The Sun.
London, England, 1823-10-04 00:00:00

Minister for Foreign Affairs of Buenos Ayres ;
and it was subsequently ratified by the Buenos
Ayres Government, which was further authorized,
and undertook, to negociate the accession to it of
the other South American States, mentioned in
Article XI. There can be little doubt, therefore,
but that the work of pacification has been before
this time accomplished, by the adhesion of the dif-
ferent States ; and all that is still wanting to com-
plete the formalities is the ratification, on the part
of Spain, of that Treaty which she had previously
instructed her Commissioners to conclude. Here,
however, an unforeseen obstacle may present itself.
If Cadiz and the Constitutional Spanish Govern-
ment fall into the hands of the Duke of Axaou-
LEM, attempts wilt no doubt be made by the
French to prevent FERDINAND from ratifying the
Treaty ; and even if the ratification shall have
been previously effected, we may expect to hear
of a Decree for annulling the acts of the Cortes
and of the Constitutional Government. But in
the former case, though the effect of the convene
tion, so far as relates to a suspension of hostili-
ties, may be destroyed, the main fact, viz. the
recognition of the independence of the colonies, by
Spain, will not and cannot nor be altered ;
inasmuch as the act of recognition was com-
pleted by entering into the treaty, and even by
the appointment of Commissioners empowereed to
treat. In the latter case, viz. the promulgation of
a Royal Decree for entirely annulling the Acts of
the Cortes, it is unnecessary to say that such a
proceeding world be regarded witl► utter con-
tempt on the part of Great Britain, and that
any attempt to enforce its execution on points
involving her honour or interests, or the inde-
pendence of South America, would be promptly
and efficaciously resisted by her, even if it
should become necessary to support her de•
termination by a war. But we are specu.
lating on an event (the fall of Cadiz); which, not-
withstanding the cheerless appearance of the
Constitutional cause, we may venture to hope will
not occur. If the defence of Cadiz can be
maintained for another month, the ensuing spring
will open upon Spain with' brighter prospects;
and the aid which she would now derive from
those Colonies which have so long enfeebled and
exhausted her, would enable her to resume the
war with renovated credit, and with the
consequent Increase of energy and vigour.---
It will be seen, on referring to the docu-
ments, that there is annexed to the Con-
vention with Buenos-Ayres a project of law,
by which it is voluntarily proposed that the South
American States shall, as the first proof of their
friendship towards the Mother Country, vote the
same number of millions as a subsidy for enabling
her to maintain her independence against France,
as were voted by the French Chambers for
enabling the arms of France to effect her
subjugation. This is at least something diffe-
rent from the conduct of the United States to.
wards Great Britain. The revolted Colonies
of Spain come forward, on obtaining their in-
dependence, to support the parent country
against the aggression of France. The re.
volted Colonies of England, in the hour of
her greatest peril, united their efforts with
those of France, and employed them (thank God
unsuccessfully) in endeavouring to effect the
downfal of that country to which they owed their
own existence.

The subjoined note has been ndddressed by

the Spanish Ministry to the Governments in
alliance with Spain. It may be consider.
ed as a solemn Manifesto and Protest against

the proceedings of the Duke of ANGOULEME)
and against the completion of the violent and per.
fidious outrage perpetrated by France upon the
Spanish nation :

EICTRACT OF A NOTE FROM THE SPANISH MINISTRY,

DATED AUGUST 23, 1823.

The undersigned Secretary of State, &c. in 'transmitting to
you the accompans ing documents (the royal correspondenee we
published an Thursday is here alluded t 1), is convinced that it
is not necessary to point out to you the contrast the worthy con-
duct of his Christian Majesty presents, on this occasion, with
the ill-advised, not to say insulting, intimation which the Duke
d'Angouleme has ventured to make 1:s the name of his august
uncle, the King of France.

If hitherto any doubts may have been entertained respecting
the real intentions of the French Government with regard to
Spain, none can any longer exist, after the perusal of the letter
of the Duke d'Angouleme ; from which it must be evidently
inferred, that the prudent reform of our political institutions,
intended to give to the Royal. Authority the necessary force,
and avoid all danger or motive of apprehension on the part of
other Powers, is no longer wished ; but that it is sought rather
to obtain possessiow of the King and his Royal Family, in order
to convert them into instruments of the aforesaid Government;
and, without allowing to Spaniards any moderate Constitution,
to bury the nation in opprobrium, and deprive it of all inde-
pendence, of all liberty, and all guarantees.

It is supposed that tne rung Is not free, and it is attempted
to sustain this falsehood, as evident as it is absurd. notwith-
standing so many, and such solemn declarations of his Majesty
himself to the contrary—notwithstanding so many and such un.
equivocal acts of his own, which destroy all idea of restraint_
and notwithstanding the tranquillity and uninterrupted order
which reign in Cadiz, the respect shewn to his august person,
and the character and principles of his Ministers.
The French are the only persons who drove the King from
his Palace in Madrid.—the only persons who drove him from

Seville : in what Pay can they now, therefore, pretend to
restore to him that liberty which they alone deprive him of, by
demanding that he should be delivered up absolutely to their
disposal and influence ? This is the only explicit proposition
conveyed in the letter of the Duke d'Angottleme ; this is the
Preliminary sine qua non ; and those who feign that a Monarch
is not free among his own faithful subjects, wish it to be
thought that he will be so among foreign troops who have in-
vaded his kingdom, and among rebels and traitors who Ate de-
solating it in union with the enemy.
" Let Ferdinand the 7th be free," said the King of France,
" to give to his subjects institutions which they can reeeiva
from him alone, and the motive of the war shall cease." The
civilized world has beheld* with astonishment an aggression
founded on a pretext of this kind, and heard with alarm, a
maxim destructive of the most sacred rights of nations; but;
after all, his most Christian Majesty did not say that he would
only consider the Catholic King free when he should have him
in the French army; neither did he announce his intention of
dictating, or suggesting to him the institutions which he was
to give his subjects. Now, however, the Chief of the French
army arrogates to himself the power of deciding when the King
of Spain is to be considered free, and even in the case when he
should be pleased to consider him as such. Ills Majesty is net,
to be free to grant any other institutions than those which may
be agreeable to the Cabinet of the Thuilleries, since he is not
only told of what kind they are to be, but also only in con-
formity to them is he offered the co-operation of France and her
Allies, in order to consolidate them.

And what are the institutions so sedulously prescribed to his
Catholic 3lajesty, ut order that he may bestow them on his sub-
jects ? Precisely those the least reconcilable with the dignity of
his Crown ; the most proper to debilitate the royal authority ;
to enervate the action of the Government and destroy its unity ;
the least conformable to the spirit of the age, and the existing
state and habits of the nation, and the most likely to per-
petuate therein divisions, the opposition of interests, and the
clashing of parties. One must be ignorant of the history of
Spain to propose, in the present day, the ancient Cortes of the
Kingdom, as the guarantee of order, justice, and good admir:-
stration. Juntas, or particular assemblies in each of the three
Biscayan provinces; different Cortes in Navarre; others again
of three distinct classes in Aragon, Catalonia:, and Valencia, all
which ceased to exist many years ago; others still different its
the kingdoms of Castile, which never had any fixed form, and
experienced numberless vicissitudes. Such is the bond with
which it is sought to unite all Spaniards, and consolidate the
Monarchy-.-assemblies so heterogeneous in themselves, that a
true national representation never existed, and it was as fre-
quent to see those who were called the Attornies of the People
prostituted and sold to the prevailing power, as it was to see
the Royal dignity outraged and oppressed through the ambia
thin and preponderance of some of its subjects. Such are the
means by which it is attempted to strengthen the authority of
the Monarch, and secure a just liberty to the nation.
It would be useless to stop to offer reflections on this point,
and it is only possible to explain the proposition of the Duke
d'Angouleme, by undemanding it in the same sense in which
the authors of the Royal Decree of the 4th of May, 1814, also
spoke of the ancient Cortes. Too vain is the name to leave any
hopes to those who reflect, as the real intention alone is,
through this medium, to re-establish the former absolute
power. Hence was it easy for the idea to be addressed
to the Duke - from Paris, and thus, after the lapse of a
century, would the plan of Louis XI V. be established, which
is in fact the real object of the present war. It -does not suf-
fice to carry it on in so unheard-of a manner as that of esta-
blishing what is called the Regency of Madrid, and through its
means overturning all that had been done in the space of three
years by a legitimate Government, acknowledged by the in-
vaders themselves, as well as by the whole of Europe; it does:
not suffice to deprive Spaniards of the right of constituting
themselves under that form of Government most suited to
them: it is moreover necessary that they should be deprived of
every Constitution whatsoever ; and that for having wished to
be free, although without licentiousness and without detriment
to France, they, together with their King, are to endure the
yoke it is attempted to impose upon them. By reducing to an
extremity of this kind a high-minded Monarch and people,
incapable of compromising with infamy, it is no doubt wished
to shut the door to peace, and seek out pretexts for ulterior
views of ambition, or for an indefinite military occupation.
What can no longer be disguised is, that however desirous the
Spanish Government may be to put an end to the present disc;-
trans war; the only proposition that has hitherto been made to
it on the part of France, and the tone and terms in which the
Duke d'.Angouleme makes the same, are in themselves such
that it is not possible for the Government to acquiesce without
dishonouring itself, and sacrificing the dignity of the throne
and the fate of the nation. Neither can it any longer be dis-
guised, that if the threat it carried into effect, as held forth in
case compliance is refused to a proposition so irritating, that it
has only had for object to compel those to whom it is addressed
to reject it, it is to be apprehended that the residence of the
King, himself, anti of the Royal Family being attacked, the
destruction may reach their persons, and that possibly all the
efforts of loyalty and of virtue may not suffice to guard them
in the last extremity from a crime instigated by despair.
If the French Government had proposed to rid themselves
of the august Family reigning in Spain, with difficulty could
they have hit upon a measure more suitable than the conduct
they have pursued within the last six months. The Spanish
Government must therefore protest, and does protest loudly,
in the face of heaven and earth, against the consequences of the
violence committed by the French, anti against those which
may follow, from their ftirtlLT attempts. In this critical
situation of his Catholic Majesty all Monarchs have a direct
interest, in like manner as in the actual cause of Spain isll
nations have, more particularly those enjoying a representative
system.
To the Spanish Government it clots not belong to step for-
ward to make proposals to France, nor is there time to make
.
them, conformably to the tenour of the Duke d'angouleme, a
letter, as much filled with violent and irritating preteneions as
it is distant from offering terms compatible with the dignity of
his Catholic Majesty, with the integrity and independence of
the Monarch, and with the honour and liberty of Spaniards.--
Within these precise limits, neither the King nor the nation
will refuse those prudent and word means which may lead to
a solid peace, honourable to both parties, under gtutrantece
solid and secure, because without them there can be no parr
safety for Spain, nor would the result be attended with all nut
cemsisteney that is wished. The undersigned, asc.—C4all'
Aug. 22, 1823.

CITY, Twelve o'clock.--Consols opened Ws
morning at 83:31 for the Account, and 83 ,ti for
Money, with a good deal doing.
I do not hear of any Expresses this mornito:
from Paris, and consequently T suppose that
there was no news of importance in that
Capital. A report prevails that accounts are in
town from Sir CHARLES STEWART, stating that
..0.
the affairs of Spain were in a fair way of
"I"
settled, and that in a few days he expected in-
formation or the utmost importance from Cadiz.
FOREIGN MARKET.—LittIe doing in the above
Nfarket,
except in Colombian and Spanish Bonds.