The Sun.
London, England, 1847-03-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY
__EVENING, MARCH 3, 1847.

ANNEXATION OF CRACOW.

---
GREAT PUBLIC MEETING.
A public meeting was held in the Freemasons' Hall, Great
Queen-street, yesterday, at one o'clock, for the purpose of
petitioning the Crown with respect to the annexatioanion of
the free city of Cracow to the Austrian empire,in violt
of the treaty of Vienna." There was a numerous attendance.
A number of ladies occupied seats immediately below the
platform. Amonst those present. we observed the Marquis
of Northampton, Earl Fitzwilham, Earl Rosebery, Viscount
Sandon, Lord Beaumont, Lord Hherton, Lord Arundel and
Surrey, Lord Wharncliffe, Lord Dudley. Stuart, Sir W. Clay,
M.P., Sir C. Napier. M.P., Mr. Willams, M.P., Mr.
Milnes, M.P., Mr. J. S. Buckingham, and a number of
other gentlemen interested in the cause. of Poland
The Marquis of Northampton was voted to the chair on
the motion of Lord Dudley Stuart. He was supported on
his right by Earl Fftzwilliam, and on his left by Lord
Wharacliffe.
s, et called upon Lord Dudley Stuart to read
The ,WAIRMA.
several letters which he had received from various noblemen
and gentlemen with respect to the question which the meet-
ing had been called to consider, and explanatory of their
reasons for not attending the meeting.
Lord DUDLEY STUART said he had received a number of
letters from different gentlemen regretting that they would
be prevented by circumstances over which they had no con-
trol from being present, but expressing their cordial con-
currence in the object for which it had been called. Amongst
them were letters from the Duke of Bedford, the Duke of
Sutherland, Earl Lovelace, Lord Ashley, Sir Edward Bulwer
Lytton, Mr. flume, M.P., Mr. IVyse, M.P., Mr.
D'enision, M.P., Colonel Angerstein, the author
of " The Revelations of Russia, " Mr. T. Mlkey,
and a number of others. As it would consume too much
time to read the whole of them, he would merely refer to two
or three. which he thought the meeting would be glad to
hear. One from the Duke of Bedford, dated. Woburn
Abbey, Feb. 28, stated that it would have given his Grace
pleasure to have aided by his presence so good a cause, but
that be had for some time, owing to ill health, given up
attending public meetings. Lord Ashley did not conceive
that it was a judicious course to hold such a meeting, but he
added that " no ene could regret the annexation of Cracow
more deeply than he did, and that he considered it as one of
the blackest deeds in modern history."—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN, who was received with loud applause,
then addressed the meeting as follows :—Ladies and gentle-
men,—ln taking the chair on the present occasion, I have
departed from a rule which I have, in a great measure, laid
down for my guidance with respect to public meetings. The
rule which I have adopted is similar to the one alluded to by
the Duke of Bedford, in the letter which has just been read
to you, as the state of my health does not generally allow
me to attend public assemblies of this kind, at least they ge-
nerally interfere with my health for some time after ; but there is
another reason why I have adopted such a rule, namely, that
I bold the office of President of the Royal Society, to which
I was elected by men of science in England ; and, therefore,
I feel it right that I should abstain from party feeling as far
as possible—as far as my duty will enable me to do—as I
think that that abstinence enables me more effectually to
perform duties of another kind.—(Cheers.) But, gentlemen,
there are occasions of a peculiar nature, and I think this is
one, on which no man in England—undoubtedly no states-
man in England—who considers that the maintenance of public
faith and public treaties are the great mainstays of universal
peace in the world, and the true promotion of intellectual pur-
suits, (for peace could never be secured,and can never continue
if breaches of faith take place between nations), should hesitate
to express his opinion. The expression of public feeling in
England will have a great effect upon the Continent, and
have a great effect in preventing the repetition of similar
events to the one we have this day to deplore. It is on
these grounds, therefore, that I have consented to take the
chair. I will not, however, address you at any length,
as there are several gentlemen to address you.
I can only say that it is of the greatest
importance that we should be, as far aspossible, unanimous in
the expression of our sentiments; that we should not push
them to violent lengths, in which all cannot concur; but
that we should all combine together for one common object ;
that we should be temperate arid moderate, but at the same
time firm in our purpose.—(Loud cheers.)
Earl FrrzWILLIAM then proposed the first resolution. In
doing so he said—Ever since the present state of Europe had
existed, ever since the expiration of that period
which they generally now called the "middle ages"—
when the various families of European civilization had
assumed their present form—it had been held that that
was a law of nations, which had the effect of binding toge-
ther the separate civilised families into which the world was
divided, by receiving an understanding between all. It had
been held that those nations which suffered from an infrac-
tion of the common understanding created between all should
be entitled to call upon those who had committed the viola-
tions from which they suffered to act justly, and
that, if they refused to do so, they must be contented
to meet with the condemnation of the other nations of the
world.—(Loud cheers.) Now, it undoubtedly appeared to
him that if there ever was a violation of the public law of
Europe, and not merely of the public law, but of an acknow-
ledged, an existing treaty, the suppression of the free state
of Cracow certainly came under that definition, and afforded
A glaring example of a violation of the law of nations to
which he had reterred—(Cheers)—for let it be borne in mind
that they had nut merely that written law to which the
chairman had alluded, but they had a clear, a distinct re-
cognition of the freedom and independence of that state in
that last settlement of Europe, which was enacted at the
Congress of Vienna, in which it was most distinctly affirmed
that without " restriction or proviso Cracow should not be
occupied by a military force on any pretext whatsoever;
and should for ever remain a free and independent city."
He had thought it necessary to call, in the first instance,
the attention of the meeting to the expressions in the
resolution, because they were probably not unaware that ex-
pressions had been made, with the view of making out a
case, for the three aggressing Powers arising. as it was
stated, from this circumstance—that though there was a
stipulation that Cracow should continue an independent
state, nevertheless, that etipulation did not form a
part of that Congressional Act, by which the public
ear of Europe was thenceforward to be regulated ;
but, instead of that, it most clearly appeared that
that stipulation did form a part of the Act of the
Congress, and that, therefore, the suppression of the state of
Cracow was not merely an act of violence against that state,
but a breach of faith with all the other Powers of Europe.—
( Hear, hear.) It was necessary, in the first instance, to
draw attention to this, because they were probab.y as well
aware as himself that expressions had been nude, and pro-
bably might hereafter be made, to show that however much
Cracow had reason to ceinplain, the other Powers of
Europe had none; but he thought time words he had read
were sufficient to satisfy them t hat time suppression of Cracow
WAS not merely a violation of the treaty with respect t.,•
Cracow, but a -breach of faith with ail the other Powers 01
Europe.—(Applause.) Another question would probably be
asked—what good could be done by a few hundred gentle-
men meeting in Freemasons' Hall to express their opinion:,
oa the subject? It would be said that the act was dens—
that it could not be rectified—c'est no
.bait accompli. It
might be asked if they expected to get that meeting to annul
the suppression of Cracow? He meant no such thing,
but he knew that the opinions—the serious and deliberate
opinions of the people of England, were powerful ; and he
trusted that meeting was a sample of those opinions, and that
it would fearlessly express its opinion with respect to the
conduct of the most despotic Governments of the Continent ;
for even the most despotic Governments respected public
opinion, and no public feeling was so powerful as that ot
England.—(Hear.) Therefore, he thought that the expres-
sion of their opinions on the transaction would not be with-
out utility. Let it also borne in mind that Cracow was not the
only weak state in the empire.—( Hear, hear.) There were
other feeble states with powerful neighbours ; and it was,
perhaps, as much for the sake of defending and throwing the
Shield over those weak nations, as well as f,r the purpose 01
expressing his opinion on this particular transaction, that lie
agreed to he present, to join them in giving expression to
their opinions. He would not detain them further, but pro-
ceed at once to the resolution which he was to propose. It
was to the following effect :
" That in the opinion of this meeting, the military occu-
pation of the town and territory of Cracow, and their an.
nexation to the empire of Austria, are manifest and flagrant
violations of the general act of congress or treaty of Vienna.
concluded between England, France, Austria, Russia, Prussia,
and other Powers, by which it was stipulated, without, re-
striction or proviso, That Cracow should not be occupied by
a military force on any pretext whatever, and should for ever
remain a free and independent city.' "—( Loud cheers.)
—He would ask them if, after that stipulation, Cracow was
no longer to remain a free and independent state, what
security was there fbr the safety of Geneva from ag-
gression ?—of Frankfort ?—of Hamlnirgh ? These were
all small leeble states. But lie would go fur-
ther, and he would ask what security was there
that a similar proceeding might not be adopted with respect
to Wirtemberg and Saxony? What security was there for
the safety of the small states into which Germany was di-
vided, if Cracow was to be thus ( destre,ye ? thought,
therefore, that they would agree with him that thewould
adopt a wise step in giving expression to the sentiments of
the resolution which he had proposed for their acceptance.
Lord WitAaerceirese on rising to second the -resolution,
was received with great cheering. He said it was his inten-
tion only to say a few words, as his Noble Friend had already
so well discussed the subject. The feelings of the people of
England, be was sure, as well as the feelings and sympathies
of the present assembly, were with them on the question of
the suppression of Cracow.—(Hear.) And the sentiment
was one confined to no party or body of men, but pervaded
all.—(Cheers.) It would not be necessary for him to enter
at large into the subject; but he would confine himself to
the plain and simple circumstances of the case—the violation
of the treaty of Vienna—which he pronounced to be a wanton
violation of the holiest engagements. He should not, in
expressing himself upon this point, go into the great field
of argument and declamation about the wrongs of Poland.
He knew the feelings of the people of this country on this
subject, and he could testify to the sympathy and feeling
which they had everywhere excited. But with regard to
the question more immediately before the meeting, the Act
referred to, it had received no defence from those by whom
the art of aggression had been induced. But no defence
would be admitted. There had been no provocation for the
suppression of Cracow, or if there had that was not the course
which the three Powers shou'd have taken. The course
which they ought to have taken was clear. They ought to
have appealed to the other Powers who had been parties to
the treaty of Vienna, and asked their sanction to the course
they were disposed to take. No defence, no explanation
could excuse the act they had done, and it was right that
they should meet here, and to pronounce their opinion that
the suppression of Cracow, as a violation of a treaty, was
one of the most flagrant recorded in the pages of history.
They might truly say, in the words of a more exalted person
in another place, that if this treaty was to be violated with
lomnptreity, such engagements would be found not more sacred
Vistula.—(Hear,
of the Rhine and the Po than on the banks of
the hear.) His Noble Friend, as he
before observed,had so well alluded to the facts of the
question that
longer, thane (Lord Wharncliffe) would not detain them
but
present wasto
remark, that if such a meeting as the
deemed
necessary,: it was desirable that it should
not be a failure,
hut
strong feeling of the pmerioTs, as he believed it would, the
t of
hereby
i4country respecting the
suppression of Cracow ; ttee
Gra-
cious Majesty, in opening present session of Parliament
the speech of her th
on this head, might find a response
rd sat down, amidst
Eng-
lishman.—(Cheers.) The Nobleise herd
the breasts of ling-
loud cheers, by seconding the resolutioAen
wit iclivrwasas carried
The CHAIRMAN then theput resolution,'
unanimously.
Lord DUDLEY S [TART, who on rising
cheered, said he did not get up to make a Speech, but
to read a had m
letter which he received fro
and well known to the World for
eminent person,
the interest he bad taken in the affairs
__of Poland—
he alluded to Sir Stratford Canning—(Cheers)—esho
was her Majesty's representative at the Ottoman Porte. The
Noble Lord read the letter, which condemned in very dheceidbeed.
language the suppression of Cracow as an act,
which,
Roved, in its consequences would yet shake the foundations of
the states of Europe, and expressing a regret that it was
impossible he could attend the meeting on account of the
official position he held.
Sir EDWARD CODEINGTON rose to move the next resolution.
He said a resolution had been placed in his hands, and as
ha had been all his life in the habit of obeying orders,
he had vaboaitted to the word of vountuad ou the Proca4 I

occasion.—(Hear, hear). He was no public speaker, and if
he had his own way he would read the resolution for his
speech. But he would only say that, in his opinion, the
example afforded by the suppression of Cracow would prove
of the most serious consequence to Europe and the world.—
(Hear, hear). If the suppression of Cracow was justifiable,
where were they to stop ? They had heard that
the French had an eva on the Ba;earic isles, and

- .-..-..
why should they not take possession of them, if Cra- I
cow was to be suppressed ? Why, in fact, should not
all the states of Europe follow the same example ?—(Hear,
hear.) If it were right for the three Powers to confiscate
Cracow, why should not Britain (which, he trusted, she
would never do) take possession of some islands that might
suit her convenience?—(Hear.) On this ground, therefore,
he held the example of the suppression of Cracow was most
injurious and dangerous to the peace of the world—(Hear,
hear)—for if oue country committed an act of aggression,
others might consider themselves justified in following in the
same wake ; the effect of which would be, that the despotic
and strong powers would take possession of the weak. It
was to prevent such a consequence that he thought the sup-
pression of Cracow should be protested against, for though
his trade was war, he had an anxious desire for peace.—
(Cheers.) If they were to sanction such a violation of trea-
ties and engagements, he could not see why other countries
should not make reprisals, and every one take what he sould
and do as he pleased.—(Hear, hear.) It was important that
the resolutions of that meeting should go forth to Europe, as
expressing the sense of the people of this country on the
subject. He would now conclude by moving the resolution
entrusted to him, in doing which he begged leave to observe
that he fully agreed with the observations of the Noble Lord,
who preceded him. The resolution was as follows :
"That even, if the existence and independence of Cracow
had not been guaranteed by treaty, the aggressions of Ens-
Austria, and Prussia on that city, would have constituted
a glaring infraction of the principles of justice and interna-
tional law : but that being so guaranteed, the conduct of
those states in abolishing the independent existence of Cra-
cow, notwithstanding their repeated assurances that no such
step was in contemplation, and without the consent of the
other powers, parties to the treaty of Vienna, must be further
considered as involving an affront to those powers, and to

England as one of them."
(The Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.)
The Earl of Ann NDEL and SUILREY seconded the resole
tion. He should not detain tkem with a speech, but he rose
to express his satisfaction at the assembling of so many dis-
tinguished Englishmen to protest against the most unjusti-
fiable act of the suppression of Cracow, in defiance of every
principle of honour and justice among nations.—(Cheers.)
The resolution was put and carried unanimously.
Lord BraultorsT moved the third resolution. It was one
in which he must cordially agree, and he thought he would
have no difficulty in getting the meeting to agree to it also.
It embodied the chief features of the transaction to which it
alluded. It referred not only to the great moral injustice
committed by the three aggressive Powers, but also
to the impolicy of the other Powers allowing
such an aggression to take place—(Hear, hear)—not
only to the infraction of the treaty of Vienna, but
to the moral dereliction of allowing the weak powers of
Europe to be trodden under foot.—(Loud cheers.) With
such a subject, were he to consult his own feelings, he would
carry them far into the question, but that he did not intend
to do. He simply proposed to give vent to the sentiments
which such an event as the suppression of Cracow was calcu-
lated to call forth, and which must excite the feeling
in this country, that if it were allowed to pass by with im-
punity, as it had not been the first time such deeds were com-
mitted, so neither would it be the last.—(Hear, hear.) Were
he to go back to Poland and her sufferings, which he did not
intend to do, he would have to go over a large por-
tion of the history of Europe. The aggressions com-
mitted on Cracow was but one of many similar committed on
Poland. Already there had been four monstrous aggressions
committed, since the first great one, when, in spite of every
right of man and law of God, three great nations divided
Poland, like robbers after they had made their plunder.—
(Tremendous cheering.) That nation and that people, to
whom Europe wassmore indebted than any other, was thus
divided.—(hear, hear.) He would want words to state it as
he ought. But for the protection afforded by Poland,
Austria herself would not have existed as a nation, and a
Turkish Paella would have ruled in Vienna. —(hear, hear.)
lie could read to them how, for many ages, and in many
bloody battles, the people of Poland stood the bulwark of
Europe and Christianity against the Mahometan nations, and
the barbarism of the East.—(Cheers.) There was not a
European nation which was not indebted to Poland for the
advancement of civilisation and the spread of letters.
—( Hear, hear.) But, though he might expatiate
on the topics, he would not dwell on them
at present, but confine himself to the great danger there
existed to the peace and stability of Europe, in allow-
ing those acts of aggression to take place. Every
publicity had already been given to the circumstances
connected with the suppression of Cracow. They had
now on record the whole of the correspondence
which took place in consequence of the Austrian and Prussian
dread of the overwhelming power of Russia. They knew
that at the conclusion of the war, when the provisions of the
treaty of Vienna were ratified, they knew that then—and
they had the correspondence which passed upon the subject—
Austria and Prussia dreaded the conversion of the large king-
dom of Poland into part of the dominions of Russia ; but the
English Ambassador, Lord Castlereagh, fought their battles
for them, he got the consent of this country to fight their
battles for them with Prussia, and he defeated her pr(ject.—
(Cheers. ) But let them look at the consequences of the ar-
rangement made between the three Powers on the 3d of May
in consequence of the correspondence of Lord Castlereagh
with Russia. It was England, then, that protected
the dominions of Austria and Prussia with their
express wish, and in compliance with that wish it was she
that afterwards secured a settlement ; and had nothing
further taken place, had England done nothing more, surely
Austria and l'russia were bound, in gratitude to her, and in
honour, even if no treaty of Vienna had ever existed, and it'
the treaty of the 3d of May had been the only treaty
concluded to respect her views on the subject.
Chat treaty was signed by the Three Powers,
and these two countries were protected entirely
iy the exertions of this country. But not only that
treaty was negotiated, there were three treaties at length ob-
'ained, and that great treaty of Vienna was in existence; all
of these, together with the great treaty of Vienna, set forth
the strong obligation that lay on the three Powers to respect
the independence of Poland in the republic of Cracow.
(Cries of "Hear, hear," and cheers.) This country
nlid not only obtain for them the three treaties
between the 3d of May and the 9th July; not only did
chese exist by themselves, but they were set forth and were
'0 be considered as a part of tae text—those treaties were
actually combined as integral parts of the great treaty which
was ratified in the Congress of Vienna, the words of which
most distinctly state-1 that on no ground whatever should any
trilled force ever enter the free republic of Cracow—(cheers)—
that she should be a free and a neutral state ; and aiming
•he last provisions of that treaty it was distinctly set forth
that the Polish provinces themselves should enjoy their own
constitution.—(Great cheering.) Therefore it was clear, it
was evident, that by the treaty of Vienna alone, the obliga-
[nine were binding upon those Powers. Supposing there was
no other treaty in existence than that, by that the obliga-
tion lay upon them which they violated ; and that treaty
itself , and the treaties which formed parts of the text,
that of the 3d of May, and the others constituting afterwards
t portion of the treaty of Vienna,: these were planned and
arranged by the English Ambassador, Lord Castlereagh
But now, in spite of all these the strongest obligations which
could exist, these Powers slighting them as nothing, deluding
the other Powers, misleading—(Hear, hear)—professing to
.to one thing and doing another—(Hear, hear)—not
boldly in the mode, but meanly—(Cries of ‘.Hear,
hear," and cheers)—not openly, but behind the backs
of the other Powers, pounced upon Cracow—(lmmense
cheermg)—and destroyed not only that republic, but with
that republic the bonds between the nations of Europe.—
(Great cheering.) Now they were aware that there were
great epochs in history, that these epochs marked the times,
ind that from these the times themselves took their colour.
There were the treaties of Westphalia, of Utrecht, and of
Vienna, all concluded for the same object, to repress
'he strong and to protect the weak ; but he asked them, if
that was the object of them all, whether they could violate
.me of them without a convulsion in Europe ?.—(Grear
cheering.) But here was a treaty which fixed what had
been called the balance of power in Europe—a treaty by
which all the Powers associated for the protection of the weak
and for the repression of the strong—that treaty had
been infringed and violated, and what might be the conse-
quence? He would not weaken the words of the Gallant
Admiral (Sir Edward Codrington) who had spoken before
him, but attempt to quote them, as they opened up the
possible consequences as they might ensue to Europe. Now,
was the time come for everts nation snatching what it liked,
for every people that were strong to seize on every power that
was weak, why might. not France pass the Rhine at
Belgium, and pass the Rhine at Strasburg, and cross the
Alps into Gallicia?—(Hear, and cheers.) Now was the time
come when Austria might with justice again be driven from
the plains of Lombardy.—(lmmense cheering.) If he had
time he could point out the danger which threatened not
only the small states of Europe, but even oiler
string and likely reasons why there was imminent
danger threatening those two powers themselves
that appeared to be strong. Never did blind go down into
A pit, never did fool throw himself from a precipice with con-
sequences more evident than that black act—(Cheers)—
committed by Austria and Prussia, which would stand
against them and be remembered in the day of vengeance.--
(Great cheering.) The Noble Lord concluded a most elo-
quent speech by moving the third resolution, and sat down
amidst cheering which continued for several minutes.
M. C. fIiLL, Q.C., then came forward to second the reso-
lution. He said he felt, after the eloquence which they had
just heard, that he required their indulgence while he en-
deavoured to point out the grounds on which rested the
manifest violation of the treaty of Vienna. lie
should not have thought it even pcsaible for a lawyer,
which he unfortunately happened to be—(Laughter)—
with all that ingenuity which those who had less reverence
for it than lawyers, called quibbling and quirks, to have fixed
a doubt on the provisions of that treaty brought before their
attention by the Noble Lord—a treaty concluded be all the
great Powers of Europe and many of the smaller Powers—
chat Cracow should remain independent. between Russia,
Prussia, and Austria. But an ingenuity had been
brought to bear upon the treaty, which, if a lawyer
had used, would have been termed special pleading. It had
been said, for example, that those provisions affecting Cracow
were contained in certain minor treaties. But of that quibble
the Noble Lord who preceded him had sufficiently disposed.
Again, said they, it had been broken before. That might be true,
but a treaty was not a china bowl, that it should be broken im-
mediately into pieces. And if England had been so phlegmatic
as to sit by and look on while it was violated, the three
Powers had combined now to rouse them, phlegmatic as they
were, by an act which would bring upon these Powers eternal
disgrace.—(Cheers.) He would assume that there had been
a violation of the treaty of Vienna. The Noble Lord had
said that that violation had been done meanly
in the mode, but he must say that in the
principle they had acted with boldness, in open day,
before the face of Europe ,glorying in their shame, ,violating
that which their own troth had ratified before all Europe.
They had entered into open treaty, and by agreement they
had destroyed that Republic, and it had been absorbed into
the dominions of Austria, never again to exist.—(Hear )
Why, he asked, did England stand aside? They had
treated the treaty concluded byGreat Britain with the powers
of Europe with contempt; and why (lid they not speak?
England must now speak or be for ever silent.—(Cheers.)
He assured them that this act could not be passed over
without danger to England, strong as she was ; and if, when
the danger threatened themselves, they cried out, what
might the other Powers say other than throw back in
Tr:ittil,loll,l:_s
her. teeth her former silence. (Cries of " Never.")
Some had said of that clay's proceedings that it would be a
hmaarroen protest. He disagreed with that. The humblest
tirat of many national when he lifted his voice against wrong, had might
Crhdes • but surely when the greatest Power in
against the act, expected that that meeting would be the
The Learned Gentleman, she
assemblies—lifted up her protest
ntleemaould not be heard in vaiu.—(Cheers.)
last great war in Europe,an,
after
referring to the events of the
n
Britain, of,
reminded Russia o the meeting that a claim
reatr
foolland. The question was,
had been made by
the nitch were weak.
who could bear the burde(Pistio
—pense during laughter.)t t
Britain, was the reply.
course, had had no ex
hid inado lacrulf ocromip of the loM by War ; she
PY 119thiagl

Of course ; but Britain was called upon to refund to the
Dutch creditors the loan of 25,000,000 florins, borrowed by
the Emperor of Russia, and she did that by a payment
annually of 5 per cent., and 1 per cent. sinking fund. These
25,000,000 florins were equal to about 2,200,0001., and the
interest they had still to pay for Russia amounted to
something like 120,000/.—(Hear, and cries of " Shame.)
Another convention was agreed to between England and
Russia in 1831, when the separation of Belgium from
Holland was recognised, and the latter end of that
convention stipulated the continuance of the 120,0001.
yearly, partly on the ground of that stipulation be-
ing maintained, but much more that the treaty of
Vienna should be observed in respecting the independence
of the republic of Cracow.—(Hear, hear.) But, Cracow was
now no more—it had been destroyed by agreement between
Russia and the other two Powers, and now formed part
of Austria.—(Cries of "Shame, shame.") He trusted
that the men of England were prepared, heart and
hand, to uphold !their Sovereign, whose words from the
Throne on the first day of the session, he was sure, spoke
the sentiments of every Englishman.—(Great cheering.)
The Learned Gentlema❑ sat down, by seconding the follow-

ing resolution :
" That as the tranquillity and prosperity of all communi •
ties, whether of nations or of individuals, depend on the main-
tenance of justice, the repression of violence and the fulfil-
ment of engagements ; and as, :on the contrary, tranquillity
and prosperity are endangered when the weak are abandoned
to the mercy of the strong, when sacred rights and duties
are permitted to be violated, and solemn obligations to be
disregarded, therefore this meeting views with no
less alarm than indignation. the measures adopted by
the Governments of Russia, Austria and Prussia towards
Cracow, and the other provinces of ancient Poland, believing
that such measures are not only in themselves, in the highest
degree, unjust and impolitic, but that they directly tend to
weaken respect for treaties, to retard the progress of civilisa-
tion, to encourage the projects of ambition, to strengthen the
enemies of order, and to endanger the peace of Europe."
The NOBLE CHAIRMAN put the resolution to the meeting,
and it was carried amidst immense cheering, the whole

meeting standing.
Mr. D. UIfQI:7IART felt considerable difficulty in bringing
the motion with which he was intrusted under the notice of
the meeting; but he was so fully convinced that there bad
been a gross violation of the rights of nations, that he was
relieved from much of the difficulty under which he laboured,
for the eloquent speeches which had been addressed to the
meeting had placed the matter so fully before them that he
had only to turn his attention to the subject which during
the last three months had been so urgently pressed upon the
i Government and on Parliament, and that was the
violation of the Treaty of Vienna. The last sentence
which had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman who
had just addressed them, backed as it was
by his own high character gave the assurance that the
highest legal authorities were fully convinced that there had
been a shameful violation of the treaty by which the inde-
pendence of Cracow was secured. Bat it would be his bu-
siness to show that not only had this treaty been violated,
but that there were other Powers who perfectly coincided in
that opinion, and that the fallacies which had been put before
Parliament had a foundation neither in reason nor justice.
They had had the highest legal opinions of this country that
there had been an infamous infraction of those principles,
and he felt assured that the meeting would sympathise in
the opinion that they could never be broken through
without exposing any nation to the liability of
being themselves the sufferers from the same injustice.
That was their position, and he had always found that, in
order to be safe, their acts must always be in conformity
with their duty. And, notwithstanding the mighty array of
power, which was brought to bear on this matter, he believed
that England had nothing to do but to express its will, for
that will to be listened to and to be obeyed—(Great cheer-
ing)—for, he believed, that at the present moment, she pos-
sessed the greatest power on the face of the earth.—( Renewed
cheering). By consenting to this aggression, they were
leaving the opportunity open for the commission of equal
injury against themselves, but if they recorded their deter-
mination, and acted up to that determination, that no
injustice should be done to other nations, they would
be raising a barrier for their own defence.—(Cheers).
He had never felt the value of public opinion
more than he did at the present moment.—(Cheers.) They
might recollect how public opinion had been alighted on
several subjects, until it was fully, determinately, and per-
severingly expressed; and they might estimate the value of
such demonstrations as this, and how the representations of
public meetings had been weighed by the Government, and
with what readiness their influence had been allowed by the
Ilouse of Commons.—(Cheers.) The expression of public
opinion was nothing more than the expression of the sense
which was entertained of public right, and they would perceive
by this that that expression was not so much a declaration
of abstract principles, as it was an assertion of the determi-
nation to have public right enforced.—(Cheers.) They would
see by this, too, what was the value of the pressure from
without. He did not mean that pressure from without that
had so much force in Downing-street, as that which would
oblige a consideration of the rights of nations. Ile believed
that such a moving cause was to be found in this affair of
Cracow, and that it would, in the end, terminate in
a recognition of those rights.—(Cheers.) It should be re-
collected that this meeting had to do with the, not merely pri-
vate affairs ota few, but with the blotting out a whole people
from the map of nations. They were met for no ordinary occa-
sion, for they were met to celebrate the obsequies of the
Polish nation ; a nation whose existence had not been ob-
literated by their own crimes, but from the violence of foreign
aggression. Mr. Urquhart then went through the whole of
the treaties which had been entered into for the preservation
of the nationality of Poland, and showed how sensible the
Ottoman Government had been of the necessity of uphold-
ing Poland, in order to preserve that country as a barrier to
the several nations of Europe. He concluded by moving—
" That this meeting has learned with profound satisfaction
that the Government of the Ottoman Empire has on the
present, as on former occasions, signalised its condemnation
of the injustice of which Poland has been the victim."
Sir H. VERNZY, in a speech delivered with great freedom,
entered into the principle that the inflection of treaties
against one country, might very easily be used as a principle
of aggression against others, and detailed the whole of the
circumstances which had occurred since the year 1813, and
proved how detrimental the infraction of the Treaty of
Vionna had been to the general interests of Europe. He
concluded by cordially seconding the motion. It is almost
needless to say that the resolution was passed unanimously,
fur every speech was received wi,h great enthusiasm.
The LEW Maxon (Sir G. Carroll) proposed the fifth reso-
lution, and in doing s'), adverted to the circumstance that, as
the Chief Magistrate of the City of London, he was exceed-
ingly anxious to promote the good understanding between
France and England.
Mr. BEALES seconded the motion, and stated his belief
that if the entente cordial., between the two countries had not
been interfered with, that the three Great Powers would
never have dared to commit this aggression upon Polish
freedom.
A resolution in conformity with the speeches was then una-
nimously adopted.
Sir C. NAPIEIt moved " That a humble address be pre-
sented to her M:'jesty the Queen, humbly thanking her Ma-
jesty for the distinct expression of her sentiments in reference
to Cracow contained in her Majesty's speech on opening the
session of Parliament, and humbly praying her Majesty to
adopt any measures which may appear calculated to avert
the evils which must otherwise inevitably accrue to all the
states of Europe from the continued acts or violence exercised
by Russia, Austria, and Prussia, towards Poland, and
for ameliorating the condition of that oppressed
nation." He expressed his opinion that if the pro-
test of England and France had been followed by
something like a hostile demonstration and the withdrawal
of the Government agent from Cracow that its annexation to
Austria would never have occurred.
Mr. J. S. Ilucs-arrunANt seconded the motion, and in doing
so expressed his belief that the violation of treaties was a
backward step from the onward progress of civilization.
Like the others, this motion was unanimously adopted.
Captain L. JAMANSKI moved a vote of thanks to the
Noble Chairman, stating that the Poles did not rely on the
treatyit
.etitoiThey
),sioeo:
iloid:lLtßinpitdsbva,ol(iealthrraoef:
sioicdaaystinio,
rsacdkleNfeDla,vsi:(lllbniethtuti'bgetstbheiliteeeeiha;tnn:nrehhnd:nti
e:ebeateeyawnasyiriolodsii
al
ipolitiTlsouchpeoarrotsoeetni(opirtdotiyAfe)STUAßT,ti theparty
t.preservationo
that
treaty,
and the i
were
e re
therefore
opportunity
bnvgkys by Mr.
ttniywtrryne:gia.
rihalea.coenal . 1
)lpssoGuohawlot
oge,vhws
Government.
tfciprhrni
ineoegemmcwcehtnhhh,
what
t secondedcdorne
conduct
cftu tlphls
pursued
sffmu€
eor
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Mr.
th beene commito bje
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of
Harcourt,•
the meeting.
The Marquis of NORTHAMPTON returned thanks, wish-
ing that every one presentmight go and dream of the wrongs
of Poland. The reply was greatly cheered, and the meeting
separated.

MARKET INTELLIGENCE.
(From the London New Price Current of March 2.)
Suo2.a.—To-day importers of Sugar were desirous to
realise, and abundantly supplying the market, caused a fur-
ther fall in the value of all sorts, notwithstanding the demand
was good for East India and Mauritius for the pan and scale;
but for brewing and distilling there are yet few operators.
The market for West India had a dull appearance, all quali-
ties being purchased with much caution.
FOREIGN.—The stock has been further increased of Foreign
Sugar, and merchants being willing sellers of the descrip-
tions available for home consumption, and supplying the
market largely, produced a fall in the value of all descriptions.
The demand, however, has been good, and the parcels offered
at auction were all sold, chiefly consisting of the better de-
Egcrreiaptteiorntsh.
anTihae,timypeoarrt,atainodn otfh allthe
quality sortsi is
of
thatlikely to
alreadybe mucli
better. thanTo_
da
yt hitaetfionfe thed goodsl)as,
metses o
re-
ceivedn.
ItaF :Nswith little attention
under export 3 demand,
ae nwctl
from the home trade, although there are sellers upon further
qisnaallitayrge
aFnodr BonitddeidffiCe
ur ul
ts ht
toed dp
uSrucgnaars
e therenest
reduced terms. The refiners are generally anxious sellers.
is
MADRlTltii.—This afternoon two parcels of Mauritius
Sugar, amounting to 16,126 bags, were offered at public auc-
tion, the chief part of which consisted of bright grocery de-
scriptions. The whole sold, at a reduction on former rates of
Is per cwt.
EAST INDIA.—ThiS afternoon Madras sugar was not much
in demand, and 4,419 bags at auction were only partly sold
at a fall on former rates of ls.
MoLAssEs.—For West India the demand has been limited
for all descriptions. The value of low to fine quality is 22s
to 26s per cwt. A small parcel of good St. Kitts sold at
24s 6d, East India Treacle is dull of sale, and 24s to 25s
are the nearest rates. Honey is offered upon reduced terms.
COFFEE.—This afternoon at auction 10 casks Jamaica sold
at 65s for low middling; 331 bags of Plantation Ceylon, fine
fine ordinary 60s to 655, fine ordinary 56s to 58s, ordinary
455, low ordinary 41s 6d, triage 24s 6d ; 101 bags osta Rica
36s for good ordinary, and 45s for fine ordinary. By private
treaty there was less desire evinced to operate in Native
Ceylon ; but there are not sellers under 43s for good ordinary,
and only a small amount of business was done.
TEA.—There are further arrivals, consisting chiefly of the
better descriptions, still none has again been submitted to
public sale ; the stock is not so heavy as it was at this time
last year, whilst the deliveries are much larger of all sorts.
The town and country trade hold small stocks, notwithstand-
ing the large purchases made by them of late. Congou is
not offered upon lower terms, but the demand has fallen off
for all sorts, and only a limited business has been done.
Fnum—For export to Holland a good business has been
done in Currants ut 52s for !ante, and the market has a
firmer appearance.
Hors.—The operations have been upon a more extended
scale, especially in the better sorts. Holders show firmness,
and offer only a moderate quantity for sale. We quote Sussex
pkts at 78s to 88s, Weald of Kent 86s to 983, mid, and East
ditto 95s to 136 s per cwt.
RICE.—To-day Bengal met with little attention privately •
and 1,176 bags at auction only partly sold at 24s for good
bold white, and at 225 to 23s for damaged, which is the
former value.
SrxcEs.—To-day at public sale 18 casks Dutch limed Nut-
mega for exportation only were in part sold at 35 2d to 3s 3d
for bold, which is the full value; 16 casks of various sorts
for home consumption were offered, and chiefly taken in—
Madras wormy at is 6d, Singapore middling brown 3s. to
3s. 2d, fair middling 3s 4d : 1 case Mace sold at 3s 7d for
middling red.
• CQvuue,Au—All cleacriptioua an much in demand, and

the rates paid are rather above those that existed previously.
The deliveries are far exceeding those of last year, whilst the
stock is less ; at public sale 118 bags of Honduras were all
disposed of at 5s 7d to 63 for good ordinary to fine silvers, and
7 bags of black at 6s 8d to Is ld per lb.
l'IltITS.—To-day there were sellers of all descriptions of
Rum upon lower terms, still exporters and the home trade
operated with caution; proof Leewards can be obtained at 3s
9d to 3s 10d; East India 3s 5d to 33 6d; and Jamaica 30
to 38 per cent ; over proof at 5s to 6s per gallon. The sup-
ply is on the increase of East India.
OlLS.—There has been an increased desire manifested to
operate in Cocoa Nut Oil, and prices have improved. Holders
of Palm are still willing sellers, but submit to rather lower
rates. In Rape Seed Oil large purchases have been made,
and quotations ruled firm. In Olive large purchases have been
made ; holders were firm. In Linseed agood deal hasbeen done.
a further improvement in prices has taken place. Cod met
with little attention, and there are sellers at 271 to 271 5s per
tan. For Seal the market is in a dull state. For Southern
further reduced rates have been taken. Sperm is little
wanted, and holders are desirous to sell. Lard Oxalis in fair
demand, and 44s to 50s are paid for low to fine qty.
TALLow.—Russian has been in excellent request on the
spot, and a slight improvement again occurred. For delivery
in the last three months of the year a good business has bean
transacted at 45s to 45s 6d. Home-made is worth 50e to
50s 6d nett cash, at which many parcels have been sold.
Other sorts of Tallow are wanted, and prices are improving.

PETITIONS ON PRIVATE BILLS.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
There were no unopposed cases on either Mr. Smith's or
Mr. May's list.
(Room 22, before Mr. Examiner Slum.)
OPPOSED LIST.
EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN RAILWAY (I M-
P ROVEM ENT OF THE FERRY BETWEEN FERRY
PORT AND THE NORTH SHORE OF THE RIVER
TAY.)
This case was gone through, but the Examiner postponed
his decision till to-morrow.
GREAT METROPOLITAN WATERWORKS.
The customary formal proofs wero taken in this case.
Adjourned till to-morrow.
(Room 23, before Mr. Examiner MAT.)
SHREWSBURY AND BIRMINGHAM ACT AMEND-
MENT, AND BRANCHES.
There were four memorials against this petition, but no
one appeared to support them. The parties, nevertheless,
failed in completing the formal proofs, and the standing
orders were declared not to have been complied with.

STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The Committee met this day at the usual hour for the dis-
patch of public business. The following deCisions were an-
nounced during the course of the day
:
THE FALMOUTH WATERWORKS BILL.
Standing orders complied with, and parties allowed to
proceed.
EDINBURGH AND NORTHERN (DUNFERMLINE
BRANCH).
Standing orders not dispensed with, and the Bill thrown
out.
PARK-GATE, CHESTER AND BIRKENHEAD.
Standing orders complied with, and allowed to proceed.
OXFORD, WORCESTER, AND WOLVERHAMP TON
RAILWAY, No.l (EXTiNSION AND AMENDMENT).
Allowed to proceed.
EASTERN COUNTIES (BRANCH FROM STRAT
FORD TO VICTORIA PARK, &c.)
Standing Orders not dispensed with, and the Bill thrown
'out.
AXIIOLME RAILWAY (FROM LEEDS AND SELBY
RAILWAY TO GAINSBOROUGH).
Allowed to proceed.
TYNE DOCKS, No. 7.
Standing orders complied with, and the parties allowed to
proceed.
ENFIELD AND EDMONTON RAILWAY.
Allowed to proceed, certain clauses being struck out of the
Bill.
SURREY AND KENT COMMISSION OF SEWERAGE.
Standing orders not complied with.
THE LONDON SEWERAGE CHEMICAL MANURING
COMPANY.

Allowed to proceed.
MANCHESTER
ORD AND
SH IRE BIRMINGHAM (NORTH STAY
F JUNCTION).
Allowed to proceed.
BELFAST IMPROVEMENT BILL.
Allowed to proceed.
LOUGH NEAGH DRAINAGE.
Allowed to proceed.

TIIE NAVY ESTIMATES.
(From the Times.)
Sir Charles Napier led the van against the Admire'
estimates on Friday night in true family style, and w-e
are bound to say that his annual onslaught was not
without a degree of success. Architects, constructors,
engineers, artificers, First Lords, and secretaries, all
received the fire of the gallant Admiral, as he passed
steadily along the line, and it was not at every point
that he was answered with equal spirit. Mr. Corry 'e
remark, that the arguments had been frequently
heard before was more accurate than his observe-.
tion that they had been as frequently replied
to. There is no doubt whatever that the complaints are
not. new, but the periodical reports of our naval in-
telligence leave very considerable doubt whether semi
of them are not just. The speech of the Secretary to
the Admiralty was a good exposition of the difficulty
of getting things without paying for them, and the
feeble objections off.xed to the present and prospectivi
increase of the estimates showed how completely the in.
terest taken in this arm of our defences can overpower
even the hereditary economy of the nation. The argu-
ments in u.,e were highly characteristic. At the pre
sent day an orator has nothing to do in the French
or English Chambers but to point to the proceed
ings across the Channel, and the reciprocal rivalry o.
the nations will do the rest. France has just made a
vote of five millions and a half for the year ensuing,
and the demand of the English Minister is less that:
six. The sum was evidently below the mark, and
Mr. Ward began to deprecate the anticipated attack
upon his spiritless parsimony, by a gratuitous confession
of his shortcomings. While we had done nothing but sur-
vey
Dover llarb.,ur and build blockhouses at Portsmouth,
staggering in the idea that thesmithery at Brest
our neighbours had garnished their whole seaboard Iron;
while that at Portsmouth has old)
north to south with magnificent works of which "tilt
H ,use had no conception." There is really something
e
a French while
with a majority ce
79 furnaces against ire at a time when the world will b:
ruled by steam and iron ! The ladies of Sussex will
but . f.l
1 n
mostnor du
thew e
minorse
never be able to sleep in their beds till we cal
-te perfectly
contains
tains
Fancyl 27
6 resi
match the French, bellows for bellows. Seriously.
we make no objection to the demands for thi:
public service,
right spirit reforms which
seem to be projected. No person grudges the six mil.
lions ; the only question is, how is it to be expended i
The money is none too much, but is it certain we art
going to get the most for it? No answer was made t,
the main charges of Sir Charles Napier, that half ou:
vote was wasted in experiments. Tee fate of some of
Albion's bulwarks " is most distressing. A huge 74 is
launched into her "native element" amidst the shout:
of admiring thousands ; next week she is laid up it
ordinary, where she languishes for 10 or 15 years ;
she is then taken out and cut down to suit
new fashion, or a fresh demand ; after thi
d i
,degradation sheis again sent up the basil
out of sight, and after a second interval of obscurity
i 3 at length broken up or turned into a hulk withoiii
ever having carried a pennant throughout the whole
term of her existence. The moat contented and indul
gent contributor to the public burdens may ask that the
authorities should first know their own minds, and they;
go to the cheapest market, but we seem to put a pre-
mium upon extravagance and caprice. When a vessel
is fairly launched her cost may be said to have just cone-
menced. First her stem, then her stern is altered,
and when these unfortunate extremities have been repro-
duced in every variety of contour, she is cut in two
amidships and lengthened some six. y feet. The ori:
ginal craft is entirely lost—pars minima est ipso puello
sui—and some extraordinary chimera is the result,
as fabulous and as monstrous as a mermaid, with
the length of a three-decker and the beam of e
eloop, the bows of a cutter and the stern of a 74.
;sir. Hume put the matter in a form beyond argu.
meat. " There never," said the Hon. Member, " bad
been so many instances of ships cut down and ship:
enlarged as during the last few years, and there we-
no instance of any vessel built for any particular
purpose which was found fit for that purpose
when the necessity arose for its use." So regular
and certain, indeed, are these disappointments, that
perhaps it might be worth while to try the rule sug-
gested by Sheridan for matrimony,—to begin with
a little aversion, as a speedy change was so inevitable ;
or to make the same allowances for contrariness which
experience has shown to be judicious in the shipment of
Irish pigs. Possibly, if the Scourge had been laid down
as a royal yacht she might have come out a good bomb-
vessel ; and the
Cyclops might positively have refused
to sail without her guns, if she had never been pierced
for any. Except some such experiment as this,
we hardly see what resource we are to fall back upon,
unless, indeed, all vessels should be built in the gross
after a single pattern, like policemen's clothes, anj fur-
ther or more particular adaptation for the service required
being left to the ingenuity of the owner—a scheme
which would certainly not be more costly, and might
perhaps be more convenient, than that in vogue at pre-
sent. Every science has the accidents of infancy,
but our Admiralty never seems to get out of them. If
we had just eschewed the oracles of the ancient Britons,
we could hardly be more perplexed at our next steps.
Sometimes we despise experiments altogether, more
frequently we make an experiment of the entire under-
taking ; but in no case does an induction follow.
Nobody blames the authorities for not intuitively con-
ceiving that a shot would sink an iron steamer, but
they might at least have brought the fact to issue
before they built three and thirty of them. Even now
we do not know that we can confidently assume, not-
withstanding the experience of the past, that a frigate
built for 800 tons of coals will carry more than 350, or
that some speculative Lord will not order an additional
hundred horse-power on a vessel without reflecting on
the consequent demand for tonnage. When a ship floats
according to calculation and answers her purpose, the
occurrence is thought worthy of special and grateful
record, and some such pieces of luck we may doubtless
get, but caution and experience must teach us to ex-
pect 20 Penelopes for one Thetis. En revanche.
however—to refer all these matters to their re-
cognised criterion—the French marine is declared
by the people of that country to be no better
managed, whatever we may think of it from
our more commanding point of view. The discus-
sions upon the grant to the Minister of Marine last
summer disclosed the fact that in the opinion of the
people the French navy was ao far from being the better
for the millions lavished on it, that it was rather the
worse, and that it had slowly and steadily begun to re-
trograde—a fact which, to every true-born Briton, will
doubtless be inexpressibly cheerful and consoling; and
may supply an argument, perhaps, for acquiescing con-
tentedly in the accidents and disappointments apparently
inseparable from naval administration,

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, March 2.
The LORD CHANCELLOR tack hie seat on the Woolsack at
Five o'clock.

POOR-LAW (IRELAND).
The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition frcm the
rate-payers of Enniscorthy complaining of the present Poor-
law in Ireland.
SPIRIT DUTIES.
The Duke of RICHMOND laid on the table a peti ion
from the agriculturists of Sussex against the proposed reductio❑

in the duty on spirits.
LAW OF SETTLEMENT.
The Duke of RICHMOND, after presenting a petition from
the guardians of the poor of Hastings, praying their
Lordships to repeal the law of settlement of last
session, and that the poor might be supported by a
national rate, on real as well as personal property, proceeded to
move the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the opera-
tion of the law. As he believed no objection would be offered
to the motion, he should but brit fly advert to the reasons
by which he was actuated in making it. Few agreed with
respect to the real object of the measure, and the
Attorney and Solicitor-General had put a different construc-
tion on the Bill to the one put by those who framed it. Some
said that it was of a retrospective character whilst others enter-
tamped a different opinion. Thus great complexity had been
introduced, and as many of the quarter-sessions had
decided against the opinion of these Learned Gentlemen, great
litigation had been the result, and would, no doubt, continue
until an alteration took place. Even the auditor of a union,
if he entertained a different opinion, might disallow relief ;
and the question would have to be removed from the quarter-
sessions by certiorari into the Queen's Bench, but owing
to the great arrears of business great delays
would take place in deciding particular cases.— (Hear.)
The Bill was unjust to the rate- payers, and most pre
judicial to the poor, as they had no definite opinion as to what
place really was their settlement, so much difference of
opinion prevailed. The measure was one of those hastily
introduced at the close of the session, and passed when
many of their Lordships were out of town. As the Act had
worked most injuriously, he thought it was right that
the matter should be inquired into by a Committee.
The ground upon which be rested his motion was the one
universal feeling expressed by all parties, that some change
was necessary. The Government, if they did not repeal the
law, ought at all events to bring in a declaratory Act, declaring
what the state of the law really was. It was not necessary to
go further into the merits of the question, as the Noble Lord
had intimated his intention of not opposing the motion.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the Noble
Duke had made a very good Parliamentary case
in support of his motion. It could not be dis-
puted but that very great abuses and disputes had arisen re-
specting the operation of the law. A Committee of the Lower
House had been appointed, who had made a special report upon
the subject ; and he would put it to the Noble Lord whether
he would not postpone his motion until they had time to see
what steps would be taken in accordance with that report.
Lord BROUGHAM said that there was no doubt that the
Act had been framed very catelessly, and when their Lord-
ships looked to the Act they would not be surprised that it was
so ; he found that it was passed on the 26th day of August last.
Now, for the 14 days previous to that date, their Lordships were
very little inclined to pay attention to pauper removal from
parish to parish, being engaged in a totally different descrip-
tion of removal—namely, to their count.ry seats or to
the Continent —( Hear, hear.) He would observe that none
of the petitions prayed for a total repeal of the law. They
only sought an alteration in the law, which, in fact, was neces-
sary to make it tolerable, which it was not in its present state.
He had often complained of this careless legislation, He
found that out of five hundred and ninety laws, which had
been the sum of their legislative labours during last session,
the greater portion of them had been passed subsequent to
this, which had been so justly complained of. The opinion
of Mr. Hill had been tsken upon the conduct of the
Poor-law Commissioners, and he gave his answer
upon the case as it was put before him. The
The Noble Lord (Lyndhurst) and he were of the same
opinion with Mr. Hill. Mr. Hill gave an opinion upon a case
stated to him, but the slightest difference in facts might have
totally altered that opinion. Mr. Hill bad not the slightest
idea that that opinion would be made public ; for aught he
knew the case might have been submitted by the Poor-law
Commissioners themselves ; indeed, he (Lord Brougham) was
not sure that it was not. But it was stated that
Mr. Hill had taken a great deal upon him in this
case. Why, he only gave an answer to the
question put to him, and he could not see that any man could
do less. But Mr. Hill, when Member for Hull, in 1833, was
so far from an adversary, that he was a decided supporter of the
poor-law measure, and he had not yet changed those opinions.
Lord CAMPBELL heartily concurred in the propriety of
granting the Committee asked for by the Noble Duke. He
thought his Noble Friend had made out a decided case for such
appointment. There ought to be a clau,e in the Poor-law Act
which would give to an individual reside:it of so many years
standing a claim upon the parish with which he was so long
eonnected. The system had worked well in Scotland, and
ought, he thought, to be carried out in England and Wales.
Lord BEA UMO N T could not refrain from pointing out
an error into which the Noble Lord had fallen. The Noble
Lord had said, that the purpose of the Bill was to give a set-
tlement in the parish to a person who had resided in it for FO
many years. Now, he conceived that the very fault of the Bill
was, that it conferred no such claim. The object for
which the Bill was framed was not carried out in this Bill.—
( Hear, hear.) The authorities of the parish could not, it was
true, compel the pauper to remove, but they could make him
miserable by petty annoyances—they could plague him in
every way, and so induce him to go, and thus the provisions of
the law were thrown aside.
Lord CAMPBELL agreed with the Noble Lord, that it
would be better if the provisions of the Aet were carried out
more efficiently, but the fact was that the public mind wa. not
prepared at the time for a larger measure. But the Bill was
so far good, that it laid the foundation for future reforms.
The Duke of RICHMOND replied he was opposed to any
settlement like that contended for. He had read the report to
which a Noble Lord had referred, and which was before the
other House,and from a perusal of that document he was more
than ever strongly of opinion as to the necessity of the Cora-
-1 ruittee for which he asked.
The motion was then put and agreed to, without any
amendment.