royal, Dublin, an aggregate
meeting of the " Reformers " of Ireland took place,
at which it was announced, long beforehand, by all
the trumpets of the brazen-lunged and brazen-faced
section who worship the Dagon of Darrynane, that
"an enormous array " of the Peers and ancient
gentry of Ireland were to assist. In an advertisement
carefully sent forth as a " precursor " to this grand
field day, these " magnates" were marshalled with a
precision, as to precedency, which almost smacked
of the official arrangements of' the Castle, or the herald-
head of Sir William Beetham himself. But lo ! when
the day came—which saw in the chair, indeed, an Earl
.of Charlemont (!)—the whole of this patrician array of
between forty and dwindled down into forte or five !
Two Lords and two or three Baronets were all who
came down to do honour to the show. It was a " show"
in the paltriest sense of the word ; but the parties who
were to have been the principal " performers" on the
occasion, were not " all in to begin." The Noble
Chairman apologised for the absence of the Earl
of Gosferd, laid up with the gout. He deplored
thn absence of the Duke of Lehister ; whether
absent with or without leave, did not very clearly
appear. The other great men had wit, at least,
after offering their necks to the noose which the
Repeaters had prepared for them, to withdraw them
again. They would not turn out. So, then, Mr.
Dillon Browne, a Dr. Montgomery, and Mr. Henry
Grattan, seemed to take up the parts of the absent, and,
in theatrical phrase, " kindly to undertake to read
them." This they did, and with the usual success.
They made a bungling, miserable affair or it, the absur-
dities of which would have been brought out in much
bolder relief, but that they were followed by the prime
juggler, the great Daniel himself. Meantime the avowed
intention of the meeting to discuss the Registration
Bill, and denounce Lord Stanley, expanded, of course,
into endless orations for " Repeal." O'Connell was, if
possible, more intensely vulgar and mendacious than ever.
His abuse of' Lord Stanley—whom he called a " a miscre-
ated lot dling" (!) his exaggerated and most false version
ofa passage in that Noble Lord's speech, on introducing
his Registration Bill, wherein he deplored the prac-
tices of perjury and fraud to which the existing sys-
tem of registry gave rise in Ireland—were all in the
worst taste of the worst political charlatan of our days.
And then his efforts at drollery ! Beyond the self-
complacent exhibition of his own boorish person, while
lie twaddled about his " unimpaired physical strength"
and his " murchicgs and countermarchings" (to use the
phrase of another vaunting impostor, Major Sturgeon),
the desperate effort of the Liberator seems to have
been absolutely deplorable. If we could imagine the
man guilty of any honest excitement, we should sup-
pose that he must have been drinking Father Matthew's
good health very fast, and cot in Boyne water. The
s 4 speech," however, as reported, is too dull to justify
so pleasant an idea. We shall leave Lords Charlemont
and Brabazon to reconcile, as they best can, their no-
tions of respect for the Constitution with. their pre-
sence and presidency at such a meeting. But bow
could any gentlenien be found to endure, apart from
the objects of the meeting, such ferocious ribaldry—
such insane chuckling—such overacted strainings at
jocularity (every new effort being a coy nianqhe)—
as were combined in O'Connell's address 1 " Misery,"
they say, makes a man acquainted with strange bed.
fellows." Truly, politics must enure him to very dis-
gusting society.

(From the Times.)
The ingenuity of M. Thiers has been exercised in his
long report on the project for the fortifications of Paris,
to put forward the views best calculated to act upon the
assembly he addressed, and to elude rather than to an-
swer
the objections which occur very forcibly to the
rest of the world. He relied upon various uneontro-
verted calculations to show that the plan is feasible; he
quoted great military authorities to show that it was
useful to the defence of the French territory ; but he
did not attempt to demonstrate that the scheme was
compatible with the habits and interest of a great me-
tropolitan community, or endurable to the common
sense of a free people. The estimates for these great
works, as presented to the Chamber by the Committee,
arc under five millions and a half sterling. Those for
the wall and bastions of Paris, with all their appen-
dages, are taken at about 2,000,0001. (800,0001.),
though the circumference will form a belt of eight
lelgues in length, and 1-12 metres in width ; whilst the
cost of the external line of forts, cosering a circuit of
20 leagues, is computed at a still lower sem. To this
extent of ground must be added a zone 230 metres in
width, blasted for all the purposes of industry or habi.
tatian, for which, as we understand, no indemnity is
proposed. We are, of course, unable to overhaul the
data on which these calculations arc made ; but unless
we are greatly deceived as to the value of land in the
neighbourhood of Paris, which is enhanced to excess
by the subdivision of property, and unless the analogy
of railroads and other public works undertaken in the
vicinity of a great metropolis be totally fallacious, it is
evident that these estimates fall enormously short of the
real expense which will be incurred, if the French
Chambers really set to work to construct these towers
of Babel. But if the cost were ten times as great,
it would not strengthen the arguments against the pro-
ject. 'fife primary tax of 3,000,000 or 10,000,000 on
the public purse is as nothing compared to the tax
which fortifications impose for ever on the freedom,
the time, the revenue, the improvement, the extcn.