The Sun.
London, England, 1847-09-24 00:00:00

S N y SEPT EMBER 24, 1847.
N 17,163.1 LON DON FRI DAY
E 7-7 N N G

NATIONAL LOAN FUND LIFE
ASSURANCE SOCIETY.
25, CORNIIILL, • LONDON.
Capital £500,000. Empowered by Act of Parliament.
This Institution embraces important and substantial advantages
vith respect to life assurances and deferred annuities. The assured
ts, on all occasions, the power to borrow, without expense or for-
,titure of the policy, two•thirds of the premiums paid (see Table) ;
Also the option of selecting benefits, and the conversion of his in-
t Tests to meet other conveniencies or necessity.
Assurances for terms of years on the lowest possible rates.
DIVISION OF PROFITS.
The increasing prosperity of the Society has enabled the Directors
at the annual meeting held on the 12th May, 1847, to declare a fifth
bonus, varying from 35 to 85 per cent. •n the premiums paid on each
policy effected on the profit scale.
EXAMPLES.

Perms- Sum the
A,t;l Annual Policy Bonus in' I nent lte- Assured
%go. st; Pre- taken addition Bonus iu duction of may bor-
= g ilium. out In Assured. Cash. Annual row on
rn
Premiums. Policy.
,
X a. 4•1 X s 8. X s. d. £ a. d.
r 1837 243 9 3 112 8 5 18 4 6 494 8 10
1838 218 4 s
81 99 8 10 15 13 5 445 0 0
X X .d.
CO 1000 74 3 4 1839 192 1 101 86 9 3 13 4 9 395 11 1
i 1840 143 510 66 8 4 919 1 346 2 3
I 1841 138 14 2' 61 17 6 9 9 2 1296 13 4
l 1842 111 6 81 49 10 0 7le 4 1247 4 5

The Annual Report, with tables of rates, &c., may be had at the
office, or any of its branches in the country ; or, on application. will
!,,e forwarded post free.

F. FERGUSON CAMItOUX, Secretary.

ENGLISH and SCOTTISH LAW LIFE
ASSURANCE and LOAN-ASSOCIATION,
12, Waterloo-place, London; 119, Princes-street, Edinburgh.
Established in 1839.
Subscribed Capital, One Million.
A BONUS of TWO PER CENT. PER ANNUM on the SUM
ASSURED to the 25th of December, 1846 (equivalent to 28 per cent
on the premiums paid), HAS BEEN DECLARED, and ADDED
to all POLICIES entitled to participate in the profits of the Asso-
ciation.
The business of this office embraces—
Every description of Risk contingent upon Life, whether Civil,
Naval, or Military, at home or abroad.
A Comprehensive System of Loan (In connexion with Life As-
surance) on undoubted personal or other security of adequate value.
Immediate, Deferred, and Contingent Annuities and. Endowments.
The Assured participate in two-thirds of the profits.
12, Waterloo-place. J. HILL WILLIAMS, Actuary.

WHITTINGTON CLUB and METROPO-
it T. LITA:,.T ATHEN,EUM.---WESTERN CLUB:IIOUSE.

The Committee for raising a Fund for the establishment of a
WESTERN CLUB-HOUSE for the Institution meet every TUESDAY
EVENING, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, Strand ; and every
TucasnAY EVENING, at the Club-house in Gresham-street, at Seven
o'clock precisely on each evening, w her the attendance and co-epe-
ration of all who are interested in the success of the undertaking aro
earnestly requested.

7, Gresham-street, September, 1847.

TIIOS. B. RAE, Hon. sec.

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
LECTURES on CHARACTER, with Musical Illustrations,
by Mr. J. RUSSELL, accompanied by Dr. Wallis, on the Pianoforte,
every Evening, at Eight o'clock, except Saturday. Dr. Bachhoffner's
LECTURES on NATURAL PHILOSOPHY will comprise the sub •
ject of the ELECTRIC TELEGRAPHS, &c. CHEMICAL LEC-
TURES. To the WORKING MODELS, explained daily, have just
been added GALLOWAY'S APPARATUS for ascending and de-
scending INCLINED PLANES on RAILWAYS. The beautiful
OPTICAL EFFECTS include the last DISSOLVING VIEWS.
DIVING BELL and DIVER, with EXPERIMENTS, &c. &c.

EYEBROWS, MOUSTACHIOS, and IV HIS-
KERS produced in a few weeks, and Baldness removed and
prevented ley the use of GRIMSTONE'S AROMATIC REGENE-
RATOR, an essential spirit, drawn from aromatic herbs and flowers,
a few drops of NS hich cure headache in a few minutes ; it is also a
most delightful, fragrant toilet perfume. Sold only in triangular
bottles, protected by the Government stamp, at 4s. ; double the size,
7s. ; and double this size, l Is. each ; enclosed in a Pamphlet, con-
taining testimonials of undoubted authority, entitled " Three Minutes'
Advice on tke Growth and Preservation of the Human Hair, Ecc."
By post, 4s. Gd., 7s. Sd„ and 125., for money orders only.
Sold wholesale only at Grhnstone's Ilerbary, Highgate, near
London ; and by Messrs. Barclay and Son, Farringdon-street ; Sanger,
Oxford-street; Messrs. Butler and Co.,Cheapside • Fisher and Teller,
Conduit-street ; Mr. Johnston, medicine warehouse, 68, Cornhill •
and by all chemists, Perfumers, and others For Edinburgh, J. and
R. Raimes, Leith-walk ; for Manchester, eresehe and Son, Adver
tiser-office.

PUBLICATIONS.

FREE-TRADE AND THE COTTON Q ESTION WITH
REFERENCE TO INDIA.
This Day, 120 pp., price 2s. 6d.'
AMEMORIAL from the BRITISH MER-
CHANTS of COCHIN to the Right Hon. Sir JOHN HOB-
HOUSE, Bart., M.P., President of the Board of Control. With a
Letter and Appendix.
By FRANCIS CARDIAC BROWN, Esq., of Tellicherry.
London : Effingham Wilson, Publisher, 11, Royal Exchange.

Will be ready with the Magazines, on September 30, price is., post
free 4d. extra, by forwarding postage stamps to the publisher,

ALETTER to the QUEEN, entitled A
VOICE from WINDSOR," containing Important Informa-
tion to her Majesty relating to the conduct pursued towards the
Public at Windsor Castle by Persons in the Lord Chamberlain's De-
partment, and on other matters connected with the State Apart-
ments at the Royal Residence, including Glances at the annoyances
inflicted upon her Majesty's Lieges, the future prosperity of the Town,
the popularity of the Sovereign, &c.
By VERITAS.
" If circumstances lead me, I will find
Where truth is hid, though it were hid, Indeed,
Within the centre.".—Shakspeare.
Loodon: William Strange, 21, Paternoster-row ; and, by order, of
all Booksellers in the United Kingdom. Is. ; free, Is. 4d.

BRITISH COLLEGE of HEALTH, New-
road, London.—The principles of the Hygeian theory are
contained in the following propositions :—l. The vital principle is
contained in the blood. 2. Everything in the body is derived from
the blood. 3. All constitutions are radically the same. 4. All dis-
eases arise from the impurity of the blood, or, in other words, from
acrimonious humours lodged in the body. 5. Ellis humour which
degenerates the blood has three sources—the maternine, the conta-
gious, and the personal. 6. Disease and pain have the same origin,
and may therefore be considered synonymous terms. 7. Purgation
by proper vegetable purgatives is the only effectual mode of eradi-
cating disease. 8. Experience of upwards of 20 years has amply
proved Morisou's Vegetable Universal Medicines to be such proper
vegetable purgative. 9. From the intimate connexion subsisting
between the mind and the body, the health of the one must conduce
to the serenity of the other. Hygeism—The science of health. Hy-
geist—A promoter of health. Hygeian—Pertaining to the science of
health. These terms have not been adopted through an affectation
of singularity, but merely for the sake of drawing a sufficiently
broad line of demarcation between the old and new schools.

DINNER TO MR. CHARLES BUL-

LER, M.P., AT LISKEARD.
On Wednesday last the Liberal electors of the
ancient borough of Liskeard, who since the late elec-
tion have contemplated a public demonstration of
their satisfaction at the triumph they then achieved in
the person of the Right Hon. Charles Buller, their
distingushed representative in Parliament, entertained
that gentleman at a grand dinner, in the Market-
house of the town. The leading gentlemen of the
Reform party in the county assisted at the ceremonial,
and upwards of three hundred connected with the
agricultural and mining bodies were present. A pro-
fusion of laurels and dahlias decorated the room,
which was also hung with numerous banners, dis-
playing an endless variety of appropriate political
mottoes ; one in particular recording, in large gilded
characters, the triumphant return of Mr. Buller, in
opposition to Dr. Curteis, of Doctors' Commons, the
Conservative candidate. The chair was taken at
three o'clock by Barnard Anstis, Esq., Mayor of Lis-
keard, who was supported on the right by John Tre-
lawny, Esq., M.P., and Mr. Rundell, the late Mem-
ber for Tavistock. On the left were J. T. A. Ro-
bartes, Esq., M.P. for East Cornwall; Ed-
ward Turner, Esq., M.P. ; Sir William Trelawny,
Bart., Lord Lieutenant of Cornwall; and Mr. H.
Stokes, of Truro. Mr. C. Buller, who, on entering was
received with tremendous cheering, occupied a seat at
the right hand of the Mayor. Sir W. Molesworth,
M.P., was invited to attend, but, unfortunately, had
previously engaged himself elsewhere. Sir Colman
Rashleigh, Bart., declined to attend in consequence
of the death of his father
; and several other gentle-
men of the county, known to be staunch friendsTof
Reform, were prevented from attending by a variety
of causes, explained in their respective letters. Stock-
ham's marine band attended, from Plymouth, and
executed, with great brilliancy, their most favourite
pieces. The dinner was provided in the most sub-
stantial style, and was done ample justice to by the
Cornish yeomen present.
_ _

The cloth having been removed, and the usual loyal
honours observed,

The CHAIRMAN said he had very great pleasure in
proposing a toast which he was sure would be ac-
ceptable to every Reformer present, not only on
account of its importance, but on account of the ser-
vices which the gentlemen, the names of whom he
was about to mention, had rendered to the country.
It was " The health of her Majesty's Ministers"—
(Cheers)—and he was.confident that there was not one
there:who would not recognise the claims they had on
their kindness. Of this, at least, he was fully assured,
that the health of a Ministy of which Lord John
Russell was the chief, would be well received by a
company of intelligent Reformers, and he, therefore,
proposed to them " The health of her Majesty's
Ministers."—(Cheers.)
Mr. C. BULLER, when the cheering, with which he
was greeted on rising, had somewhat subsided, said—
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen—Though it is not ex-
actly the capacity in which I wish to appear before
you on this occasion, as representing anything but
the borough of Liskeard, I must crave leave, as the
only member of the Government present, to return
you my sincere thanks in a few words for the Govern-
ment which you have so highly complimented, and of
hich I am a very humble and subordinate member.
Gentlemen, I said it was not in that capacity that I
ished to address you now ; because as you have
done me the honour to invite me here, the only
quality I would recal to your attention was that in
which I have the distinguished honour to serve you in
t?arliament. At the same time, I am proud to think
that when I answer for her Majesty's Ministers I
answer for men with whom I am proud to act.—
(Cheers.) They have succeeded to office under cir-
cumstances which, though they deprived them of
power, at the same time relieved them of the respon-
sibility of determining the political course to be pur-
sued—they succeeded to power not by their own
strength, but by the weakness and disruption of the
opposing party. They succeeded to power because
no one else would undertake to conduct or maintain
the Government of the country. The country did
them justice, gave them credit for good intentions,
and supported them in the period of their weakness.
It has since relieved them from that weakness, and
placed them on the full responsibility of the Govern-
ment of the country. It is not for me, an humble
member as I am of that Government, at all to pre.
tend to indicate to you what will be its course or
what will he its policy in the ensuing session of Par-
liament. I am no more than yourselves initiated in
their secrets— I know no more than the humblest of
my auditors what measures the Government are pre-
pared to bring before Parliament in the ensuing ses-
sion. I think you must look to the past character
and past conduct of those men ; and by looking, as I
have done, to their past characters, and to their past
conduct, I am induced to give them my support,
and humbly to co-operate with them. I am the more
induced to do so, because I think that from our ex-
perience of the past we may judge that they will not
be loath to use the power they hare now got for the
benefit of the country ; and because I feel that you
may repose in them the same confidence that I un-
hesitatingly do—the confidence I ask you to repose
in them—the confidence which you show you have
hitherto reposed in them, by the manner in which
you have drunk the toast proposed by the Mayor,'
and which rests entirely on the hope you form of
their policy, grounded on your recollections of the
past. In these hopes I feel confident you will not be
disappointed—(Hear, hear)—and I feel as confidently
that when, a few years hence, I may on an occasion
of a similar nature, have to respond to this toast, I
shall still have to respond for the same Liberal Go-
vernment, and be proud to appeal, as an evidence of
their success, to a long list of liberal enactments,
which I believe it is their present intention to propose,
and their present occupation to prepare.—(Cheers.)
The Cumasiare next proposed the health of Sir
William Trelawny, Bart., Lord-Lieutenant of the
county, which having been briefly acknowledged by
that gentleman, he again rose and spoke thus :—I now
come, gentlemen, to the toast of the day, and have the
pleasure of proposing to you the health of our distin-
guished Member, Mr. Charles Buller.—(Great cheer-
ing.) Gentlemen, I have always thought that an
honest constituency makes an honest representative,
and that you can form, and well form, your opinion
of what the representative is from the constituency
he represents.—(Hear.) We have had a hard fight,
e have passed through with great strength, and Mr.
Buller has been enabled, by your honest exertions, to
return to Parliament the Member for Liskeard. I
do not on this occasion wish to refer to our political
opponents in any degree whatever, for we have not
assembled this day to crow over them, but to con-
gratulate ourselves on our success. Our contest was
more difficult on account of the gentleman who was
brought down to us—(Cheers)—but for sixteen years
Mr. Buller and the Liberal interest here have had a
difficult struggle to maintain. First, we had to contend
with my Lord St. Germans, and next with Mr. Keke-
wich, who, with his friends, had a pretty large propor-
tion of the property in this neighbourhood. He brought
with him an excellent character, and I believe that so far
as our district is concerned, few better landlords were
to be found.—(Hear, hear.) We rejected him be-
cause his opinions did not coincide with ours. But
that was not sufficient; for our opponents said, " You
have refused gentlemen and men of character, and
now we shall bring forward a money influence."
Gentlemen, we have had too much talk of money,
and I much fear that the constituencies of Cornwall
are becoming too frightened at the cry of a money
Member. What guarantee have you that your prin-
ciples would be represented if you were to return a
money Member ? Do you really think that a stran-
gera )
would represent them, who had come down to
?—(Cries
thanof «N
no.y"
consider purchase your
this boroughump
hgreater
achieved, because it has taught our opponents that in
spite of their money influence they would be beaten.
There are humble voters present who have received
the temptation of gold, and it is my firm impression
that they will derive far greater satisfaction from their
knowledge of having acted on principle in returning
Mr. Buller, than they would if they had received his op-
ponent's money.—(Cheers.) I cannot speak of Mr.
Buller in his presence as I feel, but the highest praise
I can bestow upon him is, to call to mind your good
feelings towards him, and propose his health.—(Drunk
with protracted applause.)
Mr. C. BULLER, who then rose amidst the most
vehement cheering from all parts of the room, re-
sponded as follows :—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen—
When I say that in rising to return you thanks for
the honour you have done me on the present occa-
sion, I rise on an occasion of deeper interest to me,
and when my feelings of gratitude and kindness to-
wards you are more strongly excited than on any
former one which has afforded me the pleasure of
addressing you, you must not understand that I spoke
only of, or even mainly with reference to, the circum-
stances of our recent contest. I cannot consider that
that contest was ever dangerous, or that it was at all
likely to prove serious. We have on former occasions
had to contend with great power, and great interest,
and strong antagonists. Our triumph on this occa-
sion has been more signal, but we must not disguise
it from ourselves, that it has been achieved against
the weakest antagonist ever brought forward. Very
little as I am inclined to rake up any bitterness of
feeling associated with that contest, and much as I
should wish it to be consigned to oblivion, or drowned

in the recollection of our easy triumph, there are cir-
cumstances in that contest which always pain me to
consider, because they may perhaps serve to create a
bad impression of our county in other parts of the
country.—(Hear.) You well know, gentlemen, the
fatal stigma that attached in days gone by to the people
of the Cornish coast. The atrocious practice of
wrecking which they followed, united in itself feel-
ings of the most barbarous cruelty, with the hateful
passion for gain, and I very much fear that, unde-
servedly though it be, this local custom may still be
alleged against us by our political adversaries. I
much fear, gentlemen, that when Dr. Curteis landed
here, so to speak, like some shipwrecked mariner, and
like him was carried up to the higher regions of hos-
pitality, he was inclined so to make use of this peculiar
feature in the former character of the people of this
county. I have sometimes feared, gentlemen, that
when he is carried up to the more hospitable regions
of the eastern metropolis, as he will most undeservedly
consider them (for had he been right in coming to
Liskeard, he could nowhere have experienced a
warmer hospitality), he will tell a long and dismal
tale of woe.—(Laughter.) I know not how he will
tell it; whether he will sing it in the open streets
with a fiddle before him—(Great laughter)—or what
other means he may have recourse to, but be assured
he will have recourse to some—he will endeavour to
excite the sympathy of his countrymen in London, in
favour of the misfortunes by which he has been over-
whelmed. I fear, in short, he will endeavour :to raise
the suspicion that the spirit of Cornish wrecking sur-
vives in the disposition of the electors of Liskeard and
its neighbourhood.—(Hear, and great laughter.)
Happily, however, I am happy in being able to say,
that the horrible vice of wrecking was not indigen-
ous in your town, though some of its inhabitants at
one time took part in it ; but that stranger intro-
duced and taughtit, whilst Callington was the centre,
whenever it was extended over the county.—(Cheers.)
I can conceive with what horror the generous-minded
citizens of London will listen to his tale of horror
—how their blood will grow cold, and how
their flesh will creep, when they hear this innocent
Doctor of Laws—(Laughter)—who sailing tran-
quilly through the noiseless Courts of Doctors'-com-
mons, was allured from them through the false lights
held out to him in Cornwall—(Tremendous laughter)
—and who, having been thus induced to quit his re•
treat, and cast himself on rocks, he was heartlessly
pillaged by those to whose rapacity he had fallen a
victim.—(Renewed laughter). Let us, then, once
for all, assure our friends here, and our countrymen
everywhere, that these are practices which the elec-
tors of Liskeard, and which all of us, as Cornishmen;
indignantly repudiate, that we have no sympathy
with those by whom Dr. Curtis was so disgracefully
pillaged, but look on him as an exceedingly ill-used
man, for whom, however, having done us an uncom-
mon good turn, we feel pity at his having been made
the instrument of others to do it.—(Cheers and
laughter). But, gentlemen, I feel pride and satis-
faction, when I turn not merely to the events of the
late election, but to the many that have preceded it. I
look back over a period of fifteen years, during which
we have been connected, to the time when I first
sallied forth to solicit from the electors of Liskeard,
their aid in returning me to Parliament for their own
borough, then for the first time invested with the
privilege of franchise under the Reform Act. I had
to contend on that occasion against a nobleman of
great power and influence, of long attachment to and
intimate relation with the borough, and who had by
his ability and worth, both which we have in later
days been proud to acknowledge, endeared himself to
the people of this county. Certainly for a young man
venturing forward, I was guilty Of great temerity in
choosing for my opponent so distinguished a man as
Earl St. Germans. Nevertheless, I feel, although
there is certainly a difference of politics between us,
that there is no man whose name can be pronounced
with greater satisfaction, on the score of liberal and
public conduct, than that of that Noble Earl.—
(Cheers.) He was the first of his party—and to him
let the just credit be ascribed, great Tory as he was
.--he was the first of his party to go against his party
from motives of conscience ; and that, too, he did at
a time when party ran most high, by asserting in the
most manly manner his own independence, notwith-
standing the thraldom of party disapprobation. With
such an antagonist, gentlemen, I entered the field. I
know not what qualifications induced me to go there,
but I certainly had not those of a life devoted to
public business. I believe I had the good feeling and
kindness on your part, arising from my belonging to
a family long resident, of whom I may say, without
vanity, for it is of others I speak, and not of myself,
that they have endeared themselves to those who in
their locality have known them.—(Cheers.) I had
to rely on one solitary act of my public conduct, and
that act, I believe, secured me the support of
a majority of the electors of Liskeard. It was
simply this—that being at the time Member for
the borough of West Looe, I did not hesitate
to imperil my seat by voting for the Reform Bill, and
thereby consecrate the interests of my family to the
public good.—(Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen,
those were the high and palmy days of reform—
those were the days when the county of Cornwall
was, indeed, represented by men worthy of that proud
distinction—by my distinguished friend Sir William
Trelawny, the Lord Lieutenant, whose presence
amongst you this day you have hailed with such
unanimous tokens of satisfaction, by Sir William
Molesworth, whom I regret to find prevented from
attending in consequence of an unavoidable ac-
cident, and by other able and excellent indi-
viduals, who were then borne into Parliament by
electors then, for the first time, enfranchised.—
(Hear, hear.) Since that time our principles and
our party have undergone great vicissitudes. That
was the zenith of our sun, and we have seen dallit of
gloom and despondency succeed. By large encroach-
ments on their ranks the number of reforming Mem-
bers in the House of Commons has been successively
diminished, until at last, in the election of 1841, we
were placed for the first time, in a minority, and the
Tories were brought into power. But, gentlemen,
during that period, though we were deprived of the
services of such men as Sir William Trelawny, and
other reformers of this county, the borough of Liskeard
always held on its steady course, unswerving, undeviat-
ing, and unfaltering. We have had a hard trial once
or twice. The first time we beat our opponents
easily, the second time not so much so, though there
were circumstances in that more arduous contest
which rendered victory doubly grateful. It was a
feeling of triumph, I confess, though I myself never
doubted of victory on that occasion. Certainly, how-
ever, a great impression was made by the vaunts of
our opponents, and we were all aware that so sanguine
were their hopes of success, that even the chair was
prepared in which Mr. Keke wich was to celebrate his
confidently anticipated success.—(Hear.) That vic-
tory, too, was achieved at a time the most disastrous
to our cause, when the reaction occasioned by the
passing of the Reform Bill was at its height, and when
the Tories had collected their strongest forces previous
to their final victory. Liberal constituencies through-
out the kingdom abandoned their cause as hopeless,
and made up their minds that their adversaries should
remain the conquerors. In that national conjuncture
what did the electors of Liskeard do? Did they de-
spond ? They redoubled their energies, and since that
time not a single registration has gone by that has
not witnessed an increase of Liberal voters, until at
length, I came down to the election in 1841, and
saw myself returned almost without opposition.
And now, gentlemen, it is after this period of
fifteen years of alternate success and depression, that
I come to you at what I think is a remarkable epoch
in the history, not only of this borough, but of the
country. I come to you at a period when your
greatest triumph has been achieved through the tri-
umph of your adversaries. I consider that the suc-
cess of the Tories in 1841, and the raising of a Tory
Minister to power, have been the greatest triumphs
for Liberal principles that the course of events ever
brought forth. You then had a Tory Cabinet, with
men of the most distinguished ability at its head, who
had a majority of nearly one hundred in the House
of Commons, and an untold majority in the House of
Lords. That Ministry was able, by its resources, to
carry any measure it chose to introduce into Parlia-
ment ; then came the test of principle—then came
the test of the wisdom of the policy pursued by each
party respectively; and what has been the final re-
suit suit ?—(Cheers.) Why, that able and t intelligent
could
take borne into Parliament by the Tory pary,
take no other course than adopt the same political
litical
views which you, the electors of Liskeard, sent me
to Parliament to recommend and advocate.—(Hear,
hear.) I know of nothing that youcan so much,
so fairly, pride yourselves.fe upon
adverse times. You
may pride yourselves on as the
consistency
you have always man:
on sted n
having returned me to
Parliament to oppose ea
strong Ministry, supported
by a commanding majority in the House of Com-
mons ; but thereis nothing I know of that can be
half so gratifying to you as men of intelligence, as
to find that on your sending me there for that
purpose, without receding from one single profession,
I could conscientiously, as the representative of a
Liberal constituency, give my vote in favour of a
great proportion of the measures brought for ward by
the Tory Government. And how, I might be asked,
could I reconcile myself to an apparent anomaly of
that nature ? Because that Tory Government, being
opposed by men of ability, saw that the country

[ PRr SD.

r could be governed under no other laws than those
which on all occasions you had supported, and
because principles stronger than party, stronger than
property, stronger than any coalition of influence
that could be arrayed against them, coerced the strong
Ministry to break up the Tory majority, by intro-
ducing a decidedly liberal measure. And now,
gentlemen, I come before you under more favourable
auspices. The sun of Liberal principles so long set,
is rising again, and permit me to say, if not with the
resplendent brilliancy of former days, at least with
the prospect of a long and unclouded course.—
(Great cheering.) I am not speaking as a party
man ; nor do I say that this Government, to which I
belong, and to which I am firmly attached on account
of the integrity and wisdom of its principal men, and
my conviction of their proper estimate of the exi-
gencies of the people ; I say, gentlemen, that it
is not as attaching undue importance to the
existence of that political Ministry that I
congratulate you on the triumph of liberal prin-
ciples, and on their assured success and pre-
.

. .
dominance in this country for many years to come.
I feel, too, gentlemen, that the triumph of liberal
principles no longer depends for its stability or per-
manency on the influence of particular men. We
have got to be independent men, and, by dint of pru-
dence and patience, have attained such a position that,
be the government of the country possessed by whom
it may, it is evident that, whatever man is placed at
the head of affairs, the progress of liberal opinions
will be steady, and, I am sure I need hardly add
the word, safe. In the opinion of some it is possible
that we may even have a Protectionist Government,
and that Lord Stanley in the House of Lords, and
Lord George Bentinck in the House of Commons,
may be entrusted with the supreme direction of
public affairs.—(Cheers and laughter.) As, however,
I am not one of those who think such an event is
within the compass of probability, I shall not inquire
into the merits of that supposition, but dispense with
it at once.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding all the va-
.

pouring of the Protectionists during the last session
of Parliament, this fact has come out by the sum-
mary of the late general election, that they are the
only party which has sustained the loss by which the
present Government is strengthened, and therefore I
may congratulate you on the pleasing certainty, that
whatever may be the fortune of party, or whatever
the fears of individuals, or whoever may be entrusted

with the great distinctions of State office, we may
look forward with confidence to this, that for many
years to come the Government of this country will
act in accordance with the liberal feelings of the
great body of the people. With regard to this topic,
I may observe that I have seen some calculations of
the respective strengths of parties in the new Par-
liament, and the editors of some newspapers have
given with great exactness, in various columns, the
different Members returned by each party, distin-
guishing those who were Protectionists, Peelites, and
Ministerialists or Liberals. As they have confessed,
it is undoubtedly very difficult to classify them with
extreme accuracy, or to infer beforehand which way
they mean to vote. And it cannot be doubted, gen-
tlemen, that during the short period which has
elapsed since the election, great surprises must have
been prepared for many individuals, who took an
active part in it, and made themselves confident on
the manner in which their political favourites would
vote when returned as their Parliamentary represen-
tative. I have recently seen instances of a candidate
being brought forward by our opponents, of whom I
had formed the highest opinion of their merits and
political attachment, but whose professions, even at
the hustings, were very different from those which
a Conservative candidate usually uttered.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) But it is not always at
the hustings that these scenes of disappoint-
ment occur; they are frequently reserved for a
later period of the relationship between constituent
and Member. The other day I had the good
fortune to see a newspaper which contained a report
of a very interesting speech made by a man of distin-
guished ability at the bar, to whom a dinner had just
been given at Plymouth, for which borough, after
great efforts he had been returned. I read that speech
through, and am informed that it created the utmost
astonishment amongst the supporters of the gentleman
I refer to. lam told that one of them who had been
mainly instrumental in bringing him forward, said
one day, in the course of conversation—" Yes, Mr.
R. Palmer is a long-headed man, a very long-headed
man ; so long-headed that I cannot make him out."—
(Great laughter.) Well, gentlemen, I for one, can
make Mr. R. Palmer out, and I think that any one
who reads his speech through, will perceive that Mr.
R. Palmer, who came forward as a Conservative, is,
at least, a very liberal Conservative. In fact, it has
frequently been said, with regard to the greater
number of disputes that have divided the world, that
they would entirely cease if peeple would only come
to a proper understanding on the nature of the terms
they use.—(Hear, hear.) And, of this, at least, I
am convinced, that if the definition of the term
" Conservative," be borne out by Mr. R. Palmer's
speech at Plymouth, few, very few, if, indeed, any,
Reformers, would feel inclined to undertake the
trouble of opposing such a Conservative as he is. I
think, gentlemen, that on the support of these liberal-
minded men, though appearing by name in a diffe-
rent light, we are perfectly justified in relying.
Whatever their distinctive denomination might be,
you, the country, and the present Government, in its
career of public good, have every reason to rely upon
them for assistance. Of late it has been said, and
much exultation has been exhibited on the subject,
that the reign of party is at an end, and that the
country is no longer to be ruled by it. Allow me to
say that, however we may be pleased with or inclined
to adopt such a proposition, it is one which, as prac-
tical men, we cannot entertain. My own opinion is,
that in every free country government must be by
party ; but I will explain to you what I understand
by party. I understand by that term, that men hold-
ing substantially the same principles, and believing
that their adoption would tend to promote the public
good, feel confidence in each other, and are willing
to waive minor differences, in, order that together
they may be enabled to carry out the principle which
they hold in common.—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheers.) Now, I believe that in this world, where
every great object must be attempted by the com-
bination of individuals, parties must of necessity
be formed, and that the Government must for the
time be conducted by the domination of party. Where
a party becomes odious is, where the bond of party is
not public good but private gain—where family and
political connexions for personal patronage isithe link
—and not the desire to carry out any great or excel-
lent principle, or achieve any desirable public object ;
then it is, I say, that party becomes an evil and a
mischief.—(Loud cheers.) But I say also, that it is
not that party is bad in itself, but because party has
outlived the principle that gave it birth.—(Cheers.)
And I believe that in every free country where the
state of public feeling is not vitiated, you will frequently
have periods in which the questions which have divided
men theretofore ceasing to divide them any longer
they naturally come to consider the old causes of quar-
rel to which they were then impelled 'against ;one an-
other, to examine into the foundation of their party al-
liance, and to form themselves again into other political
combinations. Now, I think that this country is just
now at one of these periods. At the period of the Re-
form Bill there was a great desire for change, and the
sweeping away of old abuses, which occasioned the
rise of the Reform party in the kingdom, and ultimately
carried the Reform Bill. Then came a strong
Con-
servative reaction, promoted by men who
by
thought
the ancient institutions of the countrythoutconsideration,
menaced
the agitation, and who said, without
" That Conservative
" Be these reforms good or be
think
ky bad, add
e,
tlrsiem
ewnitl
al
l to
op-
pose all change, because w e
the interests
foorf s
ethe a
pc
yo uynetarrys.
thwarted the progress
party, which
of every measure of public utility, and which ulti-
mately .riump • hed under Sir Robert Peel, was the
result of the reaction in feeling which the Reform
Bill created. Well, gentlemen, how has it ended
after all? In the establishment of liberal principles,
in honest men assembling to consider what they had
for many years so long and so anxiously been battling
about, and to agree upon promoting only those mea-
sures which are calculated to improve the state of so-
ciety amongst them. And what is the country now
intent upon ? Why, Tories, Whigs, Radicals, I'ro-
tectionists, Free-traders, and Ultra-Tories--;:y1 classes
of public men have only one desire in c -
Allmon, that
of effecting great practical reform. in the
`ad-
ministration of affairs in this country.—(Hear,
hear.) I think, gentlemen, that. •we gave our adver•
saries a noble example, any showed them that
we were not to be frightened'
particular names, or
kept back from acting
particular feelings of host: political propriety, by
men. When Sir ility directed against par-
ticularßobert Peel, who had before
that time been our decii-led opponent, brought forward
useful and good rnea.v ,ures, we forgot our hostility,
-
and, by supporting ,dm with our votes, enabled him
to carry
his Bill. -(Hear, hear.) But though we
have passed the ti-z le in which our hopes were de-
pressed and our cm ise appeared cheerless, you must
not suppose that t.l'ae feeling excited by the Reform
Bill has become el .tinct. I believe that Sir Robert
Peel will still hely! us, but even if he were inclined
still to thwart (.o,r efforts, I am so convinced of the
determination o 4 the country not to permit party feel-
ing any longett; tg band one set of men hostilely

.7

,
against another, and= so tit the execution of
public good, that they would array themselves in-
stantly in support of that Government which contem-
plated the real good of the people.—(Cheers.) I say,
gentlemen, with a clear conviction of its truth, that
to such a Government a noble career is open. We
have much to reform in our social and financial policy,
and the reform must be, sooner or later, boldly under-
taken. The state of the law—l say it as a lawyer, with
all deference to my friends near me, whose brows I per-
ceive are knitted against me on the present occasion—
and to you, Mr. Mayor, who are often called upon to
enforce the law, I say that the state of our law at this
moment, improved though it be by the recent esta-
blishment of county courts—(Cheers and laughter)—
is a disgrace to the country.—(A voice here exclaimed
" That's brave; three cheers to Mr. Buller, to give
him wind a bit.") The call, amidst much laughter,
was warmly responded to, after which the Right Hon.
Gentleman proceeded thus :—I am afraid, gentlemen,
I must say, with every consideration for your wishes,
that you have done a very foolish thing in giving me
wind—(Great laughter)—because there is no know-
ing how long 1 might otherwise have been tempted to
go on ; and if it had not been for the deep sense of the
obligation and gratitude I owe to you, I might
perhaps have extended my address beyond the limit
which I now propose to myself to observe.—(Hear.)
I shall, consequently, endeavour to abridge my re-
marks as much as possible, which, had it not been for
the kind indulgence of my worthy friend who inter-
rupted me, would probably have drawn more seriously
on your patience.—(Cries of "No, no.") Well, gen-
tlemen, I was saying that the administration of the
laws, whether in Chancery, or at common law—l
will even add, with the leave of Dr. Curteis, in
the Ecclesiastical Courts of the country, is disgrace-
ful to the country. Many measures have to be taken
for the relief and improvement in condition of the
great mass of our working population. Great mea-
sures have to be taken, and depend upon it that
vigorous measures, amongst others, must be taken
for remedying the unfortunate condition of the Irish
people.—(Cheers.) For it is no longer to be borne,
gentlemen, that so fair and so noble a portion of this
country—one which, if fairly turned to account; and
well governed, not only by Parliamentary enact-
ments, but by every man to whom property gives
influence, would be the best part of her Majesty's
dominions—should be a scandal, an eyesore, and a
source of weakness to this great empire. That, too,
is a disgrace to the country, and the longer it lasts
the greater will be the peril we prepare for ourselves
in the time to come ; and the greater still will be the
ignominy attaching to the country that permits the
existence of so monstrous a wrong.—(Great cheer-
ing.) These, and such questions as these, will be
amongst those which the Parliament will have to
discuss. To one, which closely concerns you, I shall
beg leave to allude more particularly. I mean the
abortive measure of last session, the Health of Towns
Bill. I have come down to you, and have seen a
people, excellent amongst the working classes of
the country for their intelligence, their religious
feelings, and their general morality of conduct.
I have gone through their towns and their villages,
and have seen a condition of things producing filth,

,4

/

and disease, and death, of which I Could not conceive
the existence. These are evils which the Legislature
should long sive have removed, by means which
were always at hand, hurting no one, and bringing
no expense that would not be ten times repaid by the
return arising from them—they are evils which ought
to be, and must be, removed.—(Cheers.) Such mea-
sures as these, embracing a general system of sani-
tary reform, taken in conjunction with others, are the
matters which engage the attention of the country at
the present moment ; and by realising, in these re-
spects, the wishes of the people, I believe that the Go-
vernment will gradually consolidate itself in the hearts
of the nation.—(Great cheering.) These are the mea-
t•ures, too, gentlemen, which I believe will hereafter
divide parties. But, as I have before observed, you
must not be led away in the belief that the spirit which
in other days proved destructive to reform is dead.
Do not suppose that there will not be a large portion
of the country that will not arrange themselves on the
side of abuse. There will be that oppdsition, and
against that opposition, I say, all the intelligence and
virtue will be arrayed, I cannot doubt, in an over-
whelming majority.—(Cheers.) That in future days will
mark the time of a separation between parties— between
those who uphold abuses against which public opinion
has declared itself, and those who propose to give a
temperate reform to them ; and those, I believe, will be
the Ministers of State, and the political favourites of
the popular party in this country, who best carry out
your wishes—who really endeavour to prevent desti-
tution, and who establish the most useful practical re-
forms. I am quite sure that in going to Parliament to
help the Government to carry out such reforms as I have
just now alluded to, I only bow to the expression of
your will, and show myself worthy the confidence
you have intrusted me with. Believe me, gentlemen,
when I say that that wish does not depend on the
mere agreement or coincidence of opinions between
us. It is not because there happens to be an agree-
ment among the electors themselves, that I feel my-
self bound to give effect to their wishes and feelings.
You have inspired me with a sympathy for your feel-
ings which will ever prompt me to show myself
worthy of my trust. I knew from the first mo-
ment of my connexion with you what influences you
would have to contend with. I knew that in former
times, and even on a late occasion, not merely
the influence of property was brought against you,
but that considerations of a coarser kind would be
thrown in your path. Inducements of corruption
have been presented to the voters of Liskeard, and it
is to their honour that they have in all, but very few
instances, been rejected. But I speak in pity of one
or two individuals who fell a victim to the outspread
snare, and whose conduct stands out in strong con-
trast against that of the many, some of them humble
individuals, deprived, perhaps, of the means of sub-
sistence, and undergoing with their families the bit-
terness of suffering; but who, notwithstanding the
temptation offered to them, held fast to their practical
cause of political rectitude and personal integrity, and
said, " Whatever our necessities may be, we could
not and would not satisfy them with the wages of
political dishonesty."—(lmmense cheering.) When
I have seen these men sacrifice everything to public
principle, and do honour to Liskeard as a consistent
and useful constituency—when I see all this, I say I
feel proudly my attachment to such a body of men.
I feel, not merely that there is no town, or
city, or county in the country, the stampratio-f
whose approbation could be half so g
fying to me as the certificate
mwoh.in h G
eln t e
m derivee
from you, who have so long known,
I feel not only this, but I feel also the constancy and
ma yee,da,:dand I
fT‘e. ae
feel mt
htaht olf
svhiorutul
de
for-
feiting my claim to the respect of my fellow-men,
bwe hh
03n7 oouu rihnagv emdyisnpal
were Ito show myself unworthyof political integrity which you so generously set
of the great example
me.—(The Right Hon. Gentleman here resumed his
seat amid long-continued applause.)
The CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of Me.
Robarts, M.P.
Mr. J. S. A. ROBARTS said he begged leave to re-
turn his most sincere thanks for the honour which
had been done him in drinking his health on the pre-
sent occasion, and also for the kind invitation which
had been sent him to be present at a dinner to com-
memorate the return of his most esteemed friend, Mr
Buller.
Some other toasts were afterwards proposed, which
kept the company together to an advanced houro o f
the evening, and the
in the most satisfactory manner.
proceedings of the day went ff

THE COAL TRADE. —MOVEMENT FOR HIGHER
Pa ircE s.meeting of the owners and representatives
of collieriesA
vending coals at the ports of Tyne, Hartley,
Hartlepool, and Stockton, was
Blyth, Wear, Seah,
held at the Assembly.amrooms, on Thursday. The busi-
ness was conducted with closed doors; but we learn from
a circular which has fallen into our hands, that the
meeting considered " that the very. inadequate remune-
ration generally derived from capital invested in the
collieries of this district, for the last two and a, half
years, has tended to discourage the power of produ3.-
tion ;" and this opinion, coupled with the fact .. that the
demand for their staple commodity is iner.easing," led
to the conclusion " that an advance of 2i. per chaldron
should be made." It was resolved that , the prices o f
London and coast coals be assimilate' d, and the prices
be—best coals, 265. 6d. per chali:tri3n ; second class,
245. 6d. ditto ; other prices to be io proportion. The
measure is restricted to 54 cwt. Per. chaldron. A com-
mittee was appointed, cOrasisting of
Mr. Plummer, Mr.
Morton, Mr. George J ,ohnson, Mr. 11T. Hoggett, Mr. fr-
Stobart, Mr. Jonattian Garbutt, '.fir. Turnbull, Mr. T.
A. Cocken, and. M. C. Davisoa. ?'he first four of these
gentlemen represent the Tyne, Hartley, Blyth, Wear,
and Seater m;
; the others
represent the tees and Bar tle-
pool.—,Newc:astle Advertiser.
The Fortifications of Sheerness, says the Kent
Observer, are fast approaching completiot..i. With the
excr..-.ption of a few yards towards the sea, the whole line
is finished, the gun-carriages fixed, all t'Aie smaller guns
mounted, and several of the larger owes are to be seen
peeping over the parapet. Last week excavations were
commenced in the open space oppo, site the dockyard
chapel, preparatory to laying the foe- adation for an ex-
tensive range of barracks, and the 7.:oad between Mile
Town and Blue Town has been 4 aged for five or six
weeks past, a temporary road having been made round
by the beach, whilst two new draw bridges, with bastions
and other defences, are being cow ,trusted,
THE SHREWSBURY RAILWA Y BRIDGE.—The late
rains have so swollen the Seve en that the progress of
this work is delayed for the pre, Sent, and likely to be for
a time.—Shropshire Journal.

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