The Sun.
London, England, 1841-03-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MARCH 26, 1841

principle, but the forms prescribed by the Constitution. The
principle certainly assigns to the only body constituted by the
Constitution (the Legislative body), the power to make laws,
and the forms even direct that the enactment should be ascribed
to them. The Senate, in relation to revenue bills, hare the
right to propose amendments; and so has the Executive, by
the power given him to return them to the House of Repre-
sentatives, with his objections. It is in his power also, to pro-
pose amendments in the existing revenue laws, suggested by
his observations upon their defective or injurious operation.
But the delicate duty of devising schemes of revenue should
e left where the Constitution has placed it—with the imme-
diate representatives of the people. For similar reasons, the
mede of keeping the public treasure should be prescribed by
hem ; and the farther removed it may be from the control of
the Executive, the more wholesome the arrangement, and more
in accordance with republican principle.
Connected with this subject is the character of the currency.
The idea of making it exclusively metallic, however well in-
tended, appears to me to be fraught with more fatal conse•
quencee than any other scheme, having no relation to the per-
sonal rights of the citizen, that has ever been devised. If any
single scheme could practice the effect of arresting, at once,
that mutation of condition by which thousands of our most in-
digent fellow-citizens, by their indu,try and enterprise, are
raised to the possession of wealth, that is the one. If there is
one measure better calculated than another to produce that
state of things so much deprecated by a 1 true republicans, by
which the rich are daily adding to their hoards, and the poor
'inking deeper into penury, it is an exclusive metallic cur-
rency. Or if there is a process by which the character of the
country for gsnerosity and nobleness of feeling may be destroyed
by the great increase and necessary toleration of usury,i t is an
exclusive metallic currency.
Amongst the other duties of a delicate character which the
President is called upon to perform, is the supervision of the
Government of the territories of the United States. Those of
them which are destined to become members of our great poli-
tical family, are compensated by their rapid progress from in
fancy to manhood, for the partial and temporary deprivation of
their political rights. It is in this district only, where Ameri-
can citizens are to be foetid, who, under a settled systems of
;mlicy, are deprived of many important political privileges,
without any inspiring hope as to the future. Their only con-
solation, under circumstances of such deprivation, is, that of
the devoted exterior guards of a camp—that their sufferings
secure tranquillity and safety within. Are there any of their
countrymen who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to
my other humdi itions than those essentially neees ary to the
security of the object for which they were thus separated from
their fellow-citizens? Are their rights 'alone not to be gua-
ranteed by the application of those great principles, upon which
all our constitutions are founded? We are told by the greatest
of British orators and statesmen, that, at the commencemsnt
of the war' of the revolution, the most stupel men in England
spoke of" their American subjects." Are there, indeed, citi-
zens of any of our States who have dreamed of their subjects in
the "district of Colombia? Such dreams can never be realise.'
by-any agency of mice.
The people of the district of Columbia are not the subjects
of the people of the States, but free American citizens.
Being in the latter condition when the Constitution was formel
no words used in that instrument could have been intended to
leprive them of that character. If there is anything in the
great principles of unalienable rights, so emphatically in-isted
upon in our Declaration of Independence, they could neither
make, nor the United States accept, a surrender of their liber-
ties, and become the subjects, in other words, the slaves of
their former fellow-citizens. If this be true, anal it will
scarcely be denied by any. one who has a correct idea of his own
,ishts as= American citizen, the grant to Congress of exclu-
-ive jurisdiction in the district of Columbia, can be inter-
preted, so far as respects the aggregate peo;,le of the, United
States, as mean:ng nothing more than to allow the Congress
the controlling poorer necessary to afford a free and safe exer-
cise of the functions assigned to the general Government by
the Constitution. In all other respects the legislation of Con-
gress shou'd be adapted to their peculiar position and wants,
and be c e formable with their deliberate opinions of their own
interests.
I have spoken of the necessity of keeping the respective
departments cf the Government, as well as all the other autho-
rities of car country, within their appropriate orbits. This is
a matter of difficulty in some cases, as the powers which they
respective ly claim are often not defined by very distinct lines.
Mischievsus, however, in their tendencies, as collisions of this
kind mar be, those which arise between the respective com-
munities, which for certain purposes compose one nation, are
much more so ; for no such nation can lung exist without the
careful culture of those feelings of confidence and affection
which are the effective bonds of union between free and confe-
derated States. Strong as is the tie of interest, it has been often
ound in ffectual. Men, blinded by their passions, have been
known to adopt .neasures fo.• their country in direct opposition
to all the suggestions of policy. The alternative, then, is to
tlestroy or keep down a bad passion by creating and fostering
a good one ; and this teems to be the corner-stone upon which
our Anse ican political vehitects have reared the fabric of our
Government. The cement which was to bind it and perpe-
tuate its existence, was the affectionate attachment between all
its members.

To insure the continuance of this feeling, produced at
first by a community of dangers, of sufferings, and of in-
terests, the advantages of each were made accessible to all.
No participation in any good po:sessed by any member of an
extensive confeileracy, except in domestic government, was
withheld from the citizens of any other member. By a pro-
cess attended with no difficulty, no delay, no expense, but that
of removal, the citizen of one might become the citizen of any
other, and successively of the vhole. The lines, too, sepa-
rating p'swers to be exercised by the citizens of one State from
those of another, seem to be so distinctly drawn as to leave no
room for misunderstanding. Tile citizens of each State unite
in their persons all the privileges which that character confers,
and all that they may claim as citizens of the United States;
but in no case can the same person, at the same time, act
as the citizen of two separate States, and he is therefore po-
sitively precluded from any interference with the reserved
powers of any State but that of which Le is for the time being
a citizen. lie may indeed offer to the citizens of other States
his advice as to the'r management, and the form in which it is
tendered is left to his own discretion and sense of propriety.
It may be observed, however, that organiseil associations of
citizens, requ'riug, compliance with their wishes, too much re- I
semble the recommendations of Athens to her allies —sup-
post
d by an armed and powerful fleet. It was, indeed, to the 1
ambition of the leading'Stites or Greece.to control the do-
mestic eoneerns of the others, that the destiuction of that cele-
brated Confederacy, and subsequently of all its members, is
mainly to be attributed. And it is oiling to the absence
of that spisit that the Helvetic Confederacy has for so
many years been preserved. Never has there been seen in
the institutions of the separate members of any Confederacy
more elements of discord. In the principle and forms of govern-
ment and religion, as well as in the circumstances of the seve-
ral cantons, so marked a discrepancy was observable as to pro-
mise anything but harmony in their intercourses or permanency
in their alliance. And yet for ages neither has been inter-
rupted. Content with the positive benefits which their union
produced, with the independence and safety from foreign ag-
gression which it .securel, these sagacious people respected the
institutions of each other, however repugnant to their own
principles and prejudice.
Our confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by
the same forheas ante. Our citizens must be content with
the exercise of the powers with which the Constitution clothes
them. The attempt of those of one State to control the do-
mestic institutions of another, can only result-in •feelings of
distrust and jealousy, the certain harbingers of ditiunioe, vio-
lence, civil wsr, and the ultimate destruction of our free in-
stitutions. Our confederacy . is perfectly illustrated by the
terms and principles governing a common co-partnership.
There a fund of power is to be exercised under the direction
of the joint councils of the allied members, but that which has
been reserved by the individual member is intangible by the
common Government or the individual,trembers composing it.
To attempt it find; no support in the principles of our Con-
stitution. It should be our constaut and ear est endeavour mu-
tually to cultivate a spirit of concord and harmony among the va-
rious parts of our cor federacy. Experience has abundantly taught
us that the agitation by citizens of one part of the union of a
subject not confined to the general Government, but exclu-
sively under the guardianship of the local authorities, is pro-
ductive of no other consequences than bitterness, alienation,
end injury to the very cause which is intended
tdoiscobrd,
e
advanced. Of all the great interests which ap-
pertain to our country, that of union, cordial, confiding, fra-
ternal union, is by far the most important, since it is the only
true and sure guaranty of all others.
In consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the
currency, some of the States meet with difficulty in their
financial concerns. However deeply we may regret anything
imprutlent or excessive in the engagements into which Sta'es
have entered far purposes of their own, it does not become
us to disparage the State Government, nor to discourage
them from making proper efforts for their own relief : on
the contrary, it is our duty to encourage them, to the extent
of our constitutional authority, to apply their best means, and
cheerfully to make all necessary burdens to fulfil their engage-
ments and maintain their credit; for the character and credit
of the several States form part of the character and credit of
the whole country: The resources of the country are abun-
dant—the enterprise and activity of out' people proverbial ; and
we may hope that wise legislation and prudent administration
by the respective governments, each acting within its own
sphere, will restore former prosperity.
Unpleasant and even dangerous as collisions may sometimes
be, between the constitutional authorities or the citizens of our
country, in relation to the lines which separate their respec-
tive jurisdictions, the results can be of no vital injury to our
1 institutions, if that ardent patriotism, that devoted attachment
to liberty, that spirit of moderation and forbearance for which
our countrymen were once di:tinotisEcd, continue to be
cherished—if this continue to be the ruling passion of
our sou's, the weaker feelings of the mistaken en-
thusiast will be corrected—the Utopian dreams of the
scheming politician dissipated—and the complicated intrigues
1 of the demagogue rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty is
the sovereign balm for every injury which our institutions may
receive. On the contrary, no care that can be used in the con-
struction of our government, no division of our powers, no dis-
tribution of checks in its several departments, will prove effec-
tual to keep us a free people, if this spirit is suffered to decay—
and decay it will without constant nurture. To the neglect of
this duty the best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all
the republics with whose existence and fall their writings have
made no acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the
same effects ; and as long as the love of power is a dominant
passion of the human bosom, and as long as the understandings
of men can be warped and their affections changed by operations
upon their pasions and prejudices, so long will the liberty of a
people depend on their own constant attention to itspreservation.
f he danger to all web-established free governments arisesfrom
the unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence, or
from the influence of the designing men, diverting their atten-
tion from the quarter from whence it approaches, to a source
from which it can never come. •This is the old trick of those
who would usurp the Government of their country. In the
name of democracy they speak, warning the people against the
influence of wealth and the danger of aristocracy. History,
ancient and modern, is full of such examples. Cmsar be-
came the master of the Roman people and the Senate, under
the pretence of supporting the democratic claims of the for-
mer against the aristocracy of tke later. Cromwell, in the
character of protector of the liberties of the people, became
the dictator of England ; and Bolivar possessed himself of un-
limited power, with the title of his country's liberator.
There is, on the contrary, no single instance on record of an
extensive and well established republic being changed into an
aristocracy. The tendencies of all such governments in their
decline is to monarchy ; and in the antagonist pi inciple to liberty
there is the spirit of faction—a spirit which assumes the cha-
racter, and, in times of great excitement, imposes itself upon
the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and like the false
Christs whose coming was foretold by tl.e Saviour, seeks to,
and were it possible would, impose upon the true and most
faithful
behoves
s disciples
the
periods like this that it
pletob I
e mostt
atchful of those to whom
i s in
v,,
they have intrusted power. And although there is at times
bf i
p e o of liberty.
much difficulty in distinguishing the false from the true
spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation will detect
the counterfeit as well by the character of its operations
as the results that are produced, The true spirit
of liberty, although devoted, persevering, bold, and
uncompromising in principle, that secured, is mill and tole-
rant and scrupulous as to the means it employs ; whilst the
spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, vin-
dictive, and intolerant, and tot- Ily reckless a; to the charac-
ter of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When
the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of the people
to a thorough examination of their affairs, it tenets to the ex-
cision of every excrescence which may have fattened itself
upon any departments of the Government, a,nd restores the eye-
' em to its pristine health and beauty. But the reign of an in-

tolerant. spirit of party amongst a free people, seldom fails to
result in a dangerous accession to the Executive power intro-
Ctued and established amidst unusual professions of devotion
to democracy.
The foregoing remarks relate almost exclusively to matters
connected with our domestic concerns. It may be.proper,
however, that I 'should give some indications to n:y fellow-
citizens of my proposed course of conduct in the management
of our foreign relations. I assure them, therefore, that it is
in) intention to use every means in my power to preserve the
friendly intercourse which now so happily subsists with every
foreign nation ; and that althou2,ll, of course, not well in-
formed as to the state of any pending negotial ions with any of
them, I see in the per3onal characters of the sovereigns, as well
as in the mutual interests of our own and of the Governments
with which our relations are most intimate, a pleasing guarantee
that the harmony 'so important to the interests of their sub-
jects, as well ns- our citizens, will not be interrupted by the ad-
vancement of any claim or pretension, upon their part, to
which our honour would not permit us to yield. Long the de-
fender of my o,untry's rights in the field, I trust that my fel-
low-citizens will not see in my earnest desire to preserve peace
with foreign Powers any indication that their rights will ever
be sarriticed, or the honour of the ration tarnished by any. ad-
mission on the part of their Chief Magistrate unworthy of their
farmer glary.

In oar intercourse with our aboriginal neighbours, the same
liberality and justice which marked the course prescribed to
me.by two of my illustrious predecessors, when acting under
their direction in the discharge of the duties of Superintendent
and Commissioner, shall be strictly observed. I can conceive
no more sublime spectacle—none more like to propitiate an im-
partial and common Creator, than a rigid adherence to the
principles of jus'ice on the part. of a powerful nation in its
transactions • with a weaker and uncivilized people whom cir-
cumstances have placed at its disposal.
Before concluding, fellow citizens, I must say something to
you•on the subject o the parties at this time existing in our
country. To me it appears perfectly clear that the in-
terest of the country requires that the violence of the
spirit by which those parties are at this time governed
must be greatly mitigated, if not entirely extinguished, or
consequences will ensue which are appalling to be thought
of. If parties in a republic are necessary to secure a degree
of vigilance sufficient to keep the public functionaries within
the bounds of law and duty, at that point their usefulness
ends. Beyond that, they become destructive of public
virtue, the parents of a spirit antagonist to that of liberty,
awl eventually its inevitable conqueror. We have ex-
amples of republics, where the love of country and f li-
berty, at one time, were the dominant passions of the whole
mass of citizens ; .and yet, with the continuance of the
name and forms of free government, not a vestige of these qua-
lities remaining in the bosom of any one of its citizens. It was
the beautiful remark of a distinguished English writer, that "in
the Roman Senate, Octavius had a parV, and Anthony aparty ;
but the Commonwealth had none." Yet the Senate continued
to meet in the Temple of Liberty, to talk of the saerehiess arid
beauty of the Commonwealth, and gaze at the statues of the
el,:er Brutus and of the Curtii and Decii. And the people as-
sembled in the forum, not as in the days of Camillus and the
Scipios, to cast their free votes for annual magistrates or pass
up.m the Acts of the Senate, but to receive from the hands of
the leaders of the respective parties their share of the spoils,
and to shout for one, or the other, as those collected in Gaul, or
Egypt, and the lesser Asia, would furnish the larger dividend.
The spirit of liberty had fled, and, avoiding the abodes of
civilized man, ha l sought protection in the wilds of Scythia
or Scanvi navia ; and so, under the operation of the same
causes and influences, it will fly from our capitol and our
forums. A calamity so awful, not only to our country but to
the world, must be deprecated by every patriot ; and every
tendency to a state of things likely to produce it immediately
cheeke I. Such a tendency has existed--does exist. Always
the friend of my countrymen, never their flatterer, it becomes
my duty to say to them from this high place to which their
partiality has exalted me, that there exists in the land a spirit
hos ile to their best interests—hostile to liberty itself It is a
spirit con:racted in its views, selfish in its object. It looks to
the aggrandisement of a few, even to the destruction of the in-
terest of the whole. The entire remedy is with the people.
Something, however, may be effected by the means which they
have Vaced in my hands.
It is union that we want, not of a party for the sake of that
party, but a union of the whole country for the sake of the whole
country—for the defence of its interests and its honour against
foreign aggression, for the defence of those principles for which
our ancestors so gloriously contended. As far as it depends
upon me, it shall be accomplished All the influence that I
possess shall be exerted to prevent the formation at least of an
executive party in the halls of ..the legislative body. I wish
for the support of no Member of that body to any measure of
mine that does not satisfy his judgment and his sense of duty
to those from whom he holds his appointment ; nor any con-
fidence in advance from the people, but that asked for by Mr.
Jefferam, "to give firmness and effect to the legal administra-
tion of their affairs."

I d em the present occasion sufficiently imprirtant and so-
lemn to justify me in expressing to my fe•.low-citizens a pro-
found reverence for the Christian religion, and a thorough
conviction that sound morals, religious liberty, and a just sense
of religious responsibility, are essentially connected with all
true and la.ting happiness; and to that good Being who hai
blessed us by the gifts of civil and religious freedom, who
watched over and prospered the labours of due fathers, and
has hitherto preserved to us institutions far exceeding in ex-
cellence those of any other people, let us unite in fervently
commending every interest of our beloved country in all future
time. _

Fellow-citizens—l3eing fully invested with that high office
to which the partiality of my countrymen has called me, I now
take an affectionate leave of you.' You will bear with you to
your homes the remembrance of the pledge I have this day
given, to discharge all the high duties of my exalted s'ation ac-
cording to the best of my abi.ity ; and I shill enter upon their
perform•ince with entire confidence in the support of a just and
generous people.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.
THE M'LEOD CASE.
(From the New York Herald of the Bth.)

We have received highly important news from Washington
by the express of last evening, developing the policy and move-
ments of the new administration in several important questions
and public affairs.
Mr. Fox, the British minister, has, according to the best
authority, received' instructions from his government, by the
President steamer, to demand the peremptory liberation of
51‘Leod. There is also a rumour that unless this demand is
compli d with, he will thin demand his passports, and return
to Englard ; but thi: last account is not yet credited.
The correspondence on this subject will be opened next
week, and this, together with the boundary question, will call
forth the great talents of Mr. ,Webster.
It is also generally believed among the diplomatic corps
that, in the pr.eseot position of APLeod's affair, the American
Government, according to the law of nations, will.deliver up
M‘Leoti to the Canadian authorities, and thus take him out of
the han,ls of the legal authorities of New York.
We shall receive to-morrow a full account of the foreign
relations of the country.
We als» I;arn that a violent opposition was made in the
Senate, on Saturday, to the nomination of Francis Granger
for Postmaster-General, on account of his abolition principles.
Our correspondent's letter, annexed, will give the conclusion
of this contest as far as known. He was confirmed at a late
hour, Iwwever.

We also learn that the new financial system of the Govern-
ment will probably take the shape of a new National B nk,
by combin ng the capitals of sever al of the old New York
banks in Wall-street, under a charter, to be given them by
Congress. This is Mr. Webster's idea, and it is a novel and
somewhat original plan, combining some sound principles and
sound p-actice in banking.
We also learn that General Harrison intends to make all his
own appointments, and that the political cliques will be all
disappointed, when these selections are known. It seems that
the old general, before he left North Bend, wrote out his inau-
gu al a.tdress and made out the list of such prominent ap-
.
pointrnEnts as he meant to make, without any consultation
with the politiciai.s. His inaugural was his own—and so will
his app(ityments be. In this view of the case, it is stated
that General Van Rensellaer will be the new Collector of New
York.

The first few weeks of the new Administration will be highly
important—because in that period all the leading views and
pralciples of the new Administration will be developed. Every
day will bring us frsh news
(From the New York Inquirer.)
ARRIVAL OF THE STEA3I SHIP PRESIDENT.—The arrival
of this >teamer, under the command of Capta'n Roberts, early
yesterday morning, brought us six days' later intelligence from
London. The principal i• ems of news consist in the temporary
failure, at If ast, of the expedition against China, and the dis-
cus.ion of the affair of the Caroline in the British Parliament.

The apprehension of M'Leod has, it will be perceived, ex-
cited great indignation in England, and roused a war feeling,
which it will require great prudence and foresight in two
Governments to all.ty; ant which, until then, cannot fat to
live a very injurious effect upon American securities and credit.
The press, of course, is loud in its denunciations of this coun-
try; and both parties in Parliament united in the opinion that
it W 23 a national affair, involving the honour of the British
nation.

We content ourselves with laying before our readers the
answers of the British Ministry to the questions propounded
to them ; from which it will he perceived that Lord Palmer-
ston not only justifies the capture of the Caroline as a necessary
measure of self-defence, but distinctly asserts that both our
Minister in London and our Government at Washington had
been apprised of the sentiments of the British Ministry on this
subject. This declaration places the late Administration of
Martin Van Buren—we say late, for, thank God, it expired at
twelve last night —in no enviable position before the country.
In connexion with this subject, we have heard it said, that
Mr. Stevenson, immediately after making the demand upon the
British Government in 1839 to disclaim the proceeding, re-
ceived a note from Lord Palmerston, justifying to the fullest
extent the capture of the Caroline; and that, thereupon, Mr.
Stevenson called upon Lord Palmerston, and asked him to
withdraw the slid note of justification, because it placed Mr.
Van Buren in a very awkward predicament, and might lead to
a war. Can this be true ? We only state the rumour as it
reached us long since ; and even now would look upon it. as
utterly incredible, did we not imagine that we perceive a
confirmation of it in Lord Palmerston's reply to Lord Stanley,
wherein he says, " I rather think that my Hon. Friend will
p_e doubt not but the Administration y and to the Administration
glomac en this subject disgraceful to the.
find in that correspondence that instructions from the Arne-
iap
rican Government were gi7 to Mr. Stevenson to abstain
from pressing the subject ! ! , This, in our opinion, denotes a
familiarity with Mr. Stevenson s instructions, which could only
no,
,rhhi i
lec.
ahcf
trceooraui
no t
efs some tad
ma e n
ceteradi m,
tn .erdi eniv
of General Harrison will deem it necessary. to investigate this
subject.
The question which now arises, is, will there he war? There
we will yet believe that the peace of
unfortimately exists a smal party in this city who are bent
upon crying out 66 War, war," withrut any regard to the state
of the country, or oar existing relations with Great Britain.
When a war does come, whether necessary or not, we shall be
found sustaining it; but, manifold as are our causes of corn
the
eintwt
oageoauiznisttrieEsn,
so necessarygland and advantageous to both, can-
not and will not be disturbed. True, we have demanded that
England should disclaim the affair of the Caroline, and she M
has peremptorily refused to do so. This, it appears, r. Van
Buren and his Administration knew but have kept concealed,
and now turn the whole subject over to their aucesssors in the
Government. And what ismore disgraceful, with a full know-
ledge of this fact, they have made no preparations to meet an
emergency which may arise from their own act. If war should
ensue, it will be because the
+il
lv h Administrationigs are nornfl.velkdli.
jacnrte,toipiniti.oil:Verrreart..i.
Buren made a demand it shrunk from enforcing, and concealed
from the country England's reply to that demand! Base as
was this course, it was still more base—still more treacherous
to the
.great trust reposed in them, not
_to place the country in
a position to enforce, if necessary, that t.lemand.
Fortunately for the country • e
and since the late administration have by their acts confessed
England says she was Justified by
their utter inability either to advance or recede in this affair,
notand ledfotuibtttothtehier Navbisildiotym of their
w successorsi,houtintounaryruan.agye, we will
fore, that
rinsing the national honotuor.do
the law of nations in the destruction of the Caroline ; we deny
.arb‘i‘trreation, the croak-
her position, and thus the question at once becomes one which
may safely be submitted to the arbitration of a tilled power, hO-
- all nations are equally concerned with ourselves in settling
ings of alarmists to the contrary notwithstanding; and we t;hearttatinitisaqquuesetsitoir
will
lf
bieiaseti otntlaeldlbawy
in-
dulge the hope that the Goveinment of England will perceive
the nec:2ssity of arranging at an early day the the other ques-
tions in dispute between us. We will not believe that eitbei

Mr. O'Connell in the British Parliament, or Mr. Pickens on
the floor of the House of Representatives, will be able to involve
the two countries in war; and if England wit but act justly in
regard to the north. eastern boundary and her interference
with our commerce on the coast of Africa, we shall enter-
tain no apprehension in regard to a war.
We take it for granted that in the existing state of affairs
between the two countries, all the rights and injuries of New
York growing out of the aroline affair a-e necessarily merged
in those of the nation ; and that our State Courts have no
longer any jurisdiction in the case. The recent debate in
Congress, so entirely pacific in its nature, will go far towards
allaying the war feeling in England, and we may, therefore,
rarely conclude, that in a few weeks the intelligence from Eng-
land will be far more pacific.
Immediately on the arrival of the President, two special
messengers left the city for Washington with despatches from
the British Ministry to Mr. Fox, anti from the American
Minister in London to our Government.
The New York Enquirer in the course of an article upon the
conduct of the Legislative Assembly just dissolved, observes:—
" And how is, it with our foreign relations? A report has
been introduced in the House of Representatives by Mr.
Pickens, of Sow"' Carolina, of a most inflammatory character,
and breathing a most belligerent spirit. Puerile in it sst}le, weak
in argument, false in logic, in English, and in its statement of
fact, it is suffered to go before the country as the manifesto of
the popular branch of Congress on a subject of paramount n:-
tional importance. But while Congress has issued this mighty
manifesto of its indignation, what has it done towards meet-
ing the exigencies which such a document is calculated 'to
create ? What has it done for the completion of our fortific::-
tions ? In what condition has it left our Canadian frontier ?
What measures hai it adopted to strengthen our navy, and en-
able us to cope on the sea with the Power which is so prompt
to challenge, and reckless to defy? It has assumed an attitude
of war, and left the country exposed on every side to the de-
vastations of the enemy."

CORRESPONDENCE OF THE UNITED STATES.
( Correspondence of the Courier and Enquirer.)
Washington, Monday, March 1, 1841.
Immediately after the House of Representatives was called
to order this morning, it proceeded to the consideration of the
Bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, for appro-
priations for fortifications already commeuced, which are not
completed, or which, being completed, require repairs. The
aggregate amount of appropriations recommended in this Bill
is $439,500.
As soon as the Bill was read, Mr. Thompson, of South
Carolina (the Chairman of the Military Committee), made a
speech, in which he represented the defenceless state of the
country, and expressed his fear of hostilities with Great
Britain—he deprecated the course proposed to be pursued,
of merely patching up a few old fortifications already exist-
ing, whilst he thought prudence and propriety required that
every assailable point should ke immediately put in the best
possible state of defence, and that with as little delay as possi-
ble. Mr. Thompson proposed that the Bill reported by the
Committee of Ways and Means should be laid aside, and that
the Bill be taken up which was reported by him by order of
the Committee on military affairs, under the direction of the
House, providing riot only for the continuation of the works
already commenced, but also for new works at eery point on
the frontier—east, wes.-, north, and south—and appropriating
$1,678,C00 ; and what also contains $500,000 for steam frigates.
On this proposition a general debate arose on the state (.1
the relations of the country with foreign powers ; and also as
regards the prospect of a disturbance with the Indians on the
western frontier. The general tone of- the debate was, of
course, to deprecate a coilision with a foreign nation, but at the
same time admitting the too great probability of it.
In the early part of the debate, Mr. Pickens, Chairman
of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, stated that it had been
intimated in the house this morning that a report was abroad
that a new, angry, and exciting correspondence had com-
menced, and was now going on between the Secretary of
Stats and Mr. Fox, tips British Minister. He said he was
happy in having it in his power, from an authentic source,
to state that no such correspondence had taken place, and
that the state of the relations between the two Governments
was at this time pree'sely in the same state as when the
: correspondence was last hid before Congress; and he hoped
that no legislation would be based on the %ague rumour to
which he had referred. Mr. Pickens thought there was no
necessity f'r passing the Bill reported by the Committee on
Military Alf iirs, and recommended that the Bill of the Com-
mittee of Vacs and Means be passed.
At a subsequent stage of the debate, Mr. Fillmore called
upon Mr. Pickens to state whether lie had received any in-
formation of an authentic nature in relation to our concerns
with Great Britain, subsequent to a conversation winch passed
between th m this morning ; in that conversation, he
understood directly the reverse of the public statement made
to the House.

Mr. Pickens answered that he had, since the converiation
mentioned by Mr. Fillemore, received]. note from the Secre-
tary of State, fully sustaining the information he had publicly
given to the House. _ _ _

Messrs. Thompson, Tillinghast, Cost Johnson of Maryland,
Men:tore' Monroe, Pope, Lincoln, advocated the Bill Reported
from the Committee on Military Affairs, far an extended sys-
tem of d,..fenc_:.

Messes. Jona., Pickens, Vanderpool, Starkweathe:., advo-
cated the bill reported from. the Committee of Ways and
Means for carrying on and repairing the works already com-
menced.

After the debate, which lasted ti2l after six o'clock in the
evening, the great Bill reported from the Military Committee was
gently turned aside by an adroit movement, sustained by the
t,hairinan, Mr. Dawson, of Georgia, that the Bill first taken
up must be definitively acted on by the Committee of the
whole, before another could be taken up ; and that it was be-
yond the authority of the Committee to postpone it, or lay it
down after one taken up. From this decision an appeal was
taken, but the Chairman was sustained by the House. 'this I
think puts the general Fortification Bill brought in by the
Committee on military affairs to rest for the Session.
The Bill of the Committee of Ways and Means was then
proceeded in, and some few immaterial amendments made to
it; and the Bill was finally passed, and sent to the Senate for
concurrence, at eight o'clock at night.
After this an Ineffectual attempt was made by Air. Cost
Johnson to take up a Bill from the Senate, to renew fer two
years the charters of the district banks. Nearly half an hour
of most precious time was Spent in calling the ayes and noes
upon it, when the Hou,e adjouroed.
TUESDAY, MARCH 2.—Mr. Beaton presented a Report
fr,,m the C.,mmittee on military affairs, requesting the Presi-
nt to lay before the Senate at the next Session, reports upon
the fortifications of the country, or other rermanent defences,
completed or deemed necessary, which led to a debate, but the
subject was finally laid on the table.
The Senate then proceedel to the discussion of the House Bill,
making appropriations for the civil and diplomatic expenses of
the Government for the rear 1841.
BRITISH STEAMERS ON THE LASES.—Some months since
the fact transpired that one or two war steamers were building
at Chippewa, under the directions of officers of the British
Government. We now learn from the Burlington Free Press,
that materials have been procured by the agents of the British
Government for a war steamer on Lake Champlain.
( From the New Orleans Bulletin of Feb. 20.)
TEXAS..—The packet ship Neptune arrivel yesterday morn-
ing, bringing Galve,ton papers to the 17th, but which contain
litt'e news.. We have conversed with a gentleman who left
a Austin at late date, from whom we learn that the Texian
Congress adjourned on the sth instant.
Among tin laws passed, one modifying the custom-house
duty is commercially important. All articles which have here-
tobre been charged an ad valorem duty, are hereafier to pay
45 per cent. ad valorem ; except sugar, coffee, salt, and steel,
which are to pay 15 per tent. All articles which have a speci-
fic duty, are continued at former rates.
No money is to be issued by the Government after the Ist of
next March, except such as shall have been received for cus-
toms or ,:ther taxes.

By another law passed at this Session, all slaves now in
Texas are exempt from attachment for debt and seizure under
execution for five yea. s. Also, emigrants hereafter to arrive
in Texas are to have their property exempt from seizure for five
years. Soveral gentlemen proposed to argue the co:istitution-
ality of the two last acts.
Five hundred thousand dollars were appropriated for the
support of the Government fur the current year.
The navy to be laid up :in ordinary, except one ship and
one schooner, for coast revenue service.

The British barque Sarah arrived at CalveAm in ballast on
the 16th.

MONEY MARKET.

SUNDAY, MARCH 7-6, P.M.—The money market pre-
sents the same defensive aspect. All parties are looking
forward to the receipt of the effect of the news of the bank
failure upon the English ma. ket. And as is usually the
case, the reaction here is in a manner anticipated. It is
difficult, however, to estimate the full effects of the news in
England.. At our latest dates the rate of money was rising,
exchanges had fallen, and the Bank of England had re-
commenced a restrictive policy for causes other than those con-
nected with American affairs ; new alarms were beginning to
spread. The unfavourable news in regard to the United
States Bank had increased the excitement, and was closely
followed by the news of its total failure. The bills drawn by
the United States Bank were perhaps not accepted, and, if
they were,there is every reason to fear a proscription of all An e-
rican paper, on the part of the Bank of England. In either
event the reaction upon this market will be great amcng the
branches and connections of Liverpool and London in this city.
These houses are nearly all of them involved in the affairs of
the Bank. The Philadelphia partner of one was security for
the Bank to delayjudgment in the case of the Boston creditors,
and all of them have been concerned either in indorsements
or advancing money to assist in resumption. The south-
ern bills drawn upon these parties are very difficult pf
negotiation, and the foreign bills they create de-
press the rate, notwithstanding the recent large im-
portations. These are some of the causes which induce
the caution so visible in the movements .of our banks
and capitalists. After the news of the failure of the
bank shall have been received, however, and its position
with that of the indebted States properly defined in the
London market, there will be nothing further to fear on those
heads, and the Stock market may touch bottom, allowing, by
temoving fears of a further panic, of a rapid increase in the
already sound and lucrative business doing, based upon the
actual exchange of values.
Yesterday the Stock market presented very little change.
North American Trust and Banking Co. rose * per cent ;
Delaware and Hudson, a ; U. S. Bank, ; Harlem declined
1 per cent. ; Stoningten *; Canton improved I*. Sales of
bills on Philadelphia, 5 a 51i ; Baltimore 4i a 5 ; New Or-
leans, 7i alO ; Illinois 6 per Cents, 1870, sold at 51. Let-
ters from Illinois state that there is but little hope of the
passage of the Tax Bill.
Uncurrent money remains nearly the same, the general rate
being 3 a 5 per eent.
The British packet Sheldrake, Lieut. Passingham, R.N.,
Commander, from Tampico, arrived at Havannah on the 18th
with 5900,000 in specie, for Havannah and England, to sail
next day for Falmouth.
We learn that the banks in Winchester, Va., have suspended
specie payments.
Thy; continued fall in State Stocks seems to have ar-
rested that 'spirit of extravagance which has been running
wild in mast of the State Governments, Pennsylvania, Illi-
nois, and Indiana, are standing on the brink of ruin. In
the former State the public mind seems to be rousing it-
self to the fact, that nothing but immediate taxation can
avert the impending destruction of credit. The whole debt of
Pennsylvania is scarcely 840,000,000, the annual interest on
which is about 51,700,000, estimating the taxable property in
the state at $200,060,C00, a tax of I per cent. would be amply
sufficient to meet all demands, and would be fully repaid by the
rise in value of stocks and property that would attend the re-
storation of credit. The amount of interest falling due in July
is $BOO,OOO, and on the Ist of June next, 8930,000 of prin-
cipal falls due, making 81,730,000 to be met before August,
and as yet no proposition has been made by which the means
may be provided. The market value of the stock is 70 cents.
cn the dollar, and will continue to fall like that of Illinois, un-
less something definite is done.
NEW YORK MONEY MARKET.

SALES ON SATUaDAT, MAISCH 8, AT THE STOCK EXCHANGE.
2,000 doll lilinois 6's of 1870 ..
10 shares United States Bank b3O di 18
425... do.
23... do.
50... do.

150... do.
60... do.
150... do. ..Mechanics' Dank
10... do. ...Delmlare and Hudson n w 89 •
150 .. do.

271... do.
25... do.
19.. do.
100... do
/5...d0 State Bank
300...d0...N0rth American Trust ...b 80 21
150...d0 do
50 ~do do sn w 20
25...d0 do s lOds 20
250.. .do do
50...d0 do a Gods 19.
50...d0...8ank of Commerce, scrip
20...d0 Mechanics' Banking Ass.,. b9i
30. .do do
9...d0.......0hi0 Lite and Trutt 76
100...d0 Vicksburg
10 .do do
5 .do Eagle Insurance. 94
25...d0 Canton
50...d0 .do
2.5...d0.. ...... ...do
50...d0 Paterson Railroad .b 10 ds 45
75...d0 Stonnington
150...d0 do
225 ..do do
b3O ds 31
50 .do do
25 ..do
50...d0 do bl 5 ds 80
30. do. Harlem
10 .do do
50...d0 do
•
50...d0 do
• lo 10 ds 271
-
270 .do do
15 .do do
100...d0 do s n w 271

SALES AT THE SECOND BOARD.
75 Shares U. S. Bank l5
50...d0 do s 3 ds 19
50...d0......N0rth Americau Trust..... ...... slo ds 20
200...d0... .. . do
50...d0 Delaware and Hudson 60 ds 89

ORNIN G EDITION

LONDON AND BRIGHTON

RAILWAY.

Frnni th 2 Brighton Gazette,)
We are glad to find tlio progre,ts of the works on this
great undertaking so satisfactory, as to leave no doubt of
the ultimate co.npletion and opening of the lice within the
time mentioned in the Directors' last report. Between
Croydon and Hayward's Heath little remains to be done,
except in one cutting, about two miles north of Cuekfield,
where a considerable portion of sandstone is still to he re-
moved. The excavation, however, has already proceeded
so far as to admit a carriage on the level of the railway,
through the entire length of the cutting; and Vie re-
moval of the remaining portion of the rock is in rapid
progress. A short distance to the north of this spot
stands the Ouse Viaduct, a magnificent work, extending
over the valley which gives rise to the river of that
name. This structure, which consists of 37 archen,
each 30 feet wide, and from 90 to 100. feet high, was built
of bricks, made from earth dug on the spot. The last
arch was keyed Borne weeks ago ; and the stone pera-
pet walls are f+st approaching completion. Only a few
yards of embankment remain unfinished on either side ;
and when this and the cutting which we have just men-
tioned shall be completed, for which a few weeks must
afford ample time, the line will be in a condition to be
opened to Hayward's-heatb,--the remaining portion of the
line between that spot and Croydon, including the Mersa_
ham and Holcombe tunnels, being in a still more forward
state. The time named by the Directors for the partial
opening to Hayward's-heath is June but there is little
room to doubt that it might take place earlier, if the Direc-
tors should think it desirable.
At Hayward's-be ith there in a short tunnel through a
bill consisting of a kind of clay, having -the colour and ge-
neral apre trace.: of slate, but comparatively soft, alterna-
ting with strata of hard stone. Tile work is consequently
carr'ed on with corAiderable difficulty ; but, notwithstand-
ing this, steady aid satisfactory progress is made. On the
north side of the tunnel there is a dirge cutting, which is
far advanced. . _

Southward, at the mouth of the tunnel, the extensive
contract of the Messrs. Thornton, of Brighton, com-
mences with a cut iag, which we btl eve is the deepest
and largest on the whole line. The soil is her, a con-
tiauation of the strata through which the tunnel in exca-
vated. On visiting this spot a few days ago, we were
pleased to see that a plan of drawing the earth up the
enormous sloces of this cutting has been adopted, to avoid
j the danger at eadant upon the mode wit:eh most of the in-
' habi'ants of this town will remember was in use for a simi-
lar purpose at the New England cutting on the Shoreham
Branch cf the Railway, where men were to be seen as-
cending and descending a plank pl cod on the slope, sup.
ported, it is true, by means of a rope atteened to their
barrows, but FAH! in such a precarious manner as to excite
in the beholder a shuddering-apprebension for their safety.
Al this is avoided by a simple contrivance, which -also
facilitates the removal of the earth. A triangular
stage, with the upper bed horizontal, and la g a enough
to take three or four barrows, .and a second side with
the same angle at the slope, is drawn up the in-
c iced plane by means of horse power, at the same time.
that a second stag-e is descending wilt the empty barrows.
The wits le business is thus e•riied on without the slightest
danger or apprehension, l:esidea effecting a great saving of
labour. Proceeding south ar we come to a large err-
ha Arnett, and then to LnitLer
.cuttiag carried through
Folly Hi 1, w-he.•c, as well as at the Hayward's Heath
cutting, the materials are £0 had as be only remov-
able by Ila•ti T. Upwards of thirty cwt. of powder is
consumed in this way ia a week ; and the -blasting is
sotnAitucs carried cat to such an event, that the ex-
, plssions resemble the continued firag if musketry in a
feu de joie. lase hardest rock is at Hayward'a Heath ;
a'..d from the stone quarried there a bridge near Folly
Hill la as been consirucled. Continuing southward, an-
ether embank:meat is seen of great Neigh', and it is
one of the largest on the railway. A second viaduct oc•
curs is this rat of the liar, spanning the centre
part of the valley of Vale Pon!, and joining the two
porfons of th`a emb;ekaten.. It consists of &Olt arches
of the same do neriions as those of the larger viaduct over
t' e 0 ;se Valhy, an like it, is highly orna,r.eatril to the
adjacent country. Tire largest embanka.e It on the line is
still f‘r:her south it being carried over a valley a mile and
a quarter land;, and consuming a milli ,n y-rds of earth.
This us to the Hassecaa sta•i in, where the Messrs.
Thornton hate erected workshops. and a temporary foun-
dry. here they cast Ell their iron and b ass work ; and
here, also, any repairs that
rattytie regaired to the locomf--
the engines
. ate wel -for realov:ng the caret, are
execut.d. A second-class statioa is to be constructed
he:e for tips convenience of the inhabitants of tastes,
P.tchiing, Hurst, all the neighboutiog c ,untry; and we
understand that the
.Messrs. Wiguey, t re..lers, of Brigl,ton,
have i : centemplatbn the erection of a large hotel near
the spot.

The whole of these works, from the flay ward's H nth
Tunnel to the Hassocks, are comprised in the flitt con_
tr..ct ofi he Mes.r,. Thornton, by whose skill and energy
the d faculties of this portion of the undertaking ate fist
°vete,. me. This contract will be the last to be complete d;
and although the work which .still remains is cf vast ex-
tent, stil', whet regarded in conjunction with what has al-
ready been achieved, it sinks into comparative insig-nifi-
cance; aid we are ii,form7td that the of ening of the line
throughout to 13.-glitott wdl nit be delayed by the work is
this portion 13.tyual the axe Atted by. the Directors,
namely, the month of August.
Co:. innicg do-cn the lire, we find in the second con-
tract o! ti.o M sci a. Thorct.m the work in what tr ay be
ter ale la ft i•lied stet e A large cutting occurs in. this
cunt rac', composed of 220 000 ysrds of earth.
Cl.yt a Tann' l is also i.e.aly finished ; and .aa -hew
that it will be re dy to be opened in about two months.
Tner,c to Patcham, the line is so far advanced that a
feat veelts only will be required to execute the rernaiilrg
work; a id the same may be said of the portion that inter-
venes b•owcen Patcliam and Brighton. The short tunnel
under itlij.ar planta ion will also be ready at about
the same sine as tie tunnel at Clayton.
At Brighton, the Grand Station is built; and both t'ae
in crior and ex:erior fi,,i,h;ng and deeJrati.ms have al-
ready commenced. Iron passenger-sheds are ais..3 in
course cf cast uc ion; and the terminust gisetbiee.rgailo: n
appear_
ante a finis' el aspect. In fact, h
ance of- tl,e works on the Lae, the energy aid skill'
ge
to
ar-
be ,towed on the unfisishel p. rtion, ant the result of in-
9u'ii 's on the su',j-ct, all varrart us in looking for a
-
lip ,cdy tem.!, btion of this great under.aking, from wh'ela
13 i4lat an will, we confidently anticipate, date a new cra of
ro yerit7.

THE MlfailCAL PROFESSION.

" TIMEO DANAOS ET DONA FERENTES "
TO THE EDITuR OF THE SUN.

Sart,—As you hale long stood before the British
public t ,e avewed advocate of liberty and diSinterested
philaotbropy, I have thought it a duty not to be waived
to addrJss a few lines to you upon an important . sub.
jest. You are well aware that a Bill has been brought
before the Le,gislature, iati:led " A Bit to amend the
laws relating to the Medical Profession in Great Brt :inU'
and Irelan.l.". Being myselfa drugg:st, and, there're,
one of tl e se it the, these scions of Esculapius would
pros- ra et I b rto. trouble you xith my views upon
that part of the 'B
11 :el ly which has reference to the
higlly respectab.e c'at's to which I have the honour to
belmig. lArnbt i 3 the avowed of jeet of those
who speak through their organ Mr. Hawes ? It is to
prevent the chemist and druggist in any instance from
tliniapterhsee.,ms auy,ilnknaloswk
either guarding the mistaken jud,grre, t of any iudividtlig
who may ne,:d welkin° in trifling disorders, (for, in all
cases of dangrr, they are clays referred to a medical
man),Obrefnrcofimoiz,phresNcriobwit:gwlibioinsacrle!
tcibc
advice of t'i,,:. (:ruggist P Are they the higher"
the class of
society, thole, who can afford to employ
medical praotientr ? By no means yt, regular
are the
sons acid daught .!rs of of and perm; ley
penury ; those who,
if they took the tn,te they hand to
,thel druggist to the
house of the prof 1"
ision I man, w 6 their paltry
pence, be rejmed by hi; very servant,° 'w
al s it.truders and
paupers. At dwh It would be the re
sweep-
ing Ell if t w. re enacted ? G,auni t
thatol this
marl could no longer ask the gratuftou's the
advicepowhich
r
the druggist cheerfully gives ; pain autl uncertainty
would still pi °duce the same distrust in his own bosoir,
and if shut out from the dialling of the druggist he
would betake hioaselt to the abodes of_ those who, by
their ecy ig °ranee an insignificance, would be be-
neath not oaly the notice but even the contempt oldie
Licentiate of the Hall, or tee Member of the C•.l!cge
of Surgeons. Or, is it that the profession see, by tan
exhibition of intelligence and medical kno•vledge dis-
played by d;uggist ~ that tLey are preventetkeither from
eahaust:ri,,, still more the fleanc..s
.of those who are
gram lino with poverty, or of extorting a guinea where
a shilling is now paid? Judge, Sir, if the
present dit-
tressed state of the lower a:us:es in this kingdom,,will
to the regular practitioner fo
enable tLein to iv r
his a,latice, when the inoit that many of them can bring
to the shop of the druggist is two or three pence. Row
often is it matter of experience t,.iat the hand of
avarice,
with too much nv,dity
by graspirl a _ _
riots that inflict a wound i' And such would be the
~eted Bill.
of the above prof`
If druggists acre excluded from ministering
comfort and removing the trifling maladies
to the
afflicted poor, the needy practitioner es of the
would
ca that the void thus occasioned soon per-
and be w toe step into the place of ,nlust be filled up,
adopting his low charges would s• e druggist, and by
at the same time Le enabled
to attend patietAsattheir
, cure their custom, and
w, houses, where his ocharges woula be the same
as those of professional
thus no ad-vantage, but men in general, and
naalifest loss, would be expe-
enced by fire collective
body of the fkoulty i add to
which the ov..!rwhAl -*
riling number of surgeons and apo-
aecaries that would be created as druggists, would
then bring up their sons to the profession, in order to
to enable thet
s n to avoid the injustice of the Meditated
Act ; and taut the medical aristocracy might say to
'''.
the •
• practice and patieufs—Vale 1 loagunt yak. Trust-
lug yon, Sir, will notice this subject, and draw the at-
tention of the public to it,
I am, your most sincere admirer
,emist
Tewkesbury, Friday. E. MAY, Chemist
[Mr. "lives, the ether cv ning, said he hal,
not the
least idea of airccting the trade of the el-.
druggists by any provisions of his medical annists and
Bill ; yet,
on referring to it, we find some five or six clauses affect
in, these classes, one of which, a
!.most important one,
01VCS to a boy yet to be created, and to r'c. be called the
i oanate, the power of making h l '
ye- aws " to. regulate the
diploma of qualification to
clause carry on the trade of chemist
and druggist." The_ first. also provides that no
pers6n shad order, either directly or indirectly, any me-
dicine, remedy, or ,poication
wha
tever, unless he has
been examinA as to his skill
and knowledge in the
practice of medicine. Is this interference
no .with the
trade of the chemists and druggists ?]