The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-19 00:00:00

TFIE SUN, LONDON", WEDNESDAY, MAY 19, 1841

viction of its truth—l know of no other nation now ready in this
respect to supply our place.—(Hear, hear.) Now I say that those
who are the friends of that cause of which we are advocates—and
useful supporters—instead of giving their support to the resolution
which was founded on hollow pretences, should have given us their
support.--(Hear, hear.) The question as stated by my Noble
Friend is, between monopoly and freelirade. The Noble Lord the
Member fur North Lancashire, and the Right Hon. Baronet who
spoke tonight, have given us their views of the meaning of the worp
free trade, and have contended that as we maintain that doctrine
here we have a desire to abolish all duties. But, Sir, that is not
my notion of free trade. We must have establishments, we must
have revenue, and in my opinion there is no more convenient
means of raising revenue than on duty on foreign commodities.--
(Hear, hear.) But I say let this duty be for revenue—not to
enable men to carry on a losing trade at the expense of every other
class in the nation.--(Cheers ) I know it is impossible in an
artificial state of society to carry out the principles of free trade
in the extreme letter of the word.--(Hear, hear.) I know that in
the att_ mpt thousands would be ruined. But it sheafd be our aim to
do so as closely, and to carry out the principle as strictly as possible.
Protection in the sense in which it is used by the supporters of
the Noble Lord's resolutions, attacks upon the skilful, and inteL
ligent, industrious, and enterprising, for the support of the un-
skilful and the indolent—(Loud and continued cheer-
ing)— is not only injurious to other classes, but to the
classes fur whose benefit it is imposed. Show me a free trade
and I will show you men with skill, with activity, and with
success.—(Cheers.) Show me a protected trader, and I will show
you an indolent, unskilful, unsuccessful, and generally embar-
rassed class.—(Cheers.) Protection is also injurious to our inter-
course with fiireign nations.—(Hear, hear.) It is a tune which
two can play at.— (Cheers, and laughter.) When we tell foreign
nations that they ought to diminish their tariffs, because competi-
tion is the life of trade, they listen to us with civil incredulity,
but tell us to look to our own tariffs. (Hear, hear.) This has
happened to us with most of the nations with which we have
commercial relations. They invariably say, from first to
last, " You ask us to take your commodities, you take
ours.--(Hear, hear.) Commerce is a system of exchange. If you
exclude our coffee, our sugar, our timber, and our corn—(Cheers)
—how are we to take your cotton, your hardware,and your delf."—
(Cheers.) Since the time of the peace other nations have seen
into our trade, and they have been disposed to imitate our system—
some from honest prejudice, others from a feeling of coercion, from
a notion that they might drive us to a different system.—(Hear.)
The league which spread over the middle States of Europe has just
been renewed.—(Hear, hear.) Next year a meeting is to be held
to revise the tariff; and we should be aware that if we were to
adopt different principles, they would not only lower the duties
which exclude our commerce, but most probably those duties
would be erased from their tariff.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Russia and Sweden prohibit a great many of our articles, and when
we ask them to alter their tariff they say, take cur corn and our
timber and we will willingly do so.—(Cheers.) It was only last
year that a Norwegian nobleman was sent over in order to attempt
to obtain a change, but we had then had some experience of the
manner in which such a proposition would have been met, and knew
that it was of no use to make it. France, which ought to
be a large market for our commodities—a country so near us, and
producing so many articles which we stood in want of, and she
wanting so many of our manufactures.—France has a tariff which
excludes many of our articles. She refuses, and we cannot expect
her to do otherwise, to do anything in the way of putting our trade
upon abetter footing, unless we set the example. The mania for
tqe protecting system was so strong that they now exclude by pro-
hibition our cottons and our manufactured iron. Nay, so minute
has she descended in the scale, that she is now prohibiting, by
heavy duties, our needles anti fishing.hooks, In Belgium they are
running wild with the notion of protection, and it is of
no use• far us to attempt to show the absurdity of doctrine—
they say England has risen to prosperity and greatness under the
system, and when they are as wealthy as we are, they will talk of
thematter. It is in vain to tell them that we have grown great
and prosperous in spite of that system.--(Hear.) Until we prove
by our conduct our sincerity, we can make no impression neither
on France, or Russia, or Sweden, or any ether country. Again,
in the United States they have followed onr practices ; it has hap-
;ivied that the Southern States produce out cotton, which it is
thought necessary for us to take, even although it is the produce of
the slave, because it conduces so much to our prosperity. Then,
in Mexico, that State is fast following our example; and who are
the parties who are making these demands fOr additional protection
against the manufactures of this country? Why, they
,are, rene-
gade sons of England, who having voted themselves Mexi-
cans, set up manufactures lu Mexico in rivalry to
our own, and now make loud demands for protection.
Sir, that is the course which is evetywhere persued. and such are
the effects which these prohibiting duties uniformly produce.—
(Loud cheers.) Now, what is the state of our trade with foreign
countries. It is perfectly true as stated by the Right Hon Baronet,
that there is nothing in the complexion of our foreign trade which
should inspire despondenco, for, I trust that the resources of this
country are too deeply rooted to be destroyed eveu by this vicious
system which has so long cramped and crippled its development.—
(Loud cheers.) But if we look to the state of our foreign trade,
we shall see the disastrous and ruinous effects of these prohibiting
duties. We slash see how the Act cripples and destroys our
manufacturing industry. Year after year a smaller proportion of our
manufactured articles are exported on which a large amount of
labour has been expended, and year after year a great proportion
of our exports consist of articles in the production of which a less
anouritofilnlustcry has been employed, and which are, in fact,
merely a means f
furnishing
employment to the foreign manuf-
turer, by furnishing him with the materials on which industry is
to be
ufemployed,actusuch as yarns and other goods only in first stage of
n
(Cheers.) While such is the case, with regard to
manufacture.—(Cheers.)
our exports, our native artizans are leaving our country to seek
employment in foreign nations. Our capitalists go and establish
themselves elsewhere, where labour is cheaper, and where com-
merce is unchecked. In the meanwhile, in consequence of our
prohibiting regulations, we arc excluded from market after market,
and we shall go on excluding ourselves—(Cheers)—if this system is
to go on—(Cheers)—until at length we shall be obliged to have re-
course to that thriftless industry which has recently been recom-
mended the expense of the machinery ltself.—(Loud cheers.)
Yes, Sir, the time will come if this system is not
altered when the export of the ready made machinery itself would
be had recourse to as the most profitable article of exportation.—
(Loud cheers.) Now, on these measures there can be no question as
to which side of the House was advocating the true interests of

the country—(Loud cheers)—and the true interests more espe-
cially of that class whose claims aer now put °stelae-
tiously forward as a sort of defence for monopoly.
The Right lion. Baronet has said that we have brought ourselves
into these difficulties by the improvidence of our Administration,
and that we have been the cause of all these excesses of expendi-
ture. The Right Hon. Baronet does not surely charge us with
the rebellion in Canada?—that was no act of ours.—(Cheers.) The
Right Hon. Baronet has very fairly abstained from contending
the question of China; but that question is not yet ripe for tote
decision of the House.—(Hear, hear.) Has the expenditure
arisen from an undue increase of our military estublishments ?
—has it arisen from our augmenting improperly our naval forces ?
Why, we have been reproached with too much economy.—
(Cheers.) The Gentlemen opposite have no right to attribute to
our misconduct results which have arisen from a combination of
circumstances, over which no person could have any control.—
(flheers.) I say the question is, whether the Budget of the Go-
vernment, which consists in the reduction of certain great taxes,
and yet proposing to increase the revenue—the question is, whether
it shall be ad opted, or whether the House shall be led by the Gen-
tlemen on the other side to affirm a principle which will lead to
no other alternative but the imposition of fresh taxes.—(Hear.)
Sir, my conviction is, that whether those monopolies are brought
down on this occasion or not, their days are numbered.—(Hear,
hear.) The only question is, whether they shall fall by our hand,
or whether they are destined to fall at the hands of those who op.
pose us. 'The general feeling of all who are engaged in the com-
merce of the country is too strong to be resisted. What has been
the whole course of Parliament for some years past ? Why, we
have done nothing but destroy monopolies--(Loud cheers from
the Liberal benches.) First of all, there was the monopoly which
under the Tcst and Corporation Act, the members of the Church
of England had against Dissenters ; and my Noble Friend oppo-
site and the Right Hon. Baronet concurred in putting an end to
this monopoly. Then there was that monopoly by which the
Roman Catholics were placed under civil disabilities. It was at-
tacked ; great was the struggle; fierce was the re, istance ; it mea-
sured its length upon the ground.—(Cries of " Hear, hear,"
and a laugh.) Then came another monopoly, which consisted
of the privilege which a small portion of the community had of
returning a majority of Representatives to this House. That
was attacked again. There was a much fiercer struggle because
greater interests were then concerned. The contest almost
sho{,k the country to its foundation, but the result was certain,
and the success was great and signal.—(Cl.c;rs.) Well, then,
Sir, came the monopoly which certain self-elected 'corporations
had in every part of the United Kingdom over their fellow-
townsmen in regard to their local affairs. That monopoly was
attacked also. The resiAance was less strong, it fell. Then
came the monopoly which the East India Company had, by which
they excluded the rest of their countrynien from those vast re-
gions in which their own operations were conducted. Why,
Sir, monopolies were so much out of fashion at that time that
they fell with scarcely any resistance.—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheers) I trust my Right Honourable Friend has also
to announce that lie means to apply the principle to other parts of
our tariff, and to redeem the commerce of the country from many
of the trammels which beset it ; upon that principle we stand.--
(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The principle is, in
my opinion, sufficiently intelligible and plain. We might, I think,
have an intelligible statement with both sides as to what they in-
tend to do and what they do not. We might have known whether
they would have found their principle of finance upon the abolition
olmonopoly, or upon the maintenance of monopoly. They have
not hitherto chosen to do this, but I will venture to say that before
these subjects have been fully discussed in the House they will be
compelled to speak out. It is due to themselves—it is due to us—

it is due to Parliament—it is due to the country, that their opi-
nions on this matter should not be shrouded in mysterious silence
or in evasive declarations.—(Hear, and cheers.) We have a
right to call upon them not to give us a new
budget—we do not want it, and we should reject it if it were offered
—(Cheers)---but we have a right to ask them aye or no will they
adopt the principles upon which our Budget has been based—a prin-
ciple of which the country approves—(" No, no," front the Opposi-
tion Benches)—and which I venture to predict that though they
may resist it to-day for the purpose of getting a vote of a majority
of this House--that if the result should be to place them in a situa-
tion to determine what should be dune in regard to the finances and
commerce of the country they themselves would be obliged to pro-
pose and to carry it.—(Loud and long.continued cheers followed the
conclusion of the Noble Lord's speech.)
Lord J. 'RUSSELL then rose and said, it will be for the conveni-
ence of the House that I should state the course I intend to pursue
with respect to the resolution I have proposed. I proposed that reso-
lution in the first place, that I might record the principle upon
which my Right Hon. Friend has proceeded with the Budget which
he has laid before the House; and, in the next place, because I
thought that it was desirable that the debates should be as general
as possible. I shall content myself, after the division, with mov-
ing the resolution. With respect to some statements which
have fallen from the Right Hcn. Baronet the Member for Tam_
worth, I beg to conceived that he had misconceived my meaning.
1 do not think that I can state that the merit of
supporting Mr. Huskisson was to be assumed by us,
and that it did not properly t elong to the party by
but to those who acted
whom he was surrounded. What I stated in the discussion before
Easter was this, that the whole credit of these principles of free
,tvriatdhelii wasn n ,
thatot
dltte ~tacis.lkwira.s only,Hquuistkeisvisoinlline that the whole merit of
having proposed the measures to Parliament was due to them, and
that we were content to follow in their steps,_(Haar, hear,
hear.) Sir, the Night Hon. Gentleman has alluded in
terms of which I do not complain, the very use of the
term hypocrisy
as applied to a certain party, I never intended
to apply that term to my Right Honourable Friend. I
acknowledge with regard to the question of privilege; with regard
to Canada ; with regard to the Poor-law, and with regard to some
other questions, the conduct of the Right Hon. Gentleman h as
been as far as possible from deserving the epithet question.
(Hear, hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman conclu, Jed
with some remarks, in which after acknowledging the
the talents for speaking In high terms of the characters of i adi-
vidual members of the; Government, he asserted that we hai i not
acted ie accordance with the spirit and principles of the Con-
I think in that respect he has stitution. hardly made is fair
comparison between the conduct which he pursued and the cc nduct
which we have pursued. The Right Hon. Gentleman was pla tied by
the late King in that situation of entire confidence by his Soy, ..reign,
in which we have been placed by the present Qum. The . Right
Hon. Gentleman is the first instance, without any great q uestion
being before Parliament, without any public measures of import-
ance before the House, had recourse, for the sake of mail .staining
the Administration, to an immediate dissolution. I :ertainly
thought that step ought not to nave been taken except
trpon some
large ground either of necessity or of extensive public 'poi [icy, but
it was resorted to solely because the Right Hon. Ger.ttlei nan had
taken the place of Lord Melbourne, and to obtaiai a majority
in that House.—(lleac.) After this he was deficient
in the
in the choice e r
first place a Speaker
nex he was defeated on the address. Oth r questions aro'e... There

was a question with respect to London Universities, upon which
the Right Hon. Gentleman was defeated, by a majority of more
than 100. There were several other questions, and, with the ex-
ception of one, upon which I stated that I would not give any op.
position, the Right Hon. Gentleman was defeated. In that case
he obtained a majority of 16. Being in possession of the highesl
place in the Councils of his late Majesty, he did obtain a proof of
thelconfidenre of this House. But, without admission, upon some re..
marks being made by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lanca-
shire, whe sits opposite, and some other remarks made in this House.
Th Right Hon. Gentleman consented to what I considerec a very de
rogation to the honour and dignity of the Crown, by that an am.
bassador, who had been formerly appointed as the representative of
the CrOwn at foreign Court, should be recalled, and was induced in
consequence of that debateto give in his resignation. The appoint-
meet of the Crown was overruled by a conversation in the House.
After that there took place three discussions on the Irish Church ;
but with regard to these debates, which lasted for several nights,
and on which there were no less than four divisions, that the
Right Hon. Gentleman was In each instance left in a minority. I
never blamed the Right Hon. Gentleman for his perseverance in
that case. The Right Hon. Baronet then came down to the
House, and announced his resignation, stating that it was from no
love of power or clinging to office that he had retained it so long, but
that he considered it his duty to his Sovereign and to his country
Sir, I give him credit for sincerito in making that declaration,
and I do not blame him now, and the only thing I said of his resig.
nation was that he dcted perfectly in the spirit of the Constitution,
and whatever other circumstances might arise, I stated that the
Right Hon. Gentleman was not likely to obtain the confidence of
the country after a dissolution.—(Hear, hear.) Bnt when I say
that I don't blame the Right Hon. Gentleman's conduct on that oc.
casion, I must add that I thtnk it affords a far stronger instance of a
Government retaining office than anything that has since occurred.
(Laughter from the Opposition benches.) In the last Session of
Parliament they thought it necessary to bring it to the test whether
the party sitting on this or the other side of the House possessed
the confidence of the House of Commons, and upon that question,
which was fully debated, and which every question of the merit or
demerit of the Government was discussed, the House decided
against the Right Hon. Baronxt bra majority of 21 (Cheers.) Now
Sir, is not that a totally different case from that which accurred
during the administration of the Right Hon, Barouet.—(Hearf
bear.) If the Right Hon. Baronet had obtained a vote in a full
House, with a majority of 21 upon a proportion, of a want of con.
fidefice, would he not have felt him elf justified in continuing in
office ? lam persuadud he would. Looking back to what has oc.
curred I cannot think that we have been wrong on the various oc-
casions on which we have been accused of unduly retaining
power when we should have offered our resignations.—(Hear,
hear.) It is evident that our successors would be those
who site upon the opposite side of the House, and it never seemed
to me that they had the confidence of the country in such a de-
gree as would entitle them to take our places.—( Cheers.) I will
not say what may be the case now, but with regard to those single
elections that have happened since this Parliament was first elected
I must be excused for saying thaf they don't afford any
decisive opinion of public sentiment.—(Loud cheering.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman in his speech of tonight in going over the
various questions of the sugar duties, timber duties, and the Corn.
saws, has, I am sorry to say, held out, as I think, very little hope
that he wili be favourable to these measures. I should certainly
rather have heard that he had held more encouraging opinions on
these subjects, even although he defended his vote of to-night by
the peculiar circumstances in which the West Indies were placed ;
but with regard to corn in particular, I think the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman held out very little hope of any alteration. Sir, I have en.
deavoured myself, contrary to my original opinion, to see whe-
ther some proposition might not be devised by which many of
the evils of the present Corn-laws might be avoided, but I have
not been able to succeed. I believe that fluctuations and
gambling will take place, and that there will be a con.
stant interruption of our trade with foreign countries, and
that a want of markets will still be found to exist. It is possible,
undoubtedly, that a great alteration with respect to the amount of
Protection may be made; but if any great alteration is pro-
posed, that would be opposed with as much vehemence
by those who oppose any change In the Corn-laws as
any Chang from a graduate to a fixed duty. I wish to
make an observation with regard to a principle stated by
the Noqle Lord the Member for North Lancashire. The Noble
Lord said that the producer of corn depended not on his own skill
or itigamity, but on sunshine, and rain, 'and storm: That obser-
vation is quite true with regard to the producer in particular coun-
tries, or in particular positions. It is quite true, as the Noble •
Lord says, with respect io the production of his crops he must de-
pend upon ihigher Power ; but it seems that that higher Power, '
which sends the storm and the thunder, also sends a remedy for it.
Such is the bounty of Providence, that if in one country you
have a' bid season and a deficient harvest, that same bounty
in another country produces a plentiful crop. It is in the power of
man, by his skill, and by the means he has of traversing the ocean,
to take advantage of that bounty which thus remedies partial evils.
But if you do not allow that intercourse to take place, it is not to a
higher power—to the inflictions of Providence, that you owe the de-
ficiency of food—lay it at the door where it is justly due— (Ministe-
rial cheers)—lay the blame on your own laws, which prevent the
operation ofthis great and maguificentscheme, whereby plenty would
be distributed among the various nations of the globe, and by which
they would be made to depend one upon the other by joining
in an intercourse with each other. If that intercourse shall not
take place, the curse of sterility, and barrenness, and scarcity must
prevail, instead of that plenty which would exist if the gracious
designs of Providence were not marred by your unujust legisla-
tion.—(Cheers-)

Sir It. PEEL--Sir, I beg to be allowed to say one word in ex-
planation. The Noble Lord referred to the appointment of a
Noble Friend of mine to the Embassy to Russia. Now there was
no vote on that occasion. A mation was made for the pro-
duction of the appointment, but none had theu been made,
The retirement of my Noble Friend was no act of mine—it was the
unsuggested ae,t of my Noble Friend. There was no vote—had
the House of Commons addressed the Crown respecting that ap-
pointment, it was my full intention to have retired.
The Honse then divided, when the numbers were—

For the resolution of Lord Sandon 317
Against the resolution. 2Bl
Majority --36
The announceement was received with some cheering on the
Oppositicn benches.
On our return to the Gallery we found Lord JOHN RUSSELL
moving the following amendment, " To leave out from the word
considering ' to the end of the amendment, in order to add the
following words, that it is practicable to supply the present in-
adequacy of the Revenue to meet the expenditure of the country,
by a judicious alteration of protective and differential duties, with-
out any material increase of the public burthens, such a course
will, in the opinion of this House, promote the interests of trade,
afford relief to the industrious classes, and is best calculated to pro-
v:cle for the maintenance of public faith and the general welfere of
the people."

Upon which strangers were ordered to withdraw, but the amend-
ment was negatived without a division.

The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Twenty Minutes to Four o'Clock.

MEDINA IMPROVEMENT BILL.
We have received from a Correspondent at Newport, Isle of
Wight, a statement, contradicting in certain respects, and
affirming in others, that which appeared in The Sun last week
on this subject, but it is drawn out to such a length, that we
cannot afford space for it. Our Correspondent states that Mr.
Ward can have no claim to the property in dispute, as " the
question had been disputed before Mr. Sergeant Manning and
several Revising Barristers, and the votes were admitted on•
the evidence of the Town-clerk and others, that the soil and
bed of the river and Cowes harbour were the property of the
Corporation, and within the borough of Newport; all the
Learned Gentlemen holding the mere jurisdiction would net be
sufficient. Should Mr. Ward succeed in defeating the claim
of the Corporation to the property in question, he will at the
same time strike forty or fifty Conservative voters off the re-
gister of the borough of Newport." His letter thus concludes:—
" The measure is supported by neatly all the inhabitants of
Newport, by many of the landowners and principal agricultu-
rists ; by most of the masters of vessels, boats, and barges em-
ployed on the river, and has the countenance and support of
the County Member for the Isle of Wight, and the represen-
tatives of the Borough. Nearly 300 shareholders have enrolled
their names in Newport and its neighbourhood; and as soon
as the Bill shall have passed through Parliament, there is no
doubt but the few remaing shares will be taken up. The in-
habitants of Newport ask Parliament to be allowed to improve
their own river at their own expence, reserving to all others
any rights which they may possess, and there can be no doubt
but Parlianment will accede to their reasonable request."

MARRIED.—On the 13th inst., at St. Mat-
thew's, Brixton, by the Rev. Edwin Prodgers, Thomas
Smith Daniel, eldest son of George Daniel, Esq., of
Canonbury-square, Islington, to Mary Ann, eldest daugh-
ter of R. W. Herring, Esq., of Brixton-rise, Surrey.
ST. MARTIN'S-IN-THE- FIELDS.—THE CORN..
LAWS.—Yesterday morning, at eleven, a very nume-
rous and highly respectable meeting of the inhabitants of
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields was held in the Vestry-room,
" to take into consideration and to adopt such proceed-
ings as may give success to the proposed measures for the
reduction and alteration of the taxes on sugar, corn, and
timber." Mr. Cobbett, Senior Churchwarden, presided,
when resolutions were proposed, seconded and agreed to,
Approving of the measures introduced by her Majesty's
Ministers for the alteration and modification of the duties
upon corn, sugar, and timber. The Hon. P. Bouverie,M.P.,
Messrs. Hutchings, (late Churchwardens), Ridgway,
Hawkes, Cockrane, Wilson, &c., addressed the meeting,
which was unanimous in its condemnation of all mono-
polies, and the utmost enthusiasm prevailed in the sup-
port of her Majesty's Government. The resolutions
having been adopted, a petition founded upon them, to
be presented to both Houses of Parliament, was ap-
proved of, and it was further resolved, that the Mem-
bers for the City of Westminster be requested to pre-
sent the one to the House of Commons. Mr. Sydney
Smyth, the Anti-Corn-law lecturer, addressed the
meeting.

HONIE STEAMING.—The competition among
the steamers has become so great, and their numbers have so
much increased of late, that 17 vessels are daily engaged in
conveying passengers between Gravesend and London. Some
of them charge 2s. in the after cabin and Is. 6d. in the fere
part of the steamer for each passenger, others Is. 6d. and Is..
and a few Is. only all over the vessel, while the steamers from
illackwall to Gravesend carry passengers for Sd. each. Four-
teen steam-vessels are engaged in carrying passengers between
London and Greenwich, and a majority of them have lately
reduced their fares to 6d. each. Eight steamers are constantly
moving to and from Woolwich, and they will receive a great
accession in a few days, by the fast and elegant boats of the
Watermen's Steam-packet Company. There are sixteen small
steamers, belonging to different Companies, steaming away from
morn till night above bridge ; and on Sunday last they carried
upwards of 55,000 passengers, at 4d. per head, between the
numerous piers between London-bridge and Chelsea. Some
of them were shamefully over-crowded.
Monday afternoon an adjourned inquest ...took
place at the Cumberland Head Tavern, City-road, to investi-
gate the circumstances relating to the death of Mr. James
Mottram, aged 50, a proprietor of the Rockingham Leeds
coac'.i. Mr. Hammond, City-road, on the 4th of February
las'„ at about six o'clock in the evening, was alarmed by a
laud crash in the road opposite his house, and on going out
saw the Rockingham Leeds coach, drawn by four horses, over-
turned on the foot-pavement, and the luggage strewed in all
directions over the pallisades fronting his shop. With the as-
sistance of several persons, the passenger.: were extricated,
and the deceased and another person (since dead) were taken
to a surgeon's in the neighbourhood, and the deceased, after
his wounds were dressed, was removed to his lodgings in York-
street, City-road. Tho accident was occasioned through the
driver of the coach attempting to pass a loaded waggon in the
centre of the road, in the most dan4erous part, and as it was
close to the kerb, the vehicle swered and immediately over-
turned. The Coroner adjourned the inquiry for further evidence.
GRAND REVIEW AT CHATHAM.—THE
Queen's birthday will be kept on the 21st inst. The whole of
the troops will be stationed along the ramparts, facing the
town and the river Medway, and the heavy artillery from the
battery will fire several rounds. The troops after firing a
feu de joie. will return to the lines, and go through the
grand evolutions of a review, before the Commandant of the
garrison.
The Earl and Countess of Eglintoun, arrived in
town on Saturday last, from Eglintoun Castle, Ayrshire.
We understand that the statue of the Queen, in
Victoria-square, Pimlico, will be thrown open to the public
to-morrow, the 19th inst.