The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-30 00:00:00

E SUN LONDON, WEDNESD VS% JUNE 3O 1841.

. _
Town-clerk,
Mr. Tvi.EcoTE begged to propose the Right Hon. Baronet
Sir Robert Peel as a fit and proper person to represent this
Borough in Parliament.-4 Tremendous cheering.)
Mr. Romesoe seconded the nomination.
Major BAMFORD proposed Captain A'Court as a fit and pro-
per person to be their representative in Parliament.—(Cheers. )
Mr. Seoeits seconded the nomination.
Mr. INGLE proposed Captain Townshend as a fit person to
be their representative in Parliament.
Mr. Kele Wr came forward to second the nomination of the
Liberal candidate, Captain Townshend —(Cheers and groans.)
Sir R. PEEL, who was loudly cheered on coming forward,
said—" Gentlemen, this is the sixth time on which I have asked
you to commit to me the important trust of representing you
in Parliament."—(A person in the crowd here called out,
" You never have attended to the trust which has been re-
posed in you.") The Right Hon. Gentleman, however, con-
tinued, " Mr. Knight, in seconding the gallant officer who has
come forward as a candidate on the opposite interest (Captain
Townshend), has drawn a contrast between my position in
seeking the suffrages of the electors of Tamworth and the posi-
tion of my great political opponent, Lord John Russell, who is
seeking the voice of the city of London. lam not ashamed of
that contrast.—(Cheers.) I might, if I had thought fit, have
been seeking the suffrages of the city of Westminster, but
I preferred returning to my old friends and constituents.
I feel conscious too that I have with zeal and industry per-
formed the duty which you assigned to me.—(Cheers.) I
have not permitted any tempt: tion of pleasure or indolence to
interfere with my public duty—that, at least, my political op-
ponents will admit. Whatever delight 1 might have felt in
this neighbourhood, and in iesiding among you, I have willingly
foregone, to perform the trust which you committed to me.—
( Cheers.) I have had the honour of representing you since
1830, and there has never been in the annals of this country a
more important and mere eventful period than that which has
elapsed since 1830. It was just at the period that you elected
me that those events took place in France, which exhibited to
Europe physical force triumphant over the constituted authori-
ties of the country, which led a second time to a great revolution
in France, and expelled from the throne of that country,
for the second time, the elder branch of the house of Bour-
bon. Those events in France made a deep impression through-
out the whole of Europe, convulsed the public mind—in some
countries led to revolution, and there were some which escaped
from the influence of those great events. This great country
was not exempt from that influence—there arose here a desire
for change in the ancient institutions of the country . and the
consequence was, a fundamental change in the Commons'
House of Parliament. 1 then foresaw that that change was ac-
companied with a restless desire for further change. I then
foresaw, I say, the importance of laying the foundations of a
great Conservative party—( Loud cheers)—attached to the an-
cient fundamental institutions of the country, not disposed to
resist such changes as the altered circumstances of society
might require, but a party determined to maintain on their
ancient foundations the institutions in church and state.—
(Tremendous cheering.) In order to form that party, it was
necessary to widen the foundations on which it should stand ;
it was necessary to call to our aid men from whom we had
been separated in consequence of different party considera-
tions, and by differences upon principles, the causes of which
bed ceased to exist. My object in public life was not so much
to gain a position of political power—that is, of official power—
but the object at which I laboured was to build up that great
party which has been gradually acquiring strength—( Cheers)
—which has been gradually widening its foundations—which
has drawn its support from time to time from those who were
our opponents—which began with numbers scarcely exceed-
ing 100, but which now presents in firm united ranks, and
did present, a body of 300 Members of Parliament—(Cheers)
—a body not so strong in its numbers as it is strong in the
confidence of the eountry.—(Continued cheers and cries if
" No, no.") It may perhaps not enjoy your confidence (said
the Right Hon. Baronet, turning towards the person who had
cried " No") —I see two er three boys and girls who deny my
proposition—( Great laughter)—but still I say the Conservative
party has the confidence of the great proportion of intelligence
and respectability of the country.—(Cheers and confusion.)
And, gentlemen, that party has been pleased to intrust your
representative with its confidence; and with respect to all the
rumours of difference of opinion and jealousies, depend upon it
they are altogether without foundation—(Tremendous cheers)
—and that party which has paid me the compliment of taking
my advice and my counsels is an united and compact party, in
which no difference of principle prevails as to the course
which we ought to pursue.—( Cheers.) I hope I have not
abused the confidence which that great party has committed
to my hands.—(Cries of " No.") I have not sought in Par-
liament to obstruct the course of the Government by factious
opposition.—(Cheers.) I have never entered into an unna-
tural combination with men of extreme opinions.—(Hear.)
I have never courted popular favour by giving popular votes
against my conviction. I have never sought to influence the
public mind, by exaggerating the grievances and distresses
under which the people must occasionally suffer.—(Hear.)
I have never refused to bear my fair share of the unpo-
pularity of measures which the Government in their sense of
duty thought proper to bring forward.—(,Cheers.) Many and
many a time have I rescued the Government from difficulties
with which they were beset, while 1 thought they were pur-
suing a course which was conducive to the public welfare.—
( Cheers.) I have professed moderate opinions in politics.
With respect to the Tithe Commutation Act, for instance, a
measure which has conferred a great advantage on the agricul-
tural interests and also on the Church, I was the first person who
called the serious attention of Parliament to that question. Have
I sought to fortify my power by encouraging religious animosities ?
I have not. At the time when the part 1 took for the re-
moval of the Roman Catholic disabilities was loudly complained
of, did I come forward in Parliament to say that I repented of
the course which I had taken, or that I would lend myself to
a repeal of that measure ? No. I declared, that so far from
repenting, my motives in bringing it forward were honourable
and pure, and nothing should induce me to recall from the
Roman Catholics the privileges which that measure had con-
ferred. With respect, too, to the grievances of the Dissenters,
and more especially the ceremonies of baptism and marriage,
while in office in 183.5, I attempted to redress them, and should
have succeeded if I had been permitted to retain power at that
time. The opinions which I have professed, and to which I ad-
here, and upon which I will act, whether in opposition or
power, are moderate opinions—(Hear)—and they are opinions
in conformity with the prevailing good sense, moderation,
and intelligence of the people of England.—( Hear, hear, and
loud cheers.) The organs of the Government will not
allow me to speak for myself, but they impute to me every
doctrine (and occasionally impracticable and extravagant
doctrines are expressed), which they seize hold of from
speeches and addesses, and call them the manifestoes of Sir
R. Peel.—( Laughter.) Now, suppose I took the same course
with respect to my political opponents; I find that Lord C.
Russell, brother of Lord J. Russell, who brought forward
these measures of the duties on foreign sugar and corn—l find
him, I say, when addressing the electors of the county of
Bedford, telling them that an alteration of the corn duties
would be ruinous to their interests.—(Tremendous cheers.)
Lord Charles Russell, the brother of Lord John Russell, ad-
dressing the electors of Bedford, tells them that the substitu-
tion of a fixed duty for a graduated scale will ruin the agricul.
turist, and will throw 2,000,000 of acres of land out of cul-
tivation.—(llear, hear.) Lord Charles Russell has a perfect
right to maintain his opinion, and could anything be more
discreditabl e than for me to charge him with duplicity be-
cause he maintains one set of opinions, while his brother,
Lord John Russell, is perfectly opposed to bun in maintain-
ing ano her ?—( Hear, hear.) I give Lord John Russell full
credit for the sincerity of his opinions, and do not wish to
make him answerable for the opinions of any of his relatives.
But then I ask for the same mea'ure of justice for myself.
I will now discuss the question of the duty on foreign sugar.
In the course of the last session of Parliament a proposal was
made to reduce the duty, and then to allow the introduction of
foreign sugar into the markets of this country. I offered to
that proposal my opposition, and upon these grounds :—I did
not oppose it on the ground that it was unwise to remove,
where yen can, restrictions on commerce. ' But 1 considered
the article of sugar exempt from the application of the prin-
ciples of free trade. Mr. Knight has declared his abhorrence
of the iniquitous traffic in human blood, and said the country
acquired great glory by making an enormous sacrifice for the
suppression of slavery. In those sentiments I concur, and
after having made this enormous sacrifice, ought we to run
the risk of impairing the good we have done, and lessening the
character we enjoy, by letting into the markets of this coun-
try sugar ehe produce of slave labour? Mr. Knight justly
said, that you must not exclude altogether the produce of slave
labour. He says that cotton, coffee, and tobacco are the pro-
duce of slave labour, and that we take all those articles, and
therefore we cannot maintain the principle that the produce
only of free labour shall be admitted. That observation is just.
You cannot, without endangering our manufacturing pros-
perity, reject the cotton of the United States. But there is
a peculiar distinction between sugar and the other articles
to which I have referred. Foreign surr never has been ad-
mitted into the consumption of this country, and the question
is, whether or not there will be a sufficient supply of sugar
of life. and which shall from our own dependencies and the produceof labour to
give you that article, which 1 admit to be almost a necessary
of
Of all articles of colonial—
ill enable the working classes to obtain it
in sufficient abundance ._(Hear, hear.) That is the question.
far the most unwholesome • produce, the cultivation of sugar is by
and the labour on the sugar-cane
pressure of necessity, whichysTotrinS
is the most severe. lam Onl
language we have held withus rieuspeetto slaverywhethe
and
therend the iss thata v
e _
induce us now, after the
encouragingti that system and
trade, which would justify
that traffic, by admitting, for the first
e_jietiatreigun sugar into
the consumption of this country.
statistic: details
hear.)
Sir Robert Peel here went into a variety of
re-
specting the nature and extent of the sugar trade. cowe now
to a still more important article, the article of corn—(
1 cannot consent to substitute a fixed duty of Ss. peroluaarrt. )
er
for the present ascending and descending scale,—_(Cheers.) • s
eers. j
prefer the principle of the ascending and descending scale, and
I do not consider, when I look to the burdens which land in,
this country is subjected to, that a fixed.duty of Bs. per quar-
ter on corn brought here from Poland, and the north of Eu-
rope, will afford a sufficient protece ion to the land of this coun-
try. —( Hear, hear.) 'fhe duty of Bs. per quarter is proposed
as a fixed and invariable duty. Now I foresee, that If you apply
that duty, this will be the consequence—you will have an abund-
ance of foreign corn introduced just at the time you do not
a famine price, then
want it, when your own produce is most plentiful. But when
arrives
—when
ditty of Bs, per quarter.
aittwimilel
loief simcaprecistsyibairre
I hold in my hand a pamphlet written in favour oft his proposed
alteration of the existing Corn-law, by one of the most able
and most intelligeet aelvocates for a fixed duty. It is written
is to prove the advantage of the
by Mr. 514Culloch, the author. of the Dictionary of Commerce.
'I he object of the panyilet
substitution of a fixes duty on corn ; but Mr. 14•Culloch,
by which, in manufac-
writing fairly and impartially, and not lending his aid to t
dissemination of those gross delusionshe
. he price
the e admissions with respect to agriculture luring districts, public indignation has been excited, makes
er. It
of wheat in England, at an average of the ten years endings
with 1820, was no less than 86s. 3d. a
average price has singe been reduced to 565. Ild. (say
573.) a quarter, and notwithstanding this tremendous
fall a most extraordinary improvement has takenown piece
in agriculture since 1820, so much so that we pro-
vide for 7,000,000, not only without any increase, hut with a
very considerable diminution of importation. Gentlemen,
these are important facts. The price gf wheat has been re-
duced under the operation of the present Cora-laws from e? 6,,
per quarter to 575. ; and yet, notwithstanding this reduction of
price, agriculture has improved, and there has been derived

from the !and of this country an additional supply of corn for e
7,000,000 of our population. This is a great advantage to have •
realised. —(Cheers.) It is said that the state of manufactures
and commerce is so distressed, that it becomes absolutely ne-
cessary to make a change in the Corn-laws for the purpose o:
reviving manufacturing prosperity. No man feels ade •per
interest than I do in the prosperity of the manufactures and
commerce of this country. Is it possible that 1 can forget
that they are the origin of my own prosperity? Is it pos-
sible that I can forget that it is to the manufacturing industry
that I owe al that Ppossess ? Is it possible for me to reflect
on these things without feeling the liveliest interest in all that
concerns the manufactures and trade of this country ?
(Hear, hear.) I should be acting a most ungrateful and un-
natural part if I were not animated by such a sentiment.
Ido not deny the distress—l feel the greatest regret at it ;
but Tam not so despondent as some are on the subject.
Now, let us consider the important question how far the dis-
tress of the manufacturing and commercial interests can be at-
tributed to the operation of the Corn-laws." [The Right Hon.
Baronet here entered into several details to show that the pre-
sent Corn-laws were not the cause of the present commercial
distress.] ." I said before that Ido not deny the existence of
distress, but I do hope that the pressure is temporary. Ido
hope that the great vital principle of our manufacturing pros-
perity is not affected.—( Hear, hear.) I do see causes in differ-
ent parts of the world—causes operating in thisEcountry—
%shy there should be severe manufacturing and commercial dis-
tress—causes quite independent of the operation of the Corn-
laws. I very much fear that there has been, particularly in the
north of England, an undue stimulus given to manufactured
productions by capital of a fictitious nature. Ido fear that the
Joint-Stock Banks in Lancashire and Yorkshire have extended
their accommodations too rapidly in many cases, and it is the
connexion between the manufacturer, the builder of cotton
manufactories, and the Joint-Stock banker, that has
led to an undue stimulus for manufactured productions.
Now let us turn our attention to the northern world, and in
that great and important quarter of the globe, one of the best
consumers of our manufactured produce, let us direct our eyes
to the United States, a country. with which I trust we shall
long continue to maintain the intimate relations of peaceful
and friendly intercourse.—( Hear, hear.) I do hope that
neither this country nor the United States will be mad enough
to allow a difference about a boundary to set them in a hostile
position towards each other. The United States are labouring
under severe commercial distress. The same system of fictiti-
ous credit has been pursued there as here. The issue of paper
and the multiplicity of banks have led to severe commercial
distress in that country. Numerous failures have occurred, in-
dustry has been paralysed, and the demand for the manufactured
articles of England in the United States has, in consequence, ,
become less.—( Hear.) Next, look at the state of the Canadas.
I trust that peace is restored there; but there could not be
civil war in that country, and parties ranged against each
other, without interrupting the course of regular industry,
and affecting the demand for the manufactures of England.
—(Hear, hear.) I now come to Europe. Look at the Penin-
sula—look at the state of Spain and Portugal. They, too,
have been convulsed of late by intestine disorders.
Parties have been ranged there in civil conflict, and it is im-
possible that such a state of things can exist in different coun-
tries, without the demand for our manufactures being in some
degree thereby affected. Let us next turn our eyes to the Me.
diterranean, and to the coast of Syria. There hostile opera-
tions have been conducted with great glory to the British arms,
but still they must have affected the peaceful occupations of in-
dustry. With regard to Egypt, the attention of that coun-
try, too, had been diverted to war. Let us extend our views
to China. Our peaceful relations with China have been in-
terrupted, and of course the demand for British manufactures
in some
,degree affected. Look at the state of Europe.
Instead of the countries devoting their means to the multipli-
cation of capital or the purposes of useful industry, all liave
been seen engaged in levying great armies. These things
cannot take place without discouraging industry.—( Hear,
hear.) Put them altogether; do not consider them separately.
Is it not probable that the combined operation of these causes
may be sufficient to account for that manufacturing debi-
lity, and that depreciation of manufacturing industry,
which at present exists ?—( Hear, hear)—and we are therefore,
called on to make the proposed alteration in the Corn-laws of
this country, and to substitute a fixed duty for the graduated
scale ?—( Hear, hear.) It is by a careful consideration of
those causes that I have come to the conclusion that
we are not so called on. Now, I hope I have re-
deemed my promise, and stated to you respectfully and
fully the grounds on which I have come to my con-
clusion with respect both to the duties on sugar and the duties
on corn. It is mainly in consequence of these proposals that
her Majesty's Government have appealed to the people of this
country. The numbers of their supporters have been gra-
dually falling away, and they have been unable to give effect
to measures which they thought essential for the interests of
the country. It was unadvisable, in my opinion, that this Go-
vernment should continue in power, not possessing the confi-
dence of the House of Commons. I came forward and submit-
ted that question to the test in the House of Commons, and the
house of Commons, by a small majority no doubt, but still by
a majority of one, declared that the Government had not its
confidence. It is now for the people of this country to de-
termine whether they concur in opinion with the majority
of the last Parliament, and whether they will give to the
members of the present Administration that confidence
which was withheld from it by the House of Commons.
Now, give me leave to tell you the reason why I think the pro-
posal of these measures with regard to sugar and corn have
not served fo conciliate respect for the Government which
brought them forward. Ido believe that there is throughout
the country a very strong impression that those measures were
not proposed by the Goveinment on a deliberate conviction of
their own merits, but that they were somewhat suddenly re-
sorted to, in consequence of political emergencies, for the pur-
pose of conciliating public favour.--( Cheers. ) I said this in
the House of Commons, and I was then assured by Lord J.
Russell that such was not the case; and I said at once, when
I received that assurance from a gentleman of such high autho-
rity and station, that I was bound to place confidence in it.
Still, I could not help feeling that the circumstances were
somewhat unfortunate, and were calculated to countenance the
delusion, that they were brought forward upon a sudden, and
as a set-off for political difficulties.—.:(Loud applause.) It ap-
pears that this is not the case ; that the measures were ma-
turely considered. Then I say. it is most unfortunate that
some notice was not given at an early period of the Session,
even when the Queen delivered the speech from the Throne,
that such important questions would be brought under the
consideration of Parliament."—( Applause. ) After a variety
of other remarks of no great public interest, the Right Hon.
Baronet concluded amidst cheers.
A show of hands was then taken, and was in favour of Sir
R. Peel and Captain A'Court.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FRO3I THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—Sir Robert Peel's speech at Tamworth is, as
casual, in great part composed of compliments to his own
consistency, at the implied expense of his opponents, and
compliments to his own moderation, at the implied ex-
pense of his supporters. There is also the never-failing in-
gredient—a citation from a Free Trade pamphlet, for the
purpose of establishing his case out of the mouths of his
adversaries. We have no objection to all this ; but all this
has little interest for the public. The public cares
very little whether the immaculate leader of the Tory
party, having made some faux pas, in point of consist-
ency, in his earlier career, has succeeded subsequently in
building up for himself a first-rate prudish reputation for
that quality. The public cares very little for that; and
we doubt even if the Tamworth constituency, for whom
Sir Robert Peel expresses such prodigious deference,
cares much more for it. At all events, it is certain
that the Right Honourable Baronet, if he could find
nothing better to say to the people of Westminster,
wisely avoided addressing himself to them. We
take it that prudence had quite as much to do as
preference for his Tamworth auditory in deciding him
to stick to the latter. Illa se jactet in (Lula. We shall
confine our attention entirely to the bearing of this speech
on public interests. It is the treatment of those inter-
ests, and not of himself or of his opponents, that can alone
concern the public at a time like the present, when a
statesman addresses them, who puts forward pretensions
to conduct their affairs. What have the public to hope then
from Sir R. Peel's way of speaking ? In the first place,
something from the tone of discouragement which seems
to pervade it. This is not the tone of a " conquering
hero," but of " a good man struggling with distress." Sir R.
Peel struggles so cleverly, that it would indeed be a
thousand pities the electors should not supply him with
sufficient distress to go on struggling with. Sir Ro-
bert Peel appears to anticipate that, in the next Par-
liament, as in the last, he shall continue to afford " a
spectacle worthy of the gods" in opposition. Sir R.
Peel repeats the pleadings for the West India in-
terest, founded on the " great experiment" of tran-
sition to freedom from slavery. Now we conceive that
the real blow was struck at the productive power of
our West India colonies—not when slavery was abo-
lished, but many years before, when the slave• trade
was abolished. From that period it was certain to those
whose eyes were not blinded by enthusiasm, that the de-
ficiency of labour, unless extraordinary means were used
to supply it, must be felt, both in our older colonies
(which already competed at a disadvantage with the fer-
tile soils of our own and foreign possessions recently
brought under sugar culture), and in such of our own
dependencies, as the Mauritius, Trinidad, and British
Guiana, which have yet soils of virgin and unexhausted
fertility. Emancipation hastened, but only hastened, the
crisis which the abolition of the slave trade inevitably
produced in both these classes of colonies. -
COURIER.—So far, despite the brickbafs'andeblud-
geons of the Irish allies of the Ministry every where,
the elections and returns are proceeding prosperously
for the good cause, as. our summaries of electioneer-
ing intelligence in town and country will show. Al-
though, in order to render that intelligence as complete
as possible, and bring it down to the latest hour
in such successive editions as our expresses from
all parts may enable us to do, we must con-
tent ourselves with the smallest possible space in this
department of the paper, yet there are certain salient
points of the contest now raging around us, almost
within hearing, as well as at greater distances,
which it would ill become us to leave unnoticed.
The result will form the memorabilia of the day
for reference hereafter. And first as to the city election.
Among the despicable expedients to which the Whig-
Radical candidates, or their Committee, or both have
had recourse to retrieve a desperate cause, it may be
mentioned as a fact currently asserted in respectable
quarters, that the " spiriting away " of voters has been
and is, carrying on upon almost a gigantic scale. The
unprincipled scheme is thus managed. Large numbers
of the more humble class of electors whose votes were
pledged to the Conservative candidates, which they
could not and would not be induced by bribes lavishly
proffered to violate so far as to register for the four
" mischievous demagogues," as Lord John Russell
has termed the representatives of popular con-
stituencies, have nevertheless been prevailed upon,
through artful manceuvering with their wives and
families, to be led astray on pleasant parties of plea-
sure down the river, to Greenwich, Woolwich, and
Gravesend, in steamers, provided disinterestedly for the
purpose by agents of the Whig-Radical Committee.
These trusty and well-instructed parties of course take
care that there shall be no lack of good cheer on board
and on shore, and, above all, copious streams of such
Lethe inspiring beverages as may be found never failing
in the stores of patriot Coates at Whitechapel, and in
such abundance, as shall lay them entranced in what Mr.
Samuel Jones Loyd would moralizingly depict a state of
" peace " and " happiness," so as to forward the cause of
" truth," and above all of " justice," till past four o'clock.
STANDARD.—The speech of Sir Robert Peel at
Tamworth may be considered as a model of the class of
eloquence to which it belongs ; that eloquence which
consists in the expression in the simplest phraseology of
the noblest and manliest sentiments that can animate the
human heart. What a contrast does it present to the
shallow shuffling sophistry which characterises the
speeches of the leading Whigs, and more especially that
of Lord John Russell, on similar occasions. Unlike his
wily and tortuous opponents, Sir Robert has left no part
of his policy unexplained or unjustified, and so complete
is his exposure of the fraudulent pretences of the
late budget that a greater service could not be',ren-
dered to the Conservative cause at the present moment
than the widest diffusion of his address to his consti-
tuency among the people of England. Unlike Lord
Russell, who has been driven from pillar to post—
from Tavistock to Devonshire, from Devonshire to
Stroud, and from Stroud to London, Sir Robert
Peel has had no occasion to flee from his post, and
solicit the suffrages of strange constituencies. He
has been content to depend for his seat in Parliament
on his neighbours—those who have had the amplest
means of estimating his character. The Whigs appear
to be influenced by the converse of this rule. Nothing
would be more fatal to their. success than an ap-
peal to the sympathy of those who have had
the best opportunities of appreciating their con-
duct. Neither Devonshire, Tavistock, nor Stroud,
will have Lord John Russell, and he is accord-
ingly compelled to throw himself on the mercy of the
Whig Radicals of London, with what success the result
of this day's contest will decide. Even Mr. Hume pre-
fers facing the imminent chance of defeat at Leeds to
meet his " cannie friends" at Dundee, where he is better
known than trusted.

FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE.
At the Court at Buckingham Palace, the 28th day of June,
1841, Present, the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in Coun-
cil. This day the Right Honourable Fox Maule was, by her
Majesty's command, sworn of her Majesty's Most Honourable
Privy Council, and took his place at the Board accordingly.
Her Majesty in Council was this day pleased to appoint the
Right Hon. Fox Maule, President of the Committee of Coun-
cil appointed for the consideration of all matters relating to
Trade and Foreign Plantations, in the absence of the President
of the said Committee for the time being.

BOARD OF GREEN CLOTH, JUNE 23, 1841.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint the Right Hon. G.
S. Byng, Treasurer of her Majesty's Household, vice the Right
Hon. the Earl of Surrey, resigned.

BOARD OF GREEN CLOTH, JUNE 23.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint the Right Hon.
Lord Arthur Marcus Cecil Hill, Comptroller of her Majesty's
Household, vice the Right Hon. George Stevens Byng, pro-
moted. .

DOWNING-STREET, JUNE 26.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint James Cochrane,
Esq., to be Judge of the Supreme Court of Gibraltar.

WAR-OFFICE, JUNE 29.
Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of the
Wiltshire Militia being styled, "The Royal Wiltshire Regi-
ment of Militia."

OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, JUNE 28.

Royal Regiment of Artillery—Second Lieutenant C. F.
Thorndike to be First Lieutenant, vice Wade, cashiered, April
14 ; Second Lieutenant H. Rogers to be First. Lieutenant,
vice Alston, deceased, April 29 ; Second Captain H. G. Ord
to be Captain, vice Slade, deceased; First Lieutenant A. H.
Frazer to be Second Captain, vice Ord; Second Lieute-
nant J. Turner to be First Lieutenant, vice Frazer, May 7;
Second Lieutenant A. C. L. Fitz-Roy to be First Lieutenant,
vice Tytler, deceased, May 14; Second Captain R. L. Gar-
stin to be Captain, vice Heron, deceased ; First Lieut. E. C.
Warde to be Second Captain, vice Garstin ; Second Lieut. E.
H. Fisher, to be First Lieutenant, vice Warde, June 5.

MEMORANDUM.—The date of commission of First Lieute-
nant M. C. Dixon is altered to the 11th April, 1841.

Commission by the Lord Lieutenant and High Steward of the
Stewartry of Kirkcudbright.
The Right Honourab:e Adam Lord Viscount Kenmure
to be Deputy Lieutenant ; William Stewart, jun., Esq., to
be ditto ; Robert Kirkpatrick Howatt, Esq., to be ditto ;
J. Sinclair, Esq. to be ditto ; M. S. &ewe' t, Esq. to be ditto ;
R. Hannay, Esq. to be ditto ; W. Ireland, Esq. to be ditto
W. Y. Herries, Esq. to be ditto ; W. Maxwell, jun. Esq. to be
ditto, May 24.
Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Somerset.
West Somerset Regiment of Yeomlnry Cavalry—J. C. Ord,
to be Captain ; P. Honeywood, Gent., to be Lieutenant.
North Somerset Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry—F. Ness,
Gent., to be Cornet.

DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY.

JOHN HUT C HIN SON,
JAMES PEARCII,IniIder, West Mailing, Kent.
machine-maker, Halifax, from
BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED.
July 13 to August 9, at twelve, at the White Swan Inn, Hud-
dersfield.

BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED.
JAMES TIDMARS El, mercer, Cheltenham.
BANKRUPTS.
THOMAS COLLINSON, boat-builder, Wakefield,to sur-
render July 10, at twelve, and Aug. 10, at ten, at the Com-
missioners'-rooms, Leeds. Adlington, Gregory, Faulkner, and
Follett, Bedford-row, London ; Wilby, Wakefield.
ISAAC FELLMAN, brewer, Fore-street, Limehouse, July
9, at half-past twelve, and Aug. 10, at twelve, at the Court
of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Finsbury-square :
Marson and Dadley, Church-row, Newington-butts.
WILLIAM COOPER BENNETT, omnibus proprietor,
Whitechapel-road, July 6, at half-past one, and August 10, at
eleven, at the Court tf Bankruptcy. Whitmore, Basinghall-
street, official assignee ; Winter, Williams, and Williams, Bed-
ford-row.
RICHARD BURFORD CULYER, currier, gitlop-
street, Finsbury, July 9, at two, and Aug. 10, at 'eltken at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, Birchin.lane, officit
assignee ; Ashley, Shoreditch.
tunD EVANS, ironmonger, Bridgend, Glamorgan, July
17, and Aug. 10, at eleven, at the Cardiff Arms Inn, Cardiff.
Lake and Waldron, Basinghall-street, London ; Hargreaves,
Neath. _

CHARLES BUTT, merchant, Somerton, Somersetshire,
July 14, and Aug. 10, at twelve, at the Swan Inn, Wells,
Somersetshire. Venning, Naylor, and Robins, Tokenhouse-
yard, London •, Chitty. Shaftesbury.
THOMAS SNOWDON, grocer, North Shields, Northum-
berland, July 23, at eleven, and August 10, at two, at the
Bankrupt Commission-room, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Munns,
Fenchureh-buildings, London; Medcalf, North Shields;
Salmon, South shields,

HENRY HARRIS, grocer, Faversham, July 12 and Au- i
gust 10, at eleven, at the Guildhall, Canterbury. Cattlin,
Ely-place, London.
MAXIMILIAN RICHARD KYMER, salt-manufacturer,
Winsford, Chester, July 6, at half-past twelve, and August
10, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmo-e, Ba ing-
hall-street, official assignee ; Taylor, Clement's-lane, Lom-
bard-street, Lon 'on.
ALEXANDER LEVI NEWTON, merchant, Bury-street,
St. Mary Axe, London, July 16, and August 10, at twelve, at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee ; Jacobs,
Crosby-square, Bishocsgate-street.
LUKE PALFREYMAN, scrivener, Sheffield, July 9, and
Aug. 10, at twelve, at the Town Hall, Sheffield. Tattershall,
Great St. James's-street, Bedford-row, London ; Smith, or
Hoole and Marples, Sheffield.
CHARLES LOWE, builder, Liverpool, July 12, and
August 10, at twelve, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool.
Taylor, Sharpe, Field, and Jackson, Bedford-row, London;
Harvey and Falcon Liverpool.
GEORGE NOBLE, ship-builder, Bitldick, Durham, July
5, at one, and Aug. 10, at twelve, at the Bridge Hotel, Sunder-
land. Hodgson, Bread-street-buildings, London ; Wilson,
Sunderland.
GEORGE KNIGHT, linen-draper, Gloucester, July 15,
and Aug. 10, at eleven, at the office of Mr. J. Lovegrove,
Gloucester. Nicholls and Son, Lincoln's Inn, London ; Love-
grove, Gloucester.

POLICE <INTELLIGENCE.
MANSION-HOUSE.

A great deal of interest has been excited within thci
last week by the partial exposure of a practice which
the folloWing account fully explains, but which, until
this day we could not with propriety lay before our
readers.
Mr. Clarkson, the Barrister, stated that he appeared
upon the part of Messrs. Broadwood and Sons, the
piano-forte manufacturers, to complain of a very gross
system of fraud practised upon them and the public, the
particulars of which were accidentally discovered. The
firm of Broadwood and Sons had been in the habit of
attaching to the instruments of their manufacture labels,
of which the following is a copy :—" John Broadwood
and Sons, makers to their Majesties and the Princesses,
Great Pulteney-street, Golden-square, London ;" and
they exported a gfeat number to different parts of the
world, where they had agents. Their Dublin agents
were Messrs. APCulloch and Sons, who, on. or about the
2d of April last, received, a letter from Messrs. Hodgson
and Co., of Bucklersbury of which the following was a
copy !

" 41, Bucklersbury, London, March 31, 1841
" Gentlemen,—We write to inform you that your order
in the patent porcelain letter is now ready, and we shall
feel obliged by your informing us by what conveyance
you would like to have them forwarded.
"If you have no objection we can do so through our
friends Messrs. Cramer, Addison, and Beale.
We remain, Gentlemen, your obedient servants,
" HODGSON and CO.
" Messrs. M'Culloch and Co., music sellers, Dublin."
Previously to the arrival a box arrived in Dublin, directed
to "James M'Culloch, Esq., 22, Suffolk-street, Dublin.
Strictly private." The circumstance created some sur-
prise in the mind of the Dublin agent, who, upon finding
that the box contained eighteen enamelled plates, with
an inscription almost the verbatim copy of the foregoing
engraved on them, suspected that some frauds were in
the course of being practised upon Messrs. Broadwood
and Sons, and directed their solicitors to inquire into the
matter. The result of the inquiry would be collected
from the following extract of the solicitor's letter to
Messrs. Broadwood and Sons :—" I made every exertion
in my power to ascertain if any forgeries of your pianos
were in Dublin, and have now ascertained beyond a
shadow of doubt that your name is put on pianos made
in Scotland, and sold here as your make. I can even go
so far as to produce a working man who was employed by
the house of to take out their labels and put
yours in the place of them, and no later than last
week twelve of these pianos were sent to Kilkenny
and other places to be sold as yours. A thought
has struck me that the eighteen labels were intended for
, and by mistake directed to M'Culloch and Co.
I think it would be advisable if you would communicate
with Messrs. Collard and Collard, as they are also aware
of something similar to the above, and they would be
happy to assist in discovering the offenders." Upon
inquiry, made by Messrs. Broadwood and Sons, in Lon-
don, one of the partners in the house of Hodgson and
Co. came forward, and admitted that he was the writer
of the letter signed "Hodgson and C 0.," but stated that
he knew nothing of sending the box or its contents, and
he willingly offered his assistance to discover the fraud,
if any had 'been committed. The order, when executed,
was to have been called for, and no application having
been made for it Messrs. Hodgson and Co. wrote to
Messrs. M'Culloch and Co., the above-mentioned letter
to which an answer was transmitted, stating that there
must be some mistake, as no such order had been given.
Messrs. Hodgson and Co. subsequently, upon reference
to the order-book, found that the order had been made
in the name of one of John Power, by their clerk, and
Sir Peter Laurie, to whom the public were so much in-
debted for the exposure of frauds, immediately upon
being applied to gave directions that the several parties
should appear before him.
Mr. M'Culloch, of Dublin, correspondent of Messrs.
Broadwood and Sons, stated that he received the box
containing the eighteen plates, which he had never
ordered, and the letter from Messrs. Hodgson and
Co. which he could not comprehend. His Solicitor
called upon a man, to whom upon making inquiry he was
referred, and who informed him that he had been em-
ployed by a certain firm to substitute the labels of
Broadwood and Sons for those of that firm upon pianos
not made by Messrs. Broadwood, and that twelve instru-
ments so translated had been sent to Kilkenny for sale.
There was a slight difference between the labels of
Messrs. Broadwood and Sons and the spurious labels,
the latter bearing on the inscription " John Broadwood and
Sons, makers to his Majesty and the Princesses," in-
stead of " Makers to their Majesties and the Princesses,"
as appeared in the old Jabels of Messrs. Broadwood and
Sons.
A partner in the house of Hodgson and Co. proved
that the order for the patent porcelain letter was entered
in the name of " John Power."
Sir PETER LAURIE said it appeared to him that the
system resembled that which existed with respect to
cutlery, by which the names of eminent makers were
substituted for those of wretched fellows, whose work
was of no value, just as the name of " Manton" was
placed upon guns and pistols of little or no value.
Mr. Clarkson—Exactly so. Messrs. Broadwood and
Sons will know how to deal with the persons by whom it
has been ascertained the deception was authorised.
Mr. John Power was then called by Mr. Clarkson.
He wished to be informed by whom his expenses were
to be paid before he gave his evidence, and was told that
Messrs. Broadwood and Sons would pay the necessary
expenses attending the investigation into so gross a case
of fraud. The witness said that he lived at: No. 16,
Lisle-street, and was a piano-fortetuner and regulator.
He caused the labels in the box produced to be sent to
Dublin, but not as directed.
Sir P. LAURIE Who ordered them ?
Witness—No one. I sent them to my brother, " James
Power, care of James M'Culloch, Esq., 22, Suffolk-
street, Dublin," but I confided the address to others, and
they made a mess of it by omitting the name of my bro-
ther, who is in Mr. M'Culloch's employment.
Sir PETER LAURIE—How long have you been in the
habit of sending these labels to your brother ? Witness
—I never before sent any.
Sit PETER LAURIE—Where did you get them ? Wit-
ness—l purchased them of a man named Coutts acci-
dentally.
Sir PETER LAURlE—Accidentally ! No doubt by pure
accident.—(A laugh.) Witness—lt was accidentally.
Sir PETER LAURIE—You know that if Messrs. Broad-
wood sent instruments to Dublin, these instruments
would have their labels upon them, and you know that
these very labels which you sent to Dublin were to be
put upon instruments, of which Messrs. Broadwood knew
nothing.
Witness—The fact is, we alter Messrs. Boadwood's
pianofortes from CC to FF ; we modernize their old
pianos. It is a secret of trade, and we touch up the in-
struments with new labels.—(A laugh.) There is no-
thing dishonest or disreputable in that.
Sir PETER LAURIE—I should like to know the mean-
ing of the words " strictly private" on the box ?
Mr. Clarkson—No doubt nothing was meant by that
particular direction ?
Mr. William Coutts stated that he had been in the
habit of making labels similar to those produced, for
Messrs. Broadwood and Sons. A Mr. Brown, who was
an agent of Messrs. Broadwood and Sons, gave him an
order to make some. Mr. Brown was in the habit of
buying old instruments manufactured by Messrs. Broad-
wood and Sons, on which he put the labels to make them
look new.
Sir PETER LAURIE—Yes, like a translator of old into
new shoes or boots. You call it translating ? The Wit-
ness—l call it renovating.
Mr. Clarkson—l submit that, morally speaking, the
practice which has been resorted to of placing the labels
upon instruments not made by my clients, as must be
palpable to all who have heard this case, is no less than
the practice of forgery.
Mr. Coutts—The labels are intended for none but
Messrs. Broadwood and Son's own instruments, and no
trick or dishonesty was at all contemplated. lam justi-
fied in renewing the labels on the firm's manufacture.
Mr. Clarkson—As sure as you stand there you shall
be indicted if you are found repeating this mode of pro-
ceeding.
Mr. Coutts—l am not at all alarmed, as I am conscious
of having done nothing wrong.
Mr. Clarkson—Well, I give you warning, and I give
you warning, too, Mr. Power. This is an illegal act.-
There is no possible excuse or palliation.
Mr. Power—You can bring an action if you please,
but no felony has been committed.
Mr. Clarkson said it was right to say that there was
no proof against Mr. Coutts.
Mr. M'Culloch was again called by Mr. Clarkson. He
stated that Mr. Power's brother was in his service.
Mr. John Murray, warehouseman to Messrs Broad-
wood and Sons, said, that Mr. Brown was no more an
agent of Messrs. Broadwood and Co.'s than any other
purchaser of their instruments. Mr. Brown, he was
convinced, would not attempt to put the labels upon any
instruments which were not of Messrs. Broadwood and
Son's manufacture, and was in the habit of repairing the
instruments of that firm.
Mr. John Brown stated, that he was in the habit of
scraping and cleaning the exterior of the instruments
made by Messrs. Broadwood and Sons. He was not in
the habit of using the labels made by Mr. Coutts, except
when the original labels were defaced. He bought
some labels one or two years ago of Mr. Coutts, who said
he had been accustomed to supply Messrs. Broadwood and
Sons with labels. Witness paid him a pound a hundred for
the labels which he thought had been left remaining in Mr.
Coutts's hands of the quantity made for Messrs. Broad-
wood and Sons. He understood the mechanism of the
instruments made by that firm, and had frequently seen
their name on instruments not made by them.
Sir P. LAURIE—Now, do you not consider it a gross
violation of honesty to put the name of eminent makers
upon inferior instruments. Mr. Brown—Most certainly
I do. I have seen very frequently piano-fortes in auc-
tion-rooms with the names of Broadwood and Sons on
them, which pianofortes were not at all made or known
by them.
Sir P. LAURIE—Then you are willing to give up the
labels you have ? Mr. Brown, with the greatest readi-
ness—l shall give them up to Messrs. Broadwood and
Company.
Sir PETER LAURIE—It is evident from what has
taken place, that the appearance of Messrs. Broadwood
and Co.'s name on a piano-forte is no proof that the in-
strument is genuine, and I would advise them to adopt
some test less liable to imitation. I have no hesitation
in saying that the most gross imposition has been prac-
tised on the firm and the public.
Mr. Murray (Messrs. Broadwood's warehouseman)
here declared that for one spurious label put upon a
translated pianoforte of his employers, fifty spurious labels
were put upon instruments never known to the firm.
Mr. Clarkson.—Exactly so. If, then, any repetition of
the fraud be made, a prosecution shall most unquestion-
ably be instituted.
The parties then left the Justice-room.

The sale of Malmaison is fixed for the 14th a
August; half Paris will be there.