The Sun.
London, England, 1847-03-02 00:00:00

Hewed, in its consequences would yet shake the foundations of
the states of Europe, and expressing a regret that it was
impossible he could attend the meeting on account of the
official position he held.
Sir EDWARD CODRINGTON rose to move the next resolution.
Ile said a resolution had been placed in his hands, and as
he had been all his life in the habit of obeying orders,
he had submitted to the word of command on the present
occasion.—(Hear, bear). He was no public speaker, and if
he had his own way he would read the resolution for his
speech. But he would only say that, in his opinion, the
example afforded by the suppression of Cracow would prove
of the most serious consequence to Europe and the world.—
(Hear, hear). If the suppression of Cracow was justifiable,
where were they to stop ? They had heard that
the French bad an eve on the Balearic isles, and
why should_they not take possession of them, if Cra-
cow was to be suppressed? Why, in fact, should not
all the states of Europe follow the same example ?—(Hear,
hear.) If it were right for the three Powers to confiscate
Cracow, why should not Britain (which, he trusted, she
would never do) take possession of some islands that might
suit her convenience?—(Hear.) On this ground, therefore,
lie held the example of the suppression of Cracow was most
injurious and dangerous to the peace of the world—(Hear,
hear)—for if one country committed an act of aggression,
others might consider themselves justified in following in the
same wake ; the effect of which would be, that the despotic
and strong powers would take possession of the weak. It
was to prevent such a consequence that he thought the sup-
pression of Cracow should be protested against, for though
his trade was war, he had an anxious desire for peace.—
(Cheers.) If they were to sanction such a violation of trea-
ties and engagements, he could not see why other countries
should not make reprisals, and every one take what he eould
and do as he pleased.—(Hear, hear.) It was important that
the resolutions of that meeting should go forth to Europe, as
expressing the sense of the people of this country on the
subject. He would now conclude by moving the resolution
entrusted to him, in doing which he begged leave to observe
that he fully agreed with the observations of the Noble Lont,
who preceded him. The resolution was as follows :
"That even, if the existence and independence of Cracow
had not been guaranteed by treaty, the aggressions of Rus-
sia, Austria, and Prussia on that city, would have constituted
a glaring infraction of the principles of justice and interna-
tional law : but that being so guaranteed, the conduct of
those states in abolishing the independent existence of Cra-
cow, notwithstanding their repeated assurances that no such
step was in contemplation, and without the consent of the
other powers, parties to the treaty of Vienna, must be further
considered as involving an affront to those powers, and to
England as (me of them."
(The Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.)
The Earl of ARUNDEL and SU AREY seconded the resolu-
tion. lie should not detain them with a speech, but he rose
to express his sati-faction at the assembling of so many dis-
tinguished Englishmen to protest against the most unjusti-
fiable act of the suppression of Cracow, in defiance of every
principle of honour and justice among nations.—(Cheers. )
The resolution was put and carried unanimously.
Lord BEAUMONT moved the third resolution. It was one
in which lie must cordially agree, and he thought he would
have no difficulty in getting the meeting to agree to it also.
It embodied the chief features of the transaction to which it
alluded. It referred not only to the great moral injustice
committed by the three aggressive Powers, but also
to the impolicy of the other Powers allowin
such an aggression to take place—(Hear, hear)—not
only to the infraction of the treaty of Vienna, but
to the moral dereliction of allowing the weak powers of
Europe t, be trodden under foot.—(Loud cheers.) With
such a subject, were he to consult his own feelings, he would
carry them far into the question, but that he did not intend
to do. He simply proposed to give vent to the sentiments
which such an event as the suppression of Cracow was calcu-
lated to call forth, and which must excite the feeling
in this country, that if it were a'lowed to pass by with im-
punity, as it bad not been the first time such deeds were com-
mitted, so neither would it be the last.—(Hear, hear.) Were
he to go back to Poland and her sufferings, which he did not
intend to do, he would have to go over a large por-
tion of the history of Europe. The aggressions com-
mitted on Cracow was but one of many similar committed on
Poland. Already there had been four monstrous aggressions
committed, since the first great one, when, in spite of every
right of man and law of God, three great nations divided
Poland, like robbers after they had made their plunder.—
(Tremendous cheering.) That nation ard that people, to
whom Europe was more indebted than any other, was thus
divided.—(Bear, hear.) He would want words to state it as
114 ought. But for: the protection afforded by Poland,
Austria herself would not have existed as a nation, and a
Turkish Pacha would have ruled in Vienna. —(ilear, hear.)
lie could read to them how, for many ages, and in many
bloody battles, the people of Poland stood the bulwark of
Europe and Christianity against the Mahometan nations, and
the barbarism of the East.—(Cheers.) There was not a
European nation which was not indebted to Poland for the
advancement of civilisation and the spread of letters.
—(hear, hear.) But though he might expatiate
on the topics, he would not dwell on them,
at present, but confine himself to the great danger there
existed to the peace and stability of Europe, in allow-
ing :those acts of aggression to take place. Every
publicity had already been given to the circumstances
connected with the suppression of Cracow. They had
now on record the whole of the correspondence
which took place in consequence of the Austrian and Prussian
dread of the overwhelming power of Russia. They knew
that at the conclusion of the war, when the provisions of the
treaty of Vienna were ratified, they knew that then—and
they had the correspondence which passed upon the subject—
Austria and Prussia dreaded the conversion of the large king-
dom of Poland into part of the dominions of Russia, but the
English Ambassador, Lord Castlereagh, fought their battles
for them, he got the consent of this country to fight their
battles for them with Prussia, and he defeated her project.—
(Cheers.) But let them look at the consequences of the ar-
rangetneut made between the three Powers on the 3d of May
in consequence cf the correspondence of Lord Castlereagh
with Russia. It was England, then, that protected
the dominions of Austria and Prussia with their
express wish, and in compliance with that wish it was she
' that afterwards secured a settlement ; and had nothing
' further taken place, had England done nothing more, surely
Austria and Prussia were bound, in gratitude to her, and in
honour, even if no treaty of 'Vienna had ewer existed, and if
_ _

the treaty of the 3d Of May had been the only treaty
concluded to respect her views on the subject.
That treaty was signed by the Three Powers,
and these two countries were protected entirely
by the exertions of this country. But not only that
treaty was negotiated, there were three treaties at length ob-
tained, and that great treaty of Vienna was in existence; all
of these, together with the great treaty of Vienna, set forth
the strong obligation that lay on the three Powers to respect
the independence of Poland in the republic of Cracow.—
(Cries of "hear, hear," and cheers.) This country
did not only obtain for them the three treaties
between the 3d of May and the 9th July; not only did
these exist by themselves, but they were set forth and were
to be considered as a part of the text—those treaties were
actually combined as integral parts of the great treaty which
was ratified in the Congress of Vienna, the words of which
most distinctly stated that on no ground whatever should any
armed force ever enter the free republic of Cracow—(cheers)—
that she should be a free and a neutral state; and among
the last provisions of that treaty it was distinctly set forth
that the Polish provinces themselves should enjoy their own
constitution.—(Great cheering.) Therefore it was clear—it
was evident, that by the treaty of Vienna alone, the obliga-
tions were binding upon those Powers. Supposing there was
no other treaty in existence than that, by that the obliga-
tion lay upon them which they violated ; and that treaty
itself , and the treaties which formed parts of the text,
that of the 3d of May, and the others constituting afterwards
a portion of the Treaty of Vienna, these were planned and
arranged by the English Ambassador, Lord Castlereagh.
But now, in spite of all these the;strongest obligations which
could exist, these Powers slighting them as nothing, deluding
the other Powers, misleading—(Hear, hear)—professing to
do one thing and doing another—(Hear, hear)—not
boldly in the mode, but meanly—(Cries of "Hear,
hear," and cheers)—not openly, but behind the backs
of the other Powers, pounced upon Cracow—(lmmense
cheering)—and destroyed not only that republic, but with
that republic the bonds between the nations of Eurcpe—
, (Great cheering.) Now they were aware that there were
great epochs in history, that these epochs marked the times,
and that from these the times themselves took their colour.
There were the treaties of Westphalia, of Utrecht, and of
Vienna, all concluded for the same object, to repress
the strong and to protect the weak; but he asked them, if
that was the object of them all, whether they could violate
one of them without a convulsion in Europe?.—(Great
cheering.) But here was a treaty which fixed what had
been called the balance of power in Europe—a treaty by
which all the l'owers associated for the protection of the weak
and for the repression of the strong—that treaty had
been infringed and violated, and what might be the conse-
quence? He would not weaken the wards of the Gallant
Admiral (Sir Edward Codrington) who had spoken before
him, but attempt to quote them, as they opened up the
possible consequences as they might ensue to Europe. Now,
was the time come for every nation snatching what it liked,
for every people that were strong to seize on every power that
was weak, why might not France pass the Rhine at
Belgium, and pass the Rhine at Strasburg, and cross the
Alps into Gallicia ?—(Hear, and cheers.) Now was the time
come when Austria might with justice again be driven from
the plains of Lombardy.—(lmmense cheering.) If he had
time he could point out the danger which threatened not
only the small states of Europe, but even offer
strongdanr
g anlikely reasons why there was imminent
threatening those two powers themselves
that appeared to be strong. Never did blind go down into
a pit, never did fool throw himself from a precipice with con-
sequences more evident than that black act—(Cheers)—
committed by Austria and Prussia, which would stand
against them and be remembered in the day of vengeance.—
(Great cheering.) This Noble Lord concluded a most elo-
quent speech by moving the third resolution, and sat down
amidst cheering which continued for several minutes.
M. C. HILL, Q.C., then came forward to second the reso-
lution. He said he felt, after the eloquence which they had
just heard, that he required their indulgence while he en-
deavoured to point out the grounds on which rested the
manifest violation of the treaty of Vienna. He
should not have thought it even possible for a lawyer,
which he unfortunately happened to he—(Laughter)—
with all that ingenuity which those who had less reverence
for it than lawyers called quibbling and quirks, to have fixed
a doubt on the provisions of that treaty brought before their
attention by the Noble Lord—a treaty concluded by all the
great Powers of Europe and many of the smaller Powers--
that Cracow should remain independent between Russia,
Prussia, and Austria. But an ingenuity had been
brought to bear upon the treaty, which, if a lawyer
had used, would have been termed special pleading. It had
been said, for example, that those provisions affecting Cracow
were contained in certain minor treaties. But of that quibble
the Noble Lord who preceded him had sufficiently disposed.
Aga in, said they, it had been broken before. That might be true,
but a treaty was not a china-bowl, that it should be broken im-
mediately into pieces. And if England had been so phlegmatic
as to sit by and look on while it was violated. The three
powers had combined now to rouse them, plegmatic as they
were, by an act which would bring upon these powers eternal
di,grace.—(Cheers.) Ile would assume that there had been
a violation of the Treaty of Vienna. The Noble Lard had
said that that violation had been done meanly
in the mode, but he must say that in the
principle they had acted with boldness in open day.
before the face of Europe glorying in their shame, violating

that which their own truth had ratified before all Europe.
They had entered into open treaty, and by agreement they
had destroyed that Republic, and it bad been absorbed into
the dominions of Austria, !liver again to exist.—(Hear )
Why, he asked, did England stand aside? They had
treated the treaty concluded byGreat Britain with the powers
of Europe with contempt; and why did they not speak?
England must now speak or be ror ever silent.—(Cheers.)
He assured them that this act could not be passed over
without danger to England, strong as she was; and if, when
the danger threatened themselves, they cried out, what
might the other Powers say, other than throw back in
her teeth her former silence. (Cries of "Never.")
Some had said of that day's proceedings that it would be a
barren protest. lie disagreed with that. The humblest
man, when he lifted
ut his voice against wrong, had might
with his ords ; b surely when the greatest Power in
Europe—for he expected that that meeting would be the
first of Man,' national assemblies—lifted up her protest