The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-14 00:00:00

PUBLIC MEETING IN SS'IUTH-
VV.-ARK IN SUPPORT OF TIIF, MIYIS TERIAL
MEASURES FOR GIVING Tait!: PEOPLE
CHEAP FOOD AND FOR. COMM ERCIAL
REFORM.

A numerous and highly respeotable, meeting of tl so electors
of the Borough of Southwark was ye aterday held in 1 he Town-
hall, at one o'clock, Josue Homit Esq., High Bailiff, in
the chair, for the purpose of ta aing into conside ration the
propriety of petitioning the Horses of Parliament to support
the measures of her Majesty's, Ministers for incre aging the
revenue by reducing the different duties on colonic 1 produce,
in orderto avoid the imposition of new taxes ; and fe4! giving to
the people cheap food and increased employment, by• reducing
the duties on foreign grain, and thsreby enabling of her coun-
t' les to take our manufactures in exchange for their
produce. The meeting was convened in cumuli ance with
a requisition bearing the signe.tures of about one hundred and
twenty of the most respectable and influential firms in the Bo-
rough, and contai /sing the names of gentlemen of et rry shade
ofpolitical opinica, in proof of which we may of serve that
while the first signature to the requisition, is that of Messre•
8., W., and T . Hawes, gentlemen whose liberal prii iciples are
well known ; the second is that of John Western, Esq., the
banker, one of the stanchest Conservatives in the Borough.
At one o'clock the High Bailiff entered the Hall, a: ad was re-
ceived w'Lth loud demonstrations of satisfaction; he was accompa-
nied,by Mr. Alderman Humphrey, M.P., one of the Members
for the Borough, who was loudly cheered, and was Alertly after-
wards followed by B. Wood, Esq., the other Member, whose
appearance was the signal for the most enthusiastic .sheering.
Among those present we observed Mr. J. T. Harris, M r. Cooper,
Mr. Nrouslee, Dr. Bedford, Mr. J. Lonemore, Mr. Jackson,
the Deputy High Bailiff, Mr. J. Curling, and M. Weston.
The Max BAILIFF having taken the chair, addressed the
meeting as follows :—Gentlemen, I have caused this i neetingof
the inhabitants of Southwark to be assembled in compliance
vu ith the requisition numerously and respectably signed. I feel
it to be my duty, and it is also a pleasure to me, as the presid-
iirg officer of this ancient borough, to give its inhabitants the
ar eplest opportunity of expressing their sentiments, not only
upon those subjects which are connected with their owia locality,
'rut also upon those which affect the interests of the nation at
large ; and I have the greater saeisfaction in calling together
the inhabitants of this borough, because I know, from Long ex-
perience, that all their meetings are characterised by that libe-
rality and good feeling which render their proceedings orderly,
and the duty of the Chairman not only easy but agreeable.—
(Cheers.) I shall now cause the requisition to be read, and
then, call upon those now assembled topropose some resolutions
for the adoption of the meeting.—(Loud cheers. )
rhe requisition having been read,
Mr. WESTON rose, and was received with loud cheering.
Pie said be felt gratified at having been called upon on. the pre-
'sent occasion to ;propose for their adoption a petition to the
Houses of Lords and Commons—(Cheers)—although he
feared that the nervousness which he experienced in addressing
so numerous an assembly would prevent him from doing justice
to the subject. Those who were aware _that in political
sentiments he was generally opposed to her Majesty's present
advisers, might perhaps feel surprised at his coming forward on
the present occasion, but he felt that the measures they were
now proposing ought not to be discussed as mere party consi-
derations.—(Cheers.) They were measures involving the
well-being of the whole community--(Cheers)—of the mil-
lions not only of this country, but of the whole world.--
(Cheers.) He had always been favourable to a change in the
Corn-laws, and to that point he should particularly address
himself in the observations he was about to make to them,
not but what he agreed in the other measures of commercial
reform which had been proposed by the Government.—(Loud
cheers.) He thought the present a most favourable moment
for considering the propriety of revising the laws relating to
the importation of corn, because as there was not any great
abundance of corn in the country, so that the shock of any al-
teration would not be severely felt, while, at the same time,
our regulations had so discouraged the growth of corn in fo-
reign countries, that even with a duty of 2s. &1., which was
the amount of duty during a portion of the last year,
the amount of foreign corn in our granaries, together
with the amount of uncorasutued British grown corn, would
be barely sufficient to carry us on to the harvest
Was that a situation in which any country ought to be placed
by its Government ?—(Cheers. ) It was the first duty of every
Government to see that the people werovided with a suffi-
ciency of the first necessary of life.-(Cheers.) Let what
would happen, the multitnde must be fed —( Cheers)—and he
was satisfied that while the present system discouraged the pro-
duction of corn abroad, it did not encourage the production of
it in this country to anything like the extent which had been
supposed. The present system was, in fact, a complete
failure.—( Cheers. ) It had not answered the purpose for
which it had been devised, and was detrimental even to the
corn-grower himself.—(Cheers.) Another objection which
he had to it was the great irregularity which it occasioned in
the money market—( Cheers)—and all those who heard him
must be aware how much the derangements of the money
market, occasioned by the operation of the Corn-laws, had
tended to cripple the commerce of the country.--( Cheers. )
The disastrous effects produced during the last four
years by the operation of the Corn-laws had
been most extensive.—(Cheers.) With regard to the
agriculturists themselves the measure proposed by the Govern-
ment left them fair protection. It was not such a sweeping
measure as had been represented, and the proposed protection
was in fact much greater than it appeared to be at first sight,
The proposed duty itself was to be Bs. Now, before the corn
could reach the port from which it was to be exported, a charge
of ss. or 6s. per .quarter would have been incurred for car-
riage, and the charges for freight would amount to 55. or 6s.
more, so that with the duty the agriculturists would still have
a protection of 20s. a quarter, and if they were not able to
grow corn profitably with a protection of 20s. a quarter, the
sooner they left off growing corn in his opinion the better.—
(Cheers.) It had been supposed by many that the effect of the
tsovernment proposition would be to inundate the country with
foreign corn. He did not apprehend that such would be
the case. It might lower the price of corn in this country,
and so far it would effect a benefit to the people of this court-
try ; but the principal good which he expected from it was,
that it would raise the price of labour abroad to an equality
with the price of labour in this country.—(Cheers.) If they
could make the foreign labourer receive for his wages the
same amount that the labourer received for his wages in this
country, then the competition between this country and fo-
reigners would be a fair one.—(Cheers.) He believed that
no mischief could possibly arise from the proposed alteration,
and ,he bad great pleasure in proposing the petition for their
adoption.—(Loud cheers )
Mr. W. HAWES, in seconding the motion, said that
in the observations which he was about to address
to them. he should endeavour to enlist their sympathies
on behalf of their poorer fellow-subjects. He could
not address them more appropriately than as fellow-
citizens.—(Cheers.) He appealed to them on behalf of the
interests of the country against the class interests of the mono-
polists. —(Cheers. ) They had not come there to support one
class to the exclusion of all consideration for the sufferings in-
flicted upon the rest of their fellow-subjects.—( Cheers.) They
had come there to promote the well-being of the great macs of
the manufacturing and labouring classes.—(Cheers.) The
Government had brought forward a measure for the freedom
of trade, by which that principle was not indeed carried so far
as he could have wished it—(Cheers)—but it was a much
greater measure than any that had 'ever before been brought
before the country—(Cheers)—and he hoped the country
would not forget to support those who had thus manfully come
forward to the assistance of their suffering-felldw countrymen.—
(Cheers. ) They had proposed to diminish the duties on many
great articles of consumption. The first article to which he
would allude was the article of timber. They were obliged to
use bad timber instead of good, with a duty of 300 per cent.,
and the good timber was prohibited simply to promote the in-
terests of one class of traders 'only, and that class now inter-
fered to prevent good timber being introduced which, while it
would be of great benefit to the country, would also increase
the revenue. It was said that this was only a rich man's ques-
tion, but such was not the case. It was a poor man's question.
The poor man was more interested in our having a supply of
good timber at a cheap rate. than was generally imagined, for
while the cost of timber for large houses amounted to only 10 per
cent. on their value, the cost of timber for small houses amounted
to 30 per cent. This was, therefore, a poor man's mea-
sure.—( Loud cheers.) That an increase of con-
sumption at a lower duty, tended to increase the
revenue was proved by what had happened with regard to
coffee. The duty had been reduced in 1824 on one species of
coffee from 2s. 6d. to Is. 3d., and on another from ls. to 6d. ; the
duty in 1824 on coffee amounted to 400,0001., the dnt.y at pre-
sent paid on that article amounted to 900,000/. They all now
had coffee greatly cheaper, and yet the revenue had been enor-
mously increased. The tame thing had happened, to a less
extent, with regard to tea. With regard to sugar, the Govern-
ment proposed still to leave a protection to the West India
interests ; and those interests, to prevent this measure, which
was for the general good of the country, being carried into
effect, now for the first time professed that they were
actuated by intense sympathy for the slaves, whose free-
dom they had so strenuously opposed only a few years
ago.—( Loud cheers.) But that was only a shallow
pretext for covering their want of sympathy to the suffering
labouring classes in this country.—(Cheers.) They had not
dared to appeal to them on the subject..-( Cheers.) They had
boasted of their Operative Conservative Associations. Had
they called them together and fairly stated the case to them,
and then called for their opinion? They had not done it.—
( A voice from the crowd " Yes.") He should be glad to
know where and when.—(Cheers.) Was there a petition
stating that while foreigners paid 3d. per lb. for their sugar, we
ought to be forced to pay 6d. per lb. for ours. Would
any one sign such a petition ?—( Cheers and laughter.) Sugar
was now become a necessary of life to the millions, and to the
millions he would appeal.—(Cheers.) Would they support a
tax upon those whose voices were unheard and unrepresented in.
the louse of Commons.—(Cheers). They all knew what
a little Inxury was, and they would strive hard to make this
little more, and they would contend, for that purpose, against
the monopoly of any class.—(Cheers.) He would contend for
entire freedom of trade, for their right to buy, their commo-
dities at the cheapest market, and to sell their labour at the
dearest.—( Loud sheers.) The next was the question of corn,
a question including all the others, and which, if they could
carry, freedom of trade must fall. The question of cheap
food was the measure on which the existence of the Liberal
Government must depend.—(Cheers.) The happiness of the
people depended upon it. The question was, were they to have
cheap living with plenty of employment, or dear living with
little employment. Tney found countries with plenty of food who
were willing to take our manufactures, but who had nothing
but corn to give us in exchange. We refused to take it.
Other nations produced manufactures. In those nations food
could be obtained at a cheaper rate, and the consequence was,
they were underselling us. He did not ask for a free trade in
corn without some protection, but he thought Bs. was too high
a one ; but he was willing to accept it for the present, to see
how it would equal their expectations, and let those who now
supported the existing monopoly beware how they refused that
offer, for it was not likely they would again have so good a
one.—( Cheers. ) It was said that we ought not to depend
upon foreigners for a supply of food, but we did depend
upon them now for a supply of cotton, and the poor depended
on them for food, although the rich did not. When the duty
was high the poor could not afford to buy food although the
rich could; and when the price was raised so high as to admit
foreign corn, it must be evident that the poor then depended
upon foreigners for the supply of food. Holland and Switzer-
land depended upon foreigners for a supply of food, and they
never suffered in consequence, and why should we be so fear-
ful ? Why shou. d not we become the great depot for the Corn-
trade of the world?—( Cheers.) Then the landlords said they
were entitled to protection on account of the taxes which
pressed on them ; but what proportion dfd they bear
of the taxes ? In England the taxes upon the neces-
saries of life amounted to 73 per cent, of the whole taxation
while the taxes upon land amounted to only 33 per cent., while
in France the taxes upon land amounted to between 50 or 60
per cent. upon the whole taxation.—( Cheers.) There was a
combination of class-interests in opposition to the proposed al-
terations which could only be met h
-5 Combination on the part

;4K. •

_ ,4

of the millions for whose benefit these alterations were pro-
posed—(Cheers)—Called upon the millions to rally round the
standard of fret trade.—(Cheers.) Let the union be perfect,
and let them take the present measure as a first instalment.—
(Loud cheers.) To take a first step in the way of free trade,
let the millions unite and crush the class interests. When the
monopoly in corn was destroyed, the others must fall.—
(Cheers.) Let them return only those Members to Parlia-
ment who were pledged to free trade.—( Loud cheers.) Let
them not be misled by such extravagant assertions as had been
recently made in the House of Lords.--( Cheers, and laughter. )
Let them get free trade, and then education would
flourish, because parents would not then be obliged
to send their children to the factories to earn a scanty
subsistence, but would be enabled to maintain them
by their own labour, and to afford them time for educe:
tion. The factory question had long been a favourite with the
Conservatives. But let them have a free trade, and factory
laws would be unnecessary, because children would not be re-
quired to work in order to earn a scan.), subsidence.—(Loud
cheers.) There would be then no necessity to in este time in
discussions on the Poor-laws, because there would then be an
ample demand for labour, and an ample supply of food for
these who would work, and those who would not work had
no right to be kept in idleness..—( Cheers.) Let them rally
round the banner of free trade which had been unfurled
by her Majesty's Ministers, and her Majesty's reign would
then be celebrated in the history of the country, as having be-
stowed the greatest blessing on the nation, by the destruction
of a most odious monopoly.—(Loud cheers.) He had great
satisfaction in seconding the motion. The petition, which
prayed Parliament to support the measures of commercial re-
form which had been introduced by her Majesty's Government,
was then put from the Chair.
Mr. J. Ross rose, amidst loud cries of ".No Chartists," to
propose an amendment. He fully agreed in the statements
made by the preceding speakers, but had no hopes of obtain-
ing any redress from the House of Commons, as a present con-
stituted.—(Great uproar.) He looked upon this as a merely
political ruse. The Ministers had never brought forward any
practical measure of reform.—(Great confusion.)
Mr. VOUSLEY rose to order, Mr. Rose was not an elector,
and therefore could not propose an amendment.
The Hien BAILIFF then addressed a few words to Mr.
Rose which were inaudible, after which Mr. Rose sat down,
observing that it had been decided he could not speak as he
was not an elector.
- Mr. J. LEE STEVENS rose to propose an addition to the resolu-
tion. He was fur the repeal of all protecting duties, and
thought the principle ought to have been carried out in the
petition. He had enough of party. Both Whigs and Tories,
when in power, had neglected the interest of the people. He did
not object to the introductory portion of the petition, but he
thought they ought to go still further and petition for a tax
upon property. Covenants were instituted for the protection
of property—they paid for the protection of their persons by
their liability to impressment and to their serving in the militia;
and property ought to pay by a tax for the protection afforded
to it. The enormous debt had been incurred for the protection
of property at the time the people were not represented, and
when they were called on to discuss fiscal questions they should
go to the root of the evil He would therefore propose, as an
addition to the petition, that the House should be prayed to
support the commercial reforms of the Government until such
time as Parliament should be induced to adopt the only just
principles of taxation—via.' a tax upon property.—(Loud
cheers.) He doubted not that some one would be found to
second that proposition, although he had spoken to no one on
the subject.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. WESTON would second the proposition, and was glad of
that opportunity of stating his opinion on the subject. He con-
sidered it an error to suppose that any great permanent increase
to the revenue could accrue from a duty of Bs. a quarter.
upon corn, because in times of scarcity it would be impossible
for any Government to levy such an impost; it would be pre-
posterous, and what no Government could think of attempting.
Therefore they must look to some other source of revenue. The
aristocracy, whether Whig or Tory, were all alike, and were
always doing every thing in their power to enrich themselves
without thinking of the community at large, and therefore he
thought that a property tax which should affect them, would
be the best tax that could be imposed.—(Cheers. )
An ELECTOR in the body of the meeting here endeavoured,
amidst unceasing uproar, to obtain a hearing in explanation of
the doctrines of the Charter. They were called together, he
said, for the purpose of taking into consideration the necessity
of repealing the Corn-laws and reducing the price of sugar.
He approved of their object, but they should also consider what
were the motives of Lord John Russell in proposing them._
(Hear, hear, and cries of No, no.) He would maintain that
the Ministry had not supported the interests of the people.
They came forward with duties which were humbug and no-
thing but humbug.—( Uproar.) Let them give the people
a fair price for their labour and they would not care what
price was paid for food.—(Cheers and hisses.) It would be
of no use to attempt anything until they were fairly represented
in the House of Commons, and Universal Suffrage become
the law of the land.—(Cries of Question, and great uproar. )
The speaker, who attempted to proceed in spite of the mani-
fest sense of the meeting, was at length obliged to conclude by
moving the following amendment :—" That her Majesty be
petitioned to dismiss her present Ministers, and to substitute
such men as would fairly represent the people by giving them
Universal Suffrage."—( Great confusion.)
Another Chartist rose to second this amendment. • The
meeting, however, refused to hear him, since he was not, as
the requisition required, an elector of the Borough. The
speaker in vain protested that he was an inhabitant, and that
that was not freedom •of discuision. His words, spoken in
dumb show, were completely drowned amidst the cries of the
meeting; and he was finally compelled to give way, after this
scene had continued for some minutes.
Some discussiop subsequently took place as to the nature of
Mr. Steven's proposition, which seemed to be considered not
as an amendment, but an addition to the original motion, and
which received the approbation of the meeting.
Alderman Hymeneal' next rose and said that he should be
sorry to find that in the midst of idle contentions they should
lose sight of the great object which they had met to discuss.
--( Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the nature of the reso-
lutions which they might adopt, they should enter into the con-
sideration of them with that calmness which their importance
deserved. For his part he did not think that the Ministerial
measures went far enough ; but at the same time he felt they
ought to support them until they got something better.—(A
cry of "'That will never be in your time," and laughter.) Ile
acknowledged that there would be great difficulty in obtaining
justice from the House of Commons, while the landed in-
terest predominated so largely there. He did think, how-
ever, that the claims of the people if perseveringly enforced, must
finally prevail. He remembered that Sir R. Peel, in a debate
in the House of Commons on the equalisation of the sugar
duties on a former occasion, declared that though opposed to
to the measure his interest might be supposed to point the
other way, as he had no concern in the matter but that of the
great body of the consumers. No; he (Alderman Humphery)
wished that the country at large could be persuaded that their
interests were opposed to the continuation of the present pro-
tecting duties ; that they would rise unanimously for the repeal
He only wanted them and every other constituency to force on
their Representatives pledges to that effect. The monopolists
had no objection that the people of England should purchase
slave-grown sugar when the price reached 7d. or Bd., while
they imposed a duty which amounted to exclusion when the price
was low. It was the same with corn, which was only admitted
under similar circumstances. Again, coffee, tobacco, and other
slave grown articles were allowed to be imported into this
country. He remembered that his Right Hon. Friend the
Member for the Tower Hamlets (Dr. Lushington) had told
him that he spent 100/. in snuff—(Laughter)—and yet it was
all slave produce on which he had no objection to lay out so
large a sum. The fact was, that one could hardly believe that
those who raised the Anti-Slavery cry were sincere, consider-
ing the many contradictions in which they were involved. For
his part he was an advoeate for a repeal of all protection, and
he thought until that repeal was carried that the people would
not be fairly dealt with.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. B. WOOD said that he believed there never was a ques-
tion under the consideration of the people of England which
concerned them so nearly as that on which those around him
were assembled that day. He thought it was impossible for
any one not to see that our welfare deeply depended on the
commercial measures now agitated in the House of Commons.
He wished to curtail as much as possible the observations he
had to address to the meeting, but the nature of the subjeet
would require some explanation. They had heard it stated
that the Ministry were to be blamed for not having brought
forward these measures at an earlier period; and he for one
was agreed in that opinion. He felt that Ministers were to be
blamed; but ought the people on that account now to determine
on rejecting this measure? He could not certainly ap-
prove of such a mode of proceeding. He was one of a number
of Members of the House of Commons who had before forced
this question on the attention of the Government. More than
than two months ago 140 Members had assembled, and entered
into resolutions as to the course which ought to he taken for
the purpose of raising the revenue sufficiently to meet the ex-
penses of the country, uid at the same time not to infringe on
the fair and legitimate claims of any class in the country. The
object of those Members was to enlarge the basis on which
taxation should rest, and to open the trade of this country to
every article of foreign produce, and at the same time not to
press too severely on those particular interests of which they
had heard so mach. They wished to admit sugar, coffee, to-
bacco, cotton, timber, and corn, on the payment of a fair and
reasonable duty, and not to press on those who had risked their
capital in a reliance on existing protections. What he was
then stating was no secret ; their resolutions had been published,
andediffused throughout the country, and that very morning
the newspapers told them plainly and honestly and truly that
the propositions lately brought forward by the Ministers of the
Crown were the propositions of the Radical party in the
House of Commons. So far at least those Members had fairly
represented the wishes and the interests of the people of Eng-
land; and it was such men that the British constituencies should
send to Parliament. The question of the Corn-laws had been
so often and so fully discussed, that lie would not trouble them
with any observations upon that subject. He would content
himself with merely saying that he was amongst the most ar-
dent advocates for abolition. With regard to the article of
sugar, there were a few observations which he wished to submit
to them. It appeared that we wore now annually importing
three million cwts. from our own colonies in the West
Indies, and about five hundred thousand cwts. from
the East Indies. During the last year, however, we had im-
ported a large quantity of slave-grown sugar, which, in conse-
quence of the high prices, had been able to pay the duty of 635.
per cwt. But what was the price of slave-grown sugar at pre-
sent, and what was the price of the sugar of our West Indian
colonies? The price of slave-grown sugar was now from 17s.
to 245. per cent., while the price of colonial sugar was fram
455. to 475. It should be remembered at the same time that
it had been admitted by Mr:- Gladstone, in the House of Com-
mons, that the slave sugar was of a better quality than the
other. What was the consequence of that? The consequencee
was that as tho price of wave-grown sugar here was
.(tih_
criterion of the price of sugar in foreign markets, our..Pvenin,
hours in Germany and France, and the people of the United
States, received their sugar at from 275. to 345. per s.vet•
the British public paid for theirs 50s. per cent.,
7gOY were
001._
thus paying an extra price, upon sugar, 4
( Hear, hear)—and sugar became an article of
did not add to the revenue of the country, but went into the
taxation which
sugar to be
epovecrk,ettshaotfitt‘hreeullVdebste
hlnerdriaibnleptlaeuatlelrsew.
siaTrleie_ygroo•werne
o
sold in this country, as they would give encouragementas
i allowed to the
slave-trade by that means. But the slave sugar
be refined here, for the purpose of exefinpoertdatilo2noizio
cwt.sa o
le in
f
other countries. Last year we had r
slave sugar ; and what became of it ? , hy, the sugar so re-
fined, which cost from 17s. to &Is., became worth from 365. to
395., and was sold on the Continent at that price ; while the
sugar which was used in England cost 80s.
aolsro9sOsen.
sent to Rewusti
They brought the Mauritius sugar here, and paid for it 6d. or
7d. a lb.. while they iefined slave sugar, and sold it to the people
---(purncehaasrinhgenitr:,)t
Largeo of th e
quantities Mauritius
of the
sugar themselves for
,rv4ed. refinedper p ov,u.
enrde.
hie, Norway, Gibraltar, Turkey, Australia, and other coun-
tries,
denied to the
whose inhabitants had the advantageolvf
thrielowest price, while the same privilege

, PRICE OF SUGAR.
EFFECT OF MONOPOLY.
' Table showing the ex-duty price of West India Sugar, in
Mincing.lane, and comparing the same against that of Fo-
reign Sugars : London, May 14th, 141.
The Gazette of this evening will quote the ave- Per cwt.
rage price of British Plantation Muscovado Sugar,
35s
exclusive of duty, at • 2d.
The quantity of West Indian Sugar sold in this market, e
instant,
en
account of the importers, in the week ending
the _
according to the returns made on oath by the West ItndiaSu.gar
Brokers, in conformity with the Act of Parliament, and on
which quantity the above price is computed, consisted "
1,053 hhds 94 tierces and 4 barrels.
noiity, about
d
In consequence of the avowed intention
of the Government
ave been no sales
to reduce the duty on Foreign Sugar, there'll therefore,
mice,
made in them this week ; the quotation of
.11. for Manilla
remains as before, about 19s. per "
Sugar, being, taking quality forwt India Sugar.
16s. per cwt. cheaper than 41
will not be able tizs
pinion which prevails
During the present week, owing to
-the duty on foreign
bisced,rs bfeorin7aharßtirnvoarsionty
carryin Ai
itni iceiinrgm-
t India and Mauritius.
sugar, prices for Wes
leanaseu,rethfoart
the
ee
reGdoevcerbnemtnheoel.°t sugars
have
ad..
ill be mainly
on this important question,
Anti-Slavery Society have shown
attribut-
able to the hostility which the An
this
Society
vanced about 4s. per cwt.
tothSsfyitriuldlneddfeauaultnidrwn
has on this occa-
sion fraternized with the West
no person can tell, unless to favour sundry
blacks
theoretical notions
about the welfare of the emancipated .ks ;or it may be,
with a view to protect the produce of some
Indies, which the Society has taken under its management and
patronage.
the Be that as it may, the opposition of the Society
to Government could not arise from an sppre-
hension that slave labour sugar would be introduced
said to represent the Anti-Slavery - interest in the
House, actually opposed the measure before they knew how
that it was the intention of the Government to re-
itbett ehoaepßcpierlt.itatriisslh consumption, because the members, who may
of it would operate. From what has since tcanki red,
duce the duty on Sugar raised in those, countries which are
tributary to the East India Company to 325. per cwt., and
on other Sugars grown east of the Cape of Good Hope to 365.
per cwt., and on clayed Sugars, of which the whole produce of
the Brazils and of Cuba consist, to 42s , which latter slaty would
have operated to the total exclusion
of those Sugars from far
markets, for the Sugar refiners of this country with the British
Sugars, at a duty of 245. per cwt., and the other East India
Sugars at 32i. per cwt., would have been able not only to
keep Havannah and Brazils out of the British markets, but
they also, with the exception of Russia, which country fosters
and protects the Sugars from Cuba, would have expelled these
classes of Sugar from every market in Europe. Allowing the
Sugar duties, therefore, to remain as they are, is tantamount
to giving direct encouragement to slave-labour Sugar.

THE IRON TRADE.—A meeting of the princi-
pal iron masters •of this district (Wolverhampton)wa;
held on Wednesday week, at the Swan Hotel, ili',this
the depressed state of trade
town, when it was determined that fifty furnaces -shall
be blown out, naniely,:thirty-five in Staffordshire, air!
lie. Although this resolution is much
fifteen in- ShroPsl,l
atjt tbl?erpegrreseetntetd;rmile;i:,eiNi7are glad to learn that but few
of the workpeople will be thrown out of work, as they
will for the most part be partially emplOyed at short
time. We understand the alteration will take pla2
immediataly.—Staffordshire Gazette, .