The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-21 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS..

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF SATURDAY.
CIIIONICLE.—In the ensuing elections the eonstitr i-
encies will not only have to decide for or against the Mini: i-
tcrial policy of increased revenue without new taxation, al id
of the abolition of monopoly, but they will also have to
decide between the Sovereign and the Peel-majority of o; le
in the present Parliament. On the point of confidem
or no confidence in the anti-monopoly Ministry, ht .v
Majesty and the Tory majority are at issue. Her Majesty's
confidence in her official advisers is undimini,hed. This is;
evinced by the fact of her dissolving the Parliament on their-
advice. It is the strongest testimony that royalty can give the,
public. There would have been nothing exceptionable or un-
constitutional in the dismissal cf Ministers after the late votes
against them and their policy. Indeed, had the Sovereigns
coincided with the majority of one, Ministers ought tes
have bees dismissed. Her Majesty does no sucht
thing. She appeals to the people. Every loyal subject is in- -
vited to aid in the resne of his Queen from having Ministers:

forced upon her who are not entitled to her preference, nor •
jilessed of het confidence. Had they been so, the dissolu-.
•.vould have been rendered wholly unnecessary ; or, at any
rate, would have been postponed until after their investment
with the powers of office. The election is a Royal appeal to
the people. It is her Majesty's protest against a Tory and Mo-
nopoly tiovernment. With the spirit in which such a Govern-
ment, should it ever be formed, must needs be conducted, the
Queen has already had one quarrel ; and a most honourable
one for her frankness of nature, perspicacity of intellect, and in-
genousness of character. We refer to her Majesty's refusal,
trvr years ago, to be degraded into Sir Robert Peel's agent for
the daily assertion of a practical falsehood. Her moral being
recoiecl. oa that occwion, from deluding the people by a
of confidenco in the appointnionts of the hotvehohl,
• ,he did not feel; and which, :IA; f.•eling, it would have
• ing,tinoes sr to expr,ss Jritt iii ,c.. Wile•her that
:yroorisy, so congenial with Peon ic.dicy, though so
r:,,r to a sincere nature, is to to: cerl upon her now,
~• •sic linse to decide ; ant the; Oecide i% by the sort
whom they return to the next Parliament. But
•i only a portion of the great question. The Queen's
,Ifi'fence is plainly, by the fact of the impending dissolution,
;he anti-monopolists. The people's cause is her cause.
Her name is in a happier cornl4nation than often happens to
royal name-.; in popular struggles. It is, the Queen and no
monopoly; the Queen and no fresh taxes; the Queen and
cheap bread ; the Queen and free trade. As in the earlier
periods of our history, as in the contests of the Plantagenets,
the Sovereign and the people have now a common cause against
an insolent and rapacious oligarchy, that would tramp'.e upon

both.
TRIES.—The crude, precipitate, and blundering measures
which Ministers have been attempting during the last fortnight
to palm upon the country as of sufficient urgency and import-
ance to justify a postponement of the promised dissolution of
Parliament, are now under process of dissection in the House
of Lords. it is the usual office of that assembly to bring Whig
legislaticn to the test of constitutional knowledge and common
sense ; and from the discharge of that duty it is not likely to be
shaken by any indecent importunity. On Thursday the
" Bribery at Elections Bill," which, as our readers will remem-
ber, vs as forced by Lord John Russell through the House of
Commons, af'er Sir Robert Peel had left the House upon the
aesnrance that it should not be proceeded with, was
most felicitously exposed, and torn to shreds and tatters by
Lord Brougham. The only part of it which Lord Normanby
could succeed in rescuing from the fate justly due to so singular
a specimen of charlatanism and imposture, was the last clause,
the object of which, (being merely to direct Election Com-
mittees how to receive evidence and frame their reports in
cases of alleged bribery), might have been quite as effectually
secured by a simple resolution of the House of Commons as by
an Act of Parliament. On the same evening Lord Abinger
and Lord Wicklow rebuked "the manifest impropriety of send-
ing ue to that House the Punishment of Death Bill, a mea-
sure requiring the most deliberate consideration, within two
days, of the end of the Session ;" and the Peers of Great
ilsitair, resolved, with dignified calmness, not to suffer them-
selves to be betrayed into any hasty decision of so serious a
essestinn as whether rape should continue to be punished as a
capital offence. While this measure was under discussion,
certain expressions are reported to have beer, used by Lord
Penman, which we think it is our duty to notice, if only for
the sake of declaring our conviction that such language can-
not possibly have fallen from the Chief Justice of Eng-
land without some material qualification which does not
appear. What the Noble and Learned Lord is reported to
have said is this—that " he approved of the alteration of
the law, because he did not like that such cases should
come before a Jury, as they now did, in the alternative. Do
you choose to commit perjury, or to commit what you be-
lieve to be murder? Juries now felt horror at the idea of
depriving individuals, however guilty, of life." That senti-
ments so atrocious, sophistry so pernicious, and immorality
so shameless, should have been spoken of by the Lord Chief
Justice, as commonly influencing English Juries, without so
much as a protest against their wickedness, and that the
prevalence of such sentiments should have been recognised in
rich a quarter as a sufficient Legislative ground for lowering
she standard of punishments, is more than we are capable of
believing.
HERALD.—Lord John Russell ,commences his canvass for
the representation of the City of London under no very
favourable auspices. A discardedservant " going after a place"
—with an introduction in his hand, which turns out to be a
strong certificate of his past misconduct under the hand of an
indignant master, would cut, we may surmise, a sorry figure
when informed of the contents of the billet which he had de-
livered into the hands of the individual whom he had ealrerly
expressed his anxiety to serve. We doubt whether the Noble
Lord feels himself under a much more agreeable surprise at the
significant proofs which he is every day receiving of the con-
struction that the citizens of London put upon those eminent
toetimonials to character, as an eligible servant for their
" situation," which he has been rash enough to deliver,
open, to the livery, in his memorable expose of those
truce treasons against British agriculture, British com-
merce, and British greatness,—the schemes for repealing
the protection on our home-grown corn, our colonial-
grown timber, and our colonial raised sugars. That German
prefessor who published, the other day, so amusing. a narra-
tive of his visit to England, and his communications with
English society,—we forget at the moment whether it was
Von Reaumer or M. Wagner, (we see as we write the name
that it must have been the latter,)—declares that he inferred
from his first glance at Lord John Russell's countenance that
he was a very cunning man. What will he say, in a note on
that passage, in the next edition of his work, to the false step
that noble person has taken in appealing to the livery of thin
capital ? Well I Lord John's warmest friends do not affect to
deny that his speech at the London Tavern was one of the
tamest, the most powerless and the least effective which ever
was pronounced by any man who had made a pilgrimage from
St. Stephen's to St. Paul's.. But here has been a meeting—
and to that meeting here has been submitted a report, which
will fearfully aggravate the case of Lord John Russell's incom-
petency and the delinquency of his Government,—in all that
regards the commercial policy of the adhesives.
POST.—We do not suppose there is any man in England,
above the condition of absolute imbecility, as far as regards po-
litical affairs, who believes that the present Ministers have now,
or ever had, the slightest chance of carrying the measures
which the Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed to the House
of Commons as part of his budget scheme. The Ministers
have themselves confessed that they knew they had no such
chance with the House of Commons which still remains un-
dissolved. But they know quite as well, though they may
not have confessed it, that they have just as little thence
with the next House of Commons. They know that, even
if they gained all the elections which they pretend
that they hope to gain, they would still be quite un-
able to carry those measures. There is about as much proba-
bility that they will gain all these elections, as there is that
Lord John Russell will be Lord Mayor of the City of London
oa the 9th day of November next ensuing ; but, supposing
they were gained, still, we say, these measures could mot be
carried, and the Ministers very well know that they could
not. They cannot help knowing that the Ministerial can-
didates, at forty different places—candidates for whose return
Treasury Money and Treasury influence arc zealously
ould not support any measure for repealing the present Corn-
laws, and substituting a low fixed duty in their stead. Whatever
may happen then, this one thing it is certain cannot happen,
namely,the return of a House riding to agree to the Minis-
terial proposition regarding the Corn-laws. And/et there are
persons who, speaking on behalf of these beaten Misailters, have
the effrontery to tallcof the great cause in which tt*y are em-
barked. What can !signore gross and i.npudent than such an
attempt at delusion ? If their cause be the new measures pro-
posed in Mr. Baring's budget, that they well know is mere
humbug. It is nut within the limits of possibility that they
should be able successfully to uphold that cause, and they
themselves are most anxious to accomplish such returns to Par-
liament as must be its ruin. What, then, is their great cause ?
'What is the grand object of their pursuit? It is to obtain a
House of Commons that will reverse the condemnation which
the present House has passed upon them.
GLOBE.—The first Royal Speech, if we recollect
right, in the reign of George the Third, contained an
-cri•ession of thanksgiving for restored cheapness and
lieut.?, amongst his people. Our present Sovereign (the
anniversary of whose accession to the throne recurs to-
morrow, is the first Monarch, since her Royalgrand-
father, who can wish cheapness and plenty to her
people with a good conscience of having done all in
her power to procure it for them. There would have
been something very like solemn mockery in repeating
the language of George the Third in the subsequent
reigns, when laws were passed, or maintained, to
substitute dearness and scarcity for cheapness and
plenty. Her Majesty is as wise as her grandfather on
the most essential point to the well-being and happiness
of her subjects ; and, if she reign so long, will, we doubt
not, reign no less generally in the hearts of her subjects
than ekeor,ge the Third did, in many respects deservedly,
and in no respect more so than in his good feelings for
the macs of his subjects, which were shown in his wishes
for their general education, as well as their plentiful
eusl enence. We trust her Majesty's reign will be less
ciitsoliered in its measures and fortunes ; we are sure
at least no sinister bias is likely to proceed from the
Throne. The natural position of a Sovereign is on the
side of the people, when less extended and legitimate in-
terests seek their promotion at its cost. It matters little
whether the oppression be feudal or fiscal : the Monarch
has aided the people against the one, and may yet against
the other.
STANDARD.—We request the attention of our
readers to the able article on the probable result of the
cesning elections, which we have copied from the Tines.
It will be seen by that article, that the most sengliine
ea.ic.lation of the Whig Mini:tens ;slows a clear majority
u..thirty tc) the Conservative party-. Y.-L.! pecan by whom
this calculation has been made (he ie not named by the
Times) is Mr. Secretary Stanley, the official whipper-in.
And we will add (what is, liowever, incredible), that
upon the hypothesis of a Conservative, majority of
thirty, it is intended by the Whig-Radical Ministers to
attempt still retaining office upon the
Quests. The Conservative majority practising
rityesillbe, however,
a great deal more than 30—almost certainly more than
twice 30. This must be apparent from Mr. Stanley's
calculation, which allows 30, even assuming' a
Whig-
Radical gain in Ireland of 9, excluding any chance of
loss in Scotland, and relying upon the safety of the
four City seats, and the seats for Westminster. Now,
instead of a Whig Radical gain in Ireland of nine,
there is no doubt of a Conservative gain of at least nine'
in that island ; in Scotland a Conservative gain is
equally certain ; and we are pretty well assured of
securing the greater part, if not all, of the London
and Westminster seats. Sixty we firmly believe to
be a low estimate of the Conservative majority ; and
however Ministers and their friends may flatter them-
:,eiies, and try to deceive the public with words and
ngiures, practically they testify a perfect consciousness
teat
a discomfiture awaits them,
as signal as that of the
Whigs in 1807, or of the Tories in 1831. This con-
scioueness is shown in the flight, resembling. rather a
rout than a retreat,
the counties and of tne host of W-hrig-lladicitls from
some degree iboroughs of England and Wales, and in
Ireland ; it
is rom counties and boroughs in Seotl,,nd and
movement of so ranc't le"
plainly exhibited in the hurried
their yezizhisg
or.sny of the Ministers themselves from
be I)"'llingeStreet to more perma.•