The Sun.
London, England, 1840-03-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON. FRIDAY, MARCH 27, 840.

brought in a Bill for the purpose of correcting the regis-
try in Jreland. That Hon. Member had agreed with him,
not only with respect to what they shoeld adopt, but what
they should reject, for he found it convenient to reject el-
together clauses respecting the polling—he found it ad-
visable not to interfere with the franchise—to introduce no
declaratory enactment with respect to the right of voting,
hut to deal simply and solely with the law as it affected
the registration of voters. In fact, that Bill was almost
exactly similar to his ( Lord Stanley's). yet the lion.
Member for Limerick, with whom he ( Lord Stanley)
concurred, not only in the abuses to be remedied, but in
every provision and detail by which those principles were
to be carried into effect, with the single difference of the
constitution of the Appeal Court, said that, on principle,
and upon the second reading, he must oppose the Bilk—
( Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Tories.) The
Hon. Member said that he did not object to the leading
' principles of the Bill, he did not object to annual revision,
he did not object to giving costs, but that there were other
provisions upon which he differed.—( Hear, hear. from Mr.
O'Brien.) Let the House see that those differences were..
The Hon: Member said the provision in the Bill for ap-
peals was an unpopular provision, and that the Bill of
1835 was not accepted on account of the introduction of
that clause, and that he knew it would lead to great dis-
satisfaction. That Bill was rejected in the House of
Lords, not on the ground of its providing for al).-
peals, but because the Noble Lord opposite thought
fit to tack to the Bill other provisions wholly
unconnected with the system of registration, and introduc-
ing a declaration of the franchise contrary
to the law, which
the House of Lords would not assent to—( Hear)—and the
Solicitor_General went over to Ireland in that same year,
end at a popular meeting poured forth the most unmea-
eared abuse on the House of Lords for having rejected that
very Bill which the lion. Member for Limerick said the
people of Ireland would not aceept.—(Loud cheers.) In
1835 and 1836 Mr. O'Loghlen and the Noble Lord the
Secretary for Ireland, introduced a Bill with similar pro-
visions, and yet those Gentlemen who now opposed the rate-
paying clauses—who opposed the giving of costs—who
were opposed to vexation and annoyance, and to the drag-
ging to the assizes and disfranchising three-fourths of the
bona fide eleetois—never uttered a word of objection to
those Bills. The declaration merely gave i.i seven columns
.shat was formerly given in four, and he would be glad to
know if there was any man residing in Ireland who could
say that there would be any difficulty in giving the infor-
mation required by these forms. With regard to inserting
the names of the lives in his lease in the declaratioe, if the
elaimant could not tell them how were the objectors to
prove that these lives had dropped, and that the party had
eo longer a right to vote ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) It
was unnecessary for him to state the case of persons coming
up and claiming to vote in the name of parties who
had been long since dead. The Honourable Member
for Armagh had stated that the parties who voted after the
death of the late King had done so through ignorance,
riot knowing that the Duke of Clarence had become
Laughter.) But he had said enough with re-
gard to these points, arid it really appeared to him that
the form of the declaration was almost the only difference
between his Bill and that of the Hon. Member fur Lime-
rick.—(:Mr. S. O'Brien, " A great many others.")
Then the Hon. Member should favour the House with
them. Ho believed that was the only one of any magni-
tude, and yet notwithstanding the agreement between
them, the Hon. Member was going to vote against him.
Objections had been taken to many minor points of de-
tails, which on all former occasions had formed subjects
for discussion in the Committee. Such was the point of
ihe Hon. and Learned Solicitor_General, that there was
a deep design in the Bill, from the studious wording of
one of the Clauses—that there must be some hidden in-
tent to do away with the beneficial interest of tile tenant,
and because the word " Acts" was used, instead of re-
ferring to the Reform Act alone. Now, he would venture to
suggest, that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was setting
up a monster of his own creation, and if the Bill was al-
towed to go into Committee, he ( Lord Stanley) would allow
him to knock it down in any way he pleased. He would,
nowever, tell the House why the word Acts was intro-
duced—the Reform Act conferred certain new franchises,
and reserved to the people of Ireland all the franchises
conferred by any previous Acts; consequently it was neces-
sary to specify that the Assistant Barrister should refer to
the franchises, as conferred by Acts referred to. That was
the plain statement of his reasons for introducing the word
•‘ Acts."—(Hear, hear.) It was said that it was a great
hardship to deny the power of obtaining a summons to any
party who claimed to be put upon the registry. He was
sure the clause could not bear that construction—the
framers of the Bill did not mean it, and on all examina-
tion of the Bill, it turned out that any person on the re-
gister could apply to the Clerk of the Peace for a sum-
mon* to compel the attendance of any one he required.
Where, then, was the hardship complained against ? A
case might happen, in which a person being only a
claimant, had no friend or agent to attend on his behalf,
but if there were such a case when the Bill went into
Committee, let the words "any claimant" be introduced,
and it should have his ( Lord Stanley's) cordial support.
It was said that the additional polling places would not
afford facilities but impose restrictions. Noiv, what
lie proposed was, that according to the English system
there should be registration districts, each of which should
b.: assigned to a particular polling place, and that the
Revising Barrister, when he received a list of claimants,
should fix the registering places, and a sign the districts,
so as to bring them as nearly as possible into the centre
of the greatest number of claimants.—( Hear, hear.)
He felt that he had addressed the House more at length
than he had intended ; but there was one other point
to which he must refer. The appeal to the Judge was
condemned, and it v,as still more strongly condemned
because it took away the appeal from the Jury. The
Noble Lord (Morpeth) says., " you not only give the
appeal to the Judges, but you take away from the
claimant the advantage of a Jury." If he did that, he
had the precedent of the Noble Lord himself. ha the de-
bate upon a Bill introduced by a Noble Lord, the late Mem-
ber for Leitrim, whose loss the House must deeply regret,
tin said he proposed to take away the right of appeal,
because he thought that a great deal of inconvenience
arose front the contradictory decisions of juries, who
were generally composed de circurnstantibus. He pro-
posed, therefore, to leave the question entirely to the de-
cision of the Judges. Upon which Lord Morpeth said,
" I think it desirable that all the decisions should be on
as uniform a scale as possible, and I have no objection to
the adoption of the amendment." Whereupon Lord
Clement's amendment was agreed to without a division.
—( Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) Now,
the Noble Lord came down, and charged him (Lord
Stanley) with a gross violation of the rights of the people,
because he transferred the eppeal from the Juries to the
Judge, There was one point, which, however deirous
he might be to spare the time of the House, it was impos-
sible for him to be silent upon, more especially after
the allusion that had been made to him by the
Noble Lord opposite. But he warned the House and the
Noble Lord against one of the most dangerous principles
that had ever been introduced into legislation, namely, not
to adopt what all persons admitted to be beneficial, unless
they attach to that something not only different from it,
but upon which there was a wide difference of opinion.
He warned the Government against another Appropria-
tion Clause.—( Cheers.) Let Ministers recollect for how
many years they declared they placed their reputation
upon the immediate settlement of the tithe auestion by
introducing the appropriation clause, and let them look to
the issue of the decision, and the step they were ultimately
compelled to take.—( Cheers.) But the Hon. Member for
...oseornmon in the first place laid down this doctrine,
which lie regretted to see confirmed by the Noble Lord
who had just sat down. " I will not admit," said the
Noble Lord, " and my objection to this Bill is as the Hon.
Gentleman has said that the alteration will work a restric-
tion of the franchise, unless at the same time you settle the
doubtful points of the law which still remain at issue."
Did any one doubt his anxiety to have these settled? He
had omitted these studiously and sedulously. The Noble
Lord knew well he proposed and gave notice of motion
for a Committee of the House, comprised of the leading
Members of both sides, for the purpose of examining
what wero the doubtful points of the law, how many they
might be able to get rid of, and how many they could
settle. The Noble Lord knew well he would have moved
for that Committee if he (Lord Stanley) had not re-
ceived from him a distinct intimation on the part of the
Cabinet that they would net consent to such a Committee,
and would take no part in it, because it would be abso-
lutely useless to attempt to settle these points of the law
in the present state of parties. Was the Noble Lord still
of the same opinion ? The Noble Lord did not deny the
abuses of the present system, but insisted upon his
tacking these to his Bill before he would assent to it, though
he knew it would be impossible to obtain the assent
of the conflicting parties in the House; and this was the
Government's desire of settling existing abuses. They
told him (Lord Stanley) at the same time, no such Bill
should pass unless he introduced that, to which he knew
he would not be able to obtain assent. Now, these bene-
ficial interests he regretted he was compelled
to refer to them, and the Noble Lord cited in proof of
what was his intention in the Reform Act, with regard to
the beneficial interest, some speeches of his made in 1829,
in which he rejected the doctrine that what a solvent
tenant could afford to give was the basis of the existing
franchise. He was not in the habit of looking back to
his former speeches.—( Ironical cheers.) The NohleL
Lord
said he looked back to this when he was
treating
sub-
ject of the registration of votersin lreland._ l thele had a
right to look back a period of three or four years, to see
what were the principles they themselvesintro-
duced, who avowed an objection to that of his Bill,
but he was not in the habit of looking back to former
speeches of his own, nor was he nice in looking back to sec
whether on this or tbat subject he had made any alteration
proved,
in opinion. He was not aware in what cases 110 could be
he
charged witl.having made that alteration.
mans ready to admit that he Fa wrong,
and had changed his mind with no dishonest motive, which
he hoped no man imputed to hi in-7(Cheers)—but from
" later impressions," which he believed was the modern
phrase; but he took care these later impressions" were
not foreted under the influence of any violent feelings.—
(Cheers.) So far
as lie could collect from the Noble
Lord's Lord's version of it, in his speech in March, 1837, h
jected to the introduction of the words quoted as the test
of the Reform Bill, because he thought nothing
was so abominable as that a party, under colour
of those words—(Hear)—should come and swear
that he was willing to give 10/. snore than the party had
given, and therefore he had a beneficial interest to that
amount, and an oath was consequently given for propping
up fictitious votes. He thought it a much more proper
test that the Revising Barrister should judge of the value
for himself, and not upon the oath of any other party, but
by examination of the facts of the case. But to quote a
speech of his in 18'9 as his intention in the Reform Bill
in 1832 was a proposition rather extraordinary. He
would not deal with his speech of 1829, but of 1832, and
show what was the animus of the House with
regard to the beneficial value at the time
it passed the Reform Bill. In the first place,
it was then universally admitted that there was no inten-
tion in Ireland to alter the existing franchise as belonging
to freeholds, and the Duke of Richmond stated distinctly,
, in the House of Lords, that the Goverrintent had not the
of altering the qualificatiou as it then

existed, and that he thought the mode of ascertaining the
amount was the best calculated to effect that object ; and
Lord Melbourne stared it was undoubtedly the desire of
the Government to retain the present qualification, and
o
that he cm adered it would be secured be the oath pro-
posed.inat
awd,easb
yt 'Thathteh p
,:.k intentionini :o i tohfethde
RichmondeGelao rvaeatrinio,
and Lord
Government
r not
oh.Ateii
Melbourne,
haoolv,t)le,rrnraeer,septeheec:,t
rt,
to deal with or alter the qualification as it stood previous
to the Reform Act. But it was contended that a lease-
hold property fur a term of years was as good a quelifica-
t!onas freehold, and that it should be placed on the same
footing with freehold of the same amount of value. The
lion. Member for Tipperary said that the constituents of
Irish counties, consisting of a 16/. profit above the rent,
must be of necessity small. Suppose a freehold passed in
cee what was a beneficial interest in that land ? If let for
101. he had a beneficial interest to that amount. In intro-
ducing the Irish Reform BAI he made the following
statement :—" It is proposed that a lease of 60 years
shall entitle to vote, as in Ireland the apparent amount of
rent was not always a just criterion, it proposed to grant
in Ireland as in England, with reference to the beneficial
interest of the tenant." The Noble Lord proceeded to
state that the conditions oft he Irish and English Reform
Bill, as far as regarded the benefice' interest, were the
same. He had been directed to the s ject of the benefi-
cial
interest by his Noble Friend op site, who seemed
jt
anxious to point out some inconsi- ency on his ( Lord
Stanley's) part to compensate for the inconsistencies
into which her Majesty's nnisters had fallen. In reply
to the charges brought forward against him, he
believed the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite
(the Member for Tipperary) would do him the justice to say i
that he had never in any way sought to limit the franchise
ea the part of others. He was himself a constituent of
the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman, though he did i
not mean to say he had ever given a vote in his favour—
( Hear, hear)—neither did he, however, ever vote against
Lim. He did not know whether any of his tenants had
registered or not, and if they should register, he would
never ask fur whom they had voted, nor had he ever inter-
fered with them on such a subject.—(Hear, hear.) If
tenants voted against his wishes at an election, they would
not, for his part, meet with those frowns of a landlord
which they had heard so much of. When he came to
this question, and while he was proving that the franchise
is Ireland was not unfairly restricted as compared to that
of England, whether they looked to the leasehold or the
household qualification—he owned that while discussing
:lime questions, lie should not go the length of the Hon.
Baronet the Member for Drogheda, in talking of a univers
sel and organised conspiracy of landlords to prevont the
registration of voters. He (Lord Stanley) could
not go so far. There were, he believed, circumstances
in the social and political condition of Ireland. which made
a great difference between the number of persons entitled
to he registered, and those who were actually registered in
that country. An lion. Gentleman opposite had talked,
on a former occasion, of the small number of voters in Ire-
land as compared with England, and he had told them to
contrast Cork with Yorkshire, and Tipperary with Rut-
land. He had also told them that in Rutland there existed
an immense number of independent, respectable, and un-
purchaseable tenants--( Hear, hear)—whereas in Cork and
Tipperary an unfortunate voter had to meet with the
frowns of landlords, the threats of agents, and the multi.
plied expenses of registering ; and no one could be sue.
prisednf, under the circumstances, there was a difference
in the constituencies of Rutland and of Cork. He (Lord
Stanley) was of opinion that property should command
an influence, to a certain extent, both in England and in
Ireland, and every man who had property was naturally
desirous of availing himself of it for the advancement of
his opinions. But there was this difference between the
t No countries, that in England the landlord might
feel tolerably certain that without going to these extremi-
ties. which he (Lord Stanley) should certainly
condemn—in England, in the majority of counties at least,
the landlord had a confidence that his tenants would be
guided by his judgment and influenced by his views. That
principle might be carried to an extreme he would not
deny, and that might happen in the county of Rutland it-
self.—( Hear, hoar.) A very singular change had cot tainly
taken place of late in the views of the electors of that
county, and a peculiar and appropriate opportunity had
been given them of testifying that change.—( Cheers.)
The fact was that in England the landed proprietor felt
confident that h;s tenants would go along with his judg-
ment and follow his views, but in Ireland he had no such
confidence as there was in that country, a constant, active,
and industrious influence at work, setting tenants against
their landlords, and extinguishing those kindly feelings
which subsist between landlord and tenant in England.
The landlord in Ireland was not, as in England, desirous of
availing himself of the influence of property in forwarding
his own views, but he was desirous that that property
should not be directed against himself. So strong was
that feeling in Ireland that he did not hesitate to
say that it had operated in inducing landlords in
Ireland to give their tenants such leases as might not
qualify them for the suffrage—(Hear, hear)—and he
believed that such an arrangement was for the interests of
the unfortunate tenants, harassed as they were between the
fear of the vengeance of their landlord on the one hand,
and their dread of excommunication on the other.—
( Cheers from the Tory benches.) Let him not be open
to misconstruction on the subject of that last word. He
meant by excommunication bring put out of the pale of
society--( Hear, hear)—he meant by it, being denounced
in the chapel—( Hear, hear)—he meant by it, being
held up to opprobrium in the market place—he meant by
it. being threatened with danger at night, and denounced
by political agitators.—(Tory cheers.) He said that it
was no wonder that the unfortunate tenant, harassed
between those contradictory fears, did not come
up to register and press his claims.—( Hear, hear.)
It was such causes as those, arising from political agitation,
that produced the disproportion between the numbers of
electors in England and Ireland. " And now," (concluded
the Noble Lord) " I leave this Bill—brought forward to
correct acknowledged abuses—with no party view_
(Ironical cheers)—l trust I have not treated it so—l ieave ,
it in the hands of the House—with perfect indiffmenee so
far as I am personally interested—but with feelings of the
deepest anxiety, for what I believe will be of the greatest
benefit to Ireland and the empire—and with the
fullest conviction that no case has been made out against
the second reading of this Bill."—( Loud and long con-
tinued cheering from the Opposition.)
Mr. O'CONNE LL—Sir, the Noble Lord has con.
eluded by saying that this is no party measure. I suppose
it was by accident entirely, by pure chance, that such creeds
of Gentlemen opposite came down here to-night.—( Hear
and laughter.) I was astonished at the length of time
for which the Noble Lord kept up the tone of moderation
so alien to his nature—but he broke out at the word " ex-
communication"—(Cheers)—there was no party spirit in
that !—(Cheers)—no taint of bigotry.—( Cheers.) De.
eunciations in the Chapels too—never was calumny more
unteunded.—( Shouts of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition.)
I defy you to point out instances.—(Oh, oh.) There
was certainly one case before the Intimidation Committee.
—( Hear, hear.) But I defy you to prove it as a prac-
tice, and as such, I utterly and contemptuously deny it.—
" Oh, oh.") Well, having passed over that matter—
( Ironical cries of " Hear, hear,") I proceed. I am not in-
(Allied • to go into the usual arguments the Noble Lord
founded on matters personal to myself. He read a passage
from a speech of mine at Dublin, in which he said I had
(1, fled the Government to pass the Bill. When I first
saw that passage I was en my transit to this country, and
tile first thing I did on coming into the House was to As-
sure the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland that the
report was ,incorrect—that the right account would be
found in the Freeman's Journal.—( Ministerial cheers.) I
defied the enemies of Ireland to pass the Bill—and the most
malignant of them—and I named some of then!. The
Noble Lord was out in his chronology—he wanted to
make out that the petition was before the report—that was
not true, it came alter the report, which cost me 16 hours
labour, and which gives a detailed account of the objec-
t tions to the measure, none of which has the Noble Lord
met.—(Cheers.) A Bill showing such vicious inge-
nuity to annihilate the franchise, I never heard of. Sir,
the situation of Ireland is pitiable.—( Loud cheers.)
Ili the other House the interests of that country are put
off, because one Learned Lord is ill, and another fantastical
Lord—(Laughter)—is absent—because the one is ill who
called us " aliens in blood, in language, and religion"—
( Cheers)—and as to the other, he has much wit, and no
wisdom—(Laughter)—and the Corporation Bill is to wait
for them—a greater insult could not be offered to the
people of Ireland.—(Cbeers.) Sir, at the period of the
Irish Reform Bill, I tried hard to get as low a franchir,e as
in England, and when I could not get that, I divided the
House on a 5/. instead of a 101. franchise.--( Hear, hear.
rl
The Noble Lord ought to look back to that time with re-
gret.—(Hear, hear.) Had he been as good a statesman
as he is a ready debater, he would not have let slip that
golden opportunity for attaching Ireland to this country
with an effectual union —the union of equal rights.--
( Cheers.) But, unhappily, the Noble Lord (then the
leader and director of the Government) did all he could
to limit and restrain the Irish franchise, and in every
Cabinet I found him Ireland's bitterest foe.—(" Oh, oh,"
from the Opposition.) No wonder the people of
Ireland shudder at the very idea of a Bill brought
in by him. England received effectual Parliamentary
Reform; and Scotland, by enlarging the constituencies,
and increasing the number of representative s—Scotland
had eight additional Members. Even Wales, with
800,000 inhabitants, had four additional; while Ireland,
with more than 8,000,000, had five.—( Hear, hear.) The
Learned Recorder for Dublin said the repeal cry was a
bugbear to old women and boys. I ant glad he does not
enter into either category—( A laugh)--but can any one
wonder that with such inequalities and injustice,
Ireland should clamour for repeal ?—( Hear, hear, hear.)
It had been asserted that the Noble Lord wished to place
the Irish constituency on the same footing with the Eng-
lish. It was said that by his extending to Ireland the IN.
franchise he augmented the Irish constituency by 8,000
voters. But look to the effect of the la franchise in
England and in Ireland. Look to Manchester and 'l'ralee
—to Bristol and Portarlington.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill
was calculated to deprive Ireland of what. the Noble Lordhki
boasted of giving to that country, that is, the leasehold
franchise.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord earl therere
when it would be more pleasant to him to be else:. t
iv;
shame. ( Loud groans and cries of " Shame,
groans, and great interruption.) I will
oh," ,
~
Shame,
O'Connell proceeded to say--I admire that cry.—no(t)Cicheeetehse.,
brutal exclamations.--(Cries of " Oh,nana
disgraceful
shame.") I say those brutal exclamations are
tdootyhoonse
want me to adjourn the debate.—(" Laughter_ ,
ioni,
who utter them.—( Renewed interruption.) If ask,r
the Tories, and cries of " Hear, hear from the
inimical
s. j
I rkelnaonaci f thatfrom
1 nothingn
carrying
their plans into execution.. They
shout at me, but delicacy prevents me, from stating why any
one of them ought to be absent. —( Great Interruption, in tne
midst of which Mr. O'Connell stood with his arms folded
across his breast, and, after some,Tinutes, said, " Do you
want me to adjourn the debate . —Cheers from the Li-
beral benches.) I don't want to adjourn it.—( Cheers.)
I say the object of the measure is to enable the landlords
to prevent the tenants from voting according to their own
win,—(Loud cheers.) Does any men in the Howe
deny that the effect of this Bill is ill be to
diminish enormously the constituency in Isensi„t ?
' If you meant to diminish the constituency, why don't you

t say so ? You say that the Bill would diminish fictitious
1 voters; you know very well it would diminish the real
voters—let there be no hypocrisy about the thing—tell us
what you mean to do. The Noble Lerd compares the
state of the registration in England and Ireland—l will
show you how the registrations should be compared. I
will show you the poor and paltry proportion of the consti-
tuency in Ireland to the population, but I am afraid it will
be interrupted by the same cry—( Cheers from the Liberal
benches, and a cry of" Oh, oh,lfrom the Opposition side.)
[The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then went into a com-
parative statement of the population and constituency in
the counties of Westmoreland, Bedford, Hereford, and
Rutland, and of the Irish counties of Cork, Antrim, and
Galway.] These illustrations are powerful for my pur-
pose ; they ought to be powerful in showing the people of
England bow little regard there has been shown to the
rights of the Irish people. The Noble Lord hag not
brought this measure before the House upon his own im-
Ipulse, but be has been prevailed upon by others, perhaps
by the Honourable Member for Belfast, who does
his best to supply him with law as well as with evidence.
I suppose he came reeking from the last Orange dinner.—
(Hear.) He came to the Noble Lord and put his name on
the back of the Bill. 1 see the Bill is printed with the
name of the Noble Lord and the Hun. Member for Belfast
upon it. The Isle of Wight, with 27,000 inhabitants, had
upwards of 10,000 votes, while in Mayo, with 366,328 in-
habitants, there was only 1.350 votes ; in Protestant Ty-
rone, with a population of 310,000, there was only about
2,000 voters. Is this a state of things that ought to con-
tinue? Is this doing justice to Ireland?—(Cheers.) Now
I will take the two largest counties in England and Ire-
lard—York and Cork. York has a population of 913,738,
and it has 33,154 voters; while Cork, with a population of
703,000, has only 2,385 voters_( Hear.) Are all these
proportions to remain? Ought you not to struggle to give
the people of Ireland an equal proportion of votes with
you? Now I will dwell very shortly upon the cities, but
there the same proportions exist. I ought, however, to
have stated, that in the cities the Noble Lord 'refused to
give votes to joint tenants, which you enjoy in England,
and I understand that Exeter Hall alone furnishes
85 votes.—( Hear, hear.) In Exeter, with a population
of 27,000, there were 3,426 ; while in Waterford, with a
population of 2,600 there were only 1,278 voters. In Wor-
cester, with a population of 11,313, there arc 2,268,
voters; while in Limerick, with a population of 58,000,
there are only 2,250 voters. In Cork, with 110,000 inha-
bitants, there are only 3,650 voters; while in Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, with only 43,000, there are 2,252 voters.
Does not that show a miserable defalcation of votes in
Ireland? And if you succeed in attaching the adjuncts you
propose by this Bill of fictitious votes, you will succeed
in stripping Ireland of voting altogether. Now, I have
thought it my duty to make these preliminary observations.
I object to this Bill upon principle, independent of de-
tail. My first objection is to that which the Noble Lord
called one of its merits. I object to it because it is purely
and singly a Registration Bill, and not a Bill to define
'the franchise, and remove the doubts and difficulties that
now exist. It ought to be first an exposition of the
doubts in the franchise before we go to registration. At
the registration, nine-tenths of the swearing necessarily
Arose because the franchise was not defined; you ought,
therefore, first to define the franchise, and then extend
it; but to take the registration without the definition of
i the franchise was an absurdity.—(Hear, hear.) Well
then, the Hon. and Learned Member for Exeter comes
out upon me—a more able lawyer is not in or out of the
House, nor is there a more complaisant and fascinating
debater—but I am sorry to say, if any attacks are to lie
made against Ireland, the Hon. and Learned Member is
ale ays to be found in the van. When the Spottiswoode
gang was for turning out all the Liberal Members in the
House, who was found their great advocate? Why the
Hon. and Learned Member for Exeter I It is very fit,
therefore, that ho should be chosen as one of the sup-
porters of the Noble Lord.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon.
and Learned Member has talked a great deal of
the Judges meeting, but he has not pointed out
a single Act authorizing that meeting.—( Hear, hear.)
The Hon. and Learned Recorder opposite, and the Hon.
and Learned Member for Bandon, tell me there is no
such thing as a political Judge. I think a man who is a
violent politician at the Bar will be a politician, although
perhaps„more mild, on the Bench. I have refused a high
judicial office, because I would not let the name of justice
ne polluted in my person.—(Laughter and cheers.) I be-
lieve there are among the Judges five to seven against the
beneficial clause, there were Judge Perrin, Judge Burton,
Judge Richards, and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer.
The Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench had upon this
subject, in the case of Pratt in the Queen's County, put
out of view the Solvent Tenancy Test, and in 1832 the
Noble Lord struck out of the Reform Bill that very Test.
At the instance of Sergeant Lefroy, he put into the
Reform Bill the Test 110 of George the Fourth.
The Noble Lord then said he conceived it was
sufficient for a freeholder to have a beneficial interest of
10/. on his lease, without showing that a solvent tenant
could afford to pay 101. more. The Earl of Roden, when
the Bill was brought up to the House of Lords, agreed at I
once to the test of beneficial interest, and said, " I hold
in my hand a letter from an Assistant Barrister of an Irish
county. He is a gentleman on whose integrity and expe-
rience I place the fullest confidence, and be states that
the clause in the Irish Reform Bill relating to the benefi-
cial interest was passed over without any discussion. This
was effected by a manoeuvre of Mr. O'Connell's." He gives
me too much credit. The Noble Lord said its operation
would be to enlarge the constituency cf Ireland much beyond
what was contemplated by,the Bill in its original form, and
lie moved to alter that clause. He was opposed by the
Duke of Richmond and,the Marquis of Lansdowne, who
said the effect of the clause would be to make the value of
the property 20/. and not 101. Can you take up this
question, and send it to Ireland undecided and undeter-
mined? Every other Bill brought in contained two
clauses, one declaring that joint tenants and tenants in
common should vote in cities and towns and counties, as
it is in England—the other defining the beneficial inte-
rests, as that which was the tenant's profit, and not the
l.indlord's rent. But the Noble Lord leaves the litigation
where he found it, and yet we have a final and conclusive
registry, and an unfixed and undefined franchise. All this
arises from the struggle to preyert as many as possible
from enjoying the franchise. kis dbad principle- The Char-
tist violence has now beer, somewhat subdued. But I would
remind you of this, that wheu it was at its height and vigour
the people of Ireland.refused to join in it. Their franchise
was limited—they were tempted by the prospect of Uni-
versal Suffrage—but they scorned to obtain any advan-
tages. I need not boast of this, the fact is hist
r,cal. They refused to join the Chartist insurrectio
How does the Noble Lord show his gratitude? Why, he
turns round upon them and says ‘' I find your franchise al-
ready stinted and miserable, and although you refuse to
join the Chartists, yet I will give you such a measure as
will render uncertain what you have, and make it impos-
sible for you to realise your vote." I may be taunted that
I have already agreed to annual registration, and to ap-
peal both ways. I ought certainly to be allowed to change
my opinion as well as the Noble Lord. I pressed for an-
nual revision at the time of the Reform Bill, but I was de-
feated. Who spoke against me and defeated me ? The
Noble Lord. We have changed sides. There has been
much experience since, and I find that the annual
registry tails. How does it fail? Why, in this
way. M e find the organized opposition against the
registry has increased to such a pitch, that it
is no longer possible to have an annual registry, and there-
fore I give it up, and therefore the Noble Lord adopts it.
The next objection 1 have to the Bill, is that it disfran-
chises all Ireland. Every man that did not register by
the 20th November, would be disfranchised. The Noble
Lord has issued his fiat, and by chance there may
be a majority in the House to support him. Would
any body say, that by the former Bills the franchise
was swept away in that manner ? ( Hear, hear.)
There was no such sweeping enactment in 1835.
And there were' in this Bill of 1835 those redeeming
clauses, which, if you insert in this Bill, I would consent
to going into Committee upon it. By the Noble Lord's
Bill voters are to be treated just as if they were never in the
register. They are to be served with notices again, they
are to be examined as to the title and the value of the pro-
perty, everything is to be tried over again that was tried in
' the present year. Was there ever greater injustice tried ?
Will'you commit this gross, this glaring, this palpable in-
' justice ? My next objection is to matter apparently of de-
tail, but is of the essence of this Bill—l mean the notices
that are required to be served. Ido not to wish to weary
the House by going into particulars, but there are two
or three things that seem to me exceedingly preposterous.
The notices will have to be sent thirty or forty miles—
the names must be written in full length—the particulars
must be given of the nature of the qualification—the local
description of the property—the name of the tenant or
tenants—the names of all the lives in the original or the
renewed grants. The best franchises in Ireland were those
which had passed through a century of renewals, yet the
lives in every one must be specified, or the party, by the
omission of any one of them, would be defeated. Where
the party is an assignee, he must state how he is an
assignee, he will have to state:that which it will re-
quire a competent lawyer to ascertain.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) One of the first things to be done before an h
As-
sistant Barrister is the proof of every one of those circum- .
stances I have stated. Another singulardeee n entitles a party
circumstance is
this—At present twelve months'
to vote in England. The twelvem ie
months'rseaseparish disqualifies
him from voting. residence on dif.
ferent premises in ,Ireland in
hreside for twelve months in the
same place—that will account unt for the statement given the
Noble Lord by the
Hon. Member for Belfast, because
parties may have new certificates for the same premises. I
,it at once that the system of certificates is one that
adi,rlse'rves consideration, and I think I could easily devise a
plan which would obviate all these difficulties. The next
objection has been canvassed at great length—it is to the
appeal both ways—an appeal which I thought might be
us, ful in 1835 ; but the great leading objection is to the
annual registry. At present every matt has to be registered
d: noco—no man can be inserted on the registry without
nonce. The insertion on the registry is one thing, the
r:vising the registry is another. If there be an objection,
the slightest evidence need only be given in support of it,
and the party will no longer be retained on the register.
Another objection which ma
my be extended to some length
e ill show the measure in a mot ludicrous light. In Dublin
there were 9,000 registered voters.' and even without so
c .mplicated a notice the Revising Barrister registers about
26 per day ; the highest number is 30 per day—take it at
40, and it will require 225alays to register the constituency
of the city of Dublin. Take it at 30 and it will require
300 days ; but take it at 28-and it will require the whole
year.—( Hear.) We maybe told that in Committee addi-
venial lawyers and new machinery may be provided, but as
it stands it proves the Noble Lord's utter ignorance of the
real state of Ireland. I have gone through as much
of the Bill as is necessary for my purpose at this late hour,ia
but I deceive myself very much if I have not Showni
oft
this Bill will be practically a diminution of the franchise
that which
the Irish people.—(Cheers.) It goes to make
VC-13 little, less ;it goes to diminish that whhicnh should be
Bill, and
augmented; and, in short, it is a disfranc
another blow at the liberties of Ireland.—( cheers.)
; this Bill, The
I conjure the House, therefore, to rej
Noble Lord taunted
the Hon. Member for liridport with
°. ejecting to annual 'revision ef
countt.L ~ btu.a use.
to
the system was unfavourable vtletics' l!siuel of the tlouee ; lint

EVENING

I may reply with the same taunt to the Noble Lord. I
toil him that he is dissatisfied with the Irish registration
cause it is unfavourable to his side of the House.—
( Hear, bear.) The Reform Bill has almost eatinguivhcd
the franchise in Ireland, while in the English counties it
has doubled the number of Members. The smallest autibn.
ti es have three, and the larger ones have four Members, while
Cork, with its 713,000 inhabitants, has only two Members,
and Tyrone, with its 300,000, has only two. All these
injustices you arc disposed to perpetuate. Ilear, Sir, it
is in vain for me to ask either side of the House to dojus-
tice to Ireland.—( Hear, bear.) But the people of Ireland
are too numerous and too powerful not to be aide to obtain,
peaceably and loyally, but firmly and constitutionally, their
rights, and this attempt to scorn and spoil them will be.
met with firm and manly indignation.—( Cheers.) They
are carried away now by no unnatural excitement. It is
another instance of their high excellence, that they have
been among the most faithful of the nations of the earth
to whet they believed to be the true creed, amidst war,
Plunder, desolation, and blood. They are now rising in
might of a great morality, avoiding every species of
intoxicating excitement, with prudence marking every step
of their conduct. Indiscreet marriages, another fault or
blemish in their character, have ceased. Despise thesnl
insult them !—in my humble opinion, they are your equals
in any constitutional right, and I believe them to be your
superiors in morality and political integrity.—( Cheers.)
Strangers were then ord,red to withdraw, and the
House divided, when the numbers were_._.

For tho second reading 250
Against it
Majority
-- 16
The announcement of the ❑umbers was received ►sith
loud cheers from thejorybenclies. _

Culoncl SIBTHORF" hoped that, after the division
Ilinisttrs would not humbug the country any longer.
The House adjourned at Half-past One o'Clock.

PARLLIYIENTARY DI VISION.

(From the Pates and Proceedings of the House of Cointnor.4.)
THU RSDAT, 11IA RCH 26.
REGISTRATION OF VOTERS' (IRELAND)
BILL.
Order for Second Reading read ; Motion made, and Ques-
tion proposed,—" That the Bill be now read a second time :"
—Amendment proposed, to leave out the word, " now," and at
the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day six
months :"—(Mr. Freneh :)—Question put, " That the word
now' stand part of the Question :"—The House divided

MAJORITY-
A eland, Sir T. D.--.N Devonshire
ft eland, T. D.—West Somerset
t 'Court, Captain —Tainworth
Ad .rc, Lord —Glamorgaushire
Ainswort b, P.--Bolton
A iturd, Viscount—Bedfordshire
Alsager. IL—Surrey
Arbuthnot, General—Kincardine-
shire
Ashley, Lord—Dorsetshire
Attwood, M.—Whitehaveii
13agge, W.— West t,it:rfolk
Bagot, Hon. W.—Denbighshire
Bailey, Joseph—Worcester
Bailey, J. D.—Sudbury
Millie, H. D.—lioniton
Baker, Edward—Wilton
Caring, thetford
Baring, W. B.—N. Staffordshire
Barrington, Lord—Berkshire
Bell, Matthew—S. Northumber-
land
Bentinck, lord G.—Lynn
Bernell, Richard—Yorkshire
B:ackburne, Ireland—Warrington
Blackstone W. S.—Wallingford
Blair, J.- Blackstone,
Bknnerhassett, A.—Kerry
Bolden), Henry G.—Chippenham
Bolling, W.—Bolton
Bradshaw, James—Canterbury
Branaston T W.—E_ssex.South
Brwadwd, Henry—Bridgewater
oad.ley.;Henry—Eastlork
slir
il
Brownr gg, J. S.— Bcaton
Bruce, Lord E.—Marlherough
Bruges, Vs. H. L.—Bath
Buller, Sir J. Yarde—Devonshiri
Barren, Sir C.—Shoreham
Burroughes, H. N.—East Norfolk
•Caleraft, John Hales—Wareham
Castlereagh, Visct—Down Co.
Chehnoaueley, Hon. Hugh—Den-
bighshire
Christ..pher, It A.—Lincolnshire
Chute, W. L. W.—West Norfolk
Clem, Sir G.—Stambord
Clive, it. H South Shropshire
Cochrane, Sir T. J.—lpswich
Codrington, C. W.—Gloucestersh.
Cole, Viscount—Fermanagh
Colquhoun, John C —iienfrew
Cempton, H. Combe—Hampshire
Cooper, E J.- Sligo Co.
Coote, Sir C.—Queen's County
Corry, Hon. H. L.—Tyrone Cu.
Courtenay, P.—Bridgewater
Crewe, Sir George—South Derby
Cripps, Joseph—Cirencester
Dalrymple, Sir A.—Brighton
cr, Hon G.—Portarlington
Derby, George—East Sussex
Darlington, Earl of—Shropshire
De Horsey, S. H.—Newcastlio-
under Lyme
Dick, Quintin—Mahlon
D'lsrami, B.—Maidstone
Dottie, A. R.—Southampton
DO, 41.. s Sir C. E.— Warwick Douro, Slarquis—Norwich
Dowdeswell, W.—Tewkesbury
Drummond, H. H.—Perthsnire
Duffield, Thomas - Abingdon
Dugdale, W. S.'—Warwickshire
Dunbar, George—Belfast
Duncombe, Hon. W.—Yorkshire
Duncombe, Hon A —East Retford
l)u I're, George—Buck
East, James huller— Winchester
Eastnor, Viscount—Reigate
Eaton, R. J.—Cambridgeshire
Egerton, W. Tatton—Cheshire
Egerton, Sir P.—Cheshire
Eliot, Lord—East Cornwall
Ellis, Jno.—Newry
Estcourt, T. U. B.—Oxford Univ.,
Farnham, I:B.—N. Leicestershire
Fector, John Minet—Maidstone
Feilden, W. J.—Blaekbnrn
Fellowes, Edw. Huntingdonshire
Fiiiner, sir E.—West Kent
Fitzroy, Hon. Henry—Lewes
Fleming, John—Hampshire
Follett, Sir W.—Exeter
Forester, Hon. G.— Wenlock
Pox, Sackville Lane—Beverly
Fre .h field, James Win.—Peoryn
Gasket', James Milnes— Wenlock
Gladstone, W. E.—Newarx-on-
Trent
Glynne, Sir S. R.—Flintshire
Gosdard, Ambrose—Cricklade
tiordon, Hon. \V.—Aberdeenshire
Goring, H. D.—New Shoreham
Uoulburn, Right Hon. H.—Cam.
bridge University
Graham, Right Hon. Sir J. R. G
Bt.—Pembroke
Granby, Marquis of—Stamford
Greene, T. G.—Lancashire
Grimsditch, T.—Macclesfield
GrimstoY, VlSCOunt—Hertford.
shire
Grimston, Hon. E. H.—St. Al.
ban's
Hale, B. R.—Gloucestershire
Raiford, Henry—Leicestershire
Hamilton, Charles J. B.—Ayles-
bury
Hamilton, Lord C.—Tyrone
Harcourt, G. G. V —Oxfordshire
Harcourt, G. s.—Bucks
liare.ingc, Right Hon. Sir H.—
I Aunceston
Hawkes, Thomas—Dudley
Heneage, G W.—Devizes
Henniser, Lord—East Suffolk
Hepburn,S:r T. --Haddirigtonshirt
Herbert, Hon. S.—South Wilts
'ferric% lit. 11014. J. C.—Harwici,
Hill, Sir Rowland—Shropshire
iiillshorough, Earl of—Down
Hodgson, Frederick—Barnstapl,
Hodgson. Ild.—Berwick-on.'rweec
Hogg, James Weir—Beverley

AYES, 250.
Holmes, Hon. W.—lsle of Wight
Holmes, W.—Berwiek-onTweeti
'Hope, Charles—Linlithsowshire
Hope, H. T.—Gloucester
Hope, G. W.—Weymouth
ET:tham, Lord—Leomluster
ouldsworth, T.—Nottinghamsb.
Houston, G. J.—Renfrewshine
Hurt, Francis—South Derby
Ingestre, Viscount—Staffordshire
Ingham 1' obert—South Shields
Inglis, Sir R. 11.—Ox. University
Exton, Samuel—Cumberland
Irving, John—Antrim Co.
a,,kson,lllr. Serj.—Bandon Bridge
James, Sir W. C.—Hull
Jerilyn. Earl—Bury, Suilblk
Jones, John—Carmarthenshire
Jones, T.—Londonderry Co.
Kelburne, Lord—Argyleshire
Kemble, H.—East Surrey 0.
Knight, H. G.—Nottinghamshire
Knightley, Sir C.—Northampton
shire
Knox, Hon. Thomas—Dnngannon
Lascelles, Hon. W. S.—Wakefield
Law, Hon. C. E. Cambridge U n v.
Lennox, Lord A.—Chichester
Liddell, Hon. H.—North Durham
Lincoln, Earl of—Northampton.
sh.re, South
Lockhart, A. M.—Lanarkshire
Long, W.—North Wiltshire
Lowther, Colonel—Westmoreland
Lowther, J. H.—York
Lucas, Edward—Monaghan
i.ygon, Major-Gen. Hon. H. E.—
W orcestershue Kest.
Mackenzie, Thomatz—Hess-shire
Mackenzie, W. F.—Peeblesahire
Mackinnon, W. A.—Lymington
Maclean, Donald—Oxford
Mahon, Viscount— Hertford
Maidstone, Visct.—N. Northamp-
tonshire
Manners, Lord C.S.—Leicestersb.
Marsland, Thomas—Stockport
Marton, Geo.—Lai.caster
Matthew, G. B.—Shaftesbury
Maunsell, T. P.—Northampt.nsh.
Maxwell, Henry—Cavan
Meynell, Captain H.—Lisburne
Miles, Philip W. Skynner—liristol
Miller, W. a—Newcastle-under.
Lyme
Morgan, C. M. R.—Brecon
Neeld, John—Cricklatte
Strad, Joseph—Chippenham
Sicholl, J
"vorreys, Sir Denham—Mallow
ossulston,Lord—North North urns.
bcrland
Owen, Sir J.—Pembrokeshire
Packe, C. W.—Leicester, South
t'akington, J. S.—Droitwich
Palmer, Robert-13erks
Parke, it. T.—Preston
Patten, J. Wilson—Lancashire
Peel, Ht. Hon. Sir R.— Pam worth
Peel, Col. Jonathan—Huntingdon
Pemberton, Thomas—Ripon
Perceval, Colonel—Sligo C..
Perceval, J. G.—West Surrey
Pigot, Robert —Bridgnorth
Planta, Joseph—Hastings
Polhill, Frederick—Bedford
Pollen, Sir J.—Andover
Pollock, Sir F.—Huntingdon
Powell, Colonel—Cardiganshire
Powerscourt, Viscount—Bath
Praed, W. Ives
Pringle, Alexander_senthkshire
Pusey, Philip—Berkshire
Rae, Bight Hon.
,Sir Wm.—Buts
Reba, Sit J. Rae—Dover
Richards, Richard--Merionethsh.
Bickford, W.—Aylesbury
Rolleston, Col.—h. Nottilignam
Rose, Sir George—Christchurch
Round, Charles Gray—Essex N.
Round, John—Maklon
ltushbrooke, Colonel—Sunblk
Rushout, Geo. llowl,s-I•.:vesharo
St. l'aul, H.—E. Worcestershire
Sandon Lord—Liverpool
Scarlete, Hon. J. Y.—Guildford
Shaw, Bight Hon. F.—Dublin Un.
Sheppard, Thomas—F.,
Shirley, E. .1 —Warwickshire
Sibthorp, Colonel—Lincolu
Sinclair, Sir George- Caithness
Smith, Abel—Hertfordshire
Smyth, Sir G. H.—Colehest‘r
Somerset, Lord G.—illontneuthsh•
Spry. Sir S. r.—Bodinin
btanley, Edward—Cumberland
Stanley, Lord—North Lancashire
Sturt, Henry Chasi—Dorsersbir.
Sutton, J. H. T. M.—Cambridge
Teigninouth, Lord —Marylebene
Tennent, J. E.—Pelfast
Thesiger, F.—Woodstock
Thompson, Ald_s,„hicriand
I hornbill, G.—Huntiagdonshire
Trench, Sir F.—Scarborough
Tyrrell, Sir J. T.—North Essex
Vere, Sir C. B.—East Suffolk
Verner, William—Armagh Co.
Vernon, G. I-L
—East Retthrd
Villiers, Viscount—Weymouth'
Vivian, John Ennis--Truio
Waddington, H. S.— Worst Suffolk
Walsh, Sir Jehn—Sudbury
Glynne Earle—Grantham
Whitmore, T. C.—iirolgenorth
Wilbraham, Hon.',.R. B.—Lancs.
shire
Williams, Robert—Dorchester
Williams, T. Peers—Marlow
Wood, T. J.—Middlesex
Wyndham. W.—Salisbury
Young, John—Cavan4Co.
Young, Sir W.—Bucks
TELLARe.
Fremantle, Sir Thomas—Bucks
Baring, H. B.—Marli.orough

31INORITY.
Adam, Rear-Adm. Sir C.—Clack-
mannan
Aglionby, H. A.—Cocker mouth
Aglionby, Major F.—Cumberland
Alston, Rowland—Hertfordshire
A Risen, Colonel—Staffordshire
Anson, Sir G.—Lich ti eld
Archbold, Robert—Kildare
Bainbridge, E. T.—Taunton
Baines, Edward--Leeds
t;annerman, A.—Aberdeen
Baring, F. T.—Portsmouth
Barnard, E. G.—Greenwich
Barron, H. W.—Waterford City
Barry, G. S.—Cork Co.
ileamish, F. B.—Cork
Bellew, B. M.—Louth
Berkeley, Hon. F, H.—Bristol
Berkeley, Hon. C.—Cheltenli..m
Bernal, alph—Rochester
Bewes, T —Plymouth
Blake, Wm. J.—Newport, Isle d
Wight
tones, John—South Durham
itrabazon, L ,rd—Dublin Co.
Bridgernan, Hewitt—Ennis
Briscoe, J. I.—Westbury
lirocklenurst, J.—Macclesfield
Brodie, W. B.—Salisbury
Itrotherton,
Browne, Robert Dillon—Mayo
Charles—Liskeard
Duller, E.—North Staftbrdshire
Busficld, W.-13radford
Butler' Hon. P.—Kilkenny Co.
Bytig,,George —Middlesex
Brng, Right Hon. (I. S —Chatham
Callaghan, I).—Cork City
Campbell, Sir John—Edinburgh
Campbell, W. F.—Argyllshire
Cavendish, Hon. C. C.—E. Sussex
Chapman, Sir M. L.—Westmeath
Clay, William—Tower Hamlets
Clayton, Sir William—Marlow
Clements, Visc.—Leitrim Co.
Clive, Edward B.—Hereford
Collier, John—Plymouth
Collins, W.—Warwick
Corbally, Matthew Elias
Cowper,__Hon. W. F.—Hertford
Craig, W. G..—Editiburglishire
Crawford, :W.—London
Crawley, Samuel—Bedford
Currie, Raikes—Northampton
Curry, William—Armagh
Dalmeny, Lord—Stirling
Dashwood, G. H.—Wycombe
Denison, W. J.—West Sussex
D'Eyneourt, Right Hon. C. T.—
Lambeth
Divett, Edward—Exeter ,
Dun; James—Bantnhire
Duke, Sir James—Boston
Duncombe, T. S.--Finsbury
oiiiidas, C. W. D.—Flint
Dundas, Frederick—Orkney
Dundas, Hon. J. C.—York
Dolmas, Sir Robert—Richmond
Eastliopa, J.—Leicester
lion. J. E.—Roxburghshire,
Ellice, Capt. A.—Harwich
EEllillice, RightrHd
min-
Evans, sir G. De Lacy—
on.
ster w t
t.E.A—St.
Evans, George—Du
Ewart, NVilliarn— Wig _
t —Rosttaic
Evans, William—N_bFitin:imEe."—Y
Fe lieu, o
Fitzalan, w
_Queen's Co.
iirpatrick,
c._
Bury St. Edm.
Fielden,
litztoY, 1-°r, bolas—King's Co.
jehnZ-Aldruharnndel
Fitzsimon, h
H —Preston
Clit e
G,4,o;ne, 'Thomas—Carioca
Gordon, Robert—Windsor
Co.
Froleret,7.—°a' roe
Greg, ai
—a
n‘Cliick ester
Grey, Sir Charles Edwara—Tyne.
mouth
Grattaik
Grey, Sir George—Devonport
Grosvenor, Lord R..—Chester
Grote, George—London
Guest, J. J.—Merthyr Tydvil ,
Hall, Sir Benjamin—Mar ylebone
Handley, Henry—Lincolnshire
Harland, William C.—Durham
Hsstie, Archibald—Paisley
Hates, B. -Lambeth
wkins, J. IL- ceport, islcof
ight
Raster, (4.—Wc:l

-NOES, 234.
Hill, Lord A. M. C.—Evesham
Hindley, Charles—i,...hton
Hobhouse, Right Hon. Sir J. C.—
Nottinghana
Hobhouse, T. Benj.—Rochester
Hodges, T L.—West Kent
Horsinan,Bdward—Cockermouth
Hoskins, K.—Herefordshire
Howard, Hon. E. G.— Morpoth
Howard, F. J.—Youghail
Howard, P. H.—Carlisle
Howick, Viscount—NorthuMber. .
land North
Hume, Joseph—Kilkenny
Hurst, R. H.—Horsham
Hutchins, E. J.—rear;n
Hutt, W.—Hull
Hutton, Robert—Dublin
James, William—Cumbrian*
Labouchere, Right tLcn. Henry—
Taunton
Lambton, H.—North Durham
Langdale, Hon. C.—Knareaba.
roue)
Lennox, Lord J. G.—West Susaec
Lister, E. Conlifie—Bradford
Loch, James—Kirkwall
Lushingtob, Charles—Ashburton
Lushington, Rt. Hen. S—Tower
iia m ie.:
Lynch, A. H.—Galway
Slacauiey, T. B.—Edinburgh
IPTaggart. John—Wigton, die.
Marshall, Wm.—Carlisle
Marsland, Henry—Stockport
Martin, John—Tewkesbury
IMaule, Hon. Fox—Elgin Burghs
,Melgund, Viscount —liythe
Nliktmay, I'. St. John— Vr imams.
to
Milton, Lord—Mallon
Morpeth,• Lord—Yorkshire
Morris, D.—Carmarthen
,Morrison, James—lnverness
Monts, G. F.—Brmingllgns
Muskett, George A.--str A lban't
Noel, William M.—Rutland
t O'Brien, W. a—Limerick Co.
O'Callaghan, Hon.C.—Dungarvan
O'Connell, Daniel- Dublin
O'Connell, John—Athlone
O'Connell, M. J.—Kerry
C'Oonnell Maurice—Tralee •
O'Connor Don—Roscommon Co.
O'Ferrall, R. M.—KiL,are t o.
Ord, W.—Newcastle-upon-Tyre
Oswald, .amen—Glasgew
Paget, Lord Alfred—Lichfield
Paget, Frederick—lkauiliaris
Palmerston, Viscount—Tiverton
Parker, John—Sbetlield
Parnell, Sir H. - Dundee
Pattison, James—London
l:eenchdealrlz.el,;. Eialta W.—N
Captain—Brighton
ighton
iCornwall
Philippahi il
t m . ,Sir
Mark
—mla,li.acrie,rsiteordr w est
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Philips, G. R.—Poole
'Phillpotts, John—Gloucester
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Pigot, David Richard—Clontnell
Pinney, W.—Lyme Regis
Ponsonby, Hon. John—DerN
Power, James—Wexford Co.
Price, Sir IL—Herefordshire
Ptleroe, Edward—Halifax
Mme, George—Cambridge
Redington, 'l'. N.—Dandalk
Rich, H. Knaresbotough
Roche, William—Limerick
Itundle, John—Tavistock
Russell, Lord John—Stroud
Rutherford, Rt. Hon. A.—Leith
Salwcy, Lieut,Col—Ludlow
Sanford, E. A.—Somersetshire
Scrope, Poulett—Stroud
Seymour, Lord—Totness
Sharpe, General—Dumfries
Shell, Richard Lalor—Tipperary
bhelborne, Earl of—Caine
aney, R. A.—Shrewsbury
Smith, Hon. R.—Wycombe
Smith, R. V.—Northampton
Somers, J. P.—Sligo
Speirs, Alexander—Richmond
Stanley, E. John—North t. heshlrc
Stanley, W. o.—.Anglesca
Stansheld,W. R. C. —Httddersfield
Steuart, Robert—Haddington, &c
Stewart, James—lioniton
Stock, Dr.—Cashel
Strickland, Sir, Q.-=W, Yorkshiao
Strutt, Edward-Derby
Stuart, Lord IL-Ayr
Style, Sir Citaries—,,,horoui.:ii
.' iiurc, , Earl of--West Sua.ex
iriltiui, J. H.—,NeW Ross

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