The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-15 00:00:00

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Rho, when they saw the country in danger, and the Con
atitution jeopardised, changed sides, and arrayed them•
Ares by the side of the King. The Hon. Nembsr to;
Montrose said that the principle of intervention was un-
warrantable, but there were combinations of circuin-
ataneea that required statesmen to depart from general
ru▪
les and general principles. If they were entitled to
Interfere in a war of succession, were there not circum-
&lees which would justify their interference in prevent-
-11 It War of succession? They were as well entitled to
Prevent the evil as to remedy it. Upon these grounds, it
appeared to him that the Government had an ample de
nee for their interference in the affairs of Portugal.
Re hoped that henceforth Portugal would be secure of
that constitutional freedom which had been guaranteed
for it by that Constitution which had been so much
violated,
Lord J. MANNERS said that he rose, with much
flirty to support the motion of the Hon. Member for
Ontrese. It had been stated on the part of the Go
iernMent that the interference of this nation had been
necessary, in order to secure the peace of Portugal as
well
as that of the adjacent nations. He would ask the
Ouse, in respect of the assertion that the state of Por-
tugal required this intervention, what benefit had the
Peninsula ever derived from their interference in their
dornestic concerns? Intestinal discord had been the re-
sult of it, and disorganisation had gone on to such a
degree, that the country had become a by-word to other
nations. He would refer to the opinion which had been
given by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, that the constitutions, both of Spain and Portugal
had been violated, and that those freedoms which had been
guaranteed to the people had been most flagrantly
violated. It was well known that the very last revolu-
tion which had taken place in Portugal had been suc-
cessful without the slightest danger or injury to the
throne or liberty of the Queen of Portugal, and what
!Cason was there to suppose that, had the present revo-
lution been carried out, any more disastrous circum-
litaneea would have occurred than had taken place in the
former instance? The proceedings which had taken
place in reference to the Portuguese Government had—
so far from reconciling it to the people—separated
it from them, and rendered oppression more
eZtnin to the people of that unfortunate country.
;oe Noble Lord (Palmerston) distinctly reminded Mr.
'llllwer that the British forces were sent to Lisbon in
L 826, under the terms of a treaty, in order. to prevent a
Lthreatened invasion? He reminded him of Mr. Can-
n's conduct on that occasion. Very different had
been the conduct of the Noble Lord on the present. Mr.
been
deprecated, in 1826, the very course which had
pursued in 1847 ; he deprecated Britain meddling
a7Ol the internal concerns of any foreign nation.
7,41 what was the defence presented? Altogether
e",3'Pothetical ; the possibility of Don Miguel usurping
"%Throne, and the necessity of preventing an event
Which, whensoever it should happen, was certain, it was
!Pill, to be unpopular. Unpopular 1 then how be (Lord
Ouns Manners) asked, what distant prospect could there
0f the event taking place ? He would leave the
Noble Lord, or any other gentleman, to explain that.
Bad it been argued that they had interfered to prevent
bloodshed, or if they had actually interfered to prevent
Tis there might have been a show of reason. But no,
they allowed the Queen's troops to engage, and to
me teher the peasants, and to drench the country with
blood,hn. It was, however, justified on the ground of its
ding necessary for the interests of Great Britain. It
had been said that Spain would interfere, whatever
course might be adopted by Britain, and Government
had acted only in defence of the interests of Britain
and of Europe. Iledenied that Spain would haveinterfered
without the countenance of Great Britain, and if she
,Fad, that was no reason to justify Great Britain pursu-
e a course which in itself was unjustifiable. Look
znere this principle led? Let them suppose a revolu-
rn in Spain. Then France and Portugal would no
doubt feel themselves called upon to interfere. What
Would be the course of Great Britain, would she de-
Pereettte intervention in these circumstances? How could
taaltd after the course se w at present pursthe affairs of
uing? She
,e she was at present pursuing? She
d committed herself intervention i n
Fr Peninsula. He agreed with the lion. Member for
which
in thinking that this could not be the course
they ought to pursue on this occasion. Well
"414 ht Das Antas assure Colonel Wylde that it was ne-
cessary the insurgents should have some guarantee that
their just demands should be secured equally with those
11,f the Queen, for they had but too true a presentiment
unit the conditions entered into on the part of the Queer,
,t"ortugal would be violated. He (Lord J. Manners)
d) therefore, that it was incumbent on England to see
tout the conditions laid down as the grounds of its inter-
vention should be observed, and that the party of the
Queen should not be allowed to act in the despotic and
m'u.el manner they had hitherto done. The Noble Lord
!ttl attempted to justify this intervention by an appeal
zu precedents, and he had referred to the revolution which
had• occurred in this country in 1688. He (Lord John
squired
maintained, however, that a revolution which
;-equired to be supported and carried on by foreign in-
r!rference ought not to he supported at all.—(Hear.)
fte did not think that a case had been made out for their
Laterferenceson this occasion.—(llear, hear.) Nothing
than
be more unjust; also, nothing could be more cruel
uttn the Queen's troops in quelling the insurrection, and
thetroops of the Junta presented in this respect a marked
Zeitrast to such revolting proceedings. This was
hfled by n
a English resident
in Oporto. who wrote to
taa that a single theroghfare in London was more
rftfused and excited than the whole of Oporto.—(Hear.)
,er an attentive vie v, therefore, of all the circum-
stances connected with the revolution, he thought the
et;Riuct of the Portuguese Government jastifiAl, if any-
iletng could justify, the rising of the people.—(llear,
%tar.) Their acts had been of the most despotic and
et_bitrary nature, and he placed no reliance whatever on
e proms which ha ben ade them, or he in-
eventionise of the Englishe Govemrnmbeny t.—(tlear,t hear.)
14.23_ believed that this interference would not produce the
,I,nite anticipated, and he considered that the result
L_Tid be most disastrous not only to those on whose
I%if
they interfered, but also to British interests.
reee'Voeimpossible to undo the past, but the Coin-
place th` England could repudiate the precedent, and
needin
stamp of their reprobation on the whole pro-
would gs which had taken place. He trusted the House
pronounce
that opinion, end would let the world
ne
se▪
e, that however- be Government might be disposed to
e FTeddle in the affairs of foreign countries, the people
of
his countrOpy did not concur with them, and were of
luaion that the present intervention was unjust, uncon-
stitutional, and contrary to the principles of interne
o
nal law. —(lmmense cheering.)
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, in rising to move the
Intendment, of which he had given notice in the early
Pert of the evening, he could not help expressing his
tegre.7. et that the House was not treated earlier in the
sion with some of those expressions of attachment to
Constitutional freedom which hal just been heard from
ti
;7°,11. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, because
nis memory did not fail him, he thought he recol-
,_
.ented, some time ago, these same Hon. Gentlemen pro-
thatr the public thanks should be offered to the
Emperor of Russia, the Emperor of Austria, and the
intuePeror of Prussia, for extinguishing the liberties and
uePendence of Cracow.—(Bear, hear.) Now he could
nipOt help thinking, recollecting these things, that there
th4a some secret, something more than met the eye, in
ia,,•° support, Hon. Gentlemen opposite, were about to
Montrose. He could not help thinking, relying, of
ursee upon the well-known consistency of the protec-
e Tita—(A. laugh)—that they were now going to stand
p. 0r the cause of absolutism. Whatever might be the
zne itohneroet this House with regard to the motion of his
„vote _ .
bad there
Friend the Member for Montrose, ho thought no
would deny that the question his Hon. Friend
°tight under their consideration was one which
'ad the calm deliberation of the House, and the
If,Sousejt: would
( have neglected its duty had it made light
Hear, hear.) And, in discussing it, whatever
izgat be the views of those who opposed or supported
t.t which
thought there was one principle and one object
roach ought to be kept before them. Now that this
it Or had taken place, whether they approved of
Or not, they ought now to have but one object in view,
namely, to secure to the Portuguese people who had
ee'eeen justly in defence of their constitutional rights, all
the advantages and all the benefits that the intervention
enn possibly afford to them.—(Hear, hear.) It was
With that view that he proposed to move the amendment
of which he had given notice. He confessed, after
Perusing the papers that had been laid before that House
—after having heard the speech of the Noble Lord at
the head of the Government in explanation of these
papers—that he had come to a very different conclusion
from that which he had originally intended when he first
beard of this interference with the rights and domestic
Concerns of the Portuguese people. In these papers and
in that explanation he found a determination and a
decided wish on the part of the Government to
tesPect and protect the rights and liberties of the Portu-
Peso people. He thought there was sufficient evidence
in the documents that had been laid before them to
rove that Government bad had a difficult task to per-
eelln, and even now they stood abused by both parties—
'untied by the Queen's party, and abused by the Junta.
/t hadth been urged, in justification of this interference,
at had her Majesty's Government not interposed Spain
would. Now he thought that was no justification what-
ever, for he maintained that every claim to intervention
2% part of this country ought to stand upon its own
eptlttg. They ought not to be induced to commit a
weenng because it was anticipated that another country
4144 about to do the same ; but when they did
Of trfere, they ought always to stand upon the justice
%elle cue calling for the interference. Such was the
net of the British Government in 1826, when Mr.
ge,liTing Was at the head of affairs. What was the lan-
d,T..6° of Mr. Canning in 1826, when Portugal was
7atened with a foreign invasion. Mr. Canning came
ellrn to Parliament and asked for its approbation and con-
k, eice to the course be was about to take. The speech
One Penning made on that occasion was almost the only
Paril"' iris which ho (Mr. Duncombe) had ever heard in
th"nen% and he confessed he recollected it even now
et re.. at an impression did it make upon his mind at
the me. Mr. Canning, in concluding his address, told
ataedaVa of Commons that he was going to plant the
*hare tr, of England on the heights of Lisbon, and
come uat was planted foreign dominion should never
to do'--(Hear.) Depend upon it then that they ought not
on wrong because- others- were about t ) do it; but they
cajled (other only to interfere where reason and justice
40. it. Now, with regard to the motion of his
prOpos-L'erdlend the Member for Montrone, to which
he
tapers hetltiove an amendment after
.readipg the
riend' baddid not agree with the conclusion his Hon.
t7l this Come to. He did not think that the result
wee ,_ itervention will prove mischievous, or danger-
(ipe_6o the liberties of Portugal. He appreciated the
ettlties that Government had had to contend with,
„pert!, abused by the Cabralist party, whose conduct
PepPl"iron
gb t about the revolution and disaffection of the
she a, for not promoting the cause of absolutism, and
yes Were abused
poste theme • . by the Junta and the people for op-
t:teat ela• interests. Now, had her Majesty's Govern-
egattuncroxie4linrigviiietaw the rinciplof protecting the
and freedoms of the Fortuguese

people? That was just the question for them to con-
sider, and it was the greed aim and object her
Majesty's Government ought to have in view. The
people had been offered terms it was true, but there was
no guarantee given that these terms should be strictly
carried out. The people did not object to the term;, and
therefore, he fur one said let the offer be repeated by the
two powers who had interfered in conjunction
with the expression of opinion in declaration of the
House of Cemmons, to see them etrictly and faithfully
performed. It was with that view that he should move
the amendment he was about to bring forward. It was
done to the people who had risen in defence of their
constitutional rights ; and who was that people, let him
ask ? They were not persons who delighted in getting
up revolutions, because they served their own interests
—they were not Suns-culottes, but the nobles and
wealthy landed proprietors of the country.—(Hear.)
These parties being now the prisoners of war to this
country, it was the duty of the House and of the country
cordially to accede to the resolution which he was about
to propose, and thereby obtain for itself the gratitude
and thanks of the Portuguese nation. He would, there-
fore, move the amendment of which he had previously
given notice.—" That Great Britain having become a
party to foreign armed interference with a view of ter-
minating the civil war now unhappily existing in Por-
tugal, it is the opinion of this House that on tranquillity
being restored it will be the duty of the British Govern-
ment to endeavour by all just means in its power to se-
cure to the people of Portugal the full enjoyment of their
constitutional rights and privileges."—(Hear, hear).
Mr. MACAULAY, in rising to second the motion,
said—Sir, I have heard with great pleasure the amend-
ment proposed by my Hon. Friend—(Loud and pro-
tracted cheering)—and I beg to assure my Hon, Friend
that in that amendment is set forth the principles which
have guided, and which will continue to guide the con-
duct of her Majesty's Ministers. They feel, Sir, that
whenever a Government is unfortunately compelled
to depart from the general rule which prescribes
the abstinence of all interference with the
internal concerns of foreign nations, that it
takes upon itself a duty, of which it cannot afterwards
divest itself, until the principles of the amendment of
my Hon. Friend have been fully carried out. It is with
the full conviction of these circumstances that her Ma-
jesty's Ministers determined to interfere in the affairs of
Portugal, and they will continue to act upon those
principles which have hitherto guided their conduct,
and I see with the greatest pleasure that my
Honourable Friend and other Honourable Mem-
bers who, like him, looked on at first with
jealousy upon the course pursued by the Govern-
ment have since upon an examination of the whole of
the circumstances found reason to change their opinions
upon the subject. I am not surprised, Sir, that such
jealousy was entertained by Hon. Members.—(Hear,
hear.) There can be no doubt that the rule which con-
demns interference in the affairs of foreign nations
is a sound general principle, and that upon the
Minister who shall depart from such a rule
must rest the burden and the proof of his case. There
can be no doubt that the Minister, be be who he may,
who shall so depart from this general principle, is
bound to make out his case to the satisfaction of the
House and the country. In the present case, it must
be acknowledged, (and. there are circumstances which
must be taken into consideration,) that there can be
no doubt, and it was what, so far from wishing
to conceal, the Government thought it an impor-
tant part of their case—(Hear, hear)—there can
be no dcuht that the throne of Portugal had long
been surrounded by evil councillors. There can be no
doubt that most violent and unconstitutional measures
had been resorted to by the existing Government. There
can be no doubt that there were many acts committed,
which I feel compelled to designate as a disgrace to the
Government. There can be no doubt that the people of
Portugal were justified in resting upon the distinct as-
surances of the Government, and I cannot wonder
that persons looking on with dislike on the
interference in the internal concerns of foreign nations,
should look with peculiar jealousy upon the first inter-
ference in the affairs of Portugal, more especially when,
at the first sigh', the object seems to be to rescue the
Government which had committed great faults, and from
the peril which was the natural consequence.—(Cheers.)
All this I admit ; yet, in admitting all this, I am con-
vinced that the Government, in acting as they have
done, have chosen the lesser of the two evils ; and in
such a case as this, it was absolutely necessary that
a choice should be made between two existing evils.
Considerine, Sir, the relations of Portugal with this
country—considering that Portugal was disturbed by a
civil war—and considering that other persons felt a
strong inclination to interfere in its internal concerns, I
hold it to be clear that no course whatever could be abso-
lutely and entirely free from risk and danger to the
British Government. But cases similar in principle
to this frequently occur, both in public and private life;
the experience of the trader, the merchant, and, above
all, the medical man, will tell them that they are often
placed in positions and situations in which they must act,
and in which every course has its risks and its inconve-
niences. It is, I contend, no fair way of reasoning to
dwell upon, or to exaggerate, the risks and inconve-
niences of the particular course which has been taken.
No argument against such a course, under those circum-
stances, can be sound, except the person who condemns
that course gives also his own line of conduct, and shows
you also some good reasons for believing that his line of
conduct would have been less hazardous, and attended
with less inconvenience than the one which he re-
probates. Remember, too, that in defending what
has been done, the speaker always speaks at a great
disadvantage, because he has to compare inconve-
niences which have been felt against a course which has
not been taken, and the consequences of which you did
not feel. Your line of conduct is a mere matter of dis-
quisition and speculation, and its advocates may even
deny that any risk at all attaches to it. Under these
circumstances. I think that the Government is fully en-
titled to call upon every Honourable Member—
not to lay merely before the House, or dwell
at length upon those inconveniences which are admitted
by ourselves, and which are inseparable, from the course
which has been adopted, but also to lay before the
House the plan and the policy which should entirely and
distinctly avoid these rinks and inconveniences. My
argument rests upon the particular relations between
England and Portugal. With any other powers no such
question as the present could possibly cccur. There are
other States to which we wish well, but supposing a
similar state of internal confusion to arise, for in
stance in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies
or in the Grand - Duchy of Tuscany, we
might probably send a force to the Bay of Naples, or to
Leghorn, in order to protect the lives and property of
English subjects, but interference like that which has
taken place in Portugal would have been a matter of
discussion to Ministers or to this House. Our relation
with Portugal is one without a parallel in the history of
European politics, nay, without a parallel in the
history of the whole worn. I do nut know any-
thing which ever struck me more than when
we called for the collection of the treaties
between this country and Portugal, for, seeing them
begin with the days of the Black Prince, and bearing
date in the year 1373, not produced for the mere pur-
pose of gratifying an antiquarian curiosity, but for the
purpose of ascertaining the nature of their treaties;
looking to the earliest of them dated in the 14th cen-
tury, there is one thing which it seems almost
impossible not to be struck with. It seems
that those who framed these early treaties had some
sanguine presentiment of the relations which they would
continue to maintain with this country. One of the
stipulations was, that England was to furnish " archers,
good men and true," to Portugal. It is rather singular
that a similar clause is still in existence in the present
ti eaty to that which existed in the fourteenth century.
There is an analogy between the manner in which the
treaties were observed in the fourteenth century, and
ein,nwtuhriych. theylt iare s
t he
mostobserved
singulard o wn even
thing
ao
gt h nineteenthl
dare say that the Noble Lord opposite, who has made'
it his delight to study the records of tnedicev 1
and the history of chivalry, will remember that Fa ro times,
i.
gives an account of the embassy who, in the year 1454%!
called on the King of this country for assistance against
the Castillians. The description which he gives of John
of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster, standing beside
the throne of King Richard the Second, while
the Ambassadors in their robes stated the case
of their master the King of Portugal, and
craved the assistance of the King of England, whom he
makes reply—" He is our friend, and the foe of our foes,
he asks what is just, and he shall have what he asks;"
and then 500 archers and 590 men at arms were sent off
to Portugal,
again,rtugrtel, in h
just in the same manner as in the present case.
Then
year 1826, a requisition was sent
from Portugal in our own day, praying us to protect the
same country from the same risks, and from
the same enemy. Such an unbroken alliance
for a period of 500 years is unparalleled in the
history of the world. It was a strong remark
made by Canning, " that all treaties made between this
country and Portugal had a character not exactly dip-
lomatic, that there was a force and fervour belonging to
them which made them appear almost romantic in com-
parison with the treaties of other States." By virtue of
these treaties we found ourselves compelled " to defend
Portugal against all men." In the year 1661, the treaty
st
set forth " that we should take the int
of Portugal to heart as the interest of England."
In the year 1703 all the former arrangements were
confirmed, and there is a stipulation in the present
contract to the same effect. There may be some
persons who may think it inexpedient for this country
to force circumstances of this.sort. Upon that subject,
however, I think very differently. I think that the
services we have rendered to Portugal, have been de-
served on her part throughout the whole of that fearful
struggle. In the reign of Queen Anne, Portugal continued
trne to her engagements. When we had France and
Spain against us, when they joined in insisting upon
Portugal that she should join them for the purpose of
resisting " the Tyrant of the Sea," Portugal constantly
refused—its capital was lying in ruins—its King had
scarcely a place upon which to lay his head—a Spanish
army was invading his territory, and spreading abroad
the ravages and horrors of war ; vet Portugal remained
steadfast to her ally, and true to the spirit of her treaties.
In the last war, the noble house of Braganca preferred
exile across the Atlantic to breaking faith with her
ancient ally. In the last great European conflict, Por-
tugal was the spot where you took your stand, where you
fought the battles of your own country. Never was any-
thing more true than the statement of that great Gene-
ral, in one of those remarkable papers which, even
tmeoreposttheariiity, thathis,.battl willthes,eq
hand
idowwnhisgtlworeieens
(Cheethe defence of Porlatmutliagnsnautrulffyafeanrweedthtuithe invasion of England."—
rs.)ovuasrtafiteii),s,earPn
tdohroattuureg ircefhos
enabledrtous a n
supplyd
us
()two: wascultivate
f-
the world
p. (
capital ti
awt-ia tt
nea
dnl i
massacre
ssosbfaocTnr Tor riart
selesaiVrr
.gee dr r,
vaas
hrt
eihenah tet,prhr,
eo
at
gencrdet eaadt
asptgrroauuiendgseltres ended you find those two nations still more en.
cleared to stitch other, and you have the old engagements

solemnly entered into in the settlement of Europe in the
year 1815. In consequence of this agreement you sent,
in the year 1826, assistance against the supposed designs
of France and Spain. Again, in the year 1834, when
pretenders for the crowns of Spain and Portugal having a
common interest, and almost the same parties, you came
forward to aid them in their conflict. England inter-
fered, and became a party to the quadruple alliance; the
preamble of that alliance set forth expressly the grounds
of the treaty, and the solemn alliances entered into be-
tween this country and Portugal for so long a period.
It might be said that the Queen was held in a state of
tutelage. Nevertheless, though trade was stopped, and
English interests were endangered, the principle of non-
interference was never put forward more strongly than
when the question became international and the Go-
vernment first interfered. In the case of France the
principle acted upon by the British Government had
bee❑ adopted. It was quite clear that Spain meditated an
interference. This was evident from the letter of Mr.
Bulwer. It was perfectly clear that an armed interven-
tion was at that time contemplated by the Spanish Go-
vernment. After having endeavoured to arrange tho
question, without interference, what were they to do?
He thought that a course of non-interference would be a
di>grace to this country, and an abdication of that influ-
ence which they were supposed to possess in Portugal.
I say that man would have incurred a great, an im-
mense responsibility, who would have ac:ed thus, be-
cause he would not, unlikely, have set the first spark to
the mass of combastible matter which may soon blaze
out into one vast conflagration. Nothing would hare
been easier than to have caused an European war ; but
whether that war may take place in 1850, 1860, or 1570,
is a problem which is beyond the solution of the wisest
man.—(llcar, hear.) I say, therefore, that unless you
can show that we have done all this, have done some •
thing so pernicious, something likely to incur the out-
break of an European war, you must he with us.
Now what are the circumstances ? and I think the Hon.
Gentleman, the Member for Finsbury, has treated them
a little more slightly than I think he should have done.
I mean the question of war ; but I quite agree with him
in this. I would not, for example, have given up to the
Queen the head of a single Member of the Junta, to
avoid war with the whole of the countries of Europe.—
(Loud and vehement cheering.) I would say as Fox
said, who was the great advocate of peace, when his
p )Fcy was accused as likely to prove dangerous to the
Bourbons on that occasion, my Friend Mr. Fox said
" I always looked upon the Bourbons as a bad
family, but rather than injure the poorest Bourbon, or
violate the right of hospitality, I would go to war with
the whole of Europe."—(Cheers.) And, undoubtedly, I
recommend no hostile, no unjust cause ; but I say it was
desirable to make any sacrifice which should be just,
humane, and favourable to the liberties of Portugal ; and
by doing so avoid the too great degradation of the mo-
narchy, than to give her up to the absolute disposal of
Spain, and to risk the danger of an European war. Then
what was the course we adopted Take the protocol in
which provision is made that all arbitrary decrees would
be revoked, especially on those who had raised arms against
the Queen; but let me tell you that if you had heard
how hard we had to fight for the amnesty; and if you
draw inferences unfavourable to the Government for
having struggled so long about those terms, I think also
you ought to be of opinion that if they did not agree, it
would have been impossible to carry them out without
adopting the course we have. But observe those to
whom these terms were offered, said—" Well, as we are
to have no capital punishments, let us have some security
that those who have rendered themselves objectionable
to the Queen, shall not be sent out of the country." He
replied, " They shall not be sent to Africa, they shall
not even be sent to France, they shall not be sent to
Paris, they shall not be sent one
.mile from
the territory of Portugual—not even 18, 16,
not even 12—not one mile from their country."
These were the terms to which we adhered to the last.

—([Tear, hear.) Those who oppose the Government
should bear in mind that in order to prevent any
hardships the Government made it expresely understood
that they would not consent to the banishment of one
member of the Junta to Paris for six months. Then
with respect to the amnesty, I think oar case is complete.
Our second article is that all the conditions we had
stipulated should be received and made law ; the fourth
that no member of the party, which had rendered himself
objectionable, should form a part of the Queen's Govern-
ment.

Mr. CHRISTIE—What guarantee had you that
,hest conditions should be carried out ?

Mr. MACAULAY—How were we to guarantee com-
pliance with these conditions. I cannot easily believe
that we should have encountered more difficulties than
belong to all such questions as these. The best guarantee
that we could have was this—that if, instead of observing
the agreement, it had been broken either by the Queen
of Portugal or her subjects, we, with the aid of France
and Spaia, had the most undoubted power to compel the
observation of the conditions.—(Loud cheers.) I think
this is a sufficient justification of the course of the Go-
vernment. There is a circumstance on which I think
some misrepresentation has taken place, and to which I
wish to put an end—it is just to my colleagues that
I should do so, and just to those to whom
they trusted the carrying out their orders. Ido not
think it fair that tho officers should be charged with
neglecting to send a proper notice to the officers at
Oporto of the course which they intended to pursue. I
do not think that even if they had been guilty of the
charge, that it would have justified the censures con-
tained in the motion of the Hon. Gentleman the Member
fur Montr ise ; but I think it is the duty of the Govern-
ment. to clear from unmerited charge those who have
served them faithfully. It has been stated that no notice
was given to the Junta of the course which the com-
mander of the squ idron intended to take previous to his
taking it ; but I think no one conversant with the cir-
cumstances can affirm that that was so. (The Hen.
Gentleman then read the letter of Mr. Roffe, of the 23d
of May, to the Secretary of F,,reign Affairs to the Junta.
stating that if any of the vessels of the Junta attempted
to go into the Douro, that they would be stopped by the
British forces.) Under these circumstances, I defy any
person to say that a full and fair notice was not given.
And now I have nothing to add but to thank the House
for the patience with which it has listened to me, and
to the statements I have made.—( Hear, hear.) I sum
up our case satisfactorily, as I think thus:—l say that
it was utterly impossible for us, intimately connected as
we are with Portugal, to observe the rule of non-inter-
ference, from the moment that the intervention of Spain
and France was sought by Portugal ; if we had not
interfered, and suffered them to interfere, we should
have lowered England in the whole scale of nations. If
we had not interfered, but instead declared that we would
go to war if they had interfered; we should have taken
upon ourselves the terrific responsibility of bringing upon
Europe a general war: nothing remained for us but to
adopt the course we did. I defy any person to read the
artf.cles set forth in the protocol, and to say that we have
not acted as it become us to act in such an emergency.
There were three objects almost incompatible, which
we had, if possible, to obtain, and to obtain each one in
such a manner as not to lose the other—there
the dignity of England, the liberty of Portugal,
and there was the peace of Europe ; and
we believe we have adopted that course which is
likely to promote the welfare of all. If our policy is a
right one, there will be little difference of opinion as to the
manner in which it has been carried into execution, but
it will scarcely be denied that the course which we have
adopted will end as we have anticipated, and that it was
sufficiently well chosen. I can only repeat to my Hon.
Friend that we feel the interference we have been com-
pelled to resort to must cast upon us the duty so empha-
' tically set forth in the amendment he has moved.
I can only add, that our own consciences acquit
us, and that we hope that that vote will acquit us of
having in this most difficult, embarrassing matter, failed
in any part of our duty to England, to Portugal, or
Europe.—(The Right Hon. Gentleman resumed his scat
amidst loud cheers.

Lord GEORGE BENTINCK said he trusted every
Member in that House would sincerely believe the state-
ment of the Eight Hon. Gentleman who had just sat
down. He had heard with c msiderable satisfaction
that his Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury had come
to the rescue of the Government with an amendment to
the motion of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Montrose. He was sure her Majesty's Ministers must
have been highly delighted that the Hon. and Gallant
Gentleman the Member for Finsbury, who was pleased
in the cour4e of his speech, to make certain remarks
upon those who sat on his (Lord George Bentinek's)
side of the House, had now left it beyond all doubt a
discussion, that whilst he had often enough had the
word "liberty" upon his lips, he was in favour of despo-
tism in his heart—it must have been a source of gratifi-
cation to them, to find that he got up to save the 3rli•
nisters of the Queen from a vote of censure for their
interference in the internal concerns of Por-
tugal —an interference at a moment when
it was admitted by the Ministers of the
Queen at Lisbon, that the interest of the Queen of Por-
tugal had become desperate. The Learned and Right
lion. Gentleman had referred to many passages in
ancient history, but he did not refer to one which was
very applicable to the present occasion—he did not refer
to the fact that when Philip 11. wished to conquer Por-
tugal, he did so by gaining over the chiefs of the oppo-
site parties to mix sand with the powder of their troops.
This he considered was the plan which had been adopted
by her Majesty's Ministry, as exemplified in the conduct
pursued by the Member for Finsbury. They found the
advocate for liberty defending the Government for aiding
despotism. The Hon. arid Learned Member did not
attempt to defend those proceedings which led to the
insurrection in Portugal. He found it quite impossible
to defend the principle of interference, and he conse-
quently appealed to the danger which would arise
from non-interference, and he appealed to the
terrible responsibility which would Fall upon Ministers
if they risked a war, and he read a dispatch of Mr. Bul-
wer, of the 7th of April, following very much the ex-
ample of the Noble Lord, who read a dispatch of the sth
of the same month, skipping very dexterously that most
important one dated the 6th. Mr. Balwer had an inter-
view with M. Pacheco, and stated to him distinctly that
if he did interfere without the consent of England he
should be prepared for most serious consequences. But
M. Pacheco answered, " Oh, no, we shall do nothing
without the concurrence of the English Government."
Mr. Bulwer asked him, was he quite sure that such a
pledge would be carried out? and M. Pacheco again, in
the strongest terms, re-assured him that nothing would
be done without the full knowledge and the full consent
of this country ; and that was what was contained in the
dispatch of the 6th instant, to which he referred. Well,
then, what becomes of the fear expressed of the interfe-
rence of Spain ? and he was at a loss to find through
the whole of the voluminous evidence laid before them
the remotest hint that France would interfere. The
toof any
Portugal.
Government
But
iwt hai cph.
Right Hon. the Member for Edinburgh and the Noble
Lord at the head of the Government, said that they
"
belongeopinions, which they held,
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quite n betovghe
neglect
toremy sorry
regt :h ao ttteht intereststo
ino
t heswishes or the feelings of the people.
ge would lilt* to see any treaty between the magma