The Sun.
London, England, 1840-04-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 4, 1840.

reoetered thet beg, eepite'e eoees hoe time!eting in perti
cular betide, while the great majority of the people were
plunged into deep distress and suffering. Where such
&stress prevailed, there must be something awfully wrong
—if a large number of the people were without the
necassariei.of life. The Pended aristocracy were the most
interested in the repeal of the Corn-laws, for they were
indebted to the manufacturing classes for their prosperity.
He trusted the Delegates would not relax in their exer-
tions, but would rather increase them, and bring forward
petitions in greater numbers, and produce more facts
bearing upon the question. The worthy Mayor read
several letters from different manufacturing districts, shos-
ing the deep distress suffered by the working classes.
He then, with much pleasure, proposed the following re-
solution :
" That the Delegates are not discouraged by the result
of the late debate; that they derive new determination, as
they find new motives for exertion in all that has occurred;
that they feel their various arguments are unanswered—
their cause strengthened—their confidence in ultimate
triumph unabated, anti they pledge themselves to one
another, and to the nation, not to relax until the mighty
grievance, under which the community is suffering, be re-
moved."
Mr. MACAULEY seconded the motion.
The Rev, Mr. BREWSTER thought the resolution a very
proper one, but in talking of the distress prevailing be
begged to say they knew little of it when they confined
themselves to England. Here the poor had the poor-
laws—in Scotland they had no such provision, and the poor
there must perish if the present state of things lasted longer.
Mr. Brewster then read the following resolution of a meet-
ing held at Edinburgh, r.t which Sir George Warrender,
Lord Cunningham, Sir J. D. Lawder, and other influen-
tial gentlemen were present; the Lord Provost being in
the Chair :—" That this meeting has reason to believe
that the poor in some parts of Scotland, and especially in
the large towns and the Highlands, are subject to a greater
degree of went and misery than is to be found in England,
or in most civilized countries." He believed this want and
destitution were mainly owing in Scotland to the operation
of the Corn-laws ;he believed that these laws were the
grand cause of all the misery experienced in Scotland.—
( Cheers.) They would have no poverty its that country
from want of employment, but for the operation of the
Corn-laws ; the only poor they would have to relieve would
be the infirm and aged persons ; and the labourer, if he had
constant employment, would be able to maintain all his
own near relations. The country would, by the abolition
of those laws, be relieved from the burdens which rested
on it in England. In Scotland they paid Is. 4d. a head
for the poor, but in England they paid ss. per head per
weak. He would take that opportunity of ex-
pressing his conviction as to the course that ought
to be adopted
.by the Anti. Corn-law League, in
order to produce an effect upon the House of Lords.
Until they had the people at their back they would never
produce any effect upon the House of Lords. He did not
think that without that they e. said produce any great
effect on the House of Commons ; but admitting they had
a majority in the House of Coeinions in their favour, how
would they gain the consent of the House of Lords, unless
they *had the voice of the country in their favcur,_
(Cheers. ) They might go forward, but they bad no
years to lose. Every }ear their ccesenerce and their nia-
nufactures were going to decay, and the only mode, he
was convinced, of ever operating upon the Lords, was by
appealing to their fears.—( Hear, hear, from Mr. Gibson)
Nothing would ever be obtained by appealing to their
reason.— ( Loud cheers. )
Mr. MORRIS was here proceeding to address some re-
mai ke on the subject of Sir R. Peel's speech, when—
Mr. J. SMITH said that he dial not think it would be
wise to occupy the fm: of the meeting any longer with
discussions not immediately connected with the resolution
before them.
Mr. RAWSON supported the resolution.
The resolution was then agreed to.
The Rev. Mr. N. JONES then read the next resolution—
" That dissociating ourselves from all political parti. s,
we hereby declare that we will use every exertion to obtain
the return of those Members to Parliament alone who will
support a repeal of the Corn-laws."
The Reverend Gentleman proceeded to say that on a ques-
tion of the present nature he was very much inclined to
adopt the sentiments of Bishop Warburton, who said, that
" with regard to legislative enactments, or the introduc-
tion of new laws, much good could not be expected front
them ; but they might expect a good deal from the abro-
gation of bad ones." It had been stated by Mr. Harcourt,
in his place in Parliament, that the Corn-law agitators
were unable to influence the Chartists, because they had
sense enough to see that the question did not concern
them, but (manufacturers. Nothing, however, could be
more unfounded than such an assertion. The Chartists
did not refuse to join in the Anti. Corn-law agitation be-
cause they did not feel interested in the question, but
because they were persuaded that, with the present consti-
tution of the House of Commons, any exertion on their
parts would be unavailing. He should also observe, that
the Chartists of the town or Derby, from which he had
come, had stated, in a petition sent to the House of Com-
mons, that they deprecated any attempt to separate the
interests of the manufacturing and labouring classes.
A great deal had been said of the misery and distress of
the manufacturing population—but what was the cause of
that misery and distress? Was it not the maintenance of
these Corn-lows; Nothing could be so fatal to all the
best feelings of humanity as want and famine.—(Hear.)
The Delegates had heard of the effect of this distress upon
some of the agricultural population—that they went out
at nights. —( Hear, hear.) He mach feared that famine
was but too strong a temptation to crime. That, under
such deep want, the population ought to be contented be
would not believe ; he could not counsel contentment, for
he felt that in Englishmen contentment under injustice and
want was not a virtue.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. T. Wiesote said he agreed in the agitation of this
question, because it was not a political question but the
cause of truth and justice, which it was the duty of every
man to agitate—( Hear, hear)—und thus become a conser-
vator of the national peace. —( Hear, hear.)
A Gentleman, who said he was a visitor, here remarked
that it appeared to him perfect madness to say the question
was not political. They could not expect by doing so that
the people would take an interest in their cause.
Mr. MORRIS rose to order, and after some conversation
the motion was put and carried.
The CHAIRMAN then annonrced Mr. WARBURTON,
M, P., was present, and would give them some explana-
tion as to the termination of the debate.
Mr. WARBURTON then ros-. amid much cheering, and
said he felt assured after tke manner in which the de-
bate on the Corn-laws had come to a termination, the De-
legates would wish to receive some explanation. The
fact was, as they already knew, in. consequence of the
expectation on the part of many of the supporters of their
views, that the debate would be adjourned, be dare say
not less than thirty of their supporters went away, and it
became necessary to adjourn the debate. Now that debate,
in the opinion of Mr. Villiers and others, could tut be ad-
journed if, after Sir Robert Peel's speech, the discussion
had been continued. A division would have taken place
with thirty of their supporters absent, arid it, therefore,
became necessary, at all events, to adjourn the debate. Then
the first question was to adjourn the debate to Monday ; upon
that an amendment would have been moved to adjourn it

until Monday week, which, if carried, would have had the
effect of adjourning the debate till after the holidays, be-
cause Monday week was so near Easter that a great
number of Members would be absent, and therefore it
would be tantamount to an adjournment until after Easter.
That would have been the case if, on putting the question
that the debate be adjoutned, that amendment had been
carried. But the motion to adjourn could not be carried,
because the rule of the House was, that they could not
put two successive amendments without the interven-
tion of some other motion.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
It would have been necessary to have raised a new debate,
and to make the motion a second time. If the motion had
been 'made a second time, they would hava been in the
same predicament they were before, with a large adverse
majority ; and even if they had carried the adjournment of
the debate it would have been put off, not till Monday, but
to some more distant day. Under those circumstances,
it being clear that the motion must be put off to
such a [distant day that it would ultimately have
been adjourned till after Easter, it appeared to him
( Mr. Warburton) that it would be proper to put the thing
in such a way as to prevent a division taking place last
night.--( Hear, hear.) Nothing else could have been done
with such a large party as they had opposed to them.—
( Hear, hear. heal.)
Dr. Bowarrio, on the part of the Executive Council of
the Delegates, begged to say that they were perfectly satis-
fied with the way in which the question had been managed
in the House of Commonsi—(Cheers.)
Mr. S. A. YOUNG rose to move the next resolution.
" That the thanks of this delegation be tendered to the
gentlemen comprising the Council of the National Anti-
Corn-law League at Manchester, and that they be re-
spectfully requested to continue their services."
He was sure it would not be necessary to adduce any
arguments in favour of such a resolution. It was at
Manchester that the movement in favour of the repeal of
the Corn-laws first assumed a definite and useful form.—
( Hear.) The Manchester Gentlemen were the first to
enter into a subscription, and when the rest of the country
had only subscribed between 2,0001. and 3,0001., Man-
chester alone had raised between 5,0001. and 6,0001.
( Hear, hear.') Besides that, they had established an
Anti-Corn-law Association, and had been the means of
agitating the question generally throughout the coun-
try.—(Cheers.)
Mr. LAWRENCE HETWORTH seconded the resolution,
which was put and carried unanimously.
Mr. AITKEN said that a resolution having been put into
his hands he would take that opportunity of disclaiming
that he was one of the fixed-duty men. He would just
observe that although some of their trades were leaving
them, it was matter of congratulation that others however
curiously were growing up for cargoes of bones came
not only from the Continent but actually from South
America. Formerly when one heard Peru spoken of, one
was apt to form ideas of metals, but strange to
say that now it sent us bones for manure, and we actually
imported sago from Singapore for the purpose of feeding
our cattle. By pursuing the present system we might
come to be like Malta, and have cabbages and
corn growing on the house tops ; but what a system
it was that obliged us to go to Peru for manure,
and to Singapore for food for cattle, in order to put such
a Jew's share of advantage in the pocket of the
landlords. Their opponents talked of fluctuations
in foreign markets, his experience led him to know that in
no country had they ever been so great as in the bonded
warehouses of London and Liverpool. He remembered
wheat at 4s. a bushel at one time, and within► a twelve_
mouth the came wheat was selling at I is. There never
were such fluctuations in the world. Besides the fluctua.
tions in foreign countries were occasioned by our
taking their corn one day and refusing it on
another.—( Hear, hear.) He was only astonished that
other countries had not done as Naples, Belgium, &c.,
had done, and said that if we were not regular customers
wo should not half-starve them when we were in scarcity.
He had much pleasure in moving—
" That the most cordial thanks of the deputies be pre-
sented to the Hon. Chas. P. Villiers, for his extremely able
and valuable speech, in bringing forward the motion in the
House of Commons; and also to Sir G. Strickland, Bart.,

the seconder, and the other Hon. Gentlemen who sup-
ported the motion."
Mr. Moue's, in seconding the resolution, said it had
Bien very well observed by •Mr. Grey, that if the argument
of the necessity of the Corn-laws, on account of their being
absolutely necessery for the national security, was worth
anything, the tax of twenty millions levied by them on the
people of the country ought, instead of going into the
pockets of the landlords, to be devoted to national per-
poses.—( Cheers )
Tee resolution was then put and carried unanimously
amidst loud and continued cheering.
Mr. HEYWORTII said that he had a report to make to the
meeting, which would hereafter be printed and circulated,
and which he hoped would produce its due effect on the
minds of those who were co-operating with them in this
great, this good, this glorious, and this holy cause.
._( Loud cheers.) Mr. Hey worth then proceeded to read
the Report of the Finance Committee, from which
it appeared that the pledges of subscriptions for defraying
the expenses of the National Anti-Corn-Law League for
the next three years, amounted to 7,0001. ; and the Com-
mittee felt justified in saying, from the intimations they had ,
received from various associations and individuals, that this
sum was to be considered only as first-fruits. This
might appear a large sum, but the struggle they were
engaged it; was a great one—the field of exertion
open before them was most extensive, and 50,000/. would
be too little for carrying on the future operations of the
League with the spirit with which it ought to be carried
on. Tice extensive benefits to be derived from the repeal
of the Corn-law would ailhet not the people of England
only, but all the children of Adam. Thisnwas a subject even
more important than the abolition of the Slave trade.
The parties interested in it were more numerous—
( Cheers)—and he wished to call attention to the fact that
all were alike interested in obtaining the abolition of
these wretched Corn-laws. The question considered in
every way was one in which they ought to think deeply,
and it would be necessary to come forward with funds in
order thus to accomplish their objects. It should be their
endeavour to enlighten the public mind on the iniquity of
the existing laws, and for that purpose t ey should send forth
lecturers to every town and corner of the country,and as Lord
Morpeth had stated in every cottage. The entire popula-
tion of the land should become acquainted with the natute
of the question, arid when they had fully instructed the
people the :r cause would be gained. The cause was one
which should stimulate and arouse every principle which
could motile tir nature. They should remember on the occa-
sion an obsersatiort of the Duke of Wellington on another
subject, that on such a question they could not have a little
war.—(Hear, hear.) Ho would recommend to their
lecturers to take as a text for their future labours the speech
of Sir Robert Peel, who had attempted to show
that our domestic trade. bad -.slot decreased. No
assertion, however, could be more erroneous.—( Hear.)
These were practical points, which came home to every
man. The next point was, that Sir Robert Pcel declared
the value of the estates of land in this country was depen.
dent on the manufacturing interest—not on the Corn-laws.
—( Hear, hear, bear.) This should be as widely diffused
es possihle among the operative classes.—( Hear, hear.)
Then again, Sir Robert seemed to admit that free trade
was a most msgniticent principle, but he said that there
would be a difficulty in carrying it out. But it might
be clearly diffused among the operatives that wherever
this principle had been tested, it had produced the best
results. The fourth point was one to which Sir Robert
hrd not adverted—the justice of the cause of repeal—
( Hear.) lie knew that the cause of the Corn-laws was
one et injustice, of oppression, and theft on the lower
orders.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. IL Nienoesoa, as a member of the Finance Com-
mittee, wished to observe, that it was stated at the conclusion
of the Report that that was only the first fruits of their
attempts. That was certainly the case, fur many
subscriptions had since been received. They must not
relax, however, for although 7,000/, had been subscribed
that sum would be required fur the service of next year.
The CHAT MAN said the meetings of the Delegates
would be adjeureed that evening, and impressed on them
the necessity c renewing their exertions.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

ERODi TUE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Globe.)
The Tory Lurnals are criminally unmindful of Mr.
Canterbury Bradshaw's merits. The Honourable Gen-
tleman has performed another foist worthy of his former
fame, which they unaccountably pass over in silence.
lie rose to eminence by indulging in scurrilous invec-
tives against the -Queen ; and now appears before the
public as the stiller of Parliamentary inquiry into the
source of the sufferings of the people. Who would have
supposed that so much ignorance, by the aid of mere
matchless assurance, should bo able to achieve for himself
so high an eminence in his own, and so enviable a dis-
tinction among all, parties? Mr. Bradshaw, end minds
of his order, may regard this proceeding as a clever
rose, a fine practical joke upon the del .gates from the
manufacturing districts, web are in town to watch the
progress and abide the issue of the debate, and
to arrange the evidence for the proposed inquiry
sought by Mr. Villiers's motion. But do the
advocates of monopoly imagine that by shirking inquiry
they can stifle the complaints of, and allay the agitation
which rapidly accumulating distress extorts from, the
depressed manufacturers, and the half-starved masses
who depend upon them for employment and wages suf_
ticient to pro‘ide fond? Tire cause of Corn-law abo-
lition will lose nothing by delay, It is based on the
pri: ciples aod i; supported by arguments
which policy, humanity, and religion prescribe and
I enforce.

(From the Standard.)
The inventive genius of our Conservative Contem-
porary has :list produced the following cock and bull
story :—" We are informed, upon an authority which
we consider eotitled to great weight, that a serious, and
apparently irreeoncileable difference has taken place
in the Cabinet upon the Neapolitan question. We
have been favoured with the following particulars
on the subject, on the accuracy of which we are dis-
posed almost implicitly to rely. At the last Cabinet
Council a treaty was submitted for ratification, by which
the King of Naples undertook to remove the restrictions
upon the export of sulphur, and further to make a
most favourable arrangement for the admission of va-
rious articles of British colonial produce, more par-
ticularly the cured fish from Newfoundland, on
such terms as would be highly advantageous to
the trading int!rests of the country. The ratification
was supported by Lord Clarendon, Lord J. Russell, and
Mr. Labouchere, and opposed by Lord Palmerston,
seconded by the Premier, Lord Lansdowne, and one of
two others, the question being,, of course, decided in the
negative. It is understood that this sacrifice of the com-
mercial interest to the caprice of a set of incapable men
is the result of a personal quarrel upon a point of
etiquette between the King of Naples and the British
Minister at that Court. The Minister is the brother
of the Foreign Secretary, and that wise personage has
deseribed a trlliug altercation as a national insult, and
orders have been issued for the British squadron at
idalta to proceed to the Bay of Naples, and there to
assume a hot.tile attitude ; whether a blockade is to be
at once declared we are not distinctly informed. The
difference in the Cabinet is said to be of the most serious
description, en•.l will probably lead to the resignation of
the President of tide Beard of Trade, the best head of a
Department among them."
(From the Courier.)
_ _

The duration of Mr. Sheriff Evatiscs confinement, one

would suppose from the language employed last night
by the Colonial Secretary, is to be determined by the
decision of the Lords on the Printed Papers Bill. Lord

John Russell, after expressing a hope, in which he is
cordially joined by the whole people of England, that
the discussion on :he privilege question would not be re-

sumed, moved the at-tender:cc of Mr. Evar.s at the bar
of the House on the 6th of May. The second reading of
the 8,11 is fixed for Monday next, and the present mo-
timi, having for its object the further incarceration of a
man whose only offence is obedience to the laws of his
country, looks exceedingly like an attempted intimida-
tion of a HeuF.e which has on repeated occasions shown
itself superior to selfish considerations. We take the
fact as it stands, and do not assert that such is absolutely
the motive wI,L-11 has induced the prime agitator of the
very discreditable course hitherto pursued by the majo-
rity, to intimate what can be construed in scarcely any
other sense. than that, if the Lords do not agree to this
Bill, the Sheriffs' imprisonment shall be perpetual, so
far as depends upon the will of the party, headed and
misled by Lord John Russell.