The Sun.
London, England, 1841-03-22 00:00:00

IMPORT DUTIES.

MANCHESTER, THURSDAY.—Yesterday a special
I meetnyr of the Town Council was held in the Borough-1
reeve's room, Town Hell, for the purpose of considering
the subject of the present import duties, with a view of
adopting such petition as might be thought advisable in
relation thereto. William Nield, Esq., the Mayor,
presided, and briefly stated the object of the meeting.
Mr. Alderman SHUTTLEWORTH, in proposing the
first resolution, said he was not prepared to go at any
lmgth into this subject ; but, having carefully read the
evidence given before the Import Dufes' Committee—
and nothing better or more convincing on the subject
could be read—he would draw attention to ono or
two points of it, and then sit down. Mr Sbnttleworth
then read.portions of the evidence given by Mr M•Gre-
gor, one of the secret-tries of the Board of Trade, and
Mr J. D. Hume.
Mr T. HeruaNs seconded the resolution, and pointed
out the folly and absurdity of the present system. If
any novelist, said he, had ventured to sly that a
people who imagined themselves the most enlight-
ened in the world, not being able to grow sufficient
timber for their own use, required a supply from
foreign countries, and foreign countries were ready
t) supply it, but that this enlightened people would
not have this timber unless it was first taken
round to some distant parts of the world, by
which a great additional expense was incurred, and
that then they received it—it would have been said
that this was too extravagant, and the author was de-
sirous of drawing too largely on the credulity of his
readers. And yet this was precisely the case ; Baltic
timber must incur the expense of being shipped to
Canada and back again before it could he received
here.—( Hear, hear.) But this was only one of many
cases arising out of the slate system. Coffee was
brought to Liverpool in bond from Hayti and other
pl ices ; but the merchant could not sell it ; the law
obliged him to take it out to the Cape of Good Hope
and back again, and it was not till after incurring all
riis unnecessary expense that he was allowed to sell it.
Hear, hear.) Was not this true'', which was going
on before our eyes, stranger than fiction? We had
paid the West Indians 20,000,0001. to put an end to
slavery, and yet we permitted them alone to send their
sugars for sale here, while they were allowed to refine
:Jive-made sugar in Liverpool, and take it hack for
t heir own use. We were thus encouraging, and almost
compelling them to use the slave sugars of Cuba and
the Brazils. Was not this the very essence of absur-
dity ? He should like the advocates of the present
system to take up the report of the Select Committee,
and answer it paze by page, if they could ; he would
willingly let the two documents go before the country
together, and he had no doubt as to the chef: they
would produce.—(Applause.) The resolution was then
put and carried.
Mr. Joni.' EDWARD TAYLOR moved a petition
founded on the resolution just read, and alluded to the
effect the sirnplfication of our tariffs would have in pro-
moting peace, by giving to every country an equal in-
terest in the continuance of it.

Mr. J. P. WESTHEAD, in seconding the petition,
said the gratitude of the country was dee to the Select
Committee of the Commons for their report on this sub-
ject, and the evidence of Mr. lll:Gregor and Mr.
J. Deacon Hume was invaluable. He believed that
report would produce a great effect upon the people.
In reference to the report published by the Caamber of
Commerce, he thought a debt of gratitude was owing
to the gentlemen who prepared that document aiso—
(Hear). That morning he had been called back by a
gentleman, vs he was on his road to the meeting, who
asked him what he thought of that report. He stated
at once he thought it was an admirable report. The
gentleman said be thought so too.—(Heir, hear). That
gentleman had hitherto been opposed to measures of
the character recommended, but he said—" I have made
up my mind to vote for no man who will not go into
the question of the Import Duties with a view of re-
medying
their discrepancies."—(Hear, hear, and ap-
plause). He agreed in the opinion that an alteration
of our restrictive policy would lead to a similar altera-
tion
abroad, for foreigners who had witnessod our pros-
perity,
had jumped to a conclusion that it was the result
of our restrictions, whereas it arose from a totally dif
ferent cause, and in spite of it.—(Hear.)
Alderman COBDEN said he had felt great pleasure in
1 stening to Mr. Westhead ; he had felt great pleasure
in hearing the additional testimony from him that all
naeties in Manchester were about to unite in favour of
the principles of free trade. He had seen evidelee
during the past week that such a happy state of things
was arriving. He would wish to suggest the vast influ-
ence that such a junction of potties, on this question,
might exercise on the House of Commons, if that una-
nimity were carried out which he trusted in his heart
would be. If Manchester and Liverpool were in favour
of free trade, not only would Manchester and Liver-
pool he represented by free traders, but he had no he-
sitation in saying that Manchester and Liverpool, and
their ramifications elsewhere, might command the re-
preientation of Lancashire, Cheshire, and of Derby-
, shire ; and that not only South Lancashire, but North
\ Lancashire, would be made to retirn free traders.—
! (Hear, hear.) And he should look with the fullest
confidence to seeing men of the Conservative party
uniting at the elections to bring forward men who,
whatever their other politics might he, were unques-
tionably in favour of free trade. He should look for-
ward coafidently to such a course on the part of the
Conservatives ; and he would siy for one, that in any
of the counties for which he had a right to vote he
should be willing to forego his party opinions, and take
any man whom the Conservatives might bring forward,
provided he was for free trade.—(Appliuse.) There
was one article which had been alluded to in the course
of their discussion second in importance only to the
grelter article—that of corn—on which he would make
some remarks—the article of sugar. It should be as
clearly as possible put before the people of this country
that the amount of taxation which they paid upon this
article was not for the purposes of revsnue, hut of
" protection."—(Hear, hear.) At the present time
the price of brown sugar in bond in Liverpool, the
produce of Brazil, or any other foreign country, was
'2 d., and of white lid. per lb. ; the duty was 61d. per
lb.—(Hear, hear.) Our own colonial brown sugar, in
bond at Liverpool, or selling at Liverpool, was 6d. per lb.,
and white was 7d. ; now upon foreign sugar we had 24d.
additional price upon the article itself in bond, and we had
Sid. additional duty to pay upon it, giving 7-Iti. per lb.
as a tax for protection upon the article of sugar at the
present mom: nt. Arid thus was the amount that poor
people were obliged to pay for theh• sugar 711. p,-tr lb.
more than the pour people of Ha nburgh were obliged
to pay at the present time. They must observe that he
did not take the duty for revenue into calculation at
ell ; he merely gave them what was paid for protection
t i the colonists of the West ladle,. Ile bad put down
the difference in price as well as the difference in duty
for protection, because he maintained that if it were not
for the protective duty, our West India colonists might
produce sugar as cheaply as they did in Bermuda or
Cuba. For he repudiated the idea that slave labour
was cheaper than free labour, provided it were not op-
pressed with the same restrictions that we laboured
under here, and provided the seine degree of skill and
the same amount of machinery were employed in its
production. But this was not the case ; he had seen
gentlemen who had travelled in Jamaica, and who had
gone from there to Cuba, who told him the difference
between the machinery in use in the two places, and the •
whole of the contrivances for manufacturing sugar was
as great as anything they ever saw in their lives ; that,
in fact, Jamaica was fifty years behind Cuba in the cul-
tivasion of sugar. Thus we were encouraging the old-
fashioned and slow processes in Jamaica on the one hand,
while we were stifling every improvement on the other ; '
we were thus encouraging the use of old machinery in
Jamaica, while we were obliged in our own industry at
home to invent every species of new machinery. Now
tiineegeu.es inth thee
of the sugar trade bad been mixed up,
wrongly, w
question of philanthropy and benevo-
tiofever there was a proof of the folly, in matters
of policy, of taking the impulses of mere philanthropy
for our guide, it was to be found in our conduct towards
Ithese colonies. Instead of benefiting the West Indies
Ly this protection we were preparing them for a most
;earful shock some time, because we could not keep up
tile principle ; it must break down of itself, if we did
pot put an end to it. Then, when the shock did come,
it would be seen that we dad been retiring the industry
:n a hotbed, which would afterwards have to be exposed
r em
rar ka
radb
,l e
apnr
advert
this that could po
to the sterns of winter.—(Applause.) He had said
that slave labour was not so cheap as free labour. He
m
held in his hand f b
• oss ehebrmouogsth tfo w
in New York paper, announcing for sale in
oneoyt
tisement a
that town '2,43-1 bags 0
by f Sandwich sugar, produced in
.
the Sandwich Islands f, e, labour. Now this sugar,
the produce of the semi-barbarians of the Sandwich
island!, was taken to America to sell in competi-
tionsuaar, and he
with their own slave grown e
ob-
served that • their own sugar was selling on the levy
on the wharf at New Orleans at 21d• a pound.
If the
i
Sandwich islinders, with all their disadvantages, could
compete with the Americans with their own sugar
their can market, surely our W
ablest India islands, iflet
free a= the Sandwich islands were, could conTete with
any other country in this market. He took this little
advertisement as a proof of it. But if they could not,
let them raise coffee or anything else—let them raise
India rubber or anything they could turn their industry
to better. Why should we be taxed to enable them to
raise an article in Jamaica which it was not advanta-
geous for them to produce? But there had been
another feeling strongly alluded to, a religious feeling,
that we ought not to hold intercourse with countries
where slaves were allowed to exist ; and in order that
this principle might be carried out, we were interdicted
from importing (for that was the argument that was now
going to be relied on), the produce of slaves in Bra-
zil. But mark, we were not interdicted from sell-
ing the produce of our industry to the Brazilians.
Now, here was a proof of the shortsightedness,
the very shortsightedness, the contracted vision of
those who looked through the loop-holes of hes
their reasoning powers
to guide them a little. Why, if we sold our manufue-
nevolence, without taking

tures to Brazil, and took their sugar, not bringing it I
borne, but taking it to Hemburgh, for instance, and there
got a bill of exchange on England, surely that was as
much buying of Brazil as if we brought it here.—(Ap-
plause.) But suppose that these philanthropists, in their
blind benevolence, had carried out their principle a little
further, and said, " you shall not sell to them any more
than buy of them ; you shall not trade to Cuba at all,"
what would have been the consequence ? Would they
have accomplished their obiect ? No ; we sect to New
York or to Hamburgli. The Brazilians sent there too,
andthey would meet us on the neutral ground of New
Orleans or Trieste, and thus our traffic would merely
make a wider circuit : but they would not by their
foolish restrictions intercept it ; and nothing would in-
tercept it, unless they built a wall of brass round the
world.—(Applause.) Hence the futility of any possi-
bility whatever of interfering with the freedom of trade,
which would only assert its own power in spite of any
legislation we may adopt.—(Cheers.)
Mr. A. PRENTICE said he was glad that refereoce
had been made to the effects of free-trade in promoting
peace. We were at the present time anxiously waiting
for news from America—( Hear)—of which we should
have no apprehension, had our trade with that country
been placed on a different basis. At the present time
we were receiving only the produce of the five mil-
lions of people of the slave States of that country,
while we were not receiving any of the produce of the
twelve millions in the free States.—(Hear, hear.)
This was a most absurd policy ; and only observe what
would be the effect of this in the present moment of
anxiety as to our relations with that country, we
should then have the sympathies of t.velve millions of
the free and noble men of the northern and western
States, who would then be interested in the preserva-
tion of peace ; whereas now we had only those of the
five millions in the southern slave States.—(Applause.)
The resolution was then agreed to.
Mr. MAYSON moved another resolution, which was
adopted, and
Mr. Alderman COBDEN then gave notice that he
should bring forward his motion on the Corn and Pro-
vision-laws next Wednesday, and the meeting ter-

MANCHESTER BOROUGH

MEETING,

REPEAL OF THE CORN-LAWS.
(From the Manchester Guardian )

It is already known to our readers that a requisition,
signed by nearly 600 firms and individuals, in all
branches of trade and manufactures, was recently pre-
sented to Wm. Neill, Esq., the M iyor, expressing
their conviction " of the injustice of those lass which
restrict the food of the people, and which, if not repeal ,d
will overwhelm the country with ruin ;" and respectfully
requesting the Mayor to call a public meeting of the
inhabitants of the borough, " to consider tho propriety
of petitioning the House of Commons for the immediate
abolition of the Cern and ProvieionAaws." In compli-
ance with this requisition, the Mayor convened a meet-
ing of the inhabitants, which was held yesterday at des ea
o'clock. In the meantime, the walls were placarded
with an address to the working-classes, complaining of
toe meeting having been called at an hour when they
could net attend, and calling upon all operatives out of
work, and upon tailors, shoemakers, and others who
could leave their work for a titne, to attend the meeting,
and show their opinion of such conduct.
Soon after ten o'clock, there began to be an assem-
blage of people around the principal entrance to the
Town hall, which, before ele,, en o'clock, had increased
to several hundreds ; and it was pretty obvious that
there was a general muster of the Chartists, amongst
whom were E. Nightingale, J. R. Richardson, Doctor
M'Dousl', Doyle, Butterworth, Elijah Dixon, and
others, who regard themselves as " leaders of the
people." At eleven o'clock the doors were thrown open;
and the centre of the large room was rapidly filled, the
Chartists occupying the seats and standing room imme-
diately in front of the platform (which was placed near
the front windows) so as to form a tolerably compact
and numerous band, pre-occupying the most central
parts of the room. Soon afterwards a manoeuvre,
which had all the appeirance of previous concoc-
tion, was in part executed.—Six minutes after eleven
o'clock, ELIJAH DIXON said, it was a quarter past
eleven o'clock ; and as the Mayor, who had called the
meeting, was not present, he moved that Mr. James
Scholefield take the chair.—E. NIGHTINGALE seconded
the resolution.—Mr. GEo. HADFIELD said he had an
amendment to put ; but NIGHTINGALE put the motion,
and decl fired it carried.—While this was passing, WM.
NEJLD, Esq , the Mayor, took the Chair; Sir Thomas
Potter tieing on one side of him, and Mr. Heron, the
Town-Clerk, on the other.—Amongst the gentlemen
upon the plitform, Ise noticed Mr. Alderman Cobden,
Mr. Rawson, and many other active members of the
Anti-Corn-law League ; and amongst the ministers of
different denominations present, were the Rev. Dr.
Halley, of the Mosley-street Independent chapel ; the
Rey. John Birt, of York-street Baptist chapel ; the Rev.
James NI-Kerrow, of the Scotch Secession Church ; and
the Revs. F. Beardsall, J. Gwyther, Wm. Mountford,
J. L. Poore, &e. We underst Intl that, but for the
aisorkletly interruption that (as will le scan) took
place, several of these Rev. Genilemen would, like Mr;
M'Kerrow, have tikes a prominent part in the pro-
ceedings of the meeting.—Mr. SCHOLEFIELD (being
called on by the Chartists) sail he hied not come under
a view to take the chair, and he would much rather re-
tire, and let the gentleman who had taken it keep pas-
Session.—[Nightingale and others cried " No, no."]
They perceived he was in a particular situation. The
Chair was occupied by the Mayor, who refused to give
it up.—(Groans.) Whet could he (Mr. Scholefield)
do ?—The MAYOR said, that having called the meeting
as the Mayor of the borough, in conformity with the
practice of all municipal boroughs, he occupied the
Chair as Mayor.—(Uproar, and cries of " Turn the
beggar out," " Shift out of that," " No Quaker," &.c.—
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD then said, that the gentleman now in
the Chair was requested, on a former occasion, to call
them together, on a mere important subject, the Poor-
law ; and he and his colleagues refused to call them
together—(Groans and }ells)--and had so fir shown
himself a partisan. That was the cause of all this
fluinrocry.—E. DIXON and NIGHTINGALE spoke against
the Mayor's retaining the Chair ; but he called on the
Town-clerk to read the requisition and notice con-
vening the meeting, which was done amidst loud
groans and hooting from the Chartists.—NIGHTIN-
GALE earnestly celled upon them, till Mr. Scholefield
was allowed to take the chair, to let no man proceed.
He added, " Nobody but Seholtfield ; think on."—
DOYLE, the Chartist, said that Mr. Scholefield had a
perfect right to take the chair ; and ELIJAH DIXON
assured Mr. Neild that they laid a little English pluck
left yet. At length Mr. SCHOLEFIELD stepped upon
the table, awl intiireAed that he now considered himself
in the chair, and called upon Mr. Ccbden to move the
first resolution.—M'DouALL requested the Chartists
to hear Mr. Cobden. assuring them that he would give
him a reply.—Mr. COBDEN then came forward, but was
repeatedly interrupted by a demand for a chair for Mr.
Scholefield. At length one was placed on the table,
and Mr. Schol Aield took his seat there, directly in
front of and below the Mayor, who, during the whole
of the proceedings, occupied the chair he had taken at
first. A reporter for the Northern Star, named
Cartledge, attempted to raise an Uproar by announc-
ing that the authorities had sent for " Sawley, the
head of the police, to keep them quiet." After a
few more short speeches from Mr. Scholefield, Mr.
Nightingale, Leech, a Chartist, and others, compara-
tive silence was at length obtained, and

Mr. Alderman COBDEN then said, he hoped his
friends and those of Mr. Leech would be equally quiet,
and then the business would be got through, and they
would sooner get away. Whatever difference of
opinion there might be upon who should be in the chair,
he would venture to say, there should be none as to the
resolution he was about to propore ; no man who would
apply reason and argument ta it (as Mr. Leech had
said) would dissent from it. [He then moved the first
resolution, condemning the bread-tax as unjust, because
it taxed the poorest man as much as the richest]. They
had come together to discuss the bread-tax, the most
odious, unjust, wicked tax ever devised in any age or
country. Nay, more, he would venture to say, that
the records of history did not furnish an example
in
which any tyrant, however powerful or cruel, had ever
ventured to levy a tax upon the bread food of his sub-
jects. In the very palaces of the most despotic, and,
what we termed, barbarous countries, it was the
policy to legislate so as to secure to the population
they rule the very greatest possible amount of
bread. If we went to that half-barbarous coun-
try (in our estimation) China, we found there
the law not only exempts from duty the cargoes
of vessels entering their ports, but also the vessels
themselves from all port charges ; and, consequently,
American vessels, going to Coma in ballast for tea,
take in a cargo of rice at 'Manilla or Singapore, in order
to escape port charges at Canton. If we went to
Turkey, to America, or to that late barbarous country,
Algiers, we found laws'
of corn, in order that the passed
to
preyea the exporta-
tionpeople might be at all
times provided, as far
of bread.t asGcrnments could secure it,
wth a pler.tiful up
But it was reserved
for the Government of England pass a liw to tax the
bread of the people, in order to enrichtot thel smallest sec-
tion and class in the community— which was
in possession of the greatest ofatmmeotucnaotn
already-
(Hear.) He probably might be
opponent,
Mr.nptiii:o,n,aswn
the list occasion, by one o
might say, we don't ray so much in taxes for our corn
that, last year, we only paid 3,000/. or 4,000/. into tlet
Exchequer for our foreign corn. That was true, and
was a reason why we should meet and discuss the
question ; because the law was so ingeniously devised,
and cunningly contrived, that it was a two-edged
sword, cutting the farmer on the one side, and the
capitalist and labourer on the other, so that the people
could hardly see how it operates. We pay duty, not
only upon foreign corn, but upon all the corn in the
home market. Why was the Corn-law passed ?
Avowedly because it gave protection (as it was called)
to the agricultural interest. He would just test by ar-
gument the iniquity of this sliding al
no duty on foreign corn, then the price of corn in Eng.