The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-16 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT
, HOUSE OF LORDS, June 15.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool-
lEteli shortly after five o'clock, when the House wa very
zully attended by Peers, and there was a very numerous
assemblage of ladies in the galleries.
b After the presentation of several petitions by Lord
laid on the
fSEAUDtoNT, and after the Marquis of LANSDOWNE had
table two minor reports,

AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.
Lord STANLEY rose to make his promised motion—
at the House was of opinion that the interference of
her
Majesty's Government in the affairs of Portugal was
Unnecessary and uncalled for—and said, that from the
course which had been pursued in the present session of
Parliament by those who had been unable to repose
Perfect confidence in her Majesty's advisers he was
quite
sure that they would have the credit of mei:tem-
(rota their opponents. If they had been unable to
tePPort some of the legislative measures which the
Ministers had brought forward, they had on no occasion
suffered their objections to degenerate into factious
I)Position, but, on the contrary, had, whenever occasion
had ,
thouerea, taken the opportunity to support rather
an to Oppose the Government—and that whenever
e.ey had felt it their duty to propose emeriti •
went,
b to the measures, those amendments had
een framed so as to show their eff-ctual
desire not to embarrass her Majesty's Government.
such had been particularly the case in the great and
jall°rtant subject which had chiefly absorbed the ween-
ier&
Of their Lordships' during the present session.
their if several of the measures which had chimed
Leir Lordships' attention had, from peculiar reasons,
decidedly objectionable to those with wh. m lie
e:edt and if the results of those measures appear- d to
b
t fraught with these difficulties to a remarkable, it not
114) a dangerous extent, all had been particularly carefal
ut to increase the difficulties of the Ministry by any
erPreasions to which they might give utterance in the
intetement of their opinions. If he might adduce an
:mace he would allude to the course which had been
of °Pted by this country with respect to the affairs
he a great and neighbouring nation, in which
It did
himself deeply interested.—(llear, `
Zi-44 appear to him to be inconsistent with the first
,lleiPles of justice, a violation of all international law.
b " ill contravention of positive pledges already given
dunthain country to the various European powers. He
that their interference in the internal affairs of
o,s7tugal had been undertaken in a manner hot
a.4`3' at variance with the rights of that independent
wttit' but also in a spirit, he must say, far from that or
Partialitv between the two contending parties; and
nen he believed that the admission of the principle
ben which this interference was based was likely to
%lice this country in a position of serious ember-
Inlent he did feel that it was their duty no
j)tn:ier to be silent upon the subject.—(llear, hear.)
the
their Lordships' duty to vindicate themselves in
the eyes of the country, in the eyes of Europe, and in,.
peat Judgment of the present time. and the judgment of
thelritY, and to free the world trom the impression that
toe Participated in the principle or approved of the
tiese which had been pursued by her Majest's Go-
'erlun • 1 :
jt ent reeatton to the internal affairs of Portugal
..
ailewas their Lordships' duty to take care that ttien
antinee should not subject them to misrepresentation,
em,s.they could only fulfil that duty by expressing an
1,,,`-",4 as one branch of the Legislature of this greet
a-dtre, upon this most important subj,•er, and, in t is
tittle:tent, the present was t mphatically the time when
b. expression of opinion ought to be given to the world.
6, 'v. of their Lordships could interfere with the
tek'enoe of that treaty—it was a treaty binding upon
th country, and the Government themselves in laying
to treaty upon the table of the House had announced
fle„helr Lordships that they had performed their iliac-
tee, and they appealed to this House for their
otrgietent they challenged their decision, having
faeetred a fair and a full exposure of all the
ao,:‘ ; and they asked their Lordships to pro-
they their judgment in the matter, and whether
trZhad rightly, wisely, and discreetly, exercised the
1:11- Whieb the constitution had placed in their hands.
charge against the Government—fir he did Lot dis-
Vozse that it was a charge which he brought against the
eetererament—was, that the treaty into which they had
kw red was a violation of the principles of ietereatienel
it is' violation of the great !untlartleatal principles, that
thi rePuguant to the spirit :a ail the treaties into which
was Country had entered ; that this mole of' interference
treat la-Partial, and that the execution of the
their' 14 good faith. as In- doubted not it was
desire, to execute it was difficult, if lea alteg lian-
it.tracticanle itsult; and nkely-- to lead thine country
Gait? petual labyrinth of conipie•.l [ion, threa!,.
kid g.•be most serious embarrassments to the diplomatic
He foreign relations of this country.—(Hear, hear.)
14;1:Uld not conceive any principle more closely este-
to7l d and universally recognised—that with respect
e domestic and internal management of any state no
I eas'? country had a right to interfere in any way, but
et of all by force of arms ; and the only qualification
ettnettillat universal principle was, whenever the so-
likely to
domestic or internal affairs were in their nature
e
endanger, if not the institutions, at least the
thantitiAinterests of that country. He trusted that he
Alf ;e 4 be forgiven if he adverted to cireutnstances
l
neer ere in
what
memory of their Lorships. and within
Purpose 1; of what might be called their own time, for the
copy of showing the unvarying and constant
t• se of precedent and p dicy aeopte d by statesmen of the
e7nt century of all shades and distinctions of le plitics.
treej,n,cet during the internal commotion Which had
▪ haled in that country during the list century,
legleend did not feel herself called upon to interfere. In
4, when the French rev ol was is ee7
ben th rei
e oven was deprivedution of theat t
2urc eisheigh of his
f,,„nrutictions—_and when the events of that p etiod excited
I,lll_l_ gie;ifaliirm throughout Europe, the language from the
rti. country with refei ence to those events W a S.
it was • doubt, the language of apprehension and of alarm, bin,
(Thal the
of non interventiou.—(H,
from the Th Log
here real extracts from the Spet.,,e
entirely absttaoinne,:t that period—" that this country
internal affairs from ell interference with the
the xi, . of Franc., „
g 01 ranee was b
.y murdered, the
ciany
rougat to the block Ain 3.
pit.ngland war vvhich ensued was declared, not
against France, but by France against Eng-
-h--(Hear, hear.) During the long period of dismay
wlllc followed even up to the time when Charles X.
WU obi'
dre" magedl to give up his throne, did they ever
1' th
ef interference?—(Hear, hear,) No, it was
at ought of, and in the Speech,from the Throne
It "at time no such principle was enunciat?dh.
pi concluded by stating that the King regarded wit
e ea!'cre the convocation of the Cortes. At a somewhat
Urber • •
Vets Period the great principle of non-interference
r, Eild down by his Noble and Gallant Friend on the
itinss-benehes (the Duke of Wellington). When
to !en° congress of Vienna, he addressed a memorandum
hi aFrench Ambassador, stating that he had availed
of every opportunity of recommending to his
e,BtY wholly to abstain from all interference in the
a-1141 affairs of Spain, because lie believed that
Interference could only place that monarch
intact orse position, and prevent him trout promoting the
other Feat
amelioration of that country.— (Hear.) One
hogl'eat authority—one with whom, in many respects,
differed in political opinions—one to whose memory
apiniuuked with affectionate reverence—one whose
reeejulla Noble Lords opposite were bound to
receive with great weight, and one for whom those wilt)
11,.H.7e4 the most with him in political opinions, he did
histtlitlL life—and would not now hesitate to declare
Of hiaue was a statesman keenly anxious for tie welfare
tk native country and of other nations—(Hear)—in
the tar
1830, when negotiations were entered into with
obligation ? r'llt Powers of Europe, in pursuance of the
itr__ of
a treaty, for the purpose of settling the
teell,lgeenerit between Belgium (which was then vir
1„:_17 separated from thalami) and Holt:lnd—the
we delivered from the Throne, on that occasion an-
ised distinct terms the principle which lie was
Us to lay down to their Lordships. The principle
Pted by the advice of Earl Grey was non-interference
t aasvith the affairs of Belgium as contrary to the laws of
t I°llB, and by that advice Earl Grey was enabled to
,r
,engthen his Cabinet. They could not justify interfer-
e:* On the part of another ountry on the pretence of
tenger, and he would go further, and say, that if
the Belgians had adopted a republican form of
eeoverninent, instead of a monarchy, he did not
Skink it would - be justifiable to interfere, nor
,vtould he consent to such interference." Such was the
language of Earl Grey, and at what time ? Why the
(evolution was not twelve months old ; the con-
Iti •tutionail , yet nevertheless revolutionary. throne
of Louis Philippe was barely established ; and
Publicanism was neither dead nor asleep in France.
Ther,, establishment of such a state upon the confines
3 the kingdom, would naturally excite the jealousy of
,',tance. Yet they had heard that Lord Grey. had laid
j," down that such a state of things would not justify au
Olrference, Perhaps it might be said that these prin-
t-hiNes were true with regard to other nations, yet that
eeey bad such intimate and special relations with Por-
thatlsl they were bound by them to interfere. Ile
tally admitted that they had special relations with Por-
OA the earliest of which was not less than 500 years
tia", and there was one obligation which ran through
ve,„‘ 'hole of them, paramount of all, namely, that they
oz,"11,"1 not permit the security of Portugal to be invaded
be:tolated by any foreign power whatsoever.—(Hear,
182r1 114 oheers.) It was on this principle that,. 1- I
6 •
lat,t lu virtue of the existing treaties, Mr. Canning
nal expedition to Lisbon, with a view to protect
Portugalsue,:
from an invasion of Spain. It was no civil
sue,: ,si, when Mr. Canning interfered, and he was
den ; the Noble Lord had more fully studied that preee-
-11444 and that the shade of Canning was now pre-
(:)1, rig
Dula `h discussion.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Over at the spirit of Canning were now presiding
tiler itue Commons of England. Would that there was
e.ore,
nouecoVint tongue of Canning in that House to do-
Peso af..econduct of these Ministers, who for the pur-
of her ving the Sovereign of Portugal from the effects
people -e-„,,11 ,Inisgovernment, had attempted to coerc? her
bad invi",_," cleprive them of their constitutional liberties-7
nities `_,`ll French fleet to enter the portals of. their
their' and called upon foreign standing armies to invade
eemsecnueltry.-....(Hear, hear.) How different was the
eepiel Pursued by Mr. Canning. In 1838, when after a
Pled of violations of the most solemn and faithful
baurs-"•-after committing murder and rapine upon all
Don lao
80,er Miguel succeeded in usurping the throne of
pelgn and intended wife—at that moment the
th •ru oi this country were stationed at Portugal, but as
th
dttn `Ytees were no longer required, as there was no
f get
01. f° - • •
ereei reign invasion, and their presence inte.r. •
aficrs the settlement of the internal and domestic
Worm of
the country they were withdrawn, and the
for 7.7naa. again convinced of the love of this country
In statutional law and undeviating impartiality
Thetprformances of its duties to other nations.
tiesefe Noble Marquis opposite, in alluding to the affairs
eeruvrau'emt expressed his most anxious wish that the Go-
Of airlit WoUld impresspo foreign nations the duty
4104
441terieg ••• •
to principles which actuated her

Majesty's Government during the conflict with the
princes of the House of Braganca. A Noble Lord (the
Earl of Aberdeen) laid down the law upon the subject
in the following terms:—he said, " that in the whole se-
ries of treaties there is no express stipulations which
warrant the interference of this country, neither is there
any such obligation implied by their general spirit or
tenor. The treaties were formed for the purpose of re-
sisting successful rebellion. It is imposSible that any
independent state could intend to commit the control
and direction of her internal affairs into the hands of
another party. Doubtless, if her Britannic Majesty
should be under the necessity of furnishing an armed
force for the internal regulation of the affairs of Por-
tugal, it would become his duty, and indeed an essential
duty, to prevent any such cause of necessity for inter-
ference at all. However, there would be required a
constant interference in the internal affairs of Portugal,
for it would be impossible for his Majesty to
consent to hold his fleets and armies at
, the command of the,King of Portugal without having
the superintendence of the affairs, and being assured
that his forces would not be employed in arresting the
effects of misgovernment.—(Hear, hear.) The whole
spirit of the treaties, as well as their history, show that
the principle of the guarantee given by England is " the
protection of Portugal tram foreign interference." This
was the principle which he contended lay at the root of
the whole question before their Lordships—it was his
duty to substantiate this, and to show to their Lord-
ships toe grounds upon which all practical as well as
theoretics] state omen had acted ; and it was his opinion
that the Noble Viscount at the head of foreign affairs in
departing from that sound principle, had rendered him-
self a mot dangerous master.—(Hear.) The principle
of non-interference was laid down by the Noble Lord
himself ie 1829, in a speech he made at that time, to the
effect, " that every nation had the right to regulate its
own affrirs—that it was a sound and sacred principle,
and one which he trusteed England would never be found
to set the example of its violation—(Hear, hear)—
but that intervention by force of arms in the affairs of
other countries, was against general principle, and the
constantly observed practice of this country."—(Hear,
hear.) The Noble Lord also complained not against the
interference to which he was then referring, but because
of their interference on the wrong side.—(Hear, hear.)
He then stood up against interference, but expressed
himself in favour of intermeddlimg.—(Bear, hear, and
laughter.) This had been his plea then, so tar as inter-
ference could he carried on without armed interference.
In 1833 a seeming departure took place from this princi
plc of non-interference, in the case of Spain and Portu
gal, when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were attempting
to depose the female sovereigns from the thrones of those
countries. Nay, so careful was his late lamented friend,
Earl Grey, to limit the application of that treaty within
the narrowest bounds, and most certainly in conformity •
with the national obligations that it was in the
first instance entered into between Spain and
Portugal. for the expulsion of the claimant
to the Crown of Spain. By that treaty, France and his
Britannic Majesty were to be combined together for that
ofiject, the agreement to have effect so soon as the French
fleet entered the Tagus ; but the King of the French
altered those conditions to these—that in the event of
his iuterposition becoming necessary to effect that object
he was ready to supply assistance, provided it was sought
by the utsiti d voice of the parties to the treaty. It was,
at any rate, a very doubtful question with regard to its
duration, and whether it was or was not improperly
estended. These additional articles contemplated not
the expulsion of the pretender to the throne, but that
assistance should be given to Spain for the purpose of
Protecting her rights. He also thought that that was
doubtful policy, and that it went beyond what the merits
of the case required, and created besides a precedent of
a mischievous nature ; but still, the case of Portugal
could not apply to the state of Spain during the time to
which he was referring. If it were held out that the
principle of non-interference admitted of qualification,
it would become his duty to submit to their Lordships
as the second hi anch of this subject that the state of
things in Portugal, with respect to which the Govern-
meet were called upon to interfere, was one purely
domestic—one purely internal—one affecting no other
country—deed one, therefore, which entitled no other
country to interfere f it did not affect even the dynasty
of Portugal, and yet it was an interference
which, by the hand of the British Government,
withheld from the people of that country the
constitutienal rights to which they were entitled.
He would state shortly to the House wirat were the facts
which led to the coup de dot, which, iu its turn, led to
the reeve lutioh of l'ortupd. It appeared that in Merch
or April, 1846, there was not Nominally, but really in
effect, at the head of the week Ministry of the Duke de
Terceira, a Signor Costa Cabral, a man of ambitiou, as-
piring, active, anergetic, and not of over scrupulous cha-
recter, who had commenced life as an ultra supporter of
mest ultra republican principles, who had been, in
1836, an indiscreet leader of the Septerrabrist party,
be, ,e he manifested considerable ability, and was accord-
ingly rewarded by a subordinate post in the police. In
this situation he showed considerable power, made him-
self eaeful to the Ministry, and from being the most ultra
radical he came forward in the character of the most
violent partisan of Toryism, manifesting all the seal of
the most Ihrveat convert. He was thought some-
what a dangerous man, and, accordingly, the Duke
de Terceira overlooked him in the formation of
his Ntnistry, but he made himself so formi-
dable to the Government by hi= leadership of an
emote, that he literally stormed the Government, and
compelled the Cabinet to attend to his wants and wishes.
There was übundant proof of these statements in the
blue book, and the correspondence which hail been laid
upon the table of the House. In fine, Costa Cabral
placed himself really at the head of the Government.
Uiid,,r his administration all kinds of peculation, extor-
tion, and vexatious oppression was practised upon the
people ; the right of the election was interfered with ;
armed troops were brought out to vote ; and thus the
freedom of the franchise was interfered with. 'That,
however, which proved the ultimate cause of the expul-
sion of Costa Cabral was a matter apparently of little
moment. Among the other courses which Costa Cabral
hal pursued—among the other vexatious laws he had
introduced, was one which, under the pretext of -sana-
tory regulation, compelled all persons to bury their dead
in certain cemeteries ; and for the better support of
those who lived upon the taxes and imposts levied
upon the people, these cemeteries were left un-
walled and unsecured. The consequence was, that the
bodies were torn up by dogs, and one universal feeling
of disgust and indignation pervaded the whole country
at the tyrannical and disgusting proceedings of the Go-
vernment. Eventually a woman named Marianna
Mentes, whose child had died, required that it should
he buried in the church, but the priest refused, to bury

it there, pleading the law in justification of his refusal.
This gave rise to a disturbance, and the military were
called out when some blood was shed, and the women
and the peasantry f&I upon the soldiers. In a few hours
the country rase from one end to the other, and Costa
Cabral tyaerinine alarmed at the consequence of his own
rids, and the Queen at the prospect before her, the resigna-
tion of the Gevernurent was given in and accepted, and
the Duke of Palweila was called into vice. In the
course of one we-le from that time the insur-
rection sub-ided, and the policy of the Duke
of Palmella irrei restored the confidence of the
people when tee Qrieen demanded his resignation.
The Duke de Paltnelia proceeded to frame an electoral
law by doer.: e to reeu!ate the mariner in whieh the clic
tors were to take places at the ensuing election of the
Cortes. The plan was very generally approved of by
the people et' that country. Thus matters stood on the
6th of oe,oh -r, 1846, the time at which the p.,pers laid
upot the table of the House commenced. The Duke de
Pale/la enjoyed the confide nee of the people. but he
did not etriey the confidence of the Crown, That was
suer unded by • 1 dvisers, whom be had not taken the
precaution to engage in his interest. The royal ear was
poisons.; by misrepresentations, and false views and
unions were 'cost sedulously poured into the royal ear.
0,1 the 6th of ()etch •r, !o ,k place that extrordinary event
d.:aaled in the papers before their Lordships, when with-
out warding, without notice, or without preparation, er
the lea-t intimation of what was likely to take place,
the Duk, de Palmella was sent for to the Palace, and
there, with the Military Commandant of Lisbon, was
told that it was her Majesty's pleasure that they should
resign, that they should sign their own dismissal,
and the app,intmont of their successors, and
tha they were prisoners in the Palace till
the so called spontaneous act of resignation was
effected. This took place within four days of the period
appointed for the elections under the new law of the
Duke of Palmella. The communication made by the
Duke to her Majesty upon that occasion was in sub-
stance this—ire did not entertain any apprehension of
danger from the prevalence of existing opinions in the
new Cortes—that he looked forward with considerable
confidence to he able in the new Cortes to reconcile the
undeniable rights of Majesty with theeonstitutional liber-
ties of the people, and it so happened that his predic-
tions were borne out in the case of four elections which
had then taken place, and there was no doubt that there
would have been a moderate arid constitutional majority
in the new Cort's. Whatever might have been the
answer of the Duke of Palmella, it had no influence
whatever on the plans which were then contemplated.
The Duke bowed to the authority of his Sovereign, and
accepted the resignation which was forced upon him,
and, upon the instruction of her Majesty's pleasure, left
Portugal and sought the shelter of this country.—(Hear.)
The Marquis of Saldanha who succeeded him, admitted
that his whole Government was composed of the Ca-
bralist party, and as if to mark the connexion between
these two parties, Mr. Bulwer wrote from Madrid that
they were considered to be identical.—(Hear, hear.)
• Now, the Noble Viscount at the head of iForeign
Affairs in this country, some time afterwards, ins a dis-
patch sent out to Portugal, congratulated the Govern-
meta of Saldanha that they had no connexion with the
Cabralist party.—(Loud cheers.) The new administra-
tion to succeed the Cabra!ist administration was formed,
and the first act was the revocation of the electoral de-
cree, and the suppression of all newspapers except the
official journals. In the course of a few days, a decree
was issued, by which her Majesty assumed the dictatorship
of the kingdom, and was made responsible to no one for
her arts. On the 3d of November a sane uinary edict came
out, that all the insurgents should be shot on the field
without trial.--(Lear, hear.) On the 14th, an edict
came out seriously affecting the interest. of British mer-
chants, and all classes of persons at Lisbon, by compell-
ing the circulation of the worthless notes of the Bank of

Po—ralgal. These were the measures of the first fortnight
of the administration headed by the Duke de Pahnella,
which had been established to redeem the acts of the
Cabralists, to redeem that solemn Hedge which was
given to the people in the month of May by the Queen,
by her proclamation to confide in her royal word, as she
would henceforth govern within the terms of the consti
tution.—(Hear, hear.) But what was the state of things
on the part of thi people of Portugal. This event took
place on the 6th of 0-tober. The Duke of Ter-
ceira was sent to Op,:rto f.r the purpose or
carrying out the intentions of the Government.
agreed to at Lisbon ; but he found his authority treated

as nought, and his decrees as waste paper, and instead of
• being looked upon as the Queen's Commissioner, he
found himself a prisoner. In a few days a provisional
Junta was formed, under the auspices of Conde Das
Antas, and the state of things became so desperate that
it was contemplated that it would be necessary for her
Majesty to seek safety in one of her Majesty's vessels
lying in the Tagus. In ten or fourteen days from that
time, from Oporto to Coimbria, from Coimbria to Ciudad
Roderigo, from Ciudad Roderigo to Torres Vedras, and
in fact from one end of Portugal to another, the flame
of insurrection broke out, simultaneously, and without
any connexion between them, and the Crown possessed
no authority save that which it held by the bayonets of
the soldiers. Why, before a month, the same spirit
burst out from every portion of the country, and could
any man doubt the feeling out of which these disturb.
ances arose, and that it was to oppose the dismissal of a
constitutional Minister, and prevent the recal of one who
had been driven from power by the universal indignation
of the country? Where, then, was the opportunity for
foreign interference? He could see none. Those who
rose to vindicate their rights to constitutional liberty
from the inroads of tyranny, professed the deepest re-
spect for the person of the sovereign ; but they pro-
fessed a still deeper attachment to those constitutional
rights which belonged to the subjects of a limited mo-
narchy. In both professions he believed them to be
earnestly sincere. He would not weary the House
with a detail of the long and tedious attacks which
were made by disciplined troops upon unarmed and un-
diseiplined peasantry. One gleam alone appears to have
enlightened the general gloom, and that was where a
victory hsd been gained by the Duke De Saldanha, after
an action in which eonsiderablc gallantry was displayed
upon both sides, where the insurgents entered into stipu-
lations that they should surrender as prisoners of war,
and have all the honours allowed to prisoners of war.
Among them were some of the best, some of the bravest,
and some of the most enlightened men in the land. They
were brought in as prisoners. How were they treated
after this surrender ?—(Cries of " Hear.") He would
quote a dispatch from Mr. Sotheron of 13th December.
The Noble Lord read that part of the representation
made by that gentleman of the severity exercised on the
captives, who were imprisoned in such a place as endan-
gered the health and perhaps the lives of the sufferers.
He (Lord Stanley) believed that her Majesty's Govern-
ment had exerted themselves to the utmost which they had
power to do on behalf of those sufferers. Col. Wylde, on
the 15th February, stated in a letter, that the Duke of
Saldanha bad adopted his remonstrances, and expressed
his disapproval of exiling the prisoners taken at Torres
Vedras. But how were these remonstrances treated ?
The Noble Lord again quoted Mr. Sotheron's writing
en the 30th January, to the effect that several of the
nobility had been taken without notice and put
in close confinement. The dispatch of the Ist
February stated that the prisoners were crowded
on board of a vessel, preparatory to exile. The captain
of the vessel remonstrated against the indecency and
inhumanity of employing a vessel not fit for the ldwest
or the vilest felons without danger to health or life, and
in packing the members of the noblest families in a
space not sufficient for one half the number. The
remonstrance was accompanied with the certificate of
the surgeon that he would not be answerable for the
consequences. The commandant, for his remon-
strance, was dismissed ; and the surgeon, for
his certificate, was imprisoned, and ordered
to be brought to trial. It was determined
notwithstanding to send the prisoners into exile, and the
only dispute was whether they should be sent to Goa. or
Madeira, or the Azores. To the Azores they could not
be sent, for it was impossible to prevent their returning
to Portugal. So that the election remained between the
unhealthy atmosphere of Goa or Madeira. Such was
the conduct of the Government upon the first and only
flush of success which attended their arms. Within a
few days atter that first and only success, there was the
only security which was then left, that of trial by jury
abolished.—(Hear, hear.) It was also sought to be
established, that the cities were in a most illegal
and flagrant insurrection, but this is most strenu-
ously denied by the parties on the other side.
—(Hear.) It was true that there were a considerable
number of peasants who raised the cry " Viva Don
Miguel ;" and an officer of the name of Macdonald set
up the standard of Don Miguel, but he was himself put
down, defeated, and slain ; and from that time not even
a murmur was raised from one of the Miguelites. (The
Noble Lord here proceeded to read several extracts from
letters and dispatches written by Viscount Palmerston
and the Marquis de Saldanha, in order to prove the teal
character of the insurrection.) The objects, continued
the Noble Lord. was to put down that coup itetat,which
surrounded the throne, and which, at the same time, was
a disgrace and dishonour to it. The Noble Lord at the
head of Foreign Affairs, had laid down a rule of strict
impartiality between the two parties, end he• sent out
Colonel Wylde, for the purpose of observing the course
,f events, but stated to him, at the same time, that the
Government could do nothing more than act as medi-
ators between the two parties. Colonel Wylde arrived
in Portugal on the 9th of November, but he had not
fully carried out the purport of the instructions given to
him. The Noble Lord here read various extracts from
letters written by the Marquis de Saldanha and Colonel
Wylde, with a view of showing that Colonel Wylde had
not acted impartially between the parties, but had
favoured the cause of the Marquis de Saldanha.
Colonel Wylde, contended the Noble Lord, was a mere
tool doing the bidding of the Marquis of Saldanha.—
( tiear, hear.) 'The great principle which he had laid
down at the commencement of his address was that of
non-interlereece in the internal affairs of other nations;
he had endeavoured to show that the quarrel between
the parties, was precisely an internal quarrel, arising
from domestic causes, and could not, therefore, justify
any interference on the part of any other country. He
was cent:wily at a loss to understand what possible dan-
ger culla' have come over the minds of the Government
t,) convince them that what was wrong on the 6th of
October was right on the 6th of April; or how the Noble
Lord, at the head of the Foreign Department, had sue -
ceeded in convincing himself that the arguments which
he betort, used were entirely fallacious. Up to the pe-
riod of the sth of April, the interference was only that
of a mediator ; but, after that period, it became an
armed intervention; up to that period there was no
ground for complaining of the want of impartiality on
the part of this country, but after that the matter took
a very different turn; it was no longer a mediation, but
a mediation accompanied by an armed intervention.
Certain terms were tendered to the Crown, upon the ac-
ceptance of which the Government were ready to pro-
ceed, but upon the refusal, on the part of the Queen,
to entertain those terms, the Government could with-
draw from its ineffectual attempt at interference. The
offer made by the Government to the Junta was this :
These are the terms presented ; accept them ; if you do
not accept the terms without limitation, and without
alteration, we will come down upon you with the forces
of France and Spain, and compel you to accept them.
Was this sit equitable interference between two contend-
ing parties, struggling together on an affair purely do-
mestic and internal ?—(Hear, hear.) The state of the
geeen's army was described by Sir H. Seymour and
Colonel Wylde as miserable in the last extreme ;
wherever the Queen's troops went they carried off the
flicks and the crops of the country, while the troops of
the Junta were well fed and well clothed. It was under
these circumstances that the Government thought proper
to interfere, in conjunction with the forces of France and
Spam. Uneee these circumstances it was that the Go-
vel ntuent had sanctioned au invasion of the soil of Por-
tugal ; and could their Lordships tell him upon what
plea it was that the Government vindicated
its oppressive interference with this couutry—
by a country which had hitherto been the
protectress of liberty. He had heard some reasons stated
why this country should interfere, but he thought that
they were based upon such low grounds that no states-
man would venture to interfere. It had been said that
if this country did not interfere other nations would.
What. countries? France or Spain? Would, they have

interfered without the sanction of England? If so,
would it not be the duty of igland to prohibit such in.
tereerence? But he did not believe that any such inter-
ference would have taken place on the part of France,
axle he felt confirmed in this opinion by the statement
of M. Guizot, who expected the return of Don Miguel
to Portugal, and, in the event of such an occurrence
taking place, the Government of France would apply to
the parties to the Quaduple Alliance upon the subject,
and that that Government was ready to concert measures
with Spain, Portueal, and England. In a dispatch dated
the 9th of August, from M. Guizot to Lord Palmerston,
M. Guizot admitted that the treaty of the Quadruple Al- I
hence was not at all applicable to the affairs of Por-
tugal. Sir H. Seymour, when he got credit for impar- •
tielity, though he appeared to lean towards
the cause of the Queen of Portugal, and to
support the intentions of the British Government,
stated that the French Minister at Lisboa had offeied
the aid of France, and that it had been declined. On
the news reaching England, Lord Palmerston called upon
the French Arnba,sador for an explanation, and in reply
he stated, that it was a mistake to say that the support
and aid of France had been offered to the Queen of I"or-
tugal.—(Hear.) So much for France. The interference
of Spain ! The interference of Spain, in her present
condition, in the affairs of Portugal ! That Spain should
threaten to interfere at all was altogether impossible.
Why, if the Government had said, " the first Spanish
soldier that crosses the frontier will be the signal of war
with England," did they think that Spain would have so
far forgotten herself, and her lamentable condition, as to
have s,nt a single soldier across the frontier ? (The
Noble Lord here read a dispatch from the Spanish Mi-
nister, stating that the Queen of Spain would adopt no
decisive course without the consent of England.—
(Hear, and cheers.) Everything, therefore, showed
that Spain would not act independenity of England,
Even if the cause of the Queen of Portugal was unaided
by the arms of England, and Spain had marched an
army into Portugal, such an act would have protracted
the present state of the country, and would have caused
its people to rise up against such an invasion, and a war
of the most disastrous end bloody character would have
at once broken out between the two countries. They
had, however, undoubtedly succeeded in their interven•
tion; but had they advanced any nearer the final settle.
[tient of the question in e hich they had interfered?
What had they gained for Portugal? what had they
eeined for theiuselves?—(Hear, hear.) Had they gained
the personal gratitude of the sovereign of Portugal?
Perhaps they might; they had saved her throne, which
never was in danger except from her own misgovern•
went—(Hear, hear)—they had saved her throne, which
she might have saved herself by a proper course of
policy; but whilst they had saved the throne, they had
humiliated the sovereign—(Hear, hear)—she had been
guilty of a long course of unconstitutional acts,
and had exasperated her people.—(Hear, hear.)
Had they, then, ,gained the affections of the
people of i'ortugal ?—(ilea.) r Did they think they had
eentirinel the old feeling of attachment and friendship
i.ei;ich had :iefetiifore 6ubsistA between this country
and Portugal ? Han they not rather given to the people
of Portugal henceforth reason to say, " Tyranny may
work its way in Portugal, secure that at the last mo•