The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-06 00:00:00

7 1`;

DUBLIN, JAN. 4.
ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN.
The adjourned meeting of Mr. O'Connell's constituent;
was held this day, to receive from the Committee the
drafts of the Address to the Queen and the Petition to
Parliament, which were suggested by Mr. O'Connell on
Thuiday last. At three o'clock Mr. J. J. Murphy was
called to the chair.
Mr. O'CONNELL rose and said--Sir, I have got the
draft of the Address to the Queen, which, I beg to oh-
scve, is principally my own composition.—( Cheers.) I
expected that the other gentlemen who f. rmed the Corn-
rwitee would have prepared the Petition to Parliament,
but they have not bone so. 1 do not, for a moment re-
proach those gentlemen with delay or neglect, for I be-
lieve such matters are usually ]eft to me while I am in
town—a duty which they perform when lam away. With
the permission of the meeting, I will read the draft of the
taport.—Mr. O'Connell then read the following :
" Trot ADDRESS ('F THE UNDERqIONED INHABITANTS Of THE

PARISH OF , IN THE COUNTY OF
" TO the Queen's Must Excellent Majesty,
" The undersigned most respectfully, but with the
greatest truth, assert, that none of your Majesty's subjects
can exceed them in loyal end dutiful allegiance to your
Majesty's person, throne, and government.
" They are ready to brave every danger, and incur every
possible peril of life and property in defence of the right-
ful prer,gatives of your Majesty's throne, and of the liber-
ties and privileges of the Prue people who have the happi-
ness to live under your Majesty's Government.
" This, their dutiful allegiance, is not. self-interested or
mercenary—it is founded on the purest and noblest prin-
ciples that can actuate the human mind, or regulate
human action. We revere the ancient monarchy, in that
throne of which your Maj,sty is now the uneoubtedly le-
gitimate possessor. We revere the ancient principles of
hereditary right and popular representation which form the
basis of that free Constitution, at onc,and the same time the
ornament and security of the throne, and the protection
and best guarantee of the liberties of your people.
" Your Majesty's faithful subjects of Ireland have, in
particular, the greatest reason to reverence and love you,
government. They have found that since your happy ac-
cession to the throt.e of these realms, the spirit and conduct
of the execution and administration of the law have been

intended and calculated to promote genuine liberality and
impartial justice towards and amongst the people of Ire-
land; no inviduous distinction is made between any of the
clas,es, sects, or persuasions into which the faithful people
of Ireland are divided; equality in the eye of the law, wail-
out which there cast be no justice, is conceded and guaran-
teed to all, and the evils of partiality, judicial corruption,
and bigotted preference, which have discredited and dis-
graced the annals of former periods, are now unknown in
practice, or are daily diminishing and disappearing through-
out the extent of our island.

" We know that all these great and cherished advan-
tages are but the emanations of your Royal will and b, -
nevolence. We feel deeply grateful to your Majesty fir
the selection of the persons who administer the gover, -
ment of this part of your kingdom; and we look with
anxious solicitude to their continuance in office, not only
as conducing to the tranquillity and prosperity of Ireland,
but as preventing the infliction of the evils which would
follow from public power being entrusted to the mei-111)(1.s
of the opposing party.
" For, may it please your Majesty most graciously to
understand that we have indisputable proofs that a
great and powerful party exists, especially in England,
adopting, as it were by succession, as well as by
choice, principles and practices most inimical and hos-
tile to the Irish people—a party whose prominent
leaders and auxiliaries exhibit the bitterness of gall in
their public attacks upon the morals and the faith of
the great and overwhelming majority of the Irish people—.a
party that dis ;race the Constitution, by endeavouring
to convert it into an instrument of ascendancy to the few,
and of oppression and cegradation to the many—a party
who sully the sacred name of religion, by making it an-
ciliary to sordid and selfish purposes, and utterly disho-
nour Christianity, by mixing it up with the most bigotted,
virulent. Ann malignant attacks upon your faithful people
of Ireland.

" We sill not venture to obtrude upon the Roy al ear
the proof. of the existence of the fell spirit of tyranny and
bigotry by which the party we allude to are actuated—it
would be unbecoming to lay before your Nriajesty expres-
sions that disgrace men and dishonour Christians—but the
forbearance which we are thus compelled to practice,
serves to demonstrate the intensity of that bigotry and ma-
lignity which we do not detail, but of which we are sought
to be made the victims and the slaves.

" We are, may it please your Majesty, determined to
resist, by all legal and constitutional means, the machina-
nations of the party we thus describe—but we look for our
support and protection to the benevolence, the wisdom,
and the patriotism, which have pre-eminently distinguished
your Majesty amongst the Sovereigns who have filled the
throne of England.
" The Irish people could never before so confidently
rely upon the just protection of the Sovereign, and we
solemnly declare that their allegiance and devoted loyalty
are commensurate with the deep and everlasting debt of
gratitude which they owe personally to you—their un-
doubtel and beloved Monarch.

,‘ We most respectfully, but confidently, and at the same
time with heartfelt satisfaction, refer to the conduct of
the Irish people since your happy accession to the throne.
Your Irish subjects, to the number of hundred upon hun-
dreds of thousands—nay, probably of millions, are distri-
buted in the various towns, cities, and localities of Eng-
land. We proudly refer to their peaceable and good
conduct.

" If others have tumultuously, seditiously, or traitorously
violated the law, or assailed the institutions of the realm,
your Irish subjects, resident in Great Britain, have been
no parties to any such dangerous or illegal proceedings;
and when we turn our eyes from the good conduct of the
Irish resident in Great Britain, to the behaviour of your
faithful subjects in Ireland, we, without incurring any
charge of presumption, respectfully, but boldly, assert that
Ireland was never so tranquil as it has been during your
reign, and still continues. That the civil power was
never more efficacious, nor the interposition of military
force so unnecessary as at present. The number of your
Majesty's troops has been diminished in Ireland by about
one-half, and the military exigencies of other parts of the
empire have been more abundantly supplied by reason of
the dutiful conduct of the Irish people.
" We are, however, compelled by the force of truth
to avow that we consider this, the dutiful conduct of
your Irish people, enhanced in merit and more de-
serving of praise inasmuch as that people are still subject
to many grievances, inflictions, and oppressions, to an ex-
tent which might make even wise men mad. They
are most unjustly deprived of equal rights and fran-
chises with the British people. The Corporations of
England and Scotland have been reformed—while the
more profligate Corporations of Ireland continue ttili
in all their previous depravity.
" The elective franchise, the most precious of all,
which is extended to various classes in England, is more
restricted and limited in Ireland—and the amount of
property necessary to give that franchise is considerably
greater in Ireland—alas, the poorer country—than it is in
England, beyond comparison the wealthier of the two;
and the modes of asserting that franchise arc infinitely
more troublesome, expensive, and vexatious in Irela d,
than in any other part of your Majesty's dominions; in
short, we are prevented from amalgamatit g into one na-
tion by the gross injustice inflicted upon Ireland.
" We refrain from:harrowing the humane feelings of your
Majesty by any further details—we have said enough to
bespeak your sympathy, to excite your regret for the past,
and to ensure your Royal support and countenance for
the future.

We most respectfully, humbly, and dutifully implore
your Majesty to continue to us that countenance and sup.
port, and to exclude, at all times, from your councils, the
professed and practical enemies of your Irish people.
" Give no encouragement to those who insult the feel-
ings, tarnish the creed, and would pollute the altars of
one of the most numerous as well as the most loyal and
faithful classes of your Majesty's subjects.
" We respectfully submit, that there is neither wis-
dom' nor humanity, nor Christian charity, in a party
that seeks to irritate and provoke, as well as to op-
press and insult, millions of their fellow-subjects, and
fellow-Christians—that the promoters of these bad
passions and practices are unsafe councillors, and
dangerous advisers—and, above all, that those who seek to
obtain preferment and promotion by hostility to any por-
tion of your Majesty's subjects, necessarily tend to weaken
the stability of the throne, and to destroy all the materials
for the comfort and happiness of your people.
" May it therefore please your Majesty graciously to
continue your Royal patronage and protection to your faith-
ful people of Ireland, and for ever to exclude the malignant
and bigoted enemies of that people from participating in
the councils of the Sovereign, or the Power of the State.
" And your supplicants will ever pray."
The reading of the Address was received with great
applause.
Mr. O'CorotLe then addressed his constituents at con-
siderable length, chiefly on the subject of the adverse por-
tion of the press, The conductors of the Times were
again denounced by name; and the Standard, with the
Morning Post, were included ;in the same condemnatory
category. Mr. O'Connell concluded a spirited address,
by moving an adjournment to Tuesday next, when the
address to the Queen would be finally aranged, and a petition
prepared to the House of Commons—he would not think of
petitioning the House of Lords as at present constituted.
He would request a meeting of his constituents at the
Adelphi on that day, when those gentlemen who agreed
with him on the present aspect of affairs, would, he hoped,
come forward asid lend their assistance. The Trades'
Union had undertaken to have everything in readiness.
Adjournment passed,
Mr. O'CoNrisee next moved that the present Com-
mittee be appointed to act as a Committee of Corre-
spondence, for the purpose of torwarding communications,
and procuring signatures to petitions from all parts of the
eountry.—Passed unanimously.
The Chairman having left the chair,
Mr. O'CONNELL then moved the marked thanks of the
meeting to the Chairman, the talented, able, and indefa-
tigable solicitor to the city of Dublin registry, to whose
great exertions the Liberals were mainly indebted for their
success on the late registry.—Passca amidst general
applause.
The meeting then adjourned.

Viscount Grimstonn'sexmt ar-T—rtage with Lady Lou:3a
oßmonth.
Craven will take place
SOUTHr .CHESHIRE.--
REPRESENTATION
A numerous meeting of
.t,liewhpoo political friends of George
u generallyd
last,
at the
t Ihe e-
Wilbraham, Esq.,
tive on committees, was held on hadr
resolution
place,wassde etroa
respectal d ope supporttae,rdos adopted,
A to o k
whenever
oteal,
gi:intelri
ail ceilteyc.tion
Mr. Wilbraham, who has, during
entitled himself to the confidencean
time,"
the constituency. "At the samethetl resolu.
tionists say, "we cannot avoid deprecatig prema-
ture disturbance of the county, when no imme'deiate die.
solution is in prospect."—Chester Chronicle.

"ON I'`,7" 31 kIZE and CI TY NEW S•

(SATURDAY EVENING.)
TIMES.—The same causes as those adverted to yes-
terday are in operation in the Money Market. Securities
of all kinds are rising, and speculators become still more
eager and confident of a further advance. The more
cautious and sagacious men look on, persauded that
this is a false exitement, which cannot last.
The plan recently proposed for consolidating all
the American State tocks into one national debt, at
the charge of the general Government, appears to be
engaging a good deal of attention in the United States,
where it seems by no means to be viewed with favour
either by the Government or a considerable portion
of the press. The New York Evening Post contains
some severe comments upo❑ it, as well as articles
extracted from other papers, in which it is denounced
in no measured terms. Thus the Charleston Mercury,
a paper of some note, and supposed to speak the senti-
ments of Mr. Calhoun a leading member of the
Senate, characterises it as a proposal so extrava-
gantly impudent, so utterly unprincipled," that it could
scarcely be believed to be made in earnest, It is said
to be got up to " please the English Stock-jobbers," the
effect of which would be to '• abolish the Federal Con-

stitution, and saddle the Union all at once with the
blessing of a national debt." Nor is it with reference
only to the existing amount of state debts that the pro-
ject is condemned, but it is observed that, once enter-
tained, it would lead to and justify the endless creation
of more debt under the same pretext of " state internal
improvements," in the making or meddling with which
Congress is prohibited all action by the Constitution.
Nor does the injustice escape animadversion of pledging
the property of the " sound States" to pay the debts of
the " bankrupt States." The Southern States are more
particularly appealed to against it on the ground that
the consequence must be that they, the " plantation
States," would be saddled with a perpetual tax in the
shape of a high tariff to pay the interest." There can be
little question but that such must be the result of any
adoption of the State debts by the Union, for it is well
known that the States in their federal capacity would
never consent to direct taxation, and that the funds for
payment of interest on debt must therefore be raised,
if at all, out of customs duties, as all other charges
of the Government are. Should these be inadequate
to meet the increased burden of some 10;000,000 or
11,000,000 dollars a year for interest on debt, there
would remain no resource but in a levy of higher rates
of duty upon imports, and thus that excessive tariff
would come to be re-stablished, against which South Ca-
rolina, with other Southern States in the back ground,
rose in rebellion some few years since, and pronounced,
in preference to submission, for the " nullification" of
the Union. The Eastern States will be found perhaps
to support any scheme by which higher tariffs might be
promoted, as heretofore, and in that case a conflict
of interests and passions may be renewed which no
wise Government would willingly provoke. It is re-
marked by the Charleston paper, that the " deeply
indebted and bankrupt State Governments, fearing to
tax their people by direct taxation" themselves, en-
tertain no scruple about taxing the whole Union for
their own separate objects. No " state rights politi-
cian," it is said, " ought to consent to discuss the expe-
diency of a scheme which carries its conviction of trea-
son to the Constitution on its very face." It may be
concluded, therefore, from these and other demonstra-
tions of hostility more violent still, that the chance is
very small indeed for the consolidation of American
State debts proposed, however advantageous to the
holders of those securities in this country might be the
additional guarantee created by such an amalgamation
of the whole good, doubtful, and bad, taken to account
and provided for at the charge of the general Govern-
ment. It seems more than probable, that any action in
that sense by Congress on the Executive would lead to
a disruption of the Union. So far as the Government,
however, is concerned, if an opinion may be formed from
the tone of the pross connected with it, there is not the
slightest appearance of any intention to entertaM the
measure, but, on the contrary, that, from whatever quar-
ter advocated, it will be strenuously resisted.
Some details are given of the origin of this scheme,
which according to the Evening Post, was first " pro-
posed by some Englishmen concerned in State Stocks,
and naturally anxious that they should not suffer a de-
preciation." It was taken up, it is said, by a " set of
Whig stock-jobbers and speculators" in the United
States, who " engaged to negotiate for it with the
political leaders." Some " confidential friends" of the
President, Mr. Van Buren, were applied to in its fa-
vour, and the plan was held out as one which would
" produce immense good, # * immortalize his ad-
ministratiou, carry his name down to posterity with im-
perish,ible glory, and (more than all) secure his next
election by a certain and vast majority.' These induce-
ments, however, appear to have been thrown away upon
the President. The great advocate obtained, and pre-
paring to bring it before Congress, it is declared, will be
Mr. Clay.

POST.—A Manchester circular received in town
this morning represents the state of trade in that part
of the kingdom as having, during the week just ended,
shown symptoms of improvement. A demand had sud-
denly sprung up both for manuia-cruied goods and for
yarns, and this in face of the decline in the value of
cotton wool which has recently occurred at Liverpool.
The relaxation on the part of the banking interest at
the latter place, in their charge for accommodation, has
in all probability done much to produce this more
favourable appearance of our markets for the manu-
factured article. When British goods can be made
to supply the place of gold on the Continent,
and the bullion coffers of the Bank of England
are at once more adequately replenished, the
restrictive policy of the directors may be safely
suspended, but not till then, however great may prove
the clamour of the money jobbers and others, whose
harvest is to be made only during periods of wild, ex-
travagant speculation, and this curse never fails to come
upon the country on the removal of what is called the
" screw." The Directors will have to be more circum-
spect just now than ever. Their position is unparal-
leled in point of difficulty, so many causes conspiring at
the present moment to render it probable that advantage
will be taken, upon the first occasion, of the increased
facilities afforded by them for renewed exports of the
precious metals. It is easy to perceive that the fbreign
loan contractors have been some time on the watch for
an opportunity of introducing fresh creations of
bonds into the English market. America, Holland,
Spain, Portugal, and Brazil are all impatient to bor-
row further. Funds to a large amount are likewise
needed for the prosecution of our domestic under-
takings, such as new banks and railways, and, beyond
all this, there is every prospect of large operations
in foreign grain being again ventured upon two or
three months hence. The absorption of capital in
any shape includes a drain for specie, not even except.
ing that which arises from an extension of the home
trade, and the Bank Directors know at length too
well, from experience, how much the evils of an
adverse state of the exchanges are promoted by
the irresponsible issuers of paper money in various
parts of the kingdom. The lesson of the past year
has not, we may be well assured, been without its
uses. Not only have the banking interest and our
merchants been instructed by it, bu . even our legislators
must begin to perceive the mischief they have
done by dividing the power of the Bank of England
with a number of other banks, each of which seeks, and
perhaps, very naturally too, to supplant the private
banks of his district by the liberality of his issues at a
time of general pressure. The Directors of the Bank
of England may, or they may not, be induced by the
partial revival of trade to diminish their rate of interest
before long, but there can be little chance of their in-
creasing the circulation until they see their way more
clearly. Consols have advanced per cent. on yester-
day's quotations, and the markets generally were upon
the rise. This may, to a great extent, be in anticipa-
tion of the payment of the dividends about to commence
at the re-opening of the transfer-books, which is now
near at hand.

CHRONICLE.—A very general impression is again
entertained that the Bank Directors are about to adopt
measures with the view of relaxing the pressure on the
Money Market, and that they will, accordingly, speeeily
notify a reduction in the rate of discounts to 5 per cent.
This report is believed in well-informed quarters ; but
in the present backward state of the seed-time, and
taking into consideration the effect which that, coupled
with the scarcity of sound wheat of last crop, may pro-
duce, and the large fleet at Odessa waiting for corn for
this country, there do cot appear sufficient grounds as
yet to induce the manufacturing interest to depend
upon such an occurrence, although it is understood that a
strong feeling in favour of the step is held by several mem-
bers of the Board of Direction. The expectation of it, in
the mean time,has had a favourable effect upon the English
fends, Consols having advanced to 92i buyers, although
for limited business. The forthcoming dividends, also,
have caused money to be offered more easily, and will
tend to give confidence to the capitalists, and to make
the ❑ew year open with rather more auspicious hopes
than those which attended the expiry of the year 1839.
Exchequer Bills continue creeping up, and are quoted
at Ito 3 premium—a price, however, which still affords
a wide margin for further advance, when we reflect that,
about twelve months since, this description of Govern-
ment Securities stood at upwards of 70 premium. As
they are available for duties in March next, the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer must do something to raise the
interest on them, otherwise they will be paid in to an
inconvenient amount ; and as they afford a safe invest-
ment to that class of monied men usually denominated
" timid capitalists," they will thus be much sought after,
and probably continue to rise in price.
The importance which the public now attach to the
state of the Money Market, and the deep interest
which is universally felt in regard to the future policy
of the Bank of England upon the management of the
currency, have caused these matters to become the ab-
sorbing topics of discussion in the City. The pamphlet
of Mr. J9nes Loyd, noticed in the leading article of the
Chronicle to-day, and the sentiments there expressed,
seem to receive very general approbation. Consider.
able weight must always attach to the opinions of a