The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDA.ir, J1.1,11Y 20,1841.

Raja ought to have an opportunity of offering evidence,
and of answering the charges made against him. This
appeared from the 55th and 56th paragraphs of the
minutes of the 31st of May, 1838, page 248 :
" It would be more agreeable to ordinary practice, and
would at the same time satisfy the ends of justice, if the
Raja were supplied, in writing, with the nature of the
facts brought forward in evidence against him, and were
called to meet them with any defensive or explanatory
statement which he might think fit to offer. In the letter
of Lieutenant-Colonel Ovans of the 17th Janaary last,
to which I have already alluded, there is a summary of
the evidence to be submitted to the Raja, as constituting
the charges against him ; whether such evidence should
be communicated to his Highness in full, or in an
abridged or abstracted form, may be a question foe
consideration. Mr. Anderson, as I collect from his
minute of the 22d instant, would hold the latter plan
to be sufficient, and his authority on such a point is
high ; but the determination must rest with the Govern-
ment of India.

" There is, however, a very material observation to be
offered in this place. Whatever be the mode of trial or
inquiry we adopt, yet if the Raja is to have the oppor-
tunity of offering evidence (and I conceive that he ought),
it is essential that he be placed in the same situation
with any other accused person, and enjoy the same ad-
vantages, but no more. Pending the trial or
other proceeding, therefore, his functions of
sovereignty should be suspended. His ample wealth
and despotic power furnish him with almost unlimited
means of procuring favourable evidence by corruption,
and of deterring by violence or intimidation all evidence
of another character ; and of these means, if left in his
hands, he is likely to avail himself without scruple. Such
a perversion of justice it is essential to prevent ; and this
may, I conceive, be done in the manner I have proposed.
Let the accused be allowed the widest latitude and. the
utmost facility of defence ; but let him be disarmed, for
the time, of the ability to defeat justice, by introducing
falsehood and excluding truth."
The 52d paragraph of the same minute, pp. 246 and
247, was most remarkable :

" I perfectly agree with Lieutenant-Colonel Ovens
when he argues, that this is not a case that can be dis-
posed of by admonition or reprimand, or by attempting
to attach, or re-attach, the Raja to the British connec-
tion by measures of lenity and forgiveness. His High-
ness, it will be observed, exhibits no symptoms of con-
trition. At one time it was believed that he meditated
a confession of his fault ; but from this, perhaps his most
sensible course, he is said to have been directed by.his
Bombay advisers. Whatever may be the counsels that
sway him, he has assumed the position, not of repentant
guilt, but of traduced and oppressed innocence. ,He
loudly demands redress for the suspicions and humilia-
tions that he has undergone, and vengeance against the
accusers who have caused his wrongs. Not only so, but
he has seized, as I before observed, this occasion to mar-
shal in array what he alleges to have been the grievances
originally sustained by him at our hands, and he calls for
reparation and indemnity. Under these circumstances,
what ground does the case present on which an amicable
adjustment can be made ? To talk of showing him
mercy will, on his principle, be to add gross insult to
grievous injury. He will say, I have done nothing to
call for lenity I I am unjustly accused, and even pro-
nounced guilty, of crimes which never entered my ima-
gination : mafe compensation to me for this unheard-of
prosecution. I, want redress, not_ pardon. Declare me
innocent by proclamation. Confess that I have been
cruelly wronged. Cede me territory ; cede ire my just
claims over the Jagheerdars. Deliver up to' me my false
and base accusers, that I may deal with them according
to their deserts.' Such would, undoubtedly, be the lan-
guage of his Highness ; and I own that, if we lay our-
selves open to it, I see not how it can possibly be an-
swered. There is but one coarse that we can consis-
tently pursue, if we deny him to be innocent ; it is to
deal with him as a criminal."

That was a most remarkable passage, and convinced
him of the honesty of Sir Robert Grant's mind. He had
fully entered into the feelings of the Raja as an innocent
man, and had traced out most accurately the line which
the Raja had pursued—(Hear, hear)—and that opinion
of Sir Robert Grant's appeared to be equally entertained
by the Governor-General, as appeared from the minute
of the 23d of December, 1838, p. 335 :-
" We are called upon, I feel, by very strong conside-
rations of propriety and expediency, to bring the guilt
of the Raja to the test of a final 'proof, by the best and
most just process which can be devised ; and then, if he
should have been unable to exculpate himself, to remove
him from a throne of which he will have shown himself
to be eminently undeserving."
Some parties had treated this as merely a judicial
question ; others had been inclined to treat it more as a
political question. The Court of Directors seemed to
treat it rather as a judicial question, At p. 336 in the
minute of 23d of December, 1838, the Governor-General
said—

" It is not neecessary to establish it as a fixed rule,
that the British Government cannot depose any Prince
not taken flagrante belle, except through the medium
of a formal trial.' But in this instance, if the Raja
should eventually demand to be confronted with the wit-
nesses against him, and to be placed on his trial, or
even if he should r.ot himself make that demand, but
the written explanation or defence, which I would pro-
pose in the first instance to require from him, shoal
seem, as it very possibly may, to leave a necessity for
some further proceeding, there may perhaps be no al-
ternative to such a mode of final examination and dis-
posal of the case, however cumbrous, dilatory, and in-
convenient it must be" felt to be. Commissioners of high
rank and character from the other Presidencies, if ne-
cessary, might be assembled for the purpose. Detailed
orders would, in such a case, if ,we are forced to the
measure, be necessary on the precise mode of trial, and
all the other cis-cumstances attending the procedure, to
which allusion is made in the letters from Bombay. But
it would be premature.to enter at all upon those points
at present.

As the firs4--,ep, I would, as suggested by Sir Ro-
bert Grant, me?* that the Raja should be furnished
with a written sit4lement, embodying a full and clear de-
tail of the facts cayinected with the several charges, and
of the names (with any reservations which may be abso-
lutely requin-d for the safety of the party) of the wit-
nesses by whom they are proved, with a notice of the
circumstances under which the evidence was obtained,
and call for from him, within a certain reasonable time
to be fixed, a similar written statement of whatever he
may desire to urge in his own behalf. The Acting Ite.
sident will, of course, take care, by every means tit his
power, to see that his guarantees to witnesses are, in let-
ter and spirit, fully maintained.
" I should think the above measure, as a preliminary
one, preferable to the course of gi:(ing to the Raja a
memorandum of each distinct po
:etiOn of oral or written
evidence against him, the res
::(it-of which might be much
confused, and unnecess
that reply shall ha aty. prolixity in the reply. When
:ve reached me, I would judge from
the tenor of it,
whether it would be advisable to go on
at once to
y further proceeding, or to 'await a further
commur,Leation from the Honourable Court ; to whom,
of c'eurse, as well as to the Supreme Government in In-
cl.:La, the reply would be immediately communicated."
• He did not know if the Hon. Court of Directors had
made any reply to that. He hoped before the debate
closed that they should hear whether any opinion had
been given by the Court of Directors on that subject.
He had already stated that the Board of Directors had
agreed with the General Government ; but he had yet to
learn what right the Bengal Government had to deter-
mine upon the case without waiting for the directions of
the Board of Directors.—(Hear, hear.) He thtittght that
in so doing the Bengal Government had not paid that
deference and attention to the Court of Directors which
they ought to have done.-(Hear, hear.) The distin-
guished Nobleman wiro had been the predecessor of Sir
Robert Grant itt the Government of Bombay, had not
been ashamed to confess that in the proceedings which
he had adopted towards the Raja of Sattara he had been
wrong. Why should they be ashamed to retrace their
steps ? Why should they be ashamed to acknowledge
that they-were wiser to-day than they had been yester-
day ?—(Cheers.) The proper course to have pursued in
the case of the Raja of Sattara would have been
the one which had been pursued in the case of the Raja
of Mysore, who had been suspected of plotting against
the British Government. They bad not taken upon
themselves to decide the cause ; but Cominissioners had
been appointed, to whom the administration of the do-
minions of the Raja had been confided, so that, if the
Raja was found guilty, he might eventually be deposed,
but if hp should prove his innocence, in that case his
dominions would be restored to him—and such ought to
have been the course pursued towards the RAP, of Sat-
tara.—(Hear, hear.) They ought net to have decided
oq the question of his guilt or inneetnce at once, but they
should have waited the result of an investigation.--(Rear.)
Instead of that they had rushed at once to a decision
without inquiry. Sir Robert Gtant had also expressed
his opinion that there ought to be no comprenuse—so
(lid they say. If the Raja were guilty he ought to be
deposed ; he had justly forfeited his throne ; and he did
think if the Raja were proved guilty that no one there
would hold up their hands against his deposition ; but
he could net be declared guilty until he should
have had a fair trial, and as he had not had
a fair trial he was, at that moment, althottgh a
prisoner, by right, the Raja of Sattara,.—(Hear, hear.)
He had been seized in his own paltice at the dead of night,
and deposed, notwithstanding his protestations of inno-
cence. Who had been the witnesses against him ? Liars,
suborners, perjurers, criminals of the deepest dye ; and
could they believe him guilty upon such testimony, not-
withstanding his protestation that he was not guilty,
while the most distinguished Proprietors who had been
Residents at his Court had solemnly declared that they
believed the Raja was incapable of giving utterance
to a falsehood—(Hear, hear,)—and he had authority for
stating, that the only other gentleman who had been
a Resident at the Court of Sattara (Coptain Grant
Dutl) entertait ed and had expressed similar opinions.
Could they believe him guilty inral such evidence'
Would they allow vice to be thus triumphant, and I:atue
to be abandoned 2—(Hear, 119", hr.) This wad 'a question
regarding not merely the Baja of Satta:ea. The pro-
ceedings in this case 'would be circulated throughout
India, and they silty-aid not hesitate to do that which was
manly and just, and, he would add, which was also ex-
pedient.—(ls:ear, hear.) It was their duty to afford the
fullest,
freest, and fairest investigation into the case.—
(Flear, }Lear.) Our dominion fat India was not held by
the sword alon;.__it c%rendetl upon the faith which the
native had in the .hrstiaa of our Government, and the
native Princes ‘ot others might argue that what had hap-
Fen ad to t;lact Raja of Sattara might happen to themselves.
Piey ltddeposed the Raja of Sattara, and appointed his
ee
ttile r t
nroTher in his place. A ruffian whose life had been ex-
tended
bieep ase lontog ltihveeyd
nln
tended over nearly half a centur, and who, it could not
; 'be supposed,or yx‘ At
his
Government.death
dit not be said that this was done designedly ? All
tin. an
the nations of Europe • •
viewed with the exten-
sion or our
dominions beyond the rkius. Would they ,
not taunt us With a(v.using Inj:tscrSattara ufambi-
tion at the very •time when we were exteading our- •
selves over central Asia ? 'Would they not taunt us
with accusing the Raj • Satter of grasping at wealth.

when we went to war with Onesthird of the human race,
because they would not suffer us. to poison them for
Fold,—(hear.) All they asked them to do was to
inquire. 'ln fact, the notion did titst ev6n. gTo 3•3 far--it
did not asii; it filerely t&ondmended thend to inquire.
NreiV, nothing 'could be more mild, considering the j us-
tice of the case.—(Cheers.) They should recollect the
nature of the Government in India. It was a despotic
Government ; but there was; whether right 6t: wrrhig,
he would not then say, there was a free press—there
was a public tribunal for the discussion of affairs. Every
act of theirs must undergo a scrutiny.—(Hear; hear.)
Therefore he would recommend the India Government
to meet every question.—(Hear, hear.) It would be
well that there should be amongst the people of India a
growing feeling that they could appeal, under any feeling
of injustice, to this Court for redress.—(Hear, hear.)
Instead of acting like the President of the Board of Con-
trol, who would fain prevent those " turbaned fellows"
from coming to this Court with their complaints, instead
of treating the Vakeels from the native Princes with
ignominy and contempt, they ought rather to encourage
them to bring their complaints before that Court—
(Hear, hear)—to make them feel that they had but to
appeal to that Court to ensure redress.—(Hear, hear.)
They should afford them every possible opportunity of
appealing to the Court of Directors on any alleged
grievance.—(Hear, hear.) Before he sat down, he must
express a hope that some less offensive amendment would
be proposed than the one which had been proposed from
the Chair. He did not think it met the case fully. He
did not say it was insulting, because he believed it had
not been proposed in that spirit, but it certainly did not
meet the case fully, freely? and fairly. It merely left
the Court where it was in February, 1840, before the
Directors had decided on the case. The proceedings of
that Court were declared to be utterly useless by
that amendment. The Deputy-Chairman had not
been content to rest the case on the amendment.
He had gone into the merits of the case, and had put.the
question on its issue.—(Hear, hear.) He begged them,
not only as a matter of justice but as a matter of expe-
diency, not to persevere in the amendment which had
been proposed from the chair, which to speak of it in the
mildest terms was curt and short, and was treating the
Court in a manner in which it ought not to he treated.
—(Hear, hear.) They would not have sat there day
after day since Wednesday if this had been a question
which it was highly inexpedient to discuss.—(Cheers.)
He hoped that some amendment would be proposed if
the original question was negatived, which would at
least vindicate the necessity for investigation—(Cheers)
—and which would be compatible with the serious
nature of the subject, and with the honour and dignity
of the Court.

Mr. NORRIS said it was the duty of every one con-
nected with the Court to come forward and state his opi-
nions frankly and manfully on the present occasion, and
more particularly the duty of those who, like himself,
had from a long residence in India an opportunity of
becoming acquainted with the bearings of the case. In
his opinion the Raja was the victim of the intrigues of
the Brahmins. He did not state this upon his own judg-
ment alone, for the Court would recollect that in 1831
upwards of 3,000 of this caste had made the strongest
and most virulent representations against the Raja to
Lord Auckland. If the evidence in the volume which
he then held in his hand (" Official Papers concerning
the Case of the Raja of Sattara") were to be believed, it
would appear that the Raja put his liberty and posses-
sions in the hands of those whom he knew to be hostile
to him. Was it to be believed that any one in his senses
would have acted in that manner ? If the Government
believed him to be guilty, they should have watched him
closely, and the more especially were they bound to do
so when it was well known that those accusing him
were his bitterest enemies ; but these conside-
rations were not attended to, and the Raja was
the victim. It was admitted that the hand-
writing of the Raja was not produced in support of
any of the numerous charges made against him, and it
was also pretty well known that his accusers were not
likely to speak the truth_ A great deal had been said
of the motives actuating the Gentlemen whose names
were associated with this question. Upon this head he
could only say that he was sure all were influenced by
feelings most pure and honourable.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) Still he dissented most strongly from the pro-
ceedings of the Bombay Government, and eepreeeed his
belief in the innocence of the Raja. No men had a right
to ask him to assert distinctly that the Raja It as inno-
cent, however strong the moral conviction might be
within his own breast on the subject ; for even if he
were asked to affirm that the Hon. Deputy, Chairman
was not a housebreaker, he could not poeitleely nega-
tire the assertion, however ridiculous and preposterous •
it might appear.—(Laughter.) No man had a right to
have a heavy charge brought against him without a trial
being afforded to him at the same time ; but who could
say that there was a fair trial given to • the Raja to prove
his innocence of the charges of intrigue that were
brought against him. Ho never had an opportunity of
defending himself ; and, as Englisliniefi, a Ada had
been put upon their character, and a wrong inflicted, for
which it was their bounden duty to afford a remedy. He
saw no course adopted in the present case which would
act as a caution to prevent the recurrence of the same
injustice at a future period. With respect to the charge
of the Raja's endeavour to seduce the fiepoys, he (Mt
Norris) did not consider it to be established in a man-
ner at all satisfactory. Honourable Gentlemen had
dwelt on the assertions that the Raja was to
give notice to the Sepoys, in case of any dis-
turbances at Bombay in consequence of the communica-
tions with the Governor of Goa ; but the fact was that
the Sepoys were strictly cautioned to take no notice
whatever of any outbreaks that might occur throughout
the country. It was well known, as he before asserted,
that those upon whose testimony the accusations against
, the Raja of Sattara rested were Brahmins, who were
united not only bit caste, but were also united
and rascality.—( In blood
ear, hear, and laughter.) He (Mr. N.)
thought that, considering it was so satisfactorily proved
that the Raja was at variance with the whole Brahmin
caste, it was impossible to attach the slightest credence
to their testimony. If the Raja carried on those intri-
gues at Goa, how was it possible that they could have
escaped the cognizance of the Resident ? In several let-
ters from Sir R. Grant, it was asserted that the Raja was
most strongly attached to the British Government. He
(Mr. N.) had been in company with the Raja about half
a dozen times, and his demeanour towards the English
was hank, friendly, and joyous ; and he would appeal
to those present who had a similar opportunity, for the
truth of his assertions. Such was his conduct
until the unfortunate circumstances connected
with the Jagheerdars, when a very marked
difference was perceptible ; and lie would ask if there
was one iota of truth in the accusation of his being a
dissembler, why he did not adopt a different line of con-
duct, and turn the more obsequious and fawning 7
, (Hear, hear)—instead of which he became morose, and
even uncourteous, with the Resident and Governor. He
would again ask if this proved him to be versed in the
arts of dissimulation. No one who had opportunities of
observing his demeanour, could for a moment suppose
that he was supporting for
,any length of time the cha-
racter of a regal gambler, or mixed up with intrigues to
gain the aid of Portugal, or other .Foreign Foveae: If
the opinions of the Residents weft/ eteted, it Would be
found that his mind was sole!! occupied with the inter-
nal policy of his province, and all his energies directed- to
the erection (4' schools, construction Of roads, ftiut such
local improvements, and that he was the most Indus-
. trious of the Illudoo Princes of India. How was that
consistent with the character of a man intriguing for the
accumulation of vast territory and influence 7 The
seat of all those intrigues, which the Reja Wile accused
of carrying on, Wert petty Courts in India, where
there were no British Residents, and where rid possible
service could arise to, hine, and therefore there was ample
grounds for stiposing these were sham intrigues.—
, (Heal\ heat') What those who advocated the cause
, of the Raja wanted, was not any partieular form of trial
but a fair hearing.—(flear, Itetth) it Was fidielliOtis on
, the part of those who Said that the Raja should be tried
by a jury of his Peers. Stich assertions were used in
, order to defeat the ends ofjastiee.-ea(hoar, hear.) The
Government of India Wee carried on under regulations
, passed by the Governor-General in Council, which bee
came the law of the land, and not like the edittiftietra-
, tion of justice in this country. Was it fait, if a trial,
I according to the strict legal punctilios, could not be
granted, that there should be no trial at nil ?aaateae,
hear.) He agreed with the gentleman who last
sat down that ilia amendment was merely preparatory.
Thole who were appointed to high official offices Might
to be persons of high character and tact, and able to con-
quer the difficulties incident to our Indian possessions.
Much as he admired the character of Sir dames Ceread,
yet he thought that when the Raja said he would not con-
sent to sign. the paper, a different course should have
been pursued. The Raja ought to have had a fair hear=
ing, but instead of such being the case, the evidence to
be adduced against him was prepared by the Resident,
but was never shown to the Rio previous to his being
called upon to sign the document. lie (Mr. N.) was not
able to call Sir James Carnac his friend, yet, he owed
Sir James a debt of gratitude for appointing him to a high
situation shortly after his return to the colonies: The
Raja being conscious of his innocence refused to sign a doe
cument declaring himself guilty, and the subsequent
treatment he received could be characterised in no other
terms than harsh in the extreme ; and he (Mr. Norris)
was surprised at the manly and consistent conduct of the
Raja, under the injustice with which he had been treated.
He had tried repeatedly to open a communication with
hthaedßproemvbioahyslGyoavdedrrn,dmdseent and the Honourable Ceurt
haves
' no Directorspro o f
o,
fb
hu
str er manifested inin vain.iguni There might h
firmity of temp bea ate Raja, this was
oeen t
u an in-
g against the interests Of the,
British empire. Hie HaTe. friend (Mr, Warded) who
the Court, had drawn an idea
rence unfavo-
- to the Raja, in consviuetiee tit` his
giving iv • - st. G d Row
r.s
enemies. Slut
rd, oe
flgt
nlscitiaatte 1t was
re ysetrast6edo)f,
to •
this, for Govind Row was delivered Uptb the hi:
tish Resident, from whom he Iva .arid, la expe-
n and
hisedticmeos reasons
most splendid
Me.
a t l
talents, h fo
and hie doing'
put Veit liehi ettell e had expressed his.
er do(t
assent with the mapiity of the Directors of that Court,
ra-r aineeat ec tre
vforward
andal-
though that gentleman was a man of the highest eha,
all those talents upon
were not worth the paper they covered, either
assist-
ing the gentlemen at the other side
of the bar out of
their dilemma, or affording
any difficulty to their oppo-
nents in considering them. If
the Raja made himself a
disgrace to the British alliance,
it might be said to himthat by tyranny ori othenvi
provisions should be annulled trjuatt,y
to
olid
alltsother beneficial
pur-
poses he was quite an independent sovereign, and, as
such, was entitled to be treated ; but he contended
that he had not acted • in any way in the slightest degree
inconsistent with the treaty. The Hon. Gentleman here
read a lo - ion; eetract from the " Sattara papers," extend-
ing from page 373 to page 379, so rapidly and in such
an indistinct voice es to render it impossible to catch its
purprwt,
end proceeded to say that the letter. he had lust ,
read was me- u •
t to silence everything that had le en ad-
j
vanced against the
Raja, and that 'such 'a letter • would I .
new have hem written if there were not the t • stronges

proofs ot 'his innOceiia. Ho (Mf Wr) wonldask what I
was the intrigue which produced the eatitiOn frem
General Lodwick ? It was an intrigue with
tbeit Chairman. As for the caution of the Resident to
the fiaUd IlifiC6S; it Iry nevetr intended to be taken:in
a literal sense—it was nit;liiilo tie light of a
parental admonition. He could not Jim
the want of courtesy and feeling shown by the ettikt,
tdfiehing the applications of the Raja, who had sent let-
ters upwaticis of 15,000 miles, which were actually re-
turned to him again, Surely this was not the way in
which the Coat should have acted. The members of the
Court of Direct Ors said they were compelled to drive the
Raja from the throne, but it had not been proved that he was
guilty of tyranny, or conduct that was at all disgraceful
to our alliance. Sir R. Grant, and even the Court of
Directors themselves, admitted that he was fit to be a
pattern for all the Hindoo Princes, and one whom it
was the duty of the British Government to keep on the
throne. The Hon. Gentleman concluded an able and
eloquent speech amidst cheers, and saying he should
most cordially support the motion.
After a short conversation between Mr. George
Thompson, Mr. Salmons, and another Proprietor,
The Court, on the motion of Sir Robert Campbell,
was adjourned till to-morrow.

SECOND EDITION

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

KERRY ELECTION.
(BY EXPRESS.)

CLOSE OF THE POLL.

O'Connell.

Brown
Blenerhassett
Hickson

... 652
... 428

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIN DAY.
GLOBE.—We are well aware that to quality the ad-
mitted triumph of opponents by the adjunct " tempo-
rary," is one of the oldest and most hackneyed resources
of a disappointed party, and few positions can be snore
difficult to prove ; yet we do seriously
,hold the opinion
that the present supremacy of the Tories, backed by the
landed interest, will not be of extended duration. To
effect this result; we are far from reckoning on any sud-
den ebullition of popular discontent to reverse or intimi-
date the present Parliamentary majority—this is not pro-
bable, and still less desirable, involving as it does the em-
ployment of most dangerous elements. No we think
that the present majority will decline as surely, though
not of course so rapidly, as it has arisen. Observe the
conjuncture of circumstances to which it owes its crea-
tion—an almost entire rupture between the Whig Go-
vernment and the landed interest ; great previous apathy
amongst Liberal electors, as evinced by their neglect of
registration ; discontents amongst many dissentients from
the Poor-law, or assentients to Chartisin, who seek under
a Tory administration for relief or preponderance which
they will not find. Add to which the discontents which
follow every Government, as such, and we have a variety
of causes, the subtraction of any one of which (and how
long does their most sanguine partisan dream ihey will
all remain in force ?) will strike a blow at the edifice of
Tory power that now rises so fair on the eye out of the smoke
and tumult of a general election. Will the landed interest
find the acts of the new Ministry consonant to its wishes? Or
again, if this sacrifice be made, how can the Chartist!) find
under the forthcoming Government the fruition of their hopes?
The first responsible acts, then, of the Tory administration
will, we think, tend to bring parties to their late '
equal balance, and undoubtedly all the chances of the
future are in our favour. We have risked much in the
advocacy of a great principle; our vessel has indeed bren
sorely buffeted by the waves of faction, but the cape is doubled,
and for the future we shall gather as our opponents will lose
strength in their onward course. We have enumerated what
we consider rational grounds for supposing that the recent vic-
tory of the Tories will not be permanent in its duration ;
and while these supply matter for hope to the Liberal
party, they should be warned against cherishing the idea
of any sudchn annhilation of the results of the elec-
tions by an outburst of popular indignation. Such sudden
ebullitions are, happily for the stability of our institutions,
foreign to the character of our nation, which is patient, and will
bear much ere it turn against oppression. But, on the other
hand, Mad Indeed would be the folly that could reckon on this
national forbearance in order to indulge in oppressive policy.
If the interests of the masses are sacrificed to those of a few, the
day of reckoning will come, not the less surely because it is
slow ; and if the new Ministry proceed on the old exclusive
system, dear to the retrospections of Tories, its doom will
be pronounced Without appeal. Let, then, the forthcom-
leg Premier ley this to heart, and dispose as best he may
bf the alternative of disaffection among his more eager fol-
lowers. Will theSe letter bear delay 7—will they brook mode-
ration ? will a dogged resistarled to all. changes in the Corn-
laws suit with Sir R. Peel's habitual prudence will his plan
for governing Ireland satisfy the hopes of his partisans in that
country ? Here are heaps of difficulties for the new Adminie
Ettatied •' tiat Weeded by the Whigs"---the last and falsest alle..
gation of the Tory press—but deriving their source from the
complex relation of the British empire.
STANDARD,=-It is with loyal reluctance we quote the
following paragraph from the Ministerial journal:—" On dit
that the Queen has heard of the vain boast of Sir Robert, that,
if he came into power, he would make her a Tory (a Conser-
vative, as he said) In fie weeks ; and that the Baronet is, con-
sequently, more disliked than ever at head- quarters."
Let it be remarked that this paragraph is taken from the same
Journal which announced, in May, 1839, that the Ladies of
the Bedchamber Were not to be removed—making the an.
nouncement one hour Ware the fact was communicated to Sir
Robert Peel by her Majesty. There can he little doubt, there-
fore, that this disgraceful libel Upon our beloved Sovereign—a
libel which othereise we should suppose to have its birth in
some low beer-shop—comes tram RD underling at the Palace.
That it belies the Queen as much as It belies Sir Robert
Peel there cannot be the least cause to doubt. Her Majesty
has had the opportunity of knowing Sir R. Peel ; she is well
acquainted too, with the modern as well as the earlier history
of the country she is born to govern.; and, as none ever had
reason to doubt her sagacity and disefiroination of character,
she can tell whether the wise, acconlplithecli end devotedly
loyal Baronet is likely to have uttered tic vulgar bra-
vado ascribed to him. Her Majesty, too, knows whether
she dislikes Sir Robert Peel—the object of the ad-
miration, gratitude, and confidence of the greater and
better division of her subjects. The Queen, we know, dues
not dislike Sir Robert Peel. Her own purity of mind and
character command that she approve of the personal conduct of
one whose private and domestic life presents a perfect model.
It were a foul injustice to suppose that though the Sovereign
may prefer her present advisers as Ministers, she doesnot esteem
the man Sir R. Peel immeasurably above the man Lord Mel-
.bourne. Endowed with no common share of talent herself,
the Queen can be as little blind to the transcendent
genius of the Right Hon. Baronet ; and if the lofty. spirit
of the House of Hanover causes her Majesty to appreciate as
she ought, and as she does, the dignity of her Crown, where
can she find one more resolved or more able to maintain it than
in the selected leader of the class of her subjects ever most dis-
tinguished by undeviating loyalty? Let the conduct of Sir R.
Peel in defence of the dignity of the Crown, when assailed by her
Majesty's present advisers, in the person of the late King, be
taken as proof of the defence which he would offer for that
Crown upon the head of its present lovely and beloved wearer.
No, the Queen does not dislike Sir Robert Peel. Were his
personal claims to the respect of every virtuoas woman, to the
admiration of all who can appreciate genius, as slight as they
are irresistible, the Queen could not dislike the most able and
devoted champion of her Crown and dignity to be found within
her nearly boundless empire.
COVRIER.—It has long been a favourite pastime with the
Whigs, in and out of Parliament, to threaten Sir Robert Peel
with the difficulties he will have to grapple with in Ireland ;
from the unceasing repetition of these threats, and the injudi-
ciousness of some who would be considered the expounders of
What real Conservatism is, but who sometimes suger teal to
outrun discretion, an apprehension of some such difficulty pre.
*ails, we find, in certain quarters, but a more ground-
less or gratuitous) one can hardly be imagined. For, in what
can consist his difficulties with regard to the Government of
Ireland? Oh ! exclaims some croaking prophet of the Whig
press, " wait till you see how rampantly and offensively the
more violent of his supporters will conduct themselves in.
. and with what blind and eager haste they will
attempt to re-enact the penal code, and regain their
former ascendancy." And upon what grounds can
our readers suppose this piece of prophetic pertness
is seriously sought to be recommended as worthy of implicit
tredente? h It upon any declaration made by Sir Robert
Peel or any one understood to be in his confidence ?
No ; for his acts, his declarations, and the principles
Upon which the future policy of his Government
Is avowedly based, expressly contradict the suppo-
sition that he would either listen to, or be a
party to any such rash attempt. His Government will
not be, aa has been falsely alleged, one of "re seizure"
either in England or Ireland; supported as ho will be
by such a majority as few late British Ministers have com-
manded, he will want the temptation, as he con-
fessedly does the disposition, to embark in schemes
of wild and hazardous. change; and if there be any
Arriengit the numerous host of his supporters so foolishly
and Madly imprsclicable, which we are sure there is not, as to
propose or urge upon him any course of policy at variance
With the spirit and object of the Relief Bill in the sister coun-
try or of tile Beetle Bill in this country, he can afford to
shake them eff without risk a los* of power.

COUREE OP EXCHANGE,—(TIIIS D. 4 Y.)
Amsterdam CV; 12 'hi Gihialiar .. .. 46
Ditto, at sight • 12 4,i Legio% ~. ..... ...,.,... 30 30
Rotterdam. ..... 2U. 12 8 Genoa .. ...... ... ..... .., gb 0.5
Antwerp...“.,..q...,,, 12 / 'Milan .. .. 61
Hallibagn ......141:1#. Is IS ; Veiile . iiiii4 47
Altons.
Paris, 3 days' eight ~, 25 55 Palermo, per or. 1181
Dittes3 hi0htt0...,,,,.. iiio 00 ;Lisbon 414.diddlili "Pe ...
Matseilles
Botadeatix..... ... - 065 'Rio Janeiro 27
•
gfilt#ktOrt qri disiiii..: i3Ok Bahia
lietersburgh, 3Us ... SS Bahia
Aytea ...
Berlin . le 7 New York, 21 days sight 46i
Vienna, eireel fl. 3AL 050 Philadelphia 46
Trieste] diad .ii ... . .... 9189. faitks CIO BULLION, ran oz
MA.drid ............ ...... 36i Portugal Gold Coin £3 17 5
Cadiz - •-•-,. •••• 36,E Foreign Gold, bars... 3 17 9
)311iBiatItzt • • - Near 11111gobloons 0 0 0

Barcelona -4 :30 INew Dollars... 0 4 10*

Seville „. I Silver in Bars .0 4 11

iiioriey tat ed ift Amsterdam for the Rus.
sian Government by the House of Hesse, has been remitted in
gold and silver coin.
The Paris Temps states that the new Greek
Ministry, headed by M. Conduriotti, not being able to agree
Kind Otl About their programme, resigned immediately.
hTI.
e Paris National states that corn has risen
three francs since the Ibth7 in consequence of the excessive bad
weather.

FREEHOLDERS' INDEMNITY FUND. The
amount subscribed to this day is five hundred and seventy-live
pounds.—Kerry .F.raminer.
ROXBURGHSHIItE.—It is but justice to the
Duke of Roxburgh to state that, so far from his Grace having
given his support to the Tory candidate at the last. election for
this county, the greater part of his tenantry—indeed, with very
few exceptions—voted for Mr Elliot.
The late heavy rains have been very detrimental
to the hay harvest in this quarter but we are glad to
observe that the wheat and barley crops do not yet
seem to have sustained much izipry. These crops seem to
have stood unpornmOnlyvirell tip against the high winds apd
arepchina rains:' Dry and warm weather is; howe%;•6-,7,
much wanted. Of the hops we hear no general coma
plaint, and, therefore, it may be inferred they arc in a
premising-condition.-:-.Dover Chronicle.

THE LONDON GAZETTE.

(THIS EVENING.)

DOWNING.STREET, JULY 19, 1841.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint T F. Elliot, Esq.,
the Hon. E. E. Villiers. and J. G. S. Lefevre, Ef.q., to be
€6mtrsissioners for superintending the sale and settlement of
the waste lands of the Crown in the British colonies, and the
conveyance of emigrants thither, under the title of " The
Colonial Land and Emigration Board."

DOWNING-STREET, JULY 19.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint Thomas Frederick
Elliot, Esq. the Hon. Edward Ernest Villiers, and John
George Shaw Lefevre, Esq. to be the Colonization Commis-
sioners of South Australia, in pursuance of the Statute passed
in the fourth and fifth year of the reign of his late Majesty
King William the Fourth, intituled " An Act to empower his
Majesty to erect South Australia into a British province or
provinces, and to provide for the colonization and government
thereof."

DOWNING-STREET, JULY 20.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint Thomas Harpur,
Esq., to be Registrar of Deeds in the island of St. Christopher.