The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-24 00:00:00

V
(3) ERxn A. • V .11 N 14 61-' 11:140E14.111 El It
A4l ATY. • ~_ • •

1* II fl

SPERIT of the PUBLIC .JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING 7.`AP ~RS OF TIIIS DAY.
TIMES.—The report which appeared yesterday
of the proceedings at the quarterly Court of the East
' India Company concurs with the Parliamentary mo-
tion lists'in intimating that the case of the late Raja
of Sattara is not considered closed by his death.
Such resolute advocacy is, of course, no more than
consistent with a true conviction of his innocence.
We have no wish to disparage the pleaders in this
cause, or suppress the inquiry. All that we have
desired is to describe more accurately what was the
injustice which the Raja suffered, if he suffered any ;
what form his complaints would reasonably assume ;
what were the relations between him and his judge.; ;
and what could be alleged in behalf of the latter, if
exculpation they should be found to need. We are
not without some hope that our simple exposition of
the facts involved may have placed this question to
many eyes in a clearer point of view than before,
and offered some more tangible materials for forming
an equitable judgment. Some credit is fairly
ours if we have imparted any novelty, cr
much interest, to this interminable suit, for
there is nothing more difficult than to correct
such indefinite preconceptions as these, and to commu-
nicate accurate views on a subject which has been
thoroughly hackneyed without being half compre-
hended. Petitions poured into the House upon this
matter even during the late session, nor do we mean to
deny to the subscribers the credit of sincerity or good
intention. They have been probably impressed with
the idea that a helpless Prince has been persecuted by
an overbearing power, and has at length been driven to
his grave without redress, and they trust to see that
justice done to his memory which was refused to his
remonstrances. What we have endeavoured to show
is, that whatever may have been the injustice of his
fate, it was not such as has been represented. Ile
was not "an independent Prince." He was not "im-
prisoned "or " persecuted" by us ; nor is there the
smallest imaginable possibility of concluding that his
deposition was owing to any of those motives ascribed
to his judges by the uninformed advocates of his
case. His mimic principality was not confiscated on
his removal ; it was transferred to his brother, who
enjoys it still ; and it has been said, indeed, by some
of the most intelligent observers on the spot that the
family jealousies created by this promotion have been
more instrumental than any other cause in per-
petuating the agitation of the case, and that if the
British Government had but appropriated, instead of
transferring, the revenues of the princedom, the ex-
Prince would have been speedily reconciled to his
change of residence. That the Government of India
should have concerted a plot for deposing a native
ruler in order to impound a few square miles of
territory at the transfer of the Rajaship, is an idea
which could never for a moment be entertained by
any person to whom the affairs of Hindostan were not
as strange as the affairs of Patagonia. We are sure
that Mr. Hume, at least, with his knowledge of these
matters, will not pretend to affirm that the proceedings
in the Raja's case could have ever either originated or
been conducted in any possible ideas of aggrandizement
or gain. The motives of the Government,whether well-
grounded or not, were manifestly political. They
were caring for the peace of the Peninsula, not the
income of the Presidency. If they erred, it was in
discharge of their public duties—in defence of the
British dominions, not in pursuit of their own ends.
Whether they did err or not may he a question, but
it is a very different question from that ordinarily
stated. In 1839, when our army was entangled in
the distant passes of Affghanistan, and wiser heads
than those of its leaders were just surmising that our
' troubles were presently to come, there was a very
prevalent impression that a combination was on foot
amongst the Hindoo Powers of the Deccan to strike
a blow at us in our embarrassments. Our experi-
ence of Oriental character tended to substantiate, if
it did not suggest, the belief. It was not that the
several Powers had anything to complain of—on the
contrary, there was not one who did not owe to us
such tranquillity and consideration as he enjoyed; it
was not that they had anything to hope—on the con-
trary, it was certain that the most murderous anarchy
would ensue on the first suspension of our practical
supremacy. But it was in the highest degree pro-
bable that at the rumours of embarrassments and
miscarriages which even then began to find their
way from the wilds of Candahar, they would be
unable to resist the impulse of Oriental nature, and
that they would turn with one accord upon a totter-
ing power. At this crisis it was said that the Raja,
the titular head of all the Mahrattas, had been in
correspondence with the Raja of Berar, the '
most powerful member of the old confede- '
rate stock. That his alleged overtures should
wear but slight form of verisimilitude was pro-
bable enough. Communications between Sattara
and Nagpore on the subject of annihilating. '
British India were not likely to be highly reasonable
in their details. Yet, whatever was the purport of
the correspondence, its simple existence (and this was
a fact pretty clearly proved) did of itself involve the
forfeiture of the Raja's throne, for one of the most
imperative conditions of the treaty by which he was
placed on it was his entire forhearanco from all kind
of intercourse with any foreign Court. Here, how-
ever, he now was, with a suspected character, and in
a position highly critical, both geographically and po-
litically. Nothing is more remarkable than the
readiness with which any single prince of either of
the two great races in India has been able to rally the
scattered branches of that race for any promising in-
surrection.
Holkar, as regarded possessions or
descent, was certainly entitled to the smallest influence
of any Mahratta chieftain, and yet when Bishop
Heber saw him sunk in irrecoverable debaucheries
he could not refrain from remarking how fortunate it
was that British India had thus lost at least one foe
around which the whole Hindoo population might
rally. "With the Mussulmans it was the same. Lord
Moira raised Oude into a kingdom, in order, amongst
other motives, that the consequent jealousies between
Lucknow and Delhi might impede any cordial union
under either power for mischievous purposes ; and yet
it was the opinion of the best informed that even this,
as well as all other obstacles, would yield to such a
temptation. Under these circumstances, then, with
Bombay stripped of troops, with the forces of the em-
pire engaged in a distant and gloomy-looking war,
and with a suspected chief in a position from which he
might descend upon our destitute Presidency, with
all the Mahrattas at his back, the British Govern•
ment stepped in, removed him from his throne
and capital, and placed him under liberal superin-
tendence in the most princely city of Hindostan,
with 10,0001. a year to live upon. Such is the head
and front of the Company's'offending. The questions
at present open for consideration are these—first,
whether cause can be shown for a fresh trial ; and,
secondly, if upon trial so granted the innocence of
the arraigned character should be shown, what com-
pensation is due for the injury inflicted. On the first
head we cannot say we think that a case has been yet
established. It may be true enough that a trial, such
as a prisoner may demand in England or an undis-
turbed district of Ireland, was not granted to a
Mahratta Prince in Western India, suspected of
hatching treason against his liege lords ; but on the
other side, independently of the probabilities of the
case, we have the coincidence against him of all the
successive Governors of Bombay and their Coun-
cils from that time to the present—of Lord
Auckland and his Council—of the Court of
Directors and of three Presidents of the
Board of Controla coincidence which, considering
the hereditary antagonism of these authorities, is little
less than miraculous on any supposition but that of
unmistakeable guilt. On the second head we have
said enongh, we trust, to show that neither was the
lot of the Raja very hard, nor the conduct of his
judges very impeachable. If he did really deserve to
enjoy the Company's present of 100,0001. per annum
for the twenty eight years remaining of his life, in-
stead of for only twenty of them, he has so far been
unjustly treated, and his representatives may ask the
proportionate tribute of acknowledgment and come
pensation ; but to presume that his benefactors con-
cocted a plot in order that the recipient of their bounty
might be called Apa Saheb instead of Purtaub Singh,
or that they did it with the hope of gaining money
by the transfer, is about as sensible as to assert that
the British Government seized the Danish navy in
1807 for the sake of the ships' coppers. If the cause
. •
is to be tried again, let it be tried fairly ; whe-
ther its magnitude or mystery demand such re-hear-
ing it is for others to decide.
POST.—There can be no doubt that the Whig
Ministers and Sir Robert Peel will make use of their
majority in the Committee on Currency aad Com-
merce to render it nugatory. They are satisfied
with the law as it is, because they ma-de it what it is ;
else, they are so in their self-
and if firm in nothing
sufficiency. The country, indeed, suffers beyond
what language can describe ; but that does not touch
them in the least. They do not suffer but rejoice in
keeping the law as they made it. The Committee
was intended to stifle an honest, useful examination
of the difficulties of the country, and if the subject
be left to the Committee that end will be accom-
plished. But if Members of the House of Commons
have energy to do their duty, they may compel a
consideration of the question, notwithstanding
the Committee trick. There are various ways in
which the question may be brought forward, and if
there be men who understand the subject, and who
are nut afraid of annoying Ministers, they may do
what the circumstances of the case demand. What
we fear is a want of energy and perseverance—a
want of the determined will to be heard, and to
represent to the country, through the House of
Commons, the needless difficulties and gratuitous in-
juries which are inflicted upon the industry of the
country by the existing monetary system. The man
who will make himself master of the subject, and
who will devote himself to it in the House of Com-
mons, resolving that he will be heard, in spite of
suggestions here, and remonstrances there, and ex-

N,

prek+<io►n4 of Impatience from 101 aides.—.the Mei who
will do this will entitle himself to lasting praise as
the best friend of the people in the House of Com-
mons.

CHRONICLE.—The Bank reduced its rate of
discount yesterday to five per cent. We are not of
course in possession of the facts which have led to this
decision, and we are unwilling, upon imperfect infor-
illation, to condemn the directors as guilty of a very
serious error, but we must confess that we du not find
it easy to imagine any possible justification for this
proceeding at the present time. It is true, indeed,
that according to the strict principles of the Act of
1844, they may be able to snake out a strong case in
favour of what they have done, as a legitimate effort
• to promote the interests of their proprietors. For we
know, from the state of the Bank as shown by the
latest accounts, that while bullion continues to in-
crease, and the reserve in the deposit department to
increase still faster, the demand of the public fur dis-
counts was falling off, and that there was, therefore, a
continually growing amount of capital, fur which the
directors could find no employment Now, if we
are to think of nothing but the Act of 1844, the
directors are entitled to act as private bankers,
and therefore authorised, when they found
their business going from them, to offer
their accommodation upon cheaper terms.
But although that unwise law is still in operation
it has come to be almost unanimously felt that no
more mischievous principle was ever broached than
that of placing the banking department of the Bank
of England on the footing of a private competing
bank; and the Bank directors, therefore, must be
well aware that they are not considered at liberty to
use the enormous power in their hands upon consi-
derations so narrow as those which refer merely to
the profits of their own business. Now, looking at
the matter upon public grounds, why shOuld the rate
be reduced at the present time? It will, no doubt,
be said that the market rate was falling, and that the
Bank could not prevent it. This we believe to be
true ; but why not leave the market rate to take its
own course ? Why step in to accelerat?, reduction,
and thereby cause it to be carried lower than the
point of safety ? If the market rate was falling, it
showed that the supply of capital was becoming more
abundant in relation to the demand for it, and there•
fore that the pressure upon the mercantile commu-
nity was diminishing by a process which, as being
natural, might be considered wholesome and
safe. It was precisely a case, therefore, in
which the competition of the Bank was not wanted,
and could serve no useful purpose. But, on the
other hand, if it be possible that the market rate of
interest has been falling, while powerful causes tend-
ing to enhance the value of money are still in opera-
tion, how very much safer it would have been for all
parties if the market rate, in rising again under a
renewed demand, were not driven into more sud-
den and violent action by an inevitable rise in the
Bank rate at the same time. The Bank directors,
however, having taken upon themselves the respon-
sibility of pressing down a falling market, no
doubt believe that they are in no danger of a re-
action. They rely probably on the magnitude of
their stock of bullion, which may perhaps be
twelve millions, and upon their deposit reserve,
which is very possibly eight millions at the
present moment. But can it he said that
there is no danger of causes coming very speedily
into play which might make a serious change
not only in the amount of the deposit re-
serve, but even in the bullion ? The re-
serve,
it is at all events certain, will becon-
'
siderably reduced by the payment of dividends
in January ; and though this process may not
very materially affect -the bullion, yet it must,
under the present law, diminish the banking re-
sources of the Bank by an amount equal to the
whole reduction effected in the deposit reserve. In
January, 1845, the reserve was reduced by 1,600,0001.
In January, 1846, it was reduced by 1,800,000/. In
January, 1847, when a drain of gold set in at the
same time with the payment of the dividends, the
reduction in the deposit reserve was no less than
3,100,0001. In other words, it was reduced from
8,800,0001., on the 26th of December, 1846, to
5,700,000/ on the 30th of January, 1847. Now what
if the reserve should be reduced by three millions in
the course of January, 1848 ? Will the Bank in
such case be able to adhere to its five per cent. ? If
not, and if by any possibility the directors shall have
to adopt any extraordinary measures of self-preserva-
tion, we venture to say that they will find the resolu-
tion of yesterday the most unlucky blunder which they
ever committed. But January, 1348, it will be said,
cannot possibly be like January, 1847, because there
will be no drain of gold. This would be consolation
if we could only be sure of it. But, unfortunately,
there is reason to suppose that there will be another 1
drain of gold, though the period of its commencement
may be doubtful. It must be remernberef'. that a
portion of the recent large influx of bullion from
America arose from the fact of remittances having
been made by many merchants in gold instead of
bills, not because bills in England were scarce, but
because they were in discredit. But it must be re-
membered that the bills thus distrusted by the re-
mitters of bullion still remain as claims upon this
country, and will still have to be discharged by the
accep!prs here when they arrive at maturity. If
the operation of this process comes to be felt, as it
may be in the course of the month of January,
we must not be surprised to hear of the American
steamers carrying back again some of those
boxes of sovereigns which they have just brought
over. But this is not the only ground on which we
have to apprehend a demand for gold for export.
The very last accounts from New York represented
that the export of specie from thence was producing
a great and growing pressure upon the money
market. The rate of interest was very high, and
was still rising. Now this of itself would draw the
gold from this country, precisely as the high rate of
interest and the contraction of credit in England
during October last drew gold here from France,
Germany, and Russia. The connexion between the
great mercantile countries is such, that a monetary
pressure in any one operates like the creation of a
sudden vacuum in the atmosphere. The neighbour..
ing gold, like the neighbouring air, rushes into the
void, being drawn by the attraction of a very high
rate of interest. When all this is so well known as
it now is, we must confess that we do not understand
the policy of reduction in the rate of discount in
the face of such accounts as those brought by the
last American packet. We shall be heartily glad,
however, if it turns out that there are better rea-
sons for the move of yesterday than we are able to
discover.

----
ADVERTISER. The ante- Christmas session
closed on Monday. Parliament stands adjourned. It
does not re-assemble till the 3d of February. Hon.
Gentlemen are again at large, and will be so for
six weeks to come. They are about to enjoy their
Christmas festivities, to amuse themselves with the
sports of the field by day, and in scenes of dissipa-
tion at night. But there are other people in the
world besides the Members of the Imperial Legisla-
ture. There are those who pent them thither. What is
to be their condition during the recess, is a question
which doos not seem to have occurred either to Mi-
nisters or to the Members of the House of Commons.
How changed the state of things within the last few
months. It was only in July or August last that all
the small shopkeepers and working-men who had a
Voice in the choice of a representative, were waited
on, hat in hand, for the purpose of prevailing on
them to promise their votes, by the very men who can
now coolly consent to the adjournment of the House
for a period of six weeks, without expressing one
word of sympathy for those of their constituents who
are now groaning under the pressure of the times.
The only Member who uttered a syllable on their
behalf was Mr. Spooner, the Member for North
Warwickshire. That Hon. Gentleman, a genuine
Conservative, be it remembered, and one who did not
enter Parliament with any servile professions of re-
gard for the popular will—that Hon. Gentleman
alluded in touching terms to the prevailing distress
among the smaller class of tradesmen and the indus-
trial part of the population. Nor was his sympathy
confined to mere words. He opposed, solely on their
account, the adjournment of the House for so long a
period. Instead of adjourning till the 3d of February,
he proposed that the House should re-assemble on the
15th of January. The Hon. Gentleman grounded
the justification of the course he proposed on the dis-
tressed state of several of the manufacturing districts,
and on the not improbable contingency of a necessity
arising for again suspending Peel's Bill before the
re-assembling of the House. Mr. Spooner, however,
did not press his amendment to a division. He saw it
would be useless. The "sense of the House, as it is
technically called, was evidently against him. Hon.
Gentlemen preferred their own ease and pleasure to
the well-being of the country. That is the plain
meaning of the "sense of the House" being
against Mr. Spooner. But though it would have
been a hopeless effort to press his amendment to
a division, we regret that the Honourable Mem-
ber withdrew it. A division would have done
good. It would have let in a little light on the com-
position of the House. It would have shown wbo are
and who are not the real trienls of the people. A list
of those who voted in the majority and minority
would have enabled us to gibbet those Hon. Gentle-
men who, though now exhibiting a complete disregard
of the people's well-being, had so recently come
reeking hot from the hustings, where they had
loudly proclaimed their readiness to sacrifice their
lives, should need be, in furtherance of the popular
interest. Among the motions whose postponement
till the re-assembling of the house we regret, is that
of Mr. Herries, for the suspension of the Bank Re-
striction Act of 1844, until the Currency Committee
should have concluded its labours, and made its re-
port. It is very unfortunate that this motion has thus
been hung up for more than six weeks. We shall
have to encounter all the evils of suspense for that
long period. Suspense is the bane of credit—it is

destructive of eoinniereial enterprise. If Ministee,i
were determined to maintain the Bank Bill at all
hazards, it is desirable that we should he apprised of
the fact in a manner which can leave no doubt
on the point. Let us, at any rate, know
the worst. When the worst has come it
will soon be over, and matters will be-
gin to mend ; but when the worst is
still expected to come, the apprehension has a more
discouraging effect than the reality itself. We dread
the results of the uncertainty which will now for
more than six weeks hang over the fate of Mr. Her-
ries's motion ; and we have no doubt that much of the
gloom which has hung over the stock and share mar-
kets, during the last few days, is to be ascribed to the
postponement of the Right Hon. Gentleman's motion.
In the 'meantime, let us hope that the interval will be
rightly improved by the opponents of Peel's Bill, in
preparing fir the discussion on Mr. Herries's motion.
If the result of the postponement he such an organi-
zation of the opponents of the 13i11, as will insure the
success of the Right Hon. Gentleman's motion, the
country will have no cause to regret the delay which
has taken place. From the currency question, let us
turn for a moment to other matters. Lord John
Russell, immediately before the adjournment of the
House on Monday, gave a promise that the recess
should be employed by Ministers in maturing their
measures, so as to he ready to lay them before the Le-
gislature on its re-assembling in February. Let us
hope the Noble Lord will keep his word. The coun-
try will be greatly disappointed if he do not. Nor will
any excuse be admitted for further procrastination.
The Noble Lord, indeed, will iaot be in a position to
offer any excuse for further delay. But we beg to
remind him that something more will be expected of
him than the mere introduction of his measures. It
will be expected that he shall introduce them in good
faith. It is one thing, as our experience of Whig
Administrations has taught us, to introduce measures,
and another to press them forward through their
various stages. Need we give any instances of this ?
They are ready to our hand Let it suffice to refer
to one recent and remarkable instance. The public
will, no doubt, anticipate the case which we have in
our eye. We allude to Lord Morpeth's Health of
Towns Bill. That measure was introduced early in
the last session ; it was one of the most important mea-
sures of the session, and yet it was allowed to sleep pro-
foundly till near the end of the session, and then it
was one of the "innocents" slaughtered by its parents,
on the ground that "at that late period of the ses-
sion" it would be impossible to pass it. Jt may be
right to warn the Noble Lord at the head of the
Government that it will not be politic or safe to re-
peat this game with any of hi 3 great measures of the
present session. The country is not in a mood to
stand another experiment on its patience of the same
kind. Whatever measures Ministers may bring for-
ward on the re-assembling of Parliament, they will,
it is to be hoped, for their own sakes as well as for
the sake of the country, introduce them with the full
determination to make them the law of the land with
all convenient dispatch.

REPEAL OF THE WINDOW-TAX.

Yesterday morning a numerous meeting of the
rate-payers of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields
was held in the vestry-room, " to take into considera-
tion the window duties, and their effect upon the
health of the metropolis ; to receive the report of the
late committee of vestry ; and to appoint, if deemed
necessary, a new committee to co -operate with other
metropolitan parishes for the removal of such tax."
Mr. W. H. Dalton, senior churchwarden, took the
chair, and Mr. Cobbett, jun., read the following re
port :

" Your committee beg to report that, although
public interest, in regard to the window duties, has
not in the least abated, and the agitation of the sub-
ject, both in and out of Parliament, has met with in-
creased support, hitherto the exertions of your com-
mittee have not been attended with any favourable
result. ;Changes in the administration of affairs
of the country, and the agitation of measures of
free trade, combined with other causes, have been
the reason for not pressing the matter on the
attention of Government. These obstructions now no
longer exist, and your committee trust that internal
legislation will receive its share of attention from
Parliament, and that all imposts whereby the health
of the public is affected will be removed. In conclu
sion, your committee consider the time has arrived
when, with propriety, this tax can be abolished."
Mr. Labram said that the committee was appointed
in March, 1845, to co-operate with other parishes,
but their efforts had ever been thwarted by the more
pressing claims of other great questions. The com-
mittee now proposed to renew the agitation, and he
ho ped it would meet with greater success as a ques-
tion of sanitary importance.
After several very interesting speeches, the report
was adopted.
Several resolutions were also agreed to, and a pe-
tition for the immediate abolition of window duties
was read and approved.
Mr. J. WYLD, M.P. for Bodmin, on his name
being proposed as a member of the committee, said,
he should be most happy to serve, and if his holding
a seat in the House of Commons could be of any
service to them, he should be most willing to assist
them in any way. With the subject he must say he
wat not very well acquainted, but from his know-
ledge of that parish, and the numerous poor living in
it, he was aware that it was one of very great im-
portance. They had a large number of the working
classes living in the parish, and they were the par-
ties who felt the opressive character of the window-
tax.—(Hear, hear.) Many of them manufactured
various articles at their own homes, and although the
rooms at the top of the house were used as
workshops, they were compelled to pay most exor-
bitantly for the light they required to complete their
work. He knew an instance of a poor man, a book-
binder, who in consequence of making the lower part
of his house a dwelling, was compelled to pay 1.51. per
annum for the windows in his workshop at the top
dwellings of the poor man made comfortable, and put
g with other classes in the
s
umopfeotitrihopetohbe"e
same footing
lie hoped soon to see the
footing
metropolis. During the great improvements that
had been made in various parts of the metropolis,
every class had been thought of but the working
classes. They talked of fine facades and fine build-
ings being erected, but not one thought was given for
the working man.—(Hear.) In consequence of their
work many ,of the poorer classes were compelled
to live in houses not fit for habitation, and in
some houses theywould
four-
teen families, where only six or seven ought to
find twelve or
live. It was not, then, to be wondered at that
there was a predisposition to disease in crowded
neighbourhoods, and unhealthiness produced. If the
window duties were repealed the dwelling-houses of
, the poor would be improved. After some further re-
marks, the Hon. Gentleman said they might command
his services in the House of Commons, either to pre-
sent their petition, or to support its prayer.
A numerous committee was then appointed to co-
operate with other parishes in obtaining the abolition
of the tax.
On the motion of Mr. T.
the proceedings of
the day were ordered to be advertised.
A vote of thanks having been awarded to the Chair-
man, the meeting separated.

METROPOLITAN
ASSOCIATION
FOR IMPROVING THE DWELLINGS OF
THE INDUSTRIOUS POOR
This association held its usual meeting yesterday at
o si oft
e theth e church directors,
in wohlidc hs.
ts
.t Howard,alptteaadlnpchtrhaast-rtohaed , g
the offices, Coleman-street, Sir
when the secretary read the third re-
portwrßo
which
ir
ground
h. ,
in the chair,
opp
they had agreed to take on lease for 99 years, at 901.
per annum, from the Brewers' Company, was now
covered with the houses intended for the occupation
of the industrious poor, and would very soon be com-
pleted ; that already sixty-two. sets of rooms in those
houses had been applied for ; that the houses would
afford very superior accommodation at a moderate
g
rent,
proportionate reductions a
week for the
ground floor, consisting of three large rooms, and
fourth floor, which
would be 3s. per week for two rooms -
; that arrange-
ments had been made for avoiding the necessity of
brnsegninegces up and
t,or downdailystairssumanpytion ;
that the whole
.t
C tos . the 6 d . a
other articles than
those
of the building would be nearly fire-proof, and had
oicon
been insured for four thousand pounds in the West-
minster Fire-office; that the staircase had been pro-
vided with Kite's patent ventilation, which would
have the effect of keeping up a constant supply of
freshthe New River Company for the requisite supply of
waterairupon i that arrangements had been made with
moderate terms ; that the directors had
endeavoured to get a reduction of the window-tax, by
representing to the Chancellor of the Exchequer the
benevolent object of the association ; but, accord-
ing
dwellings would be charged as a forty-windowed
house. However, they had received an intimation
that if they prepared mitigatory clauses, they would
receive the attention of the Government. The report
also recommended the erection of a dormitory for
single men. The total number of shares taken
to the present mode of assessment, ten of the
amounted to 1,181. The balance-sheet was next read,
by which it appeared that the sums received from
September, 1846, to September, 1847, amounted to
01,522/. 10s., which included 14,2101. which share-
holders were still liable to be called upon to pay in
satisfaction of their shares, and that ale actual
balance now in hand was 3,3371. 10s. 6d.
Lord R. GROSVBXOII, M.P., moved, and Dr. S.
SMITH seconded the report, which was unaniceously
adopted.
The meeting soon after separated.

HUNGARY, PRESBURG, DEC. il.--The , Chamber
of the Magnates of Hungary has rejected, by 96 against
50 votes, all those clauses of the address which have not
yet been discussed, and which were of a 'metre to lead
o yiolent debates.—Allgemeine Zeitung.

TIIE PR ESIDENVS TtIES:i4ACf%
(From the New York herald,
We learn from various sources that this important
document is now nearly perfected. Of course, no
one beyond the chief magistrate himself, not even his
constitutional advisers, has seen or heard the con-
tents of it ; yet we can guess a good deal of what
they are, for Mr. Polk is not a man whose past life
has not given us many materials from which we may
calculate, by his previous conduct, what he might do
thereafter.

This message will, beyond doubt, be the most im-
portant paper of the kind which has emanated from
the American Government for the last half century.
It comprehends the history of a year that may be
called the turning point, not of one century, but of
twenty—the turning point of a new age in the New
World. Since last December all the great battles
have been fought in Mexico, from that of Buena
Vista to the capital, and now the American arms are
in quiet possession of the whole of that great re-
public. The President, of course, will sketch
briefly those wonderful campaigns, mixing his grate-
ful feelings to the Almighty for these victories with
lamentation at the loss of life at which they have
been purchased. Like Cromwell, our worthy and
pious President will fight and pray in the same sen-
tence. But the details of those brilliant deeds, sur-
passing anything that has taken place since the great
wars of Napoleon, will be reserved for the glowing
pen of Mr. Marcy, the Secretary of War.
Now, of Mr. Marcy we have a very high opinion
as a writer, though not so high as a warrior. lie can
easily demolish half a dozen generals in correspond-
ence, as Gen. Scott had reason to know in the famous
"soup" epistles, and as it is probable he may here-
after have reason to know, should a recent correspond-
ence between the department and the Commander-in-
Chief be given to the world by order of Congress.
Mr. Marcy's report of the military operations of the
last year will be written with great fervour and elo-
quence. It will do credit to his talent, and will place
before the American people, and the world beyond
the Atlantic, a history of a series of deeds that cannot
be outstripped, if they can be paralleled, in the records
of the world. The President will, no doubt, pro-
pose to the country a temporary possession of Mexico,
the prosecution of the war against all opposition,
although he will at every step, and in every
sentence, state his willingness to make peace and
form a treaty, that treaty being the Rio Grande for a
boundary, with New Mexico and California for an
indemnity. It is very easy to propose to make a
treaty with Mexico, when that country has no Go-
vernment to form a treaty with, or any likelihood of
having one for years to come, if ever. Yet the Presi-
dent will not recommend annexation, but will plant
himself on the general ground of indemnity for the
past, and security for the future, which may mean
much or little, according to the contingencies of com•
big years.

The report of the State Department, containing
all the correspondence between Mr. Trist and the
Mexican statesmen, will probably be briefly given in
the message. The material facts of these negotia-
tions have been laid before the world already, and
their publication in a connected shape will not tend
to enlighten us much as to the prospects of the
future.

One of the most important branches of the mes-
sage, and of the reports of the departments, will be
that in reference to the Treasury. The Treasury
Department of the United States is now a monstrous
power, and requires a monstrous deal of talent to
conduct it with energy, decision, skill, and success.
As the country now stands, we have a population of
nearly 40,000,000 of people, embracing the United
States and Mexico—the latter being under the con-
troul of the American Government, and forming the
basis of our Treasury and financial system hereafter.
So far as revenue is concerned, Mexico, in the tem-
porary occupation of the United States, is just the
same to our Government as the United States, and
belongs as much to the departments of our Govern-
ment. Those extensive countries now under the
action of one Government at Washington, comprise
the richest grain country, the richest cotton country,
and the richest specie country in the world, embrac-
ing a territory from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and
from the great lakes of the north to the Isthmus of
Tehuantepec. Nothing can prevent New York, the
metropolis of this country, from being, therefore, the
commercial metropolis of the whole world, and that
in a short time.

It is probable, from the genius and talent here-
tofore displayed by Mr. Walker, that his report will
embrace comprehensive and enlarged views, corre-
sponding with the position of the country, and that
he may startle the world with original views and
fresh conceptions, springing from the present position
of affairs. If he were to give us a succinct commer-
cial and financial history of the United States from
1790 to this time, embracing all the tariffs and
changes—the incidents growing out of the national
debt and its extinguishment—the probable financial
means of the country, as at present existing, we
should not be surprised to see the capacity of this
country to pay the interest of a debt equal to five
hundred :nillions of dollars with greater ease than it
paid an interest of five per cent. stock of twenty mil-
lions twenty years ago. It is probable, however, that
the debt, now estimated at 45 millions, will not be
permitted under the management of the present Se-
cretary of the Treasury, to go beyond that, or about
50 millions. The riches, and commerce, and wealth
of Mexico will be well able to pay fbr its occupation,
and even to give a surplus over the requirements of
an army of 50,000 men there. If the old Mexican
factions could keep up armies of 50,000 to 60,000 for
twenty years, with such ignorance of commercial
affairs as they have always manifested, how much
more easy would it be for the American Government
to make them pay simply the expenses of thirty or
forty thousand, under a better administration of
affairs, and a snore encouraging arrangement of the
tariff ?

Some of these views will no doubt be embodied in
the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, or in
the message of Mr. Polk. On one point, however,
we have no doubt the President will t,ke care to
praise strongly in his message, and that is the Post-
office department. He will, no doubt, endorse Cave
Johnson, the head of that department, with all his
stultification, his impotence, and incapacity in that
branch of the public service. iNlr. Polk and Cave
Johnson are from the same state; they have been
colleagues in Congress together ; they have a congru-
ity of mind, are of the same intellectual rank, and,
perhaps, like Tyler and Botts, have slept in the same
bed. There, therefore, exists a strong sympathy
between them in certain points of management and
business. But all the endorsements of the President's
message will not convince the people of this country
that the present general derangement of the mails,
both foreign and domestic, has not been occasioned
by the Postmaster-General.
Yet there is one thing in his favour. It will be
seen by the letter of our Washington correspondent
that Mr. Cave Johnson has adopted the suggestions
which appeared a few weeks since in a letter from the
same correspondent on the reformation of the present
Post-office system. Recommendations in accordance
with those suggestions will be made in his annual
report. We do not despair of making a radical cure
of Cave Johnson yet. His case was a very bad one
when we undertook it ; but we have succeeded with
some quite as difficult. We hope to see him yet ask-
ing permission of Congress to make contracts with
the lightning.
Notwithstanding these drawbacks to the message,
it will be a great and powerful document ; and Mr.
Polk, although not a man of extraordinary talent, or
great magnificence of mind, or much comprehensive-
ness of character, still is placed in a position of great-
ness and splendour that must reflect something of its
character on himself. He has an opportunity, by a
simple statement of the great events of the past year,
to produce an impression on the age, and on Europe,
such as has not been felt for centuries ; and we trust
and hope, for the reputation of the country, that he
will do so, and that he will look over his message
again and again, and particularly that he will read it
quietly to himself, after having heard Divine service
next Sunday, and see if it would not be as well to
leave out any endorsement of Cave Johnson that it
may contain.

VENIIELITION ON A UHEAP AND SIMPLE PLAN.—
A correspondent of the Builder says, I have often thought
how easily all new-built dwelling-houses might be ven-
tilated, were the necessity of it more felt by those en-
gaged in building occupations. The plan I would
suggest is, to carry up in the brick or stone work of
the chimney-breast of each room, a common earthern
pipe of about lf or 2 inches diameter, commencing it
above the fireplace, in any position, so as to be within
4i inches of the flue of such fireplace. Into each of
these pipes, on a level with the joist above the ceiling, I
would introduce one made of zinc or tin, continuing the
carne along the joist to a funnel in the centre of the
room. The earthern pipes from each room, on working
up the chimney stack, might be brought together
between the flues and carried to the top with them. It
will be evident these will become heated sufficient to
cause a current and draw off the foul air from the rooms.
The additional width required to the chimney for the
purpose would be but of trifling cost compared with the
benefit derived. The earthern pipes also can be ob-
tained at about one penny per foot rue, as those made
for agricultural purposes will answer us well as more
expensive ones.
Daum or ST. ANNE, LlMEHOUSE.—Yesterday
forenoon a vestry meeting of the parishioners of St.
Anne's, Limehouse, was held in the Town-hall, Church-
lane, to make a rate for the relief of the poor, and also
to receive the report of a committee appointed by the
preceding vestry, to draw up a memorial to the Metro-
politan Commissioners of Sewers, on the defective drain-
age of the parish generally ; and the nuisance :com-
plained of with ,reference to the sewer which empties
itself into the Limekiln Dock in particular. Mr. John
Rugg, senior churchwarden, in the chair. Mr. William
Baker, jun., vestry clerk, read the memorial. After a
protracted discussion the memorial was referred back to
the committee, to make some verbal alterations. The
vestry then separated.

COURT CIRCULAR.

WINDSOR, THURSDAY.—The Most Rev. Thomas
Musgrave, D.D., Archbishop of York, bad an audi-
ence of the Queen this day in the Castle, and did
homage on his translation to that Sec. The Right
lion. Sir George Grey, her Majesty's Secretary of
State for the Home Department, and the Rev. John
Vane, M.A., Deputy-Clerk of the Closet in Waiting,
assisted at the ceremony.

The Queen and Prince Albert took their accustomed
early walk.

The Royal Family took walking and pony exercise
this morning, in the grounds around the Castle.
Prince Albert enjoyed the sport of shooting this
morning. His Royal Highness was attended by Lord
Waterpark, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. A. N. Hood, Colonel
Hon. Charles Grey, Colonel Bouverie and Gereral
Bowles.

The Queen and Prince Albert are expected to honour
her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent with their
company, at Frogmore House, this evening, after
dinner.

Mr George Burnand had an interview with the
Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. \\ ick-
ham, Chairman of the Stamps and Taxes, and Mr.
Pressly, Secretary to the Board, had also an interview
ytsterday with the Right lion. Baronet, at his official
residence in Downing-street.
On Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last, her
Majesty's Royal Charities were distributed at the
Almonry, in Whitehall, to the aged and disabled
poor, according to the usual custom, under the im-
mediate direction of the Lord Bishop of Oxford, High
Almoner, and the Rev. Dr. Jelf, Sub-Almoner, and
assistants. The number of persons, exceeding 1,000,
received a crown each; and the Royal Gate Alms
were at the same time distributed to 168 poor, aged,
and blind persons, who received 13s. each.
The Earl and Countess Grey left town yesterday,
for their seat, Howick Hall, Northumberland.
Sir George Grey returned to town yesterday after-
noon, from Windsor Castle.

Sir Thomas Fremantle, Chairman of the Customs,
and Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Excise, had
interviews on Wednesday, with the Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
The Right Hon. H. Labouchere has left town for
Brighton.
The Right Hon. T. Milner Gibson has left town
for Theberton House, Suffolk.