The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-01 00:00:00

THE COMING ELECTIONS.

The note of preparation for a General Election has
been sounded all over the kingdom. The friends of free-
dom of trade are in most places on the alert to secure the
return of Anti-Monopoly candidates ; and the landed
and West India monopolists, on the other hand, aided in
general by the Tories, are making every effort to return
a House of Commons that shall protect monopolies and
force a pro-monopoly Ministry upon her Majesty.
The City of London is doing itself honour by calling
on that illustrious statesman and patriot, Lord John Rus-
sell, to become a candidate for the representation of the
Metropolis. The requisition to Lord John has already
obtained a great number of signatures—upwards of three
thousand—and it is expected that five thousand names
will be obtained. This example by the first city of the
empire is worthy of imitation.
For the West-Riding of Yorkshire, as we announced
in a Second Edition last week, Lord Milton, in compli-
ance. with a requisition presented to him, has announced
himself as a candidate ; and the announcement of the
noble names of Morpeth and Milton, as champions in
the people's cause, has excited a burst of enthusiasm
through the Riding. The public gratitude to Earl Fitz-
william, one of the most high-minded and disinterested
statesmen that ever breathed, and who so long represented
the Riding, will evince itself in ardent exertions on be-
half of his son, who happily inherits his father's prin-
ciples. Lord Milton comes out distinctly on the Free
Trade and Anti-Monopoly interest ; and surely the
manufacturer:, and tradesmen of the West Riding will
reward with the highest and most grateful approba-
tion the gallant support given by members of the
aristocracy to the interests of trade. Few indeed
are the advocates of commercial freedom among
that order, and the more praise and the heartier sup-
port are due to the illustrious few. Of Lord Morpeth's
claim we need say nothing. If ever a candidate
secured the personal attachment, as well as the political
confidence of a constituency, it is Lord Morpeth. lle
has served the Riding and the country well : he has
been the be3t Chief Secretary for Ireland that ever held
that difficult and delicate post : and he adds to his own
high merits the merit of here representing that bold and
patriotic Ministry, which has undertaken, amidst im-
mense difficulties and sacrifices, to undertake the gigantic
labour of breaking the fetters of monopoly off the neck of
the country. Is not his Lordship, then, together with
his noble colleague, worthy of the enthusiastic support of
the Riding?
It will ue seen that the Hon. John Stuart Wortley,
the eldest son of Lord Wharncliffe, not satisfied with
having been twice defeated, has put forth an Address
inviting the Tories to send him an invitation. They
will probably do so ; and no doubt a great effort will be
made to thrust him in between his noble competitors for
a seat. Let every friend of freedom and reform, there-
tore, buckle on his armour to prevent this monopoly-
man from intruding himself into the representation of
the Itiding.—Leeds Mercury.

JIURDER. BY
Ro-
bertson, an eminent plrailetEitioenOerß, Ns-LAWS
Mr.
—s
leMtterr. upon
the health of towns addressedmoria last year to a Committee
of the House of Corn "So long as this and other
great manufacturing towns
ex-
tending their branches
Aplenty
multiplying and
of morufacture and were
oorratives found pros-
perous,employ-
every fresh addition
ment, good wages, and
food ; and so long as
they maintain their health in a
dsuewrtpwirillsnli
the families of working people' ar I
at': itmanner, isc e rett
nn
in cellars and other close
es er, the case is different. Food Ls. dear Now, how-
scarce, and wages in many branches a very
consequently, as might be expected, di lalobvur;
are making unusual havoc. In the ye/Ise
1833,and death
35, and 36 (years of prosperity), the number 0f 1834,f
cases admitted into the Manchester House of Recoveryever
amounted to only 1,685, or 421 per annum ; while inth
two succeeding years, 1838, and 39, the number admit-
ted was 2,414, or 1,207 per annum. It is in such a de-
pressed state of the manufacturing districts as at present
exists, that unpavea and badly-sewered streets, narrrow
alleys, close unven rated courts and cellars, exhibit their
malign influence in augmenting the sufferings which
that greatest of all physical evils, want of sufficient food,
inflicts on young and old in large towns, but especially
on the young.
AGRICULTURAL PETITION FOR CHANGE
OF IMPORT DUTIES.—A petition is now in the course
of signature amongst the agriculturists of the East
Ward of the county of Westmoreland, and we are de-
lighted to hear, on authority on which we can fully
rely, that the majority of the farmers in that purely
agricultural district prefer a fixed duty to the present
" sliding scale." A Committee has been appointed to
superintend the signing of this petition, which consists
of men of all classes—landlords, landowners, farmers,
and clergymen, who have taken up the subject on the
broad principle that the changes now propoied are for
the general good, and that class interests ought to give
way before such a principle. This is an example worthy
of imitation.—Carlisle Journal.

The General Steam Navigation Company's
Mail.packet, Ocean, arrivedon Sunday with the Dutch Intl

7"
THE SUN,-

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

PROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—The agitation for the repeal of the
Corn Monopoly becomes daily more and more important.
Oneinterestangfeature in the accounts from several districts
is the participation by the agriculturists in the feeling
of the other classes. The Carlisle Journal inserts a pe-
tition, " which is now," it says, " in the course of signs-
tree amongst the agriculturists of the east ward of the
county of Westmorland ; and we are delighted to hear,
on authority on which we can fully rely, that the majo-
rity of the farmers in that purely agricultural district
prefer a fixed duty to the present sliding scale." Oar
columns of this day contain also a report of a meeting at
Torquay, in which all classes equally join against mono-
poly. Another favourable sign of the times is the re-
currence to meetings in the open air. At Manchester,
a requisition, signed by 5,390 working men, inha-
bitants of that borough, requesting the Mayor to
call and preside over an Anti-Corn-law meeting, to be
heldin the open air, was presented to that Magistrate.
who, however, declined, on the ground that a public
meeting of the borough had been held a few days ago for
the same object. The requisitionists, determined on
holding the meeting, convened one for Wednesday next,
to be held in Stevenson's-square, "for the purpose of pro-
testing against the Bread-tax." A circumstance is no-
ticed by the Manchester Guardian, which indicates in a
manner not to be mistaken, the strength of the feeling in
favour of a repeal of the corn monopoly in the manufac-
turing districts. " Our advertising columns this day,"
says that Journal, " contain the addresses of all the
six candidates for the boroughs of Manchester and
Salford ; and it may not be uninstructive to our
readers to point out the fact, that all of these gen-
tlemen, without exception, appear desirous of placing
their claims to the suffrages, of the electors, mainly upon
the ground of their attachment to the principles of firs
trade, and their hostility to the Corn laws." As Man-
chester and Salford are not the only places where candi-
dates will profess principles of free trade in order to be
able to support a party opposed to the principles of free
trade; constituencies ought to look beyond the mere pro-
fession of free trade principles. The trick is somewhat
of the shallowest to profess one set of principles in towns
and another in counties, in order to gain by both sets of
principles. The question is not how individual sup-
porters of Sir Robert Peel would vote on the Corn-law
question, but what effect would the giving the Right
Hon. Baronet a majority in Parliament have on the fate
of that question ?
TlMES.—Before animadverting upon any of the Mi-
nisterial speeches delivered in the House of Commons on
Friday night, we think it right to express, in the strong-
est terms we can employ, our opinion of one passage
in the speech of a Conservative Member. Lord
Teignmouth is reported to have said, " That for some
of the measures of the Government he admitted that
the greatest praise was due to them, and the Noble
Lord (Lord John Russell) deserved immortal honour
—the measures for the support of the Established
Church, the alteration of the Poor-law, and, above
all, the noble stand he made during the last Ses-
sion for the privileges of that House. In those
respects the Noble Lord deserved the highest praise."
We trust we are not intolerant of other men's
judgments ; we have no desire to make a personal
attack upon Lord Teignmouth because he thinks dif-
ferently- from ourselves ; but we cannot regard the tone
and manner of this passage, in which he has so gratuitofilW
chosen to express his admiration of the new Poor la* said
the inflexibility'Of his attachment to privilege; as any--
thing:leis than a defianee of those who differ frdm him
upon these two important questions. After such an an-
nouncement, discovering such utter contrariety of feeling
and irreconcileable hostility to the views entertained by
the great body of people upon two subjects in which
their rights and liberties are essentially involved, we
should despise any man who, professing himself to be
for liberty against privilege, or for the poor against the
new Poor-law, could yet tender his vote to Lord Teign-
' mouth at any future Parliamentary election—we should
despise him, ay, as much as the experience of Thursday
last has taught the farmers of North Lincolnshire to
despise Lord Worsley. So much for the Conservative
delinquent. • After him our notice is due to that slippery
personage the Member for South Shields, who originally
came into Parliament upon the Whig interest, and till
the present year was accustomed to take his seat
upon the Ministerial side of the House. Latterly he has
gained the reputation of being a Conservative, by chang-
ing his side and voting pretty steadily against the Go-
vernment proposition. Inconstancy, however, seems to
be too essential a quality in his nature to admit of his
pursuing any one line of action long • and now, when he
may be supposed to think his vote of rather more than
usual importance, he discovers that after all "black's not
so black," and restores his support to the Whigs at the
moment when they more than ever deserve to lose it.
We know not whether there is any secret history to all
this ; but if there is not, Mr. Ingham must be the
weakest of mankind. His conduct is such as no class,
no party, no individual in the kingdom can do other-
wise than despise : a constituency which submitted
for the 'future to have its influence kept in perpetual
oscillation by such a see-saw representative would be-
come the laughing-stock of the kingdom. He will, of
course, be swept away with other similar lumber at the
approaching general election.
POST.—There can be no doubt whatever that Lord
Worsley by his recent conduct has forfeited whatever
title he formerly possessed to represent the electors of a
district so peculiarly agricultural as that of North Lin-
colnshire. His Lordship affects to be a friend to British
agriculture, and to this assumed character, and the so-
cial position which seemed to guarantee its sincerity, lie
is indebted for his seat. His Lordship has now, however,
made it clear to the most dimsighted and careless ob-
server that he is less the friend of BritiAi agriculture
than the friend of Lord Melbourne's Government. But
to be the Friend of Lord Melbourne's Government was
not per se any recommendation of his Lordship to the
agricultural constituency which he represents, for a
great majority of the latter are avowed and proclaimed
Conservatives, who never trusted the professions of
Lord Melbourne's Government in the matter of the
Corn-law, and sent Lord Worsley to Parliament chiefly
because they thought that he and such supporters of Lord
Melbourne's Government, as they expected him to prove,
would keep that Government right upon the one im-
portant subject, or, in the event of its going wrong,
withdraw their support. Lord Worsley is not, nor does
he assume to be, in the same position with those friends
of agriculture who affect to think that its interests may
be adequately and permanently protected by Lord John
Russell's fixed duty of eight shillings per quarter for
wheat, and proportionate duties for the cheaper descrip-
tions of grain. Lord Worsley knows and declares that
this is not an adequate protection, nor does he attempt to
conceal his belief that, inadequate as it is, the Govern-
ment that proposes would not be able permanently to
maintain it. The case presented to the mind of this re-
presentative of North Lincolnshire, and distinctly recog-
nised by him as the case upon which his decision is to
be given, is one of comparison merely between the
importance and necessity of endeavouring to secure
adequate protection to British agriculture on the
one hand, and the importance and necessity of endea-
vouring to secure the continued services of the
present Ministers on the other. Lord Worsley gives
advisedly and deliberately his preference to the latter
object. Does not the Noble Lord know that among his
Lincolnshire constituents there are ten to one who would
come without a moment's hesitation to an opposite deci-
sion in the same case ? And, knowing this, can he en-
tertain so mean an opinion of them as to expect that he
will be permitted any longer to remain their represen-
tative ? His Lordship is so deeply convinced that the
proposed alteration of the Corn-law would be ruinous
to the agricultural classes, and injurious to the whole
community, that he is determined to vote against the
whole and every part of the Ministerial budget which
contains this proposal ; and immediately after expres-
sing this determination, and explaining the grounds of
it in the strongest terms, he proceeds to give a vote the
direct tendency and undisguised purpose of which is to
keep in power Ministers whose proposal it is, and the
leading object of whose future policy must necessarily
be to ensure its success. To say that men who are ca-
pable in such a matter of the inconsistency and folly
which Lord Worsley has displayed are unfit to repre-
sent an English county would be saying little. Such
men cannot be fit to represent any body, or even to act
with credit or success in the most ordinary affairs of life.
HERALD.—In our leading article of Saturday last,
we assured our readers that the speech of Sir James
Graham of the preceding evening would well repay the
most attentive perusal. We might have added, that it
was one of the most suggestive which had been delivered
in the course of the debate. If we recur to it on the
present occasion, we do so not with the intention to ex-
press ourselves in terms of anctualified praise of its
variety, of the important topics it embraced, and of the
cleverness and spirit with which they were handled—
althoueci h it was eminently entitled to the highest appro-
bation in respect of all these particulars. But we gladly
avail ourselves of the opportunity that a brief
notice of it will afford us for fixing a few
salient points, on which are most prominently im-
pressed those relations that we desire to see expanded
and devoted to ends as salutary as we believe they
would be permanent. To borrow a phrase from our po-
lemical divines, we desire " to improve" the present po-
sition of parties in the Legislature to loftier purposes
than even that which we have so much at heart—the
substitution of a Conservative for a Whig Radical Go-
vernment. It appears to us that on the statements made
in the course of Sir James Graham's speech, it behoves
the country to take securities that its support of future
Administrations shall be given to principles rather than
parties—to measures rather than to men. It behoves the
Conservative constituencies to remember that they will
soon have the opportunity of disembarrassing the cause
of those principles which they have espoused so delibe-
rately, maintained so unflinchingly, and adhered to
through every variety of adverse fortune until the ad-
vent of that season of triumph which is about to open on
them, from some alliances which could scarcely have
been forced upon it but by the irresistible force of cir-
cumstances. There transpired enough in the discu
sions of Thursday and Friday last, in the House of
k,onimuns to demonstrate the precarious and treacherous
nature of those confederacies which political converts form
with the parties whose opinions they suddenly espouse,
after opposing, for many years, with persevering and im-
placabie hostility, We are sorry to place the name of
Mr. Ingham in the same category of political offenders
with Lord Worsley, as the Ipswich prototype of this
Judas school—Mr. Gibson. But we extract a moral
from our disappointment. Let us learn to test present
pretensions a little more sternly by past conduct ; and
above all we should beware of applying, on the score of
the party of a candidate for public confidence a less
searching examination as to his political principles and
opinions than we should insist upon his passing, in his
simple individual capacity. The fight is to be made for
a holy and a magnificent cause—the Constitution of
Great Britain, in Church and State. Let us have for its
champions those only who will espouse them both ;—as to
the former, without bigotry, but with a determination ,to
uphold the just rights of the Establishing* 4:413., to the

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