The Sun.
London, England, 1840-02-01 00:00:00

justice.— (Cheers.) Those who have perceived what
took place here will soon have sufficient indications of
a great difference of opinion between what is termed a
fraction of the Conservative body—a small fraction of
the Conservative body, but no less than its future Cab:.
net and its other component parts ; but we whe sit oppo-
site could perceive even more distinguished signs—we could
read the silence that speaks, and the eloquence of eyes.
Well then, we arc to have again repeated that argument so
often urged, that in the month of May last, we declared
that we did not possess an adequate degree of the confi-
dence of this House. That is true. And did we not
hear, a few nights afterwards, the Right Hon. Baronet,
the Member for Tamworth declare, that if he undertook
the Government of the country, Ireland would be the chief
source of his difficulties.—( Hear, hear, hear.) And do
you think that in the intervening period, Ireland has been
so soothed by the dulcet strains—(Laughter)—of sym-
pathy in her fate, which have been poured forth from all
your organs, and by all your orators—(Cheers)—do
you think that Ireland has been so enlivened, so irradiated
by the glimpses you have let fall upon her, of the senti-
ments you entertain towards her, and of the purposes you
cherish on her behalf---( Hear, hear, and cheers)—that
the difficuities to which the Right Honourable Barenet
alluded in so emphatic and so remarkable a manner, are
removed—that the dark cloud will pass away which before
hovered round his accession to office, and open a horizon
of serenity and confidence, where all was mistrust and
alienation ?—( Loud cheers.) Have there been no indica•
tions of late from England and Scotland, as well as from
Ireland ?—( Hcar, hear.) Why, since you gave the no•
tice of this motion, so big with menace and hostility—
what has been the confirmation given by all the constitu-
encies which had, in the nick of time to be consulted?—
(Hear, bear.) We could appeal to no others. We were
satisfied with the vacancies which did exist. And the self-
same verdict, so far as the vote of this night is concerned,
has been returned from the most different bodies of men,
and from the most distant parts of the empire—( Cheers)---
from a great suburban district of the Metropolis—from a
first-rate seaport town—from the crowded manufactories
of Birmingham—from the ducal borough of Newark—
( Loud cheering)—and in two consecutive instances from
the enlightenee capital of Scotland.—(Cheers.) Thus
have we sent in, with right good will, from the different
constituencies which have been consulted, a verdict against
the motion of to-night.—(Cheers.) And if it pleases you
so to continue—if, heedless of'. the better part" which is
still open to you—if you decline to co-operate in the work
of assisting to smooth the difficulties and to lessen the ob-
stacles which, we do not dream of denying, beset and im-
pede many complicated relations of our internal, our fo-
reign, and our colonial policy—to soothe the irritations which
peer ail in the public mind—to disarm jealousies—to allay
dissensions—in one word, to consult together for the
public good, why, we, as a party, and in a selfish point
of view, have only to bid you to go on—( Loud cheers)—
stir up, or, rather (for that seems more consistent with
the course hitherto pursued) suffer to be stirred up--
(Immense cheering) the fierce embers of past in-
tolerance—( Cheers)—re-illume the fires of expiring
bigotry—(Cheers)—scatter the elements of distrust amid
the inhabitants of the same soil—the children of the same
Creator.—( Continued cheering.) We shall put our trust
in the increasing spread of intelligence—in the confirmed
sway of toleration—and in the returning sense of a
disabused people.—(The Noble Lord resumed his seat
amidst tremendous and long-continued cheering.)
Mr. Sergeant JACKSON said, why could not the Go-
vernment let the House know what their principles were ?
The Noble Lord and the other Members of the Cabinet pro-
fessed opinions of every shade and colour. The Noble Lord,
the Member for North Lancashire, did not complain of the
difference of opinions of those who had given the Govern-
ment their support, but what he complained of was the
great diversity of opinions which prevailed among the
Ministers themselves. If he contrasted Lord Grey's
Government with the present one, it was with a view of
showing his opinion of the superiority of the former over
the latter. The Government of Lord Grey was carried
on with a manly and independent spirit, and they were not
afraid to bring the laws of the land to bear upon the back
of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the Member for
Dublin, for a violation of those laws, which that Gentle-
man admitted he had been guilty of. The guilt, however,
was not followed by any senteuce of the Court, for the
Parliament having ceased to exist, the crime was no longer
within the jurisdiction of the Court, so that the Court of
Queen's Bench in Ireland could not pronounce sentence
against that Honourable Gentleman, although he was
obliged to admit his guilt.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble
Lord the Secretary for Ireland qiihted at some length
the speech of his Noble Friend the Member for
North Lancashire; he (Mr. Sergeant Jackson) believed
the Noble Secretary must not have correctly heard what
that speech was, or. if he heard it, he must have egregi-
ously misconstrued its meaning. He alluded to the charge
made by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland, against
his Noble Friend the Member for North Lancashire, and
other Hon. Gentlemen at that side of the House, with a
factious opposition to all the measure; of Government.
The Members of that side of the House were never influ-
enced by party factions, but they were determined to suggest
such measures as were calculated to produce good ends, and
they were determined to obstruct all such measures as
would be opposed to justice and the best interests of the
ceuntry. He would not wish to charge the Noble Secre-
tary with a want of candour. He well knew that he had a
most onerous and laborious duty when he took upon him-
self to reply to the speech of his Noble Friend the Member
for North Lancashire ; but the propositions which his
Noble Friend had laid down were incapable of being an-
swered by any Gentleman in that House. The charge of
factious opposition to the measures of the Government
could not be supported ; the Noble Secretary himself
stated, that the Government were assisted in the passing
of the English Corporation Bill and the Irish Poor Bill,
by the Gentlemen on his side of the House.—( Hear,
hear, from the Opposition Benches.) But who were
the real parties who opposed the most valuable
measures of the Government ? Who, he asked, opposed
the Irish Poor-law Bill? Did not the great supporter
of the present Government give the most determined op-
position to the passing of that Bill ? He alluded to the
Hon. Member for Dublin. They (the Opposition) cer-
tainly gave the most formidable opposition to many of the
measures which had been brought forward. They con-
fessed that they obstructed the Noble Lord, and the Go-
vernment, in any attempt of a pernicious nature ; they
successfully opposed the Appropriation Clause—(Cheers
from the Opposition)—and did not the Noble Lord con-
fess that they were right? Did he not confess that the
Government gave it up, with a view of preventing the
flowing of blood in Ireland? What a commentary was
that upon her Majesty's Government? When they assem-
bled in conclave at Lichfield House, and when they en-
tered into that solemn compact, did they then foresee
that the appropriation clause, if followed up, would occa-
sion the flowing of blood in Ireland,—( Hear, hear.) If so
why did they propose it? Why did the Government
say that it was absolutely necessary that that clause should
be adopted, and afterwards admit a tithe measure to be
passed, without that obnoxious clause ? Why did they
afterwards adopt that very Bill, which was recommended
by the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth in
1835 ? With reference to the Jamaica Bill, were they to be
charged with factious opposition to that measure, which
was to annihilate the representative constitution of Jamaica,
which had been enjoyed for centuries? They resisted that
and resisted it successfully, and the Government were
afterwards compelled to adopt the measure of the Right
Hon. Bart, the Member for Tamworth.—( Cheers from
the Opposition.) They will continue to obstruct every
measure of the same character, and with such
pernicious clauses, as the arbitrary Jamaica Bill. He
asked, would the Government ever have been able to
carry the question of privilege without the assistance of the
Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth ? When
the Government abandoned the idea of carrying the ap-
propriation clause, they on the Oppcsition side of the
Househad not the bad taste to taunt them with inconsistency,
as they hailed such abandonment as a very great blessing.
They (the Ministerialists) attempted to taunt the Noble
Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, for not carrying
his favorite measure, "the Arms Bill for Ireland," through
hat House. He was at the time Chief Secretary for Ire-
land, and the Government, with which he was acting, not
thinkin proper to go with the Bill, the Noble Lord thought
proper to abandon it.—( Cheers from the Ministers.) Was a
measure of such a descrikitionto be comparedto others of much
greater importance ? But what sort of a Government was
this, which disapproved of many of the measures which they
permitted to be done ? This state of things was no novelty
to the present Ministers, for it was an every day occur-
rence.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) It would
be very easy to find out a great variety of opinions among
them.—(Hear and laughter.) The difficulty would be to
find out that point, that they all agreed together on.—
( Laughter.) The Noble Lord then made a charge,
which arose from an anonymous letter he had read to that
Home. He ( Sergt. Jackson) doubted whether her Majesty's
Government bad acted with reference to that letter as a
Government ought to act. The Noble Lord had stated that
letter was extolling her Majesty's Government for their for-
bearance. Did the Noble Lord know the gentleman in York
shire who had thus commended her Majesty's Government?
What were the means of judging possessed by ht gentle-
man?
Was he a person holding office under the Govern.
ment, or was he a candidate for any appointment?—(blear,
hear.) Ho ( Sergeant Jackson) thought it beneath any
Cabinet Minister to refer to an anonymous correspondent
for a tcetimony of character, and he really thought, when
he found the Noble Lord resorting to such a source, that
his Government must be put to great stress.—(Cheers.)
The Noble Lord had then proceeded to make another ob-
servation, in which he taunted the Noble Lord the Member
for Lancashire for the part he had token in putting an end
to the Slave Trade. Had that measure proved abortive ?
Did it not succeed, and had not that Noble Lord brought
forward that measure when he had been only three months
ira office, and it was not unlikely that the credit in this case
belonged to the Noble Lord of bringing forward that
measure without the sanction of the other Members of the
Government?—( Hear.) This reminded him (Sergeant
Jackson) of another matter upon which he lied to ask a
question, a matter which he had before pledged himself to
bring before the notice of that House, with respect to the
million% paid for the abolition of slavery—and to
thet ii-ydtat C of a private letter, addressed by Lord Howard De
Walden to the ?ortuguuse Munster for Foreign Affairs,
Viscount Sada Bandeira, bearing date the 19th May,
1838. lie (Sergeant Jackson) had before put a question
on that subject to the Noble Lord, and instead of 1-cceivine
the very simple answer of which his question admitted, the
Noble Lord had made a speech, having an almost
, exclusive
reference to him ( Sergeant Jackson). The Noble Lord
stated that he( Sergeant Jackson)had in another place made
some very strong strictures upon the Government, hut when
m thisbewr
)thteheNnie
forhe thi
la:
Towerrisen t ofireemplleytsh.e wiles
( s cellede g e
at
no
to
jradeekrsbeyn
himself on the indulgence of the House, for he trusted he
should never be guilty of violating the rules of that House,
but would ever be found regulating his conduct by
.its
strictest rules of impartiality. No man was more sensible
of the respect due to the dignity and character of that
House than he (Sergeant Jackson) was. He at that time
stated that ho would avail himself of the first opportunity
to ask an explanation on the question which be had then
put to the Noble Lord. That explanation involved a
matter seriously
touchin the character of her Majesty's
Government, unless it were clearly and satisfactorily acs
g