The Sun.
London, England, 1847-03-09 00:00:00

CUSTOMS DUTIES BILL.

In reply to a question from Lord G. BENTINCK,
The CHANCELLOR of the EX(;IIEQUER stated
that he should be prepared to proceed with this Bill on
Friday week.
LANDED PROPERTY (IRELAND) BILL.

On the motion for the House going into Committee on
this Bill,
Mr. HUME roaejto inquire when the Bill for lending
money to tenants would be proceeded with. He was at
a loss to know why so much delay had taken place in
bringing it forward.
Lord J. RUSSELL understood the Hon. Gentleman
to allude to the Bill for affording landlords the means of
selling encumbered estates.
Mr. HUME said that was the Bill to which he alluded.
Lord J. RUSSELL said the Bill was one which re-
quired the most careful consideration, and besides the
Government had experienced great difficulty with re-
spect to many of its provisions. The Bill, haw-
ever, had been prepared, and would be shortly brought
into the other House by the Lord Chancellor, and would
have all the benefit of his authority on the subject. It
would be afterwards brought into that House, and with
as little delay as possible.
An Host. MEMIER (whose name we did not learn)
asked if this Bill would be made applicable to estates in
England ?
Lord J. RUSSELL thought it would be better to
maintain that Bill as it was—one applicable to estates in
Ireland. He considered that it was of importance to
have a Bill of a similar kind with regard to England ;
but he thought it would be better to have a separate
Bill for that purpose.
Lord DUNCAN wished to know if the Bill, with re-
spect to encumbered property, was also to apply to
Scotland?—(Laughter.)
Sir. G. GREY said the subject was under the con-
sideration of the Lord-Advocate, and that he would
bring forward a Bill on the subject without delay.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL hoped that the Bill with
respect to Ireland would be first proceded with,
MEASURES OF RELIEF FOR IRELAND.
Mr. ROEBUCK rose to make the motion of which he
had given notice. It was that any plans of relief for
the distress of the Irish poor, by means of loans to the
owners of property in Ireland, would be unjust and
impolitic, unless accompanied by a system of taxation
which would subject such property to the burdens al-
ready imposed upon all property throughout Great Bri-
tain. He said he' was utterly at a loss to know what
argument was wanted on the present occasion beyond
stating the question. The proposition he had to make
was, that in any system of taxation proposed fur Ireland,
the principle should be precisely the same as that pursued
in England. He could not understand how they could
object to this proposition. The matter was exceedingly
simple, and he did not see why any reasonable
opposition should be made to it. He was pre-
pared, and well prepared, to meet opposition from
the Members for Ireland—from both parties belong-
ing to that country he expected not only opposition,
but abuse. Still, as the motion would call up opponents
in the quarter he had stated, he thought it was his duty
to take note of whatever arguments which he thought
were likely to be advanced against it. Before he
came to the arguments that were to be expected
from the Irish oppohents of the proposition he would
deal with the rational objections that might be urged.
It was clear that the interests and obligations of both
England and Ireland were the same. The artizan, the
merchant, and the landed proprietor, all subscribed to
the general exchequer, while the people of Ireland
were exempted from many of the taxes that were
imposed on these. In comparing the taxation of the
two countries he found that there were three great dis-
tinct branches of taxation from which Ireland was ex-
empted. The assessed taxes was one. Now what were
assessed taxes ? They were taxes on houses, win-
dow; horses, servants, arms, and a variety of
other articles of a similar character ; yet the
gentry of Ireland paid none of these. When
he crossed the Channel, he found the gentlemen
of Ireland, with perhaps their twenty servants, with
their horses, and their carriages, and they paid no tax
for either ; and when the Irish gentlemen crossed
the Channel, he was altogether free from any
claim which would diminish his resources, when
he wanted to make a display. He (Mr.
Roebuck) knew that in Ireland it was a painful thing to
tax display, for it constituted one-half of that country's
pleasure.—(Hear, hear.) He would proceed now to the
poor-law. Ireland was exempt from the necessity for
supporting her poor. The gentleman in Ireland, the
artisan, and the trader in Ireland, were exempt from
that which every English gentleman, aye, and every
Englishman, felt to be his duty, namely, to maintain the
poor—(Hear, hear)—but the Irish gentleman, the Irish
artizan, and the Irish merchant, all thought that a
matter truly and entirely beneath their consideration.
(Hear, hear). The Irishman had nothing to do with
the poor; therefore, in Ireland, they were exempt from
this tax. An English gentleman, or it might
be a Scotch gentleman, had promulgated a sen-
timent which should have struck the death-blow
to display in Ireland. It was this, that " property may
have its duties as well as its rights." That sentiment
had been responded to in every English bosom, but he
wanted the response from Ireland, and he got none.
That which should have returned it was corrupted and
spoiled, the sounding board was good for nothing,
and they got no response from Ireland. But the good
feeling of the people of England, assisted by the good
feeling of the people of Scotland, would bring a response
from Ireland. But there was nothing of the sort as
yet; the rich had escaped from any tax
to provide either for the poor or the ge-
neral necessities of the state. He asked that pro-
perty should be taxed in Ireland as well as in England—
he asked it in the name of all that was good—of all that
was humane—of all that was just—he asked the Irish pro-
proprietor to bring his quota to the national xchequer for
the purpose of meeting the national expenditure. What
was his (Mr. Roebuck's) proposition? It was simply
this, that every man in Ireland win earned 1501. a year
from land, or from his own intellects, or from trade,
should be taxed as in England. He knew the tax was
in some degree unequal, but what was sauce for the
geese %els settee fur ;114-> hear).
atwer tie 4.1..; vi "
honest in your generation, the debt which you owe
is a debt due to the nation, that id, a debt which you have

not paid, and I find you mightily unwilling W
pay; and for the non-payment of which-
' yon
tho
find a great many pretexts ; but by est
blessing of God, we will see what you are made ois
The House would see how they did their duty, and when
they threatened that House with e repeal; let these
gentlemen beware that the House and the country did
not give them " repeal."—(Cheers.) Let them beware
that those who were now loudest for repeal
were nob
overwhelmed by the terms they asked lor.—(Cheers.).
Oh, there is ;(said the Hon. Member) that coming of
which Ireland will know and feel, the commencement:
which I have seen. 'There has been nothing so MILL
the almost whispering song of the repealers inuu"
House and in this country since real calamity has
bees
impending over their country. Was there ever stye r
spectacle exhibited ? A people, with its leader:
who, in its time of prosperity and wealth, were
all fcr self-government ; for repeal ; all against
Saxon, all for the Celt! It has pleased God to Tisis
them with a famine ; at once all this burly burly cessets
There was an utter, a complete prostration of body !in!
mind among the whole of her rampant' and turbulens
(Teter's. They had nothing to propose, all to ash for;
their whole limbs and bodies—everything except Wes,
tongues—were? inert and useless; and with their tongs!!
they cried " Give, give." They had nothing to fr.:
I.coe but the dictator to the Saxon. The Celt crept isbus
his hiding-place, and all that was heard of him vegesn.
whispering voice supplicating the aid of the SO°
Such was a true picture of a thorough-going
repealer.
(Cheers.) When, however, he (Mr. Roebuck
turned to England, what was the contracts
He saw, to use the language of Milton,ega._
great nation bearing its ills with a fortitude which jos
wands admiration, and with a perseverance which Be
and enamours." But was that true of Iroi.:(ad? the
read some lucubrations which had appeared In, tor
pages of the Morning Chronicle, contained in fetter
witten to Lord J. Russel. The writer of that letter einw-
Member of that House, and that House was the properses
for his propositions for the regeneration of the con;
ry to be b ought forward. Why should they go t° „,t
.Noble Lewd? Was the House to depend upon tue'-
God forbid. They must learn to depend• upon themselves,
Let him tell us their wants. Let him tell us what
e=el'
wanted for his country. Let him come there and
to them what, was really necessary for the welfare of mi;
land.— (Hear.) The lion. Gentleman the lifernbear
Limerick " Hear." He knew what* —„e,,
Gentleman meant. He was going to pro Mi.- at
Ho raw it in the Hon Member's eys•-•-`—ueld:
laughter.) But the Honourable Gentleman wo-
propose something for the benefit of Ireland which
11
knew would not be carried ; but he would to
T
the lloneurabre Gentleman that the time might
come when it would be adopted—Meer, bearlio
and nobody would so thoroughly rue it as those mob
now cheered it. Let any Irish gentleman prop
what was required for Ireland, and if it were reasons
ost
and just, and rational, it would be passed; but if preret
pre.ceeditoe,s were carried on one step further, it sniPte,
happen that England would cut the rope that coon/
Ireland, and allow her to drift on the waters of tniseg
and die unaided and uncared for.—(Hear, hear.)
had taken some part in Irish affairs of late, and had slat",
to himself an unenviable notoriety thereby.—(gbst
hear). It was in consequence of this, he supposed the
two rev. gentlemen had called upon him from Irelanditae
Rev. Dr. Collins, and the Rev. Mr. Macarthy. They CSIA
from Mallow, aid they said that they were deputes
from the Catholic priests. And what was their usie
rc
statement to him? After he had asked them to 'b
eet
seated—(A laugh)— they said, "We do not believe ton
the gentlemen in the House of Commons cona:ng said
Ireland represent Ireland." He (Mr. Roebuck) ha-0)
" S:r, I am extremely glad to hear it."—(Loud laughn
" Sir," said they, " they are the representatives of c,o,
party iu Ire lam). We are conversant with the fee:ll7g
of the people, from moving among them and ails-
with them, and we are deputed to tell Y,c'utbe
feelings of the Irish people. " Sir" said
he the°
"do riot listen to one word that is said es use
in the House of' Commons about Ireland."--v-,,Alf
hear.) He (Mr. Roebuck) acid, " I shall religio3e,
obey your instructions."—(Loud laughter.) Thesepe;si
rn tleen said, "They do not represent the poor peo
that country, they represent the rich," and they
following out most carefully the peculiar interest ofooo
rich classes of the people. He would tell the 13
what these gentlemen had stated before they be.,:fir
They said, " We will give you the perfect oPr'sei,
pity and authority Co use our names ill MO
statement," &e. They then continued, "Round rtj
low there are a number Jf gentlemen of large Pr°Pes,
—(they gave him the names, but he had forgotten
and they had promised to send him a list, but thei,hes.
not)—there are six gentlemen of about ten P'oo4
sand pounds per annum each; we have been r,9lisi
to the se gentlemen for subscriptions for the rug
of starvation (and the people were a133..1bef
starving at the time, and by the coroners' innukes.",:, beet,
were stated to have died of starvation)—" we De— bele
round to these gentlemen, and from every one of
none t
we asked tbr relief for their starving brethren, a
1111nd
of them did we get anything. but the 1)-the
trifle for the urpose."l There was a heartiness Wei I
manner of the rev. gentlemen, which he rather lik;e-
in fact, it won upon him. It was not what be hiltless st
as usually curnine from Ireland. His eyes
he spoke to him. " Sir," continued the Rev. Gentles:o:
e one of those gentlemen has seventy dogs livilleet
good meal and
milk, while every re, °L
an,t every day there are t rroners'CmeriNu—oe,-
held almost at that man's
buck) said, "My God ! sir, do do He
eou wieh:
th this is the fart!" and he said, Sir, you knee
040
I am. I have stated to you this feet, and you Os er-et
e
my name." This had passed within a few tae-„ni
Mallow, and men had (lied from starvation, while
lived. He appealed, not to Irishmen in that 11(7 b
,
,
but he appealed to his own countrymen—he raised b
voice to the whole of England and Scotland, and s_g
asked if they were pr,pared to hear this thing? li
vvvshouenldhea)s' done,atihdatthiattcoitulsdhnooutldbenot bedone,
millions would be raised in confirmation. But theft
if these Irish landlords were this class of nt!!
—he did not know why they should __Ds
bthee knew
voicesl of
24
such a class of men—they were made so by the sysTf:
of legislation. They were a class very much like wri:
slave holder. He would call them white slave holdsiesii
Their unfortunate country had been conquered, „
this country was the conqueror, and its Iron grt
had caused to a great extent the evil now iso'a
They carried out the bias—the feeling of oPPr,ess to
which once rankled in English hearts with reeP%,'
Ireland—but there is no such feeling
(Cheers). It has gone from the hearts of the 0,
querors, but it rests in Irelands-(Hear, hear.) ,T.te •
fore he wished the English people to be
" strong hold" on those Irish landlords. is show
goo
so in all things connected with the poor, and, S,sabemort'
at the commencement of the session, " we w"'
in England nocop,
ryb
gage the land of Ireland for the support of the rof
poor." They had done immense injury to the flt°4o6
Ireland by protecting the landlords of Ireland; bushell
state of things coud exist no longer. Thef, the
maintain their own poor—they shall eentribute-'°5OS
maintenance of the indigent in a proper walt•ee
he would ask the Noble Lord, what objection he "to
to his proposition ? He said that was not the "Irish
make it. Why ? " Oh," he said, the ?JO,
,
landlords have not received their rents. sob'
an Honourable Friend, conversant with the iyea
jeer, had informed him that Irish landlords receaos.
their rents very well just now. He was sure the
Gentleman would not object to his pointing him ou
tbs.
(The Hon. Gentleman pointed towards the door "er to
House, but we could not discern the ' Hon. Me_,lll the
whom he referred.) It was true, in some distvc-teef
rents might not have been received; but
•
had been received throughout the Ina:1°r11;;s4
(An Hon Member—" No, nor) All he could say pot
that the Hon. Member was one of those who lee to
received his rents; but nothing was more easy t_i"Swith
prove who had. Let all the gentlemen connected bad
public companies and with land, state what tbeinosei
received, and let an income-tax be j.,ll,2;faed.
on all who received 1501., as in A'seeaSs
But it was said that the Irish proprietors had la","„fr
with the Cabinet on this question, because a greawrisof
portion of the Government were themselves owns .00
Irish property. It was stated that the Adatinistillisnd
were favourable to the claims of the Irish partPts-iss
that they did not in reality wish the Irish propertl,64,
made n.sponsible few the relief of Irish distress.'
Thad
outside of the Cabinet knew all about it. 'l'be
newspappr had been the great Bade light which _ffse,
revealed the secret workings and feelings of the Gov all
ment. It was therefore necessary that he should statt,f,sse
about it. It was necessary, in order to show holvx,s;er
feelings went, to inform them that the Marquis ofP
downe, one of the Cabinet, was a principal /MD
prietor ; and that the Earl of Clarendon, another retilhe
of the Cabinet was the same. It was necesserY„S`4,e
should further state that Lord Monteagle, who, cr%
ne-V;i
Minister, was beating at the door for admissioo
laughter)—was also a landed proprietor. He Inigl°hase
state that another Noble Lord in the Cabinet. W foe
advent to office set Europe a shaking,
,neset
also an Irish landed proprietor. lie *- the
Lord Palmerston. He might also nape who,
Duke of Dsvonshire and another Noble Lore', -
if not in the Cabinet, had considerable
over it—he meant Earl F rt itzwilliam—who were
prietors of land in Ireland. The House would renoin
how the latter Noble Earl had supported the grand hPrv-00
ject of the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn, and ,etis
the knowledge of that fact had led many to surrnt:_rj;..
the Government would have to declare in its le 7n.„„
With these, as members of the Government, or inflame
ing its decisions, he (Mr. Roebuck) could res.b_r
feelings of the Noble Lord the Member hot
Lynn, when fie asked for sixteen million'be
other influences had proved stronger,
nsnot the
.
and they had to succumb. Still the declartttio _
ne 113°C
Nwheibelhe Lord
anim at(eEdartlheFseitzivirilslhiamp)ropsrhieetworesd. the
o e;
admirable character that was Lord Besbes.oll4o
iheeetweonueeld nhoew name,reigh the give, though
satyh,eubgorhe anthexe conl°10billefs11:1-ra.
Ile was likewise an Irish proprietor. He coula
ern'
Gov
more; but with this, as connected with the
to
the burdens
ment,
the people of England to ask exemption from e,r
ho would ask, was it decent, was it Ps`
area 'ib
timheptsmeodb7oenLtohred Uatnti
It.eedhieiai gd
odf o
tmh
e?
GHoyeehrnarad alenwt
ith
courage, he had-thought him brave;
him for this, though he liked his policy almos
else; but he must deny him even this qulitleYi:3olr_hos.
cave way to the Irish landlords on the
dos aPPeel to
He would tell the Noble Lord what they would
me
was cer.
the country and outvote him.—(Hear, h
I')Lord. He had
taro of carrying a majority against the N
°Heouse, but he felt
and he atltrietelsoltheiog
never spoken so strongly before in that
Lord bad not sada-
strotgly upon the subject. The Noble
question. The
b.ctorily expllineti his intentions
,upoo_o7,,e)
had lot WO?
trt it
t!
"h!..h
Iflfesltive manner—as if
given in an off-hand manner—a sort o
not the first question which he (Itir. Roe
it coecerned not the lives of the people of
_thbius
acc.iinittrayd. mss

. -
- -•-•

Dflue
)er
lise the
ter
ns, hut
~d b°
of the
feeling
e worn
~blemua
out tan
)rough*
la give
;overn-
just to
nirdens

s given
edit for
!ci with

let mg
if ho
por-10c
peal to
RS Cer.•
le had
he felt

of the Right Hon. Gent., but as an Irishman, after am attack
which had been made, he must say a few words in answer.
He had hoped that when they came to the consideration of
the permanent measures for the relief: of Ireland
they would have been discussed in a different spirit.
He might say that the Irish Members bad not thrown any im-
pediment in the way of the permanent measures to be adopted
for the relief of their country, and they were also willing to
submit to any tax which might be imposed upon property in
Ireland. He had hoped that they would acknowledge the
splendid liberality of England, and had successfully defended
themselves from the imputations which had so lately
been passed upon them by the H 5 pourable Member
and a few others in that. House. He had hoped
that acrimony and personal discussion had ceased, and
that they had given place to a spirit of calm and dis-
passionate consideration of this subject. They had hoped that,
under God'3 blessing, the hand of death would have been
stayed, and some alleviation afforded to suffering by these tem-
porary measures. if they had been permitted to pass without
intern option. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had also
referred to a conversation which he had with some
Roman Catholic priests, but he wished that the Hon.
and Learned Memher had stated the names of those
gentlemen in the neighbourhood of Mallow, and not given out
the anonymous accusation which he had done. He could not
believe it possible that- any Irish gentleman would be gully of
such conduct; and if any such thing occurred, he (Mr. Shaw)
would join with the Hurl. and Learned Member in condemning
it. But the Hon. Member's accusation did not refer to a
single individual but to a whole district. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman said that their priests had told him not to
believe one word of what the Irish Members stated in that
House, for they did not represent the country. The Hon.
Gentleman was apt to mistake himself for the people of Eng-
land, and daily person came to him (Mr. Shaw) and told him
not to believe ono word of what the Hon. Gentleman said, for
he did not represent the people of England, he would most re-
ligiously adhere to the advice. The Hon. Member seemed to
think that his kindness to the poor of Ireland ought to be shown
by attacks upon the rich, and his benevolence to the tenant by
his malevolence to the landlord. He said that no system of relief
ought to be applied to Ireland unless coupled with a general system
of taxation upon property. Would the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman just allow him to state a few facts which bore upon
this question, and which would show the difference of the ca-
pabilities of Ireland and England with regard to bearing taxa-
tion, and what a burden he sought to impose upon property.
In Great Britain the population was a little more than doutle
that of Ireland. The cultivated land of England was thirty-
four millions of acres, but in Ireland about fourteen millions.
The rental in Great Britain was estimated at one hundred and
fifty millions, and in Ireland at thirty-six millions; whilst in
Ireland the number of labourers bore the proportion of two to
one of the number of Great Britain. The wages of the la-
bourers of Great Britain averaged E's. to 10s. per week, and in
Ireland they were 2s. per week. The wealth of England was
seventy millions, and of Ireland about six millions. Let them
take the counties of Norfolk and Mayo. In Norfolk the ren-
tal was two millions, whilst in Mayo the rental war only
326,0001. In Ireland there were two million and a half of per-
sons who at ordinary times were destitute, and be was persuaded
that two millions more were in such a state as to be entitled
to poor-law relief. He had mentioned these few facts to show
to the Hon. Member the incapacity of Ireland to bear a heavy
system of taxation. He thanked the House for the attention
it had given to him whilst he had detained them from going
into Committee on the measures before it.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL said that the speech of the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman Lad been listened to with great attention ;
and he, for one, had no ill feeling upon the subject. The
Honourable Gentleman had commenced by stating that
he should not go into any offensive details, and yet he
had accused them of coming into that House and
talking of utter nonsense. The Hon. Gentleman had said
one thing which he was at first inclined to take up in a rather
more strong sense than he was then inclined to do. The Hon
Gentleman had spoken of the repeal of the union, and had
spoken of cutting the connexion between the country, and
leaving it to its own fate. Such a sentiment had never come
from the Irish Members, but had come from one who desired
to speak the feelings of the English nation, though he did not.
The Irish Members had cried out to the Government. to feed
the people when they were starving, and to insist that rich
landed proprietors should not spend their money here, but that
they should be compelled to go to their own country. The
Hon. Member had proposed to leave them to their own
fate, to sink or swim, or to grind them down still
further by the imposition of a heavy tax.
He was as much opposed to the poor-law as any one—( Hear,
hear, from Mr. Roebuck) —but he should on the present occa-
sion vote for it. It was not a time to look to anything beyond
the present. The emergency was such that they had not time
to look forward to the future. He would support it in every
stage, anti he asked the Hon. Gentleman to give it his support
also, and to let them have a fair experiment of the poor-law
instead of a mockery and a delusion. The Hon. Gentleman
had not referred at any length to the subject of his motion,
and indeed he was right, for he (Mr. J. O'Connell) was pre-
pared to show that the Hon. Member had gone on entirely
wrong grounds. He did not wish to trespass upon the House
with his authorities at that moment,—( Hear, hear, from Mr.
Roebuck,)—but if there was any disposition on the part of
the House, he would enter into them at once. He was not
disposed to deny the justness of encomiums passed by the Hon.
Member upon his own country, but he claimed equal justness
for his own countrymen. Let them look at the poor expatriated
Irish, who had contrived to send over to their fellow-country-
men a sum of 200,000/. A sum nearly, If not quite, equal to
that which the rich had contributed.
Mr. ROEBUCK—The rich in Ireland.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL.—The rich of this country, and
sfeuerleing. It was a w
lysue afact musteikw
well-known
fact,ratet o
thatthe ucreselaoitnoaf the
farmerhelrish
made any improvement in the land, that moment his rent was
raised. There was no protection whatever given them by the
law. Yet this was the equal justice, dealt to the people of
Ireland by an English Parliament. The Noble and Learned
Member had also said, why did they not tax the horses, ser-
vants, and arms of the Irish gentry ? To that he would
answer, tax by all means those who came over here as legis-
lators, or to spend their incomes out of the country, but do not
let them tax the resident gentry, who already were borne down
enough by taxation. The same applied to the tradesman, and
men of business in Ireland. Already they had enough to suffer
without being obliged to pay an income or property-tax. While
the union existed he could not consent to extend those taxes
to those who were resident in Ireland. The Honourable and
Learned Member (Mr. Roebuck) had the credit of being a
great constitutional lawyer. If so, he must admit that represent-
ation should be coequal with taxation. Applying this principle
to the taxation and representation of Ireland, he found that
while Ireland paid the same taxes in three cases out of four
that England did, her proportion of representatives, compared
with England, was Itosior 6. Whatever were the existing
evils of Ireland, he believed they had originated by the union,
and at any futurg time, he would be prepared fully to go into
the subject with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman if he was
prepared to do so.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. BAIL LIE said that ever since the beginning of the
session, the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, had insisted
on one proposition, which was, that the land of a country was
bound to sustain its population. Now he (11r. Baillie) admitted
the truth of the proposition. It was indisputable—but the
Hon. and Learned Member was much mistaken if he thought
that this abstract proposition could be always carried out.
There were many districts that could not maintain
their poor, and he wanted to know how, under
such circumstances, the destitute were to be sup-
ported? He had on a former occasion pointed at the
case of the Isle of Sky, the rental of which in the best of
times would not maintain its population more than six months
in the year, and in the present year. from the failure of the
potato crop, not more than two months. How then could the
land support those people ? He trusted the House would be
cautious how they introduced the English Poor-law into Ire-
land, and above all not to grant out-door relief to the able-
bodied labourer. Such a course would, in his opinion, be
ruinous. He thought it would be better, in the first instance,
to introduce such a law as the Scotch one into operation in
Ireland, and to extend its provisions afterwards, if found
necessary.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. HUME remarked that the Hon. Gentleman who had
last spoken had gone altogether wide of the question. In fact,
he had not referred to it at all. The real question of his Hon.
and Learned Friend (Mr. Roebuck) was that the
Irish landlords should be subjected to the same
taxation as the landlords and people of England.
The case of the Isle of Sky had nothing whatever
to do with the question; yet surely the Hon. Member for
Inverness would not be bold enough to say that the whole
property of Sky should not first be taxed to the support of the
poor, before coming to England, and asking her for support.
A great deal had been said about the speech of the Hon. and
Learned Member for Bath exciting angry and vindictive
feelings, but it was not the spirit of the speech they had to
deal with, it was the motion by which it was accompanied—
whether a fair and equitable system of taxation for Ireland
should not be adopted.—( Hear, hear.) It was quite clear that
the Government had acted in a most unsatisfactory manner in
employing the Irish people on useless public works. but the
future was what the House had to deal with. Notwithstanding
whet had been said, he was firmly of opinion that the Hon. and
Learned Member for Bath had made out his case. None
could deny the general facts and arguments which he bad em-
ployed. While this was his (Mr. Hume's) opinion of the
motion, at the same time he agreed that the Hon. Member
for Kilkenny was right in attributing the present evils in Ire-
land to misgovernment. Previous legislatures had been guilty
ot this misgovernment, and lie would now support any measure
for Ireland which was calculated to give that country equal
rights and privileges with England.—( Hear, hear.) Until
they relieved Ireland from the burdens which pressed upon it—
until they obliged those whose lands were mortgaged to a great
extent to sell that land. they.would have no mitigation ot the
evils which at present afflicted Ireland. They would find that
a great proportion of the soil of that country was arrested in
Chancery, and unless some effective means were therefore
adopted by Government, it would be useless to expect that the
landlords would endeavour to prevent the poor from starving.
On these grounds he would support the motion of his Hon.
Friend the Member for Bath. He would support him, because
he thought the motion well timed. The on. Member had
chosen a time when it was absolutely necessary that the opinion
of the House should be taken. He had asked for nothing but
what was fair, and entertaining that opinion, he (Mr. Hume)
would support his Hon. Friend if he pressed his motion to a
division.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said that one important part of
tthouischecidueuspti,pan
bhyatdh,eitdiffaperpeenarteAdietmobehrismw,hboehenad
shpuotkensliguhptolny
ith tehßa l
le vuenndienrg ,e
iagnhdt tohre
treenwas nightsl i t 1 eatp ro s p
least tit!esf
uch getting'a hr
di
cu os
suigonh
t
werpermittede
notth
e
hw his
which ow
enter upon the di this
was, that
was this
sion of the question, whether or not the general burden of pro-
viding for the poor should be (as in England) thrown upon
Ireland, by compelling contributions to the financial taxes of
the country, as well as to the local burdens. He did not think
that this was the fitting occasion for discussing this question,
or that the Hon. Member's amendment was the best mode of
providing for the evils they had to consider. What was it that
the Honourable Member proposed? He proposed, that be-
fore entering upon the consideration of the Bill brought
forward by the Noble Lord and the Government—namely,
to advance certain sums by way of loans, for the pur-
pose of employing industrial labour, and also of im-
proving landed property ; to add to that Bill certain condi-
ta, i‘notynh sa
ntwiohnri
ecahn
pycropaulcaltndi
cs oa
fl
ryespu
reliefrl
to.vfookrTethhdeei
osstnsri.eosnGs
oewf. itttlhhe oemualtnr
ilsehpardpoiopnoogrs
proposed,
loans to the owners of property in Ireland they would be
unjust and impolitic, unless accompanied by a system of taxa-
tion, which would subject such property to the burdens already
imposed upon all property throughout Great Britain." Now
he ( Sir R. Peel) assented to the principle of that resolution,
the real and practical difficulty was not to he found in this ab-
stract principle itself, but in the application of it under existirg
circumstances—(Hear, hear)—and in the mode proposed by
the Hen. Gentleman. Why, in the first place, he (Sir R.
Peel) was of opinion that the landlords in Ireland could
not submit to have these burdens imposed upon
them—( Hear, hear)—he apprehended that the burdens
imposed upon property in Scotland were not the same with
those imposed in England. But let them observe what the
Bill said. The Bill enabled certain owners of property in
Ireland to avail themselves of a power which the Government
possessed of granting money by way of loan, and when they
were told that nearly 100.001 persons were employed in public
eeires wheel: were tither wiol,sis er tat, neceliiary. ai,d when they
Brad to cooeider a n casure which prepused to supply fool to the
suffering poor gratuitously, he though' few persona would doubt
that it might be advisable in certain cases to advance sums of
money to the landlords of Ireland, for the purpose of improving

t satis-

The
at WO
_as if

THE SUN, LONnoN, TUESDAY
_EVENING, MARCH 9, 1847.

lifts;
4° Which had been answered for the same reason. They
4:72.
‘.ll.neellor of the Exchequer fighting agairst the First
ele:%e 01 the ley Treasury on the most vital questions affecting
es ee
%tot se eight millions of her Majesty's subjects. He
Y that the whole Ministry put him in mind
ae, slot which had been told him by an old sailor about the
theeernemnon. She was in se rotten a condition, that when
Cte took her into port and drew the water from her she
aeled into pieces —( Hear, hear.) She floated on the top
leYutios'erging of 'the. water, ut whn that was vs itlidrawn she
tee b in,eces• So with the Ministry; they only fleeted on the
se; toe surging of their opponents, but the moment opposi-
eea'''d they disareed, and their policy fell to pieces.
of jit hear,) Great God ! could it be thought, on a question
rnaenitude—on a measure of such vital imortancelas
were
oppos' ethaatth,the Noble Lord and the Right Ho.n. Baronet
reeeiee • one to the other? On this question he could not
What 4!,3 answer from the Noble Lord—he did not know
ee intended to do in a matter affecting the lives. of eight
Jeb:nt: °f people.—(Cheers and " Hear, hear,' from Lord
(Mr. ssell.) If the Noble' Lord gave him that cheer, he
be Roebuck) would accept it at once, and say
Hea' wrong, and that the Noble Lord would not carry
Reklgh either of those Bills unless he carried both of them.
acesredceiteeeed
that the rich people of Ireland should. pay_
elpe„lng to their means, in order to maintain the national
that tees of the Country. He assumed that a large majority in
tettss"",e were in favour of the union between the two coon-
*treat P!.esent. Therefore he would contend that their expenses
land national expenses, e.nd he
should not every man in Ire-
mannerPa3 teeording to, his means for that end, in the same
eere,te es in England. Let the House meet the peculiar eirh-
Gene nee: of the Irish proprietors. Every one of those ris
tn4enleetneo~n eatinected with the administration were (1, niaens of
r`q they lire in England, and they each pay
Now,
te'ter out of the proceeds of his Irish property. . .
• , not stand to common sense that, a man who. lived in
towards' goad possessing Irish property, should bear his quota
ef/./ the expenses of the nation ? Why, then, in the name
not elyen, should a man because he chose to live in Dublin,
tsrs.°a.ie,,,earne thing ( Cheers.) . The Right Honourable
4% in le ir 4. Peel) brought forward his measure for an income-
tions,t,)`"o" "usual, smiling, pleasant manner. . He met the obj.ec-
sete,ie +Just like a lawyer, and opened his case carefully, just
Ileeb TIY to meet the difficulties of his own case.. He (. r.
that leensr,-)iitook the liberty at that time of suggesting to him
Probability, his measure would not be a temporary
m
kft °fliv ask it for three years,' was the reply of that
aim gentle statesman," and (continued the Hon. Member,
Ilebeeeneettting at the same time the tone and gestures of Sir
niY pee "See how unreasonable yew are in opposing
there: Positions you are to have it only for three years, and
11Ienis's that cantankerous little man—(Laughter)—the Hon.
threeeer fee
Hath—vou see how he opposes me ; it is only for
the t, Jeer'" The three years passed, and again came down
the h;taaive Premier, and patting him (Mr. Roebuck) on
%et e'eli°, said " It is true the three year, are gone, but. I have
is eb,Ta n altogether able to meet my difficulties; we will have
''"(is. It'
if You please for three years —oßly three years."
Aga.n,3
Cassandra like, he (Mr. Roebuck)
the head and suggested " eternity' as the duration of
into head
" Oh," replied the able
only financ'ere I can assure you it will only be for three years—
eedy tkuree
years."— (reat laughter.) Why every-
tth th well that it would last at least coeval
eerydetatten of their natural lives. There were many,
!Pon i,any Young legislators in that House, who might depend
deaths " would have to pay the income-tax till the day of their
ti.ni,lg;bcp.te.ut the
.Right Hon. Baronet said " Do not say any-
° o "‘ unposlng the income-tax in Ireland ; I am going
44,- 'ex upon th't f that country." The measure
hatesseled, hut the spiritpsirtiasx °was never levied, and the next
led i-e"wthit repealed.- Why ? Because smuggling increased,
t end the tax had to be taken off. But was the in-
trete ,411'it Put on in its stead? The Right Hon. Baronet,
tars, seat he had seen of him during the last fifteen or twenty
etigleed'' always ready to yield to the reason of the peop e of
s'ate it. ; and he wanted the Noble Lord to feel and appre-
eireie ioree in the same way. There must be complete over-
;hY
less eg of the whole Irish system.—(Hear.) Hut
aboutthere
no nonsensical repeal, unless it were brought
by the nonsensical meetings and then it would be conceded
°rlsrison sens f Eng,land. At present an Irishman
't'srere-ss'entP_e:de.nucte,ehoe, couldnot depend upon his own labour
hii'etigreas aune4trch lookedbtoyptnhiimassistance and patronage of
He did not know the.
n4epti:etii?sogli'e°Bftindependmenacne,abeocaUse he had never relied upon his
ue toil, while the Englishman looked upon it, not
he
the Lc'', but as a necessity for life. Now, it ought to
he
httte sin,cs, of the Noble Lord to prepare the Iris.hisnan for t e
tjteting, to teach him to rely on his own individual labour
lieteet,e °Pon the support of the great man. The Noble Lord,fie
list lac? l'.as doing this in a most preposterous mafnner.
enjilhing, criminally lavishing, the wealth o Eng a .
efolle inue this state
thee' things in Ireland, and the consequence
the be, that year 1547 would be succeeded by
the rflore terrible year of 1848, and should not
frlfitesll Powerful Providence vouchsafe to
.s.end. a
A 4 harvest in England, how direful would be the visitation.
that the tacit was never committed by any statesman than
ee foundessable Lord was falling into. There was no parallel to
Frettel in history, from Genesis downwards, and why he re-
; eve the consequence of it was that the misery and sufferings
the d lead to would fall upon England as well as upon Ireland.
eV Pride of the people of England would not let them pro-
their distress ; it prevented them from exclaiming " God
the; Your Honour, give us aids'' They would die rather
liellPPort themselves by such means. He asked
lite representatives of the people of England
1,1;e1 Would sacrifice their constituent., instead of making the
'object
property of Ireland, and all incomes in that country,
Jett to contribute towards the support of the general
:Ware of the State. Let every man in Ireland aid. according
`,", his means; but for God's sake, do not let them tell him that
those who received 150/. a year—for that was all he asked
Itere not in a condition to contribute their quota towards the
iterdens of the people. One word more. It would not be
:ttbgi_pbefore the nation would be called upon, in its great
tes sleet capacity, to decide on the conduct of that House;
_ eere tee long, each of them would stand before the
f nation
1,44
would be called upon to reply to the question, “ What
sb .e You done with our means?" But with what ace could
sY reel c, Ver
Y e have squandered them upon the idle; we have
• n them away upon those who have neglected their duty ;
Nie,e've Paid the Irish poor because the proprietors of the soil
tliklttiunwiiling to support them."—( Hear.) Are you, con-
Nerohe Hon. Member, prepared to say—each or any. of
me to meet your constituents? If you are not, vote with
teste
'twen I ask you on the present occasion, to support the
1103 n which
ble
ihnagv e proposed.—(Cheers.)
'The he
11eH ALL seconded the motion.
then put by the Sramesß, H
tikes AR°ISCHERE said he came down to the
Gouseeruto_
kietit
isisodne of the most important measures which the
for
rovtheir
7',uside,t.hought right to submit to the Legislature
at--'l°,l, with the view of mitigating the unexampled
kri and famine in Ireland. Now he deprecated the
liotkuls onious tone of the Hon. Gentleman who had cast asper-
ectne:;4 the characters of. Irishmen, and drawn invidious
snob--a'e°ns between Celts and Saxons, because discussionsff oft
tbtl nature could not be expected to have any other effect
IseseZeele,Perating the Irish people, and producing a bad effect
lotiee3're•T Words pronounced within those walls had ringing
Is'elliels'n • h”' had been carried to that suffering country „in
Mik,r rriVatlOrl was extreme, and would materially add to the
tet the People that country were suffering. It 7vas no
en, thn e
en -uget for any one to make use of that suffering for
Letes'e'rOre of 'widening whatever breach there might
Irish
People the Irish and English people, and of leading the Iris
mutes "'look to that House by its being pointed to, as the
°'
all their miseries Now, he deeply regretted that
Et e,',ithese circumstances the Hon. Gentleman had thought
bpihe • such a speech as the one they had just heard,
thes in %rose princially for the
_purpose of doing all
%%e'? eeaeira'abelraaY, to persuadeP that House, but particularly
be drawn into discussions of
h,d'i to
as
tnootse
rathertoih the Honourable Member
htlaittlet,r°,4heed, but to apply their addresses to the properer
bhieheet_cefore them, and to consider the irnportantt_meat!uou
ever ,•ee Government had submitted, for, in tru h, f
of
the I,4rish measure they were to consume the greater. part t
ditie,eneing upon extraneous' matters, or upon the relative con-
duced n! Saxon and Celt, and upon the other questionsl in ro-e
sho,im Into the speech of the Hon. Gentleman, he
*hui ith despair of carrying out those important
t.
Prepailt the Government had submitted te h.
v'ew of relieving much of the distress
on
htiche
Pars of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) He prot esed
treated • the Government, against this waste of time, h
e, and
desebe would not laid at the door of the Government,
ehotild p ywithout being able to obtain proper
it its scions on thoSessmaewasahrews which the Government had felt
tetereittY to submit to the House. He would, however, then,
aetn°arleP" the question, whether Ireland should bear asl
.e °I taxation as this country. As a general principle,
,tftled",.,_not prepared deny that Ireland ought to be
rusk)
4,'Ke this country_( Hear, hear, from Mr. Roe-
,•
he must say he thought it would be a
eeeit he
for the House to come to at a period of un-
Persetl:leti distress in Ireland, and when the just measure. of
with 11ewt relief was submitted to the House, if they said that,
qice ita" view of remedying that distress, they should at
an income-tax, and an assessed tax uon her. He
ttf: Itt:hroseleo,:iods;:as
expressing the feelings of the
.Honse when he
°lees)," tney could not support the proposition of the Hon.
er whatever they might think of its abstract justice.
however, proceed to advert to one or
kw of in the Honourable Gentlenan's. address.
the had never disguised from the House his opinion, that.
ehiq "erre:tient expenditure in Ireland had causedG
ogreatver
Government
ofsbs-alear, hear.) It was impossible for thet
ordinary
fee ceuntry to undertake that, which was out theoe
pros
,uifloee_tifozsdofforGtohreerpnemopelnet,ofnlaremlaenlyd,;to find employment !orr t.
t rho-
et, v.ernrrient to undertake functionsitofwathsismkrnodsswaiiitehofu p
ro-
uting great and concomitant mischief.—( Hear, hear.) He
the
never sought to disguise his opinien, that with regard to
t 4 Labour-rate Act, introdeeed by the late, and greatly ex" 41,1.ded by she present Government r the purpose of providing
telel_c_f, the derangement of labour or the
on the inter.
te7ce of Government would be fraught with mischief.
been that measure to which he gave his cordial support,
ee_lneant the Lill which provided food and not labour for the
eVerfof Ireland, even that measure would produce great mis-
Idoyrn
n e But if Government were not to provide food or ern-
for the people, what was the alternative ? Without
%%sag an effort, without raising a hand, ware they te allow
Petesiinde, nay millions, of their miserable fellow-subjects to
could pestilence and starvation. He said that the man who
of h,:ve such counsel to the Government had not one spark
City
b.}ll.tuty in his bosom.—(Hear, hear.) It was the neces-
tiles ich called for those measures, it was on that necessity
48.41:founded his justification.—( Cheers.) The
.Hon. and
Frio Gentleman Gentleman had also adverted to what his Noble
'rise I,ed, said with regard to the cennexion between the
The nor-law and the Bill that was then before the House.
bast ne• Gentleman was surprised that his Noble Friend
:ritehel;tri:sowne?red the question. namely, whether, in the event
tent P°°t-laW measure not passing that House, the Govern-
tonser.e Prepared to abandon the Bill then under
He (Mr. Labouchere) believed his Noble
th, t° be both a bold man and a bold Minister, but he
Cr)o's'ste"t....tha another necessary virtue in a Minister of the
Itoele be discretion, and he considered that the Noble Lord
tioewanting in this quality if he had answered the
concededthee te 'at Hon. Member. His Noble Friend had
haaeeare a
was close connexion between these measures, and
i
Peesso, listed his desire that they should be considered phre
boughtln order to go up to the other House together. H
taerthat this knowledge ought to have satisfied the Hon.
that ' Ile would not trouble the House any further on
t° ese-eal"ni his principal inducement in rising had. been
disQ4l._%t the House net to allow itself to be drawn into the
thou 7'n which the Hon. Gentleman had originated. He
inog lt that a discussion which could only revive angry feel-
tithe wwould be time thrown away, nay, worse, that it would be
if Ire' sad for
mischievous purposes. The alarming situation
Pirit Was too grave a matter to be considered in the
messeditwhich the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had corn-
differerit He hoped they would approach the subject in a
and Le._ spirit to that which had been evinced by the Hon.
eli soeid "red Member for Bath, and that the great question
eouhied discussed in a temperate and becoming manner.
?eel ''.ere them that he was as much against
.the
alee... the Union as any man could be. He desired
away
see existing between Celt and Saxon to he done
bes'o7ith, that they should be fused into one great nation ;
I,.e,ndleries,,w_oujd never be accomplished by abusing th e Irish
fantasy 'ugh attacks as the House hest joss, listened to.
w.oh,eryaiions, ho lined the Ilouee not
eornrnittit" the dieeuesion, but would allow them to go into
eteeeider ce, to that the provisions of the Bill might be fully
Mr, At "--( Hear, hear.)
ANII Would at once have acceded to the proposition

when was it to be ? Was it to be when Ireland
had swallowed up all the English gold, that the proper time to
discuss the question was to come? How much longer would
they go on living upon English gold and English toil? He
was happy to see that the time would shortly come when the
English people would have an opportunity of taking the matter
in their own hands, and of declaring their opinicns upon the
conduct of the Government.
't I%lr. M. MILNES did not think the present was a fitting
time to enter upon the discussion of a poor-law for Ireland. It
was a question they could not discuss at this moment. After
the present visitation had passed over, he believed they would
be in a position to enter not only upon the poor-law, bat
the general question of Ireland. The grants to Ireland ought
not to be mixed up with those general questions; each should
be taken separately, and having disposed of present wants, they
might then look about them for tie best means of improving
the social and moral condition of the sister kingdom, and of
warding off future calamities.
Mr. MUNTZ agreed with the principles laid down in the
speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, and had
the Hon. and Learned Member founded a substantial motion
upon it, he would certainly have given him his support. But
he did not see what the Hon. and Learned Member's amend-
ment had to do with the question before them. The proposal
of Government was not to make an absolute and unconditional
grant of money to Ireland, or he should have been the last
man to support it, but it was cn the contrary, a proposal to
lend with the prospect of future repayment, and in that view
he was prepared to give them his support. He quite agreed
with the Hon. and Learned Member, that both the property
and the income-tax ought to be applied to Ireland, and he
should be always ready to support such a proposal, no matter
who brought it forward, provided it was in a pacific form.
Mr. SH A RAI AN CR AWFORD was decidedly opposed to
taking the capital of this country to meet the present distress
in Ireland without pledging hiraself, as an Irish landholder, to
use his utmost exertions to see it repaid. He was no advocate
for supporting the poor of Ireland at the expense of the
capital of England, and the property of Ireland ought to be
bound to see this loan, for he viewed it in that light, repaid to
the last farthing —( Hear, hear.)
slr. R. YORKE said this was not the time for entering upon
the topics opened up by the Honourable and Learned Member
for Bath, and as the wants of Ireland were exceedingly
pressing, he felt constrained to support Government on that
occasion.
Mr. JAMES should conscientiously vote for the motion of
the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, and hoped the period
was not far distant when the principles enunciated by him
would be carried into effect.
The galleries were then cleared, and the House divided,
when there appeared—
For the original motion ...... 121
For the amendment .. ........... ..•• 26
Majority ...... —95

the land, and also of employing the labourers in the cultivation
of the soil, and thus increasing its produce ; hut the Von.
Gentleman asked, that no plan of relief for the distress of the
Irish poor by means of loans to the owners of property in
Ireland should he permitted, unless accompanied by a system
of taxation wl ich would subject such property to the burdens
already imposed upon all property throughout Great Britain. Now
he would ask the Hon. Member how it would be practical to
carry out this resolution ? Supposing that twenty landed pro-
prietors wished to borrow from Government an amount of
10,0001. each, for the purpose of improving their properties,
under an engagement for the repa}ment of the amount ad-
vanced, what would be the practical effect of the resolution as
worded by the Hon. Member ? Did he mean that the pro-
prietors should be subjected to the same burdens as in Eng-
land ?
Mr. ROEBUCK—Yes.
Sir R. PEEL--They were then to pay an income-tax, but
it was to be an income-tax applicable to Ireland generally ;
and why? because perhaps twenty proprietors had availed
themselves of the opportunity offered them of borrowing cer-
tain moneys by way of loan.
Mr. ROEBUCK Oh, no, no.
Sir R. PEEL—Why, what could be the meaning of the
Hon. Gentleman's reservation? If ten individuals borrowed
money from Government for the purpose of improv.ng their
properties, either tl,ey were to pay the income-tax individually
or the whole population of Ireland were to be liable to pay it.
Which did the lion. Gentleman mean ?
Mr. ROFBUCK—The whole of Ireland of course.
Sir ROBERT i'F.EL—What ! if they were to advance
10,0001. to each of those ten individuals, was that to be held a
good and sufficient reason why they should tax the whole
population of Ireland? But the How. Gentleman', resolution
said that the application of the property-tax would depend on
the question whether advances of money had been made to
certain parties. Surely this was not doing justice to the mag-
nitude of the subject ; surely this was not meeting the question
which the Noble Lord had introduced in a proper manner.
He (Sir Robert Peel) did not know what answer the Hon.
Gentleman could give to Ills question. lie did not object to
the abstract principle advanced by the Hon. Gentleman, but
he did affirm, that the difficulties of Ireland were not to he met
by a resolution 'lke this; and, above all, he (Sir R. Peel)
would not concede that an income-tax should be imposed upon
Ireland because certain advances of money had been made to
certain landlords. He considered that he much diminished the
claim which England had upon Ireland, if, to the measures
of the Noble Lord, were attached the reservation of the
Hon. Gentleman. Now the House would observe, that he did not
deny that it might be jus'; on a reconsideration of their finan-
cial system, to which they must shortly come, he would not
deny that then the question might be considered of equal bur..
tens. But it might be said that he was prejudicing the case,
that he was taking a prejudiced view of the subject, and that
he much diminished the prospect of a satisfactory arrangement
by not agreeing to the present resolution. All he could say
was, that he objected to these general and abstract reso-
lutions. When this measure would come before them, he
could see difficulties enough which would require to be solved,
before it could go through Committee, and he did not think
that they were increasing the passibility of a satisfactory result,
by fettering themselves with engagements, like those required
by the Hon. Member, or agreeing to abstract principles, like
that in the resolution. He was ready to consider the whole
question when it came before them in another shape, hut he
thought this time unfitted for its consideration.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he objected wholly to the
imposition of an Income Tax upon landlords who might
borrow money from the Government under this Bill ;
and he had not intended to make any ob.ervations
that evening, if the Honourable and Learned
Member had confined himself to the mere subject
matter of the resolu:ion. The Hon. Gentleman. however,
had omitted many of the arguments in favour of his proposi-
tions in order to launch out against Irish proprietors, against
the Ministry, the most unjust sarcasms, rather with a view of
amusing the House, than meeting the question. With respect
to the Income. and Property-tax Acts, he thought there were
arguments—if that were the proper time to consider them—
there were arguments in favour of this proposition connected
with the state of Ireland itself, because an argument might be
adduced in favour of direct taxation from the fact that
the indirect taxation in Ireland had been so dispro-
portioned to the means of consumption, and therefore
had furnished one main cause for that checked consumption,
as was ably shown in a speech of the late Lord Sydenham,
and, therefore, if the Hon. Gentleman had discu.eed the
question on fair grounds, he might have used many arguments
which he had altogether omitted that evening. The lion.
Gentleman, in some of his remarks, had shown, a misappre-
hension of the grounds on which he (Lord J. Russell) had
proposed that the Bill before the House, a Bill for the relief
of the poor, should pass concurrently with the Landed Pro-
perty Bill. He thought it was most desirable that the popu-
lation of Ireland, a great part of whom would be unable to live
on the small plots of potatoes which they held, should be sup-
plied with some other means of subsistence, and he knew none
better than to encourage the proprietors of the soil to improve
their lands, to increase the produce, at the same time giving
employment to the industrial labour of the country. But
while this effect was desirable, he doubted if it could be ob-
tained so completely, unless accompanied by a Bill which would
compel the owners of the soil to support those who were
starving. He !whired, therefore, that it a Bill were brought
in, compelling them to support those who were destitute, on the
one hand, they should, on the other, give the means of employ-
ment by advancing loans of moue}', and thus it was desirable that
these two Hills should accompany each other. With regard
to the poor-law, he thought that if they imposed considerable
burdens on the owners of the land, they ought also to provide
means for the improvement of that land to enable it to bear
those added burdens. One means was to enable the landlords
to obtain these loans on terms which would induce them to
apply to Government for them another was in cases where
the proprietors had but small incomes, and where the rest of
these incomes were eaten up by mortgages, to enable these
proprietors to sell a portion of their lands, sod thus place them-
selves in the situation rsf smaller proprietors, having smaller
incomes, but incomes th it were free. He thought, therefore,
that if these measures were allowed to accompany each other, con-
siderable expectations might be entertained of their efficiency.
The Hon. Member for Montrose had expressed a great alarm
at hearing that 700,000 persons were employed on
the public works of Ireland. He (Lord John Rus-
sell) would not think himself justified, although-
there were no other means of supporting the people in their
present wretched state of destitution, if he did not place a
strong check on the present employment of the poor in Ire-
land. The measure was passed for the purpose of affording a
temporary relief to the destitute in that country ; and the
Government had endeavoured, by means of a letter of the
Secretary of State for Ireland, and by other means to di-
minish the number of the labourers employed on these public
works. He did not think that the mischief of taking them
away from the cultivation of the soil was so great
as had been represented, and as this was the season
for ploughing and sowing taking place, there was a most
favourable opportunity given by the increased agricultural
operations, for decreasing the number of labourers employed
upon the roads. Perhaps the House would allow him to read
a portion of a letter, which had b ten placed in his hands that
morning. He would not give the writer's name but his statement
might be depended upon in every particular. (The Noble
Lord then read an extract from a letter to show that associa-
tions were being formed in Ireland for the purpose of opening
bread stores in Ireland, and that agricultural operations were
rapidly proceeding in many of the counties of Ireland. The
writer concluded by expressing his confidence that God in his
mercy would remove the calamity which at present afflicted
Ireland.) That letter was written in a spirit with which every
man should approach the subject. He (Lord John Russell)
thought that great credit was due to the Irish people for the
spirit of resignation and of patience with which they had seen
their fellow-men swept away in crowds by this great calamity,
and he did trust, therefore, that whatever bickerings they
might have in that House, they would endeavour not to inflame
national animosities, but rather to cherish those virtues
which belonged to the Irish character, and to forgive or over-
look the faults which were common to humanity.—( Cheers.)
Mr. S. O'BRIEN trusted that the Noble Lord would do
them of the Irish national party—(Laughter)—the justice to
believe that in their proceedings they were not actuated by na
tional or party animosities. He, at the same time, wished to
inform the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath that his sar-
casms had not been in any degree successful in ruffling his
temper—( Continued laughter)—and he could assure the Hots.
Member that he had done more for the cause of repeal—
(Laughter)—On that one evening than the party to which he
(Mr. O'Brien) belonged had effected by their whole proceed-
ings for many mouths. But still he did not feel that he was at
liberty to allow the challenge of the Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber to be silently passed over, that they who hat, agitated for
the repeal of the union had come over to England with bated
breath asking for succour. He could not allow of this ; and the
Honourable Member's speech but the more convinced
him of the necessity of domestic legislation. He believed
with the Honourable Member for Bath that property had
its duties as well as its rights. But he would tell the Hon.
Member that it was one thing to charge justly individuals,
but it wee quite another thing to arraign the innocent. He
could not concede the meed of such unparalleled magnanimity
to the English people as the Hon. Member for Bath said their
conduct deserved. He thought the best course for the Go-
vernment to adopt, before they proceeded to pass a poor-law
for Ireland, would be to appoint a Committee to inquire into
the financial condition of the two countries. lie was perfectly
content to abide by the decision of such a Committee.
Mr. E. CALLAGHAN said that reference bad been made
by the Hon. Member for Bath to a conversation which he had
had wiih two gentlemen, who were Roman Catholic priests.
He (Mr. Callaghan) also had au interview with those persons,
and he wished to inform the House that the object of their
coming to this country was to point out to the people of
England the condition of the suffering poor of Ireland, in
such a mariner as they could not be supposed to know. Those
gentlemen had thought proper to make some remarks re-
specting the conduct of certain gentlemen, and complaining
that they did nothing to relieve the distresses of the people.
He knew those gentlemen himself, and could say of hie own pei-
e
Isdt
acp),HHioitabosnteuoreutaanrrrredolheea. knowledge, that no persons in Ireland had subscribed more
f
dslaadlss: thannhnyihundoenepoafLetrot
attackthanhe anae t
Learned
etlwesnhhi:oehieuus,otiyi
opu,ti
tr
leam:tye.doie.
maßetkinuabohle
rttremnoea
mrnfnw.eosyai
:afaxsuannßhwlndsd:aaidhni ssbLes,
heitenaor:
ieanadaavi
rts,sfoenhktet:feoeeed,
ddr‘f
,vgoilAyowreionoi
Member
len sitting
anythinga:l;e boßi
nerrworegiaT,
,lhewfsibomehi
nushrtfeebhci
yoackreelifh,:r
ac
rea-
sontwoettfdhhhonci
r
h
r
id
ll
be at you." " Well," said the Hon. and Learned Member for
Bath, "I have an answer for them; I will give them the In-
come-tax." He was surprised to hear that he was encouraged
in his onslaughts by a ...,*riend—a friend of peace—the Hon.
Member for Durham. He supposed that the speech of this
evening was the result of his determination upon that ocea-
sion.—(Laughter.)
Lord G. BENTINCK had listened with attention to the
speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, but he had
not heard one single argument against going into Committee
on this Bill. He, for one, thought the Landed Property Bill
was an excellent measure. He thought that no injustice
could be committed on this country if the principle and
interest of the money about to be advanced, were advanced
upon good security. He regretted that the amount about to
be advanced was not even larger than was proposed, for he felt
assured that any improvement in the land of the country would
tend to augment and increase the revenue. He thought that
if " The Million Act" hail been carried out in a more liberal
mode than it had been done, much good might have been
effected by a system of more liberal grants. Approving alto-
nmoney
the'ney
Member
alto-
gether of the measure, and seeing naondsenzeearonreodesrAloiemmbier n the
resolution proposed by t
he public
Lord °
ißuat
it
on
n,
fhoer
gs ho
iontigl d
intothereforec onl
rnvi
tott:tes.p
Mr. B . inoe
nnfddaevr
nro uoarrteotfohreNoble
the
original
gnotot w
after the defeat he hail sustained on his Railway Bill for ad-
vancing 16,000,000/. of the English money. A great deal of
foE.:SL'CynOnTdTes rilriidn
talk had been heard in the House about " equal rights." No
person seemed inclined to dispute the justice of giving the
people of Ireland equal rights, but they should also remember
that if there were to be equal rights there must also be equal
burdens, The Hon. Member had said that this was not the
time for imposing equal burdens. He thought, however, that
the time had come when equal taxation should take place.
This question had not been met by any argument. Tee Hon.
Member for Kilkenny had said that he had some papers in his
pocket, or at home, or somewhere else, which could prnve that
tE; Mc. to I,Ettstinrt, Why wcs the ques-
tion not gone into 1 It h ese been .t that the
proper time to enter into the question. He maintained that
this was the proper time to settle the account, and see
how each nation stood, If it was not the time now,

which he had to make was, that time should be given to the
petitioners to amend their recognisances.
On the motion being read,
The ATTORNEY- GENERAL said that however in-
clined the House might be to grant this indulgence, it had no
power whatever to alter the form. By the 4th clause of 7 and
8 Victoria, chapter 103, the decision of the examiner of re-
cognitances was made final. The Act then went on to direct
the way in which the decisions were to be arrived at, and by
the 14th clause the principle was further carried out. There
had been one case since the passing of the Reform
Bill, and that was in the case of Lord G. Paget.
who had petitioned the House when he had lost his election for
Caernarvon. At that time the magistrate who had acted in
the case had done so out of his jurisdiction. That was a grave
question, but the circumstance of the magistrate having so
acted out of his jurisdiction had created a difficulty under which
Lord G. Paget was made the victim.

Mr. M'CAItTHY conceived that this was a case not con-
templated by the Act, and that the prayer of the petition ought
to be complied with.
Sir R. PEEL said that he was the person who had intro-
duced this Act, and it appeared that there were two tribunals esta-
blished by it. The first v as that of the examiner of recogniaances,
and the other was that of a Select Committee of the House.
The decisions of both these tribunals was to be final and con-
clusive, and he conceived, therefore, that this petition could
not be received. The terms of the Act were plain and
explicit, and they did not say that a man should
swear that he believed himself to be possessed of live hundred
pounds, for that would be by far too vague a direction, but that
he was seised and possessed of five hundred pounds, and the
levy in a case of estreat was to be made upon the goods and
chattels of the petitioner. This was sufficiently plain, and
therefore he must advise the House not to r. ceive this petition,
lest it should open the way to a dangerous innovation, which
might hereafter prove of serious inconvenience.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL thought that the better plan
would be decidedly to postpone the consideration of the matter
for at least twenty-four hours. He thought it matter of regret
that the examiner had come to this conclusion.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN replied. They were now resting
upon a technicality for the purpose of screening one of their
officers.
The motion was then negatived without a division.
The House adjourned at Two o'clock.

The House then went into Committee.
Clauses 1,2, 3, and 4 were agreed to.
On clause five,
Mr. G. HAMILTON moved that after the word " stones,"
in lien of the following words, should be inserted, " planting
hlsiefogratnhde
parceuptcahraintigonanodf
rparie,e-
pkl
iainlvTriseeshte,ieden.,, farmef bfirai
ax ms ,
lal dfev thegates,
with young trees, erecting tile works for draining tiles, lime-
kilns,
uisl
CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER objected to
the amendment, as it would materially interfere with the ob-
jects of the Bill.
The Earl of LINCOLN opposed the amendment.
Mr. Vesey, Mr. Smith O'Brien, Mr. Shaw, and Sir Denham
Norreys supported the amendment, and contended that by
adopting it, increased employment would be given to unskilled
labour.
Colonel RAWDON also supported the amendment, as it
would tend to encourage improvements in the buildings and
other works on the land, necessary for agricultural purposes.
Sir G. GREY opposed the amendment, as if the land
were once improved the other improvements would lollow as a
necessary consequence.
After a few words from Mr. PHILIP HOWARD,
Lord LINCOLN said if they legislated as Hon. Gentlemen
who opposed the clause wished, they would completely inter-
fere with private enterprise to which they would do well to
leave at least something, and instead of the expenditure of only
1,000,0001. being necessary, they would be compelled to expend
hundreds of millions. In his opinion the clause went far
enough.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the
amendment, on the ground that the clause as it stood would
effect all that was necessary.
Mr. HAMILTON withdrew his amendment, and the clause,
with some slight alterations, was agreed to.
On Clause 0 being proposed,
Mr. GROGAN moved the insertion of the following words,
"by courtesy"—" or any person empowered by law to embank
and reclaim lands from the sea." He considered that without
this addition to the clause, companies or private per-
sons wishing to make such improvements at their
own expense, would not have that protection which
the outlay they wouldbe necessarily called upon to make should
entitle them, or on the other hand, be able to obtain aid from
the Government.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the
amendment, as he considered it would enti'le private com-
money for their own purposes, to obtain money which by the
panics, who were empowered under their Acts to borrow
Bill was only intended to be lent to the proprietors of land.
The amendment was ultimately withdrawn, and the clause
was agreed to.
Clauses 7,8, 9, 10, 11, and 12, were then agreed to with-
out discussion.
After some slight discussion on clause 13,
Clauses 16, 17, and 18 were then agreed to.
On clause 19 being proposed,
Mr. M. O'FERR ALL objected that there were no sufficient
means of ascertaining the application of the monies to be ap-
plied under this Act. The officials were not made sufficiently
responsible.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could see
no feasible reason for objecting to the officials. To
whom were they to object? Why, to the commissioners of
public works. He had in his hand the Bill of last session,
which was introduced by the late Secretary for Ireland, on
which his Noble Friend had acted. He would not read the
clause to the end, but he thought he could not act more wisely
than by showing the foundation on which they had proceeded.
Mr. MON AHAN said that this question of time was to
be decided by the Com tof Chancery ; but how could the
Lord Chancellor decide upon a matter like this so well as the
Commissioners of Public Works?
After a few words from the Earl of LINCOLN,
Mr. MORE O'FERRALL thought a question might arise
as to the remuneration to he given under the Board of Works.
Mr. SHAW understood that the appeal of the Court of
Chancery was only to be an extreme resort.'
Mr. HINDLEY said, that in the English Bill they gave
the trustees an indemnity, but they had done no such thing in
this Bill, and that was the only means of guarding themselves
from the inconveniences of the Act.
Mr. HAMILTON, after referring to the 15th clause, sug-
gested that words should be inserted giving to the Commis-
sioners a power to inquire as to whether the public works
would put such an increased value on the land as would justify
the outlay.
Mr. M. O'FERRALL objected to the introduction of the
clause altogether. There was a clause in the sth and 6th
Victoria, which did give the powers sought by
this clause, but
there was nothing of the kind in the Drainage Act of last
year, and the only effect would be to enable the Commissionersto appoint an assessor, at ten guineas a day, which no doubt
would give a very pleasant occupation to the lawyers.
After a few words in explanation from Sir G. Grey, the
Earl of Lincoln and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, show-
ing the verbal construction of the clause,
Mr. M. O'FERRALL intimated his intention, that unless an
alteration was made, he should move for the omission of the
clause.
After some further discussion the clause was agreed to.
Clauses 20, 21, and 22, with some verbal amendments, were
likewise agreed to.
Clauses 23, 24, and 25 were agreed to.
On clause 26 being proposed,
Lord G. BENTINCK made some observations with re-
ference to the security which Government h
would ave that the
monies advanced would be applied to the purposes of improving
the land.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained
that the Government would see that the first instalment was
properly applied before a second instalment would be granted.
to 500/,
The clause, as amended, was agreed to.
to after some
Clauses 27, 28, 29, 30, and 31, were agreed
verbal amendments. ) in the clause
He had no objection to alter the amouat (300;.
Upon clause 32 being proposed,
The Earl of LINCOLN thought that some
d the
should be put upon the extent of the powers gan.e
li
Commissioners.
m to itation
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was under;
stood to say that great difficulty would arise from the addition of
any words to the clause as it then stood.
Lord G. BEN TINCK said that in the performanceh
works contingencies might arise, and it was well to
lta
v e
wh :raiche
words introduced into the clause to meet any difficu
of le age
might arise. Ir• More
After a few words from Mr.
and the
W. S. O'Brien, A.
cellor of the Exchequer, in reply ; the clause, .as it originally
stood, was agreed to.
few words from Mr.
O'Ferrall, Lord Lincoln, Lord G. Bentinck,
Clauses 33 to 36 were then, after a
Hastivrow and the CHANCELLOR of EUHEQUER, agreed to.
Clauses 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, and 42, were agreed to.
Clause 43 was agreed to.
On clause 44 being put,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proposed

two verbal amendments.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN objected to the clause altogether,
which he considered would be a most unjust and impolitic
enactment.
wellrlero.
mßiEtteLdL,EthWe
Bciolni swidoeurleddb,
etohfant
oifvatlhuies. and the 32d clause
The clause was then agreed to.
Clauses 45 to 53 were then agreed to without opposition.
Mr. M. O'FERRALL contended th
eat
to the the parties who
effected the arterial drainage were entitld same benefit
as those who carried out the thorough drainage.
After a conversation between Mr. M. O'Ferrall, Mr. Stewart,
and Mr. Smith O'Brien,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that if
the question were to be raised at all, it ought to be raised on
the principle of the Bill.
The clauses were then passed.
Clauses 54 and 55 were also passed.
On clause 56 being proposed,
Mr. M. O'FERRALL said that this clause imposed a penalty
of five pounds, and he would propose that an alteration of
fortnight's imprisonment, be made a part of the Bill. This
was understood to be allowed.
Clauses 57 and 55 were then passed.
Several other clauses were agreed to without discussion.
BlLL—ported
uses
Lord Ne wry, Sir R. Ferguson, and Mr Smith O'Brien se- '
verally proposed clauses in order to give greater effect to the
provisions respecting drainage, but they were withdrawn on
the promise that the Government would give effect to their re-
commendations in some other form.
The remaining clauses were then agreed to, and the Bill,
nesday next.
Wed-
The House then resumed.
with the amendments were ordereds(ilstand co t
POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHE-
QUER the consideration of the Poor Relief (Ireland) Bill
RIAGE (SCOTLAND) BILL. R-
These Bills were read a second time.
CAilaA
wRB aiElTsl
GahwdeljesorGuel:r
aEns esßm
rod I.
furtheroNr Gks Bcll
Clauses
considerede in Committee.
GALWAY ELECTION.
l eikb WaterworkseNpre) o n

Mr. W. S. O'BRIEN presented a petition, complaining of
the decision of the Examiners with respect to the
ecognisances required to be entered into by certain peti-
tioners against the return of Mr. Monaghan for the town
of Galway, as a Member to serve in that House,
he begged the House to remember that the law of elections
had been changed. The parties had now only fourteen days to
lodge their petitions, and considering the place was five hun-
dred miles from London, he thought that every indulgence
ought to be shown to the petitioners The Courts of JAW had
expreised great doubt:; to 'he terms of the Act as to whe•
thy the expre,,,,,r, ,:rih A certain sans, was intended
imply that a petitioner was in the possession of five hundred
pounds, and therefore, he presumed, that the conditions of
the Act had been substantially complied with, The motion

It was
it this

LITERATURE.
SHERIDAN KNOWLES'S NEW WORK.

GEORGE LO [SELL. 3 Vols. By James Sheridan
Knowles.
When a great dramatic poet undertakes the produc-
tiva of a novel—whether it be condensed into a dozen
chaptetrs or expanded into three volumes octavo—he
ensure.: to that Hovel a more than ordinary attention.
What, let us imagine for a moment, would not be the
curiosity excited by the discovery of a prose fiction from
the pen of Racine, of Calderon, of Home, of Farquhar,
or of Metastasio? We should turn to the narrative
with feelings rather higher than those of mere inquisi-

tiveness; we should examine the plot, the characters,
the purpose, and the diction of the story with
peculiar and not unpleasant emotions, with a desire
to know how that genius had fared in the enchanted
grounds of romance which had disported itself in the
loftier regions of the tragic and comic drama. But our
curiosity would be marvellously heightened were the
tale found to have particular allusion to the contempo-
raneous habits, vices, morality, and disposition of the
author. Our anxiety, for example, would be great to
hear from the lips of Racine a description of the pecu-
liarities of the age of Lauis Quatorze, to receive
from Calderon a delineation of the Spaniards of
his own generation, from Home an account
of the expanding genius of Scotland in the days of
Robertson and Macpherson, from Farquhar, a sketch of
the profligacy of London society during the reign of
our third William, and from Metastasio, a portraiture of
the Italians of his century. Whenever a dramatist has
entered upon the arena of romantic literature—and
happily there have been these exceptions—they
have found no deficiency of readers, and, in most
instances, no lack of admirers. Who can ever forget
the one domestic fiction written by Oliver Gold-
smith—that simple bat inimitable tale which in the
work before us (Vol. 1, p. 261.) is called, oddly
enough, but very truthfully, " the sweetest novel and the
gravest tract!" Who again can lose a recollection of
La Esmeralda, of Captain Phcebus, or of Qussimodo,
the creatures born of the imagination of the greatest
of the modern dramatists of France ! To descend to
the lesser of those who have ventured upon the produc-
tion of a comedy or a tragedy, who can lose the memory
of Charles Lamb's most exquisite story about
" Rosamund Gray !" Among the many volumes lying
about us and awaiting their turn to pass through the
alembic of criticism we have found this novel in three
volumes by no one less eminent than James Sheridan
Knowles. We welcome the work with cordiality, and
from the distinguished position which its author has
long since assumed, in, perhaps, the noblest branch of
our literature, we give his romance the precedence, to
which it is thereby entitled. At once, and without the
smallest hesitation, we will acknowledge that
we opened the first page of the first volume
cf " George Lovell" with a sense very much
akin to that of prejudice in its favour. But who shall
quarrel with us for so doing ? who shall scorn us or de-
ride us for looking with partiality at any book from
such a source in the first flush of our expectation ?
Admiration for the masterpieces of dramatic art which
owe their existence to the poetic genius of Mr.
Knowles may readily be taken as an excuse for such
a momentary dereliction of our duty as a dispas'
sionate reviewer, for the tragedies of Sheridan
Knowles form an epoch in the literary history
of our country. To the impassioned beauty of " Vir-
giaius," to the eloquent and patriotic energy of " Wil-
liam Tell," to the pathetic grace and various fervour of
the " Hunchback." are mainly to be attributed the pre-
servation, in the popular mind, of a love for
the symmetry, the dignity, and the endless di-
versity of the drama. With the current of opi-
nion strongly opposed to theatrical representation,
excepting it be representations set off by the mere-
tricious decorations of the melodrama, the spectacle,
the opera, the ballet, the burlesque, or the extravaganza,
the dramatic works of Sheridan Knowles have been
principally instrumental in sustaining an affection for
what is termed in the hack phrase " the legitimate
dsama." Putting aside the question, however, whether
the plays of Sheridan Knowles are the legitimate or il-
legitimate offspring of his fancy, they are univer-
sally acknowledged to be worthy of a full
and lasting admiration. By the common adjudi-
cation of his contemporaries, the name of Sheridan
Knowles is accorded an eminent place among the most
illustrious dramatic authors in the language, always
with the exception of Shakspere. With Beaumont,
and Massinger, and Wycherly, and Fletcher, and Far -
quhar, and Jonson, and Congreve, and Vanbrugh, the
name of Sheridan Knowles may be, and has long ago
been classed without derogation on either side. It re-
mains, of course, for the dramatic analyst to
award their relative position to each, but it
would be frivolous to deny that among that
famous group of writers Sheridan Knowles has every
right to be enumerated. In some respects he is un-
questionably inferior to these his renowned predeces-
sors; he is in a great measure without the rugged
vigour and daring illustration of the Elizabethan
poets ; his equivoque is without the delicate inge-
nuity of Congreve, his humour has not the irre-
sistible tartness of Wycherly, and his sarcasm is
not to be compared with the caustic glitter of
Vanbrugh. But in pathos, in enthusiasm, in the ex
pression of scorn, as in Icilius; of depravity, as in
Appius Claudius; of affection, as in Virginia; of arro-
gance, as in Gesler; of patriotism, as in William Tell;
and of stalwart valour, as in anatatus, Sheridan

Knowles is their equal, and very frequently their supe-
rior. In the fabrication of his plots and the disposition
of his incidents, as well as in the construction of his
soliloquies and dialogues, he has evinced a perfect
knowledge in the mysteries of composition. He has
shown, indeed, a thorough familiarity with the 'different
recommendations contained in that sentence of Cicero,
where, in his masterpiece, "Be Oratore," he mentions
the husbandry and the classification of ideas (Lib. ii.,
ii. 314)—" Ergo ut in orators optimus quisque, sic et in
oratione (Tully, of course, including here dramatic as
well as forensic declamation) firmissimum quodque sit
primum : dun: illud tarnen in utroque teneatur, ut ea quay
excellant, serventur chum ad perorandum : si quce erunt
mediocria, (awn vitiosis nusquam esse oportet locum) in
mediam turbam, utque in gregem conjiciantur." Upon
that beautiful scheme, Knowles has modelled first his
dramas, and then the constituent parts of his dramas—
for it is the art of a dramatic poet to begin in-
versely with the broad outline of his creation, and
like a painter, to elaborate its details afterwards.
Knowles has invariably given his several plays, his se-
veral scenes, and his several speeches a certain solidity
and compactness at their commencement ; he has in
them, grouped together at their interior, as it were, the
least remarkable excellences of the whole ; and, finally
he has accumulated the utmost stretch of passion in the
catastrophe of his tragedies and the climax of his soli-
loquies—the catastrophe and climax being, to them,
what the peroration is to the harangue of an orator.
That is a great part of the secret of his success,
but the main cause of that success is of a
loftier character, arising, as it does, from the
genius with which he has unquestionably been
gifted by nature. The possession of that genius has
been evidenced in the poetic treasures with which he
has adorned the language of his native land ; and the
appearance of these three volumes of " George Lovell "
brings irresistibly to the recollection of us all the ques-
tion—HOW THE GENIUS OF SHERIDAN KNOWLES HAS
BEEN ACKNOWLEDGED BY HIS COUNTRYMEN, AND HOW
THE LITERARY LABOURS OF THAT GENIUS HAVE BEEN
ANSWERED AND REWARDED? That question, we repeat.
it, is necessarily called to mind by the publication of the
novel now under coasideration. For we naturally
ash ourselves the reason why such a man as Sheridan
Knowles, after achieving so much fame, and achieving it
by such honourable and laudable means, should be
toiling now at his matured age, when the labours of his
youth and manhood should have ensured him tranquillity
and leisure. The pleasantest recollection in the meagre
records preserved to us of Shakspere's life is, that that
immortal man closed his career in the indolence of a
country gentleman in a handsome house in his native
village. We English pride ourselves on not hing a half-
barbarian race, lake our Elizabethan forefathers. We
boast this, and yet Sheridan Knowles goes unthanked,
unhonoured, and unrewarded. Thanked and honoured
he is by every generous and intelligent mind, and re-
warded he is by the celebrity he has acquired ; but
substantially thanked, honoured, and rewarded by
Government, he is not. How comes this ? Thomas
Hood ekes out his subsistence on a sick couch by the
sweat, not of his brew, but his brain. He dies—his
widow and his children have a pension. Haydon, the
historical painter, battles manfully against pecuniary
distress for years, without aid. He blows his brains out
in a paroxysm of despair, and efforts are at once made
for the assistance of his family. Laman Blanchard cuts
his throat with a razor, in a fit of madness, brought on
by incessant work as an author—measures are taken to
alleviate the sorrows of his orphans. Hewlett sinks
down into the grave in the very prime of his life,
through the slow poison of a malaria, and the exhaustion
of his mind—and benevolence is at once actively mi•
ployed in behalf of his children. Is this, we
ask, as it should be ? Are the gifted beings who sap
the very vigour of their constitutions by adding to our
enjoyments to be offered merely the flatulent sustenance
of " the bubble reputation ? " We by no means depre-
cate the charity which is extended towards their widows
and their offspring. God forbid that that one posthu-
mous solace should be taken from them in their solitude!
Is it not, however, better that these men should reap the
fruits of their own sowing themselves, and not by proxy?
Is it not better that the pensions should come to them
directly when living than indirectly when dead? Is it
not better that the few gold guineas in which their after-
glory is reflected should be showered down betimes, in-
stead of falling barrenly when they are in their coffins?
Upon these simple and solemn principles we maintain
that Sheridan Knowles should receive the recompense
of his long and illustrious exertions as a poet, as a pa-
triot, and as a moral instructor of the people.
Of the morality of his writings there can be
no question; for, of Knowles, in regard to English
tragedy, may be said what the eminent German critic
Schlegel said of Coleman in regard to English comedy,
" since that time the morals have been irreproachable,
and much has been done in refined and original charac
terization." If any additional testimony were required
as to the morality of the writings of Sheridan Knowles,
it would be found to be incontestibly exhibited in these
volumes. "George Lovell" is literally a tale founded
upon the struggles of vice against virtue, and the ultimate
victory of innocence over guilt. Palombo, the heroine is
one of those ideal creatures whom the purest imagination
alone could conc:ive. Armitage ;:nd his profligate r. s-
sociates, s.gain, form a repulire group, illustrative oof
the licentiousness and depravity still prevalent in this
g..n,,r:cdon. is of a. domestic cha-
racter, and is hence calculated to enlist the sympathies
more readily; and to instil the truths more