The Sun.
London, England, 1871-01-20 00:00:00

METROPOLITAN GOSSIP.-THURSDAY,

I met an old Conservative this morning who was wild
with delight at the rapid " disruption " of the Gladstono
Ministry. "It will fall to pieces without our taking thl

trouble to turn it out." Of course the reported resigna-
tion of Mr. Childers was the cause of this emotion. From
all we can learn, however, the First Lord of the
Admiralty has not resigned, and now the question comes :

how did the Time; which lately blundered so greatly
about the fall of Paris, again fall into error touching a
matter of such vital importance ? Perhaps the mistake
has arisen from the premature and unfortunate
combination of two circumstances—the illness of Mr.
Childers and his disagreement with some of his colleagues,
There can he little question, I am told, respecting the lat-
ter point. The army is now a Cabinet question, and
Mr. Childers considers the state of the land forces die-

graceful. He is at one with a strong party in
favour of immediate and drastic reform ; but the peer

element is strong in the Ministry, and is exceedingly desi-
rous of doing nothing to offend either the Commander-
In-Chief or more exalted members of the Royal

Family. But for this division the country
would never have been amazed by some of the

incomprehensible " explanations" of the relations between
the War Office and the Horse Guards for which Mr.
Cardwell made himself famous. lam of course unable to

say on which sides individual Ministers range themselves,

but I should be much astonished indeed if the Premier were

found amongst the anti-reformers. But not even his power
can readily dispose of this most troublesome question.
The difficulties are enormous. The control of the
army has long been considered the most
cherished prerogative of royalty. In surrendering it
the throne will lose the last remnant of substantial poli-
tical power. And yet it happens that the retirement of
the Royal Commander-in-Chief, and the complete vesting
of army government in the War Department, is an indis-
pensable step to reform. There is no alternative.
There are now hopes that some French representative,
and in all probability Fevre, will attend the Conference,
and thus at last the business of the Eastern question will
be got through. The difficulties attending the meeting,
however, have been such as to fully justify the appre-
hensions I expressed in former letters. Even now the
range of the deliberations is far from settled. It is an-
nounced that Austria will not propose terms of peace ; it
could not be expected that she would. Nor is it likely
that such an all-important question would be left for the
diplomatists who are now in London to settle. But if
any reliance is to be placed on positive statements which
reach us from Paris, the Conference will not be allowed
to terminate without the war coming upon the tapis. M.
Favre will, according to unanimous accounts, broach
the question. The last European Conference—that held
in Paris on the Greek question—was marked by the
dramatic withdrawal of the Greek representative,
Rangabe. This coming meeting may be still more ex-
citing. I fear the difficulties of Earl Granville are not yet
at an end. Gathering six diplomatists together for the
purpose of putting a foregone conclusion on record,
he will find himself confronted by the representatives of
two raging belligerents. He may see the Black Sea re-
garded with utter indifference, and the great question of
Peace or War the one which absorbs the attention of all.
With regard to the intervention of England in the cause
of peace, the recognition of the French Republic, or any
question of that kind, it must always be borne in mind
that a most powerful influence is steadily and continuously
exerted against the adoption of any measure prejudicial
to German interests. Ido not say that any chance of
making peace would not be taken by British statesmen.
The balance of argument, too, is against the immediate
recognition of the French Republic. But Ido maintain
that in all questions of this kind a careful consideration of
German interests is rigidly maintained in the
highest quarter. 'Tie feeling was displayed
with almost passionate eagerness during the
Danish War. It is less vehement, but still
powerful, now. Nor is it difficult to discover the
cause of such influence. Long before Prussian projects of
German unity became known to the world, they were
familiar to Prince Albert, and received his warm approba-
tion. The lessons he taught have been efficiently supple-
mented by the numerous matrimonial alliances between
England and North Germany.
Speaking of this subject, I may notice the report which
was current a week or two ago that a certain foreign court
had protested against the alliance of the Princess Louise
with an English subject—a subject, too,. horrible thaught I
connected through his relations with trade. I
do not believe that anything so foolish as a
protest was attempted ; but there can be little
question that the match which is so popular in Eng-
land is very unfavourably regarded in Germany. It pro-
duces a connection with trade, and the idea of royal per-
sonages having dealings with any pursuit save war is of
course outrageous. It cuts off a little perquisite from the
Fatherland. Lastly, it will have no little tendency to
diminish the influence of which I have spoken in the pre-
ceding paragraph. This is precisely the reason why
Englishmen should rejoice at the love affair with the
canny Scot. We can have no desire to resume in respect
of Germany the honourable position we occupied in the
reign of Charles 11. in respect of France.
From Vienna there cornea a pretty positive statement
that the ex-King George of Hanover will take up his
residence in London early in the spring, and that one of
his daughters will be married to an English Prince. There
is nothing improbable in this announcement. King
George now lives in the neighbourhood of Vienna ; but
really so many dethroned Sovereigns are taking up tLeir
quarters in Austria that they must get quite melancholy
from dwelling in such close proximity. An alliance with
a relative of the reigning family in England, for such is
King George, would be quite unobjectionable, and the
fact that he has now no subjects, is, to my
thinking, a point in his favour. The Vienna statement
does not give the name of the English Prince, but it must
be the Duke of Edinburgh if anybody. The ex-King has
two daughters, Frederika, twenty-three years of age, and
Marie, nearly twenty-two.
Telegraphic communication has suffered a good deal
during the last few days in consequence of the wires being
blown down. Surely this kind of nuisance might be pre-
vented. It cannot be a very difficult matter to calculate
the force which the strongest hurricane can exert, and to
provide material sufficiently powerful to be proof against
the maximum danger of this kind. No reasonable pre-
caution ought to be neglected in a matter of such im-
portance ; and, therefore, with a proper degree of
liberality on the part of Mr. Lowe, we ought after a
few months to hear no more of these interrup-
tions. The defect supplies another illustration of the bad
state in which the telegraphic plant was allowed to
get by the old companies--a neglect which was the con-
sequence of the transfer remaining so long in negotiation.
In this respect the public made a bad bargain in the pur-
chase of the lines. Nevertheless we may fairly hope that
the general result will not be unsatisfactory. The great
convenience of universal telegraphic communication at a
moderate charge, attended as it is without loss to the
revenue, fully indemnifies us for these temporary diffi-

culties.
The Government has the question of tramways now
under consideration. I understand that these useful aids
to town travelling will not improbably be dealt with—
either by the direct intervention of the central Govern-
ment, or by authorising the local authorities to "assume"
them. Very profitable results have followed from this
kind of enterprise in America, and, to a more limits
extent, in England ; and there seems to be no reason why
the ratepayers should not have have the benefit. Of
course the old objection of too many irons in the fire—
attention being diverted by tramways from more impor-
tant matters—has been raised ; but it may be answered
that affairs which the authorities take under their imme-
diate control are not always those which give them most
trouble. The objection is not found to hold good in the
case of the Post Office, which requires less attention than
any other department. The permanent officials arrange
everything, save questions of fundamental importance.
The Post Office is actually a source of less trouble to the
Government than the railways, which are but indirectly
dependent upon central control. I make no hesitation in
saying that the subject of safety on railways has
been the cause of more anxious thought to all the mem-
bers of the Cabinet than the Post Office gives to any one
of them. It should not be overlooked that a heavy com-
pensation must be paid if the tramways are first con-
structed and then bought up. At present they can be
be had for the mere cost of construction.
I have just heard upon the best authority that the pro-
ceedings in connection with the ship International are at
an end. The vessel, it will be remembered, was seized
by order of the Government, who alleged that
a breach of the Foreign Enlistment Act had
been committed, or was intended, the cargo
consisting of a submarine cable for the French Govern-
ment, which the owners of the International had agreed