The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY. JANUARY 19, 1841.

servative and Guizot Journal has brought its own fire of
haughty Royalism to bear upon the ultra-Radical Mes-
sage of Mr. Van Buren to the Legislature of the United
States. It can find nothing in the Message but rabble po-
litics. That document it calls " a manifesto of the demo-
cratic party, in support of doctrines which they have been
disseminating for many years, and which, unhappily, had
enjoyed a complete triumph until the very last election."
There is, however, much and pointed truth in the se-
vere remarks of the Debats upon " two fatal sentiments,
of which America does not stand alone in offering an
example to the world "—(take that, you gentlemen
of the extreme Gauche)--" that of a spirit of indepen-
dence carried to excess, and that of an intolerant ha-
tred of all superiority." " Thus," adds the French
official newspaper, " does Mr. Van Buren make a last
appeal to that gloomy liberty, and that inexorable jea-
lousy." The whole article of the Journal des Debats
would be worth translating for its eloquence, and for
the tone of deep and indignant reprehension of the
brutalizing spirit of extreme equality which pervades it,
and it is to be regretted that want of space deprives our
readers of its perusal ; fer we have seldom seen a more
forcible or more edifying exposure of the tendency of the
thing called " movement," when it once gets ahead
and infects the habits of a people, to batter
down all intellectual excellence, all eminence, whether
of personal worth or social influence, or worldly
prosperity or distinction, however nobly acquired
and founded, as being of an aristocratic character,
to one dead level of distrustful and dreary
mediocrity. " Those," says the Journal des Debats,
" who would prepare for every man, and for every
people, a sort of isolated and repulsive existence, are ,
grossly ignorant of human nature. They turn their '
backs upon the road which leads nations to equanimity
and to greatness, and individual men to peaceable, pros-
perous, and virtuous life—to a life of freedom also—
because freedom consists in the exercise of the spiritual
faculties, whilst isolation cannot fail to paralyze and
famish the most precious of those faculties. Such men
are guides to a life at once base and brief, true coun-
sellors of misery. This is not the first, although nearly
the best, animadversion that has of late appeared upon
that repulsive self-sufficiency and self-dependence,
.which
distinguishes the democrats of North America from
almost all other nations of the earth ; but which, in the
judgment of the French Editor, seems naturally to asso-
ciate itself with other attributes of that same spirit of
morose equality which he finds to be growing amongst
certain portions of his own countrymen, and of which he
is wise enough to dread and deprecate the possible ascend-
ancy. The Journal des Debats, in some of its reflections
upon America, is indebted a good deal to Da Tocque-
ville, but has pioneered its own path in turning them
to account as a warning against imitation within the
territories of Louis Philippe, where it concludes with an
anxious hope, not merely that the public energies may
find vent in works of peace, and in useful labours, but
further still, that since " material " undertakings alone
can neither constitute the happiness of mankind, nor
give consistency to public or private morals, nor obtain
for any people the respect and confidence of their
neighbours, nor establish the national honour, nor na-
tionality itself, upon a rock, Governments ought to seek
and cherish this latter class of elevated objects as the
chief end of all their efforts, and the aim of all their
political and social institutions. But if public works
of the most pacific and profitable nature cannot do this
for a civilised people, what moral influence will
France be likely to secure over mankind by menac-
ing her metropolis with cannonades, or surrounding
it with a wall an hundred times more impotent against
the combined numbers and skill of armed Europe, than
even the gigantic circumvallation of China proved itself
against the Tartar hordes, which found it no serious
obstacle to the conquest of the Celestial Empire ? By
the way, what has become of all our fine Chinese vi-
sions, and
,of the triumphant shouts of the Downing-
street journals, for the victories achieved in every
quarter of the earth ? Where and how have the Eng-
lish barbarians obtained that magnificent "indemnity
for the past and security for the future," that " three
millions paid down ' in ready money,' which was the
burden of such pawns, and the staple of so many columns
of contemptuous ridicule spirted out against the Duke
of Wellington and his Conservative supporters by
the morning and evening press of the Whigs ?
We fear that nothing is settled. Instead of the
little war," according to the linkboy Globe's
impertinent use of the Duke of Wellington's lan-
guage—instead, we say, of a " little war's having al-
ready produced great results," the great opium war
against China has produced no results at all—not a
shilling of indemnity—not an approach to a treaty
—not even a promise to negotiate worth the least
reliance. And what have we really and definitively
accomplished in the east of Europe ? What is the
actual state of affairs between Mehemet Ali and
the Sultan ? Where is still the army of Ibrahim Paella ?
Hew far has he proceeded on his march towards Egypt ?
Has the Turkish fleet arrived at Constantinople, or is
it at Alexandria still ? Has the prolongation of the
contest there—for in Syria the fighting is not yet over—
not yet produced any change of posture, or return to ill
humour in the French Government? Admiral Dup.A-re
has at this moment in Toulon 18 sail of the line, well
i manned, which our ships (as is complained of by
1 scores of British officers in the Mediterranean) are not,
nor in a safe condition for conflict with a skilful Euro-
ropean eraemy. Is our quarrel with the United States
made up, or the slightest approximation towards it 2
Ask Mr. Van Boren, who hopes, as every American
I President has hoped, and every British Minister, for
.so many years ; but not a single point is yet decided,
nor a single atom of American tenacity relaxed, nor a
single ground of hope established (though many of ap-
prehension) which did not exist ten years ago. Then,
in fact, there is nothing settled anywhere ; east, ei-eat,
north, south, there is nothing settled. Yet out of
such nothingness a Queen's speech must be vamped up,
and everything like an amendment sneered at! Will
the speech allude to the state of Ireland, and the re-
peal agitation too? We guess not.
(From the Morning Herald.)
We understand that energetic remonstrances have
been again made, within the last few days, on the part
of the great Powers, against the continued armaments
of France, and that the British Cabinet, which hesitated
on the subject, has determined to express its sentiments
very clearly, in accord with those of its Allies. The
French Government feels itself ill at ease under the
accumulatiou of these reproaches, particularly at a mo-
ment when it had hoped to find something tending to
renewed friendship in the speech of the Queen of Eng-
land, on the opening of Parliament. Our informant,
who has hitherto kept us so fully advised in diplomatic
affairs, suggests the immediate convocation of a Con-
gress, as the sole mode of terminating the existing dila
terencer. In the face of public opinion, France cannot
be the first to disarm, and it is clear that those who
followed her movements in that respect cannot give way
before her. It is only, our informant says, through the
medium of a Congress that a general disarmament,
under guarantees, can take place.
(From the Morning Post.)
The Ministerial Globe extols Mr. O'Connell's speech
at the Whig-Radical gathering in Dublin, on the ground
" that he made ' repeal' the alternative of Stanley's
success in carrying his hated measure." This will sur-
prise nobody. Does any man doubt that the success of
Lord Stanley's Bill will be fatal to the Whig-Radical
Ministers, or that these unprincipled persons, the mo-
ment they are turned out, will turn Repealers, Repub-
licans, or anything else that may seem to afford them a
chance of getting in again ? The Globe, moreover,
says :—" It is already whispered that Lord Stanley will
abandon his Bill, and will endeavour to engraft its more
subtle and insidious clauses on the Bill for the improve-
ment of the registration which is to be introduced by
the Government." Where, we should like to know, is
this whispered, and by whom ? At the Reform Club,
perchance—perchance in Downing-street—and by men
who believe, with dread and dismay, that Lord Stan-
ley's Bill will be ready to send up to the Lords by
Easter, whatever Ministers may be in office.
( From the Morning Advertiser.)
Ireland, by the meeting held on Friday last, to which
we yesterday alluded, and of which we this day publish
the proceedings, has afforded the strongest evidence of
her determination to resist the onslaught designed
against her franchise by Lord Stanley's Anti-Irish Re-
gistration Bill. In directing attention to these pro-
ceedings wo mean not to exaggerate the importance which
must necessarily attach to them, and therefore, in
placing them before our readers, we merely in the lan-
guage of a Dublin paper, remind them that " the re-
quisition was signed by forty-five of the nobility of Ire-
land, by several Lieutenants and sixty Deputy-Lieu-
tenants of Irish counties, by forty-six Members of Par-
liament, by 380 Magistrates, 300 Protestant, Catholic,
and Presbyterian clergymen, 300 country gentlemen
and landed proprietors, and 400 merchants and members
of the legal profession. Notwithstanding theextreme seve-
rity of the weather, the meeting was worthy of the object,
and of the rank and influence by which it was convened.
The boxes, pit, galleries, and stage of the theatre were
crowded to the utmost extent, both tiers of boxes being
prin-
cipally l
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information on the subject. Another meeting is about
to be held in the north of lreland,on a requisition, muster-
ing a display of titles and numbers almost equal to those
who called the great meeting to which we refer, but la-
mentably deficient in rank, influence, andcharacter. Let us
give a few names taken passim from the two requisitions.
In favour of Lord Stanley's Bill there first appears
" Downshire," against it " Charlemont." On the re-
lative merits of these names alone may an appeal be
safely made to the people of Ireland ; but we confess
ourselves at a loss to find in the requisition calling the
aggregate meeting in Dublin, any names worthy to cope
with " Waterford, Roden, Londonderry, Beresford," &c.,
so familiar to the ears of Ireland in association with
blackguardism, oppression, and cruelty. We shall not
at present pre-occupy the attention of our readers far-
ther than to direct attention to the proceedings which
we this day publish, and which appeal with equal force

to our readers, and to the Members of the Parliament
about to assemble.

FROlid TXE EVENING FANSHII OF YESTEkDAY.
(From the Globe.)
We agree with the Examiner that it would be what
Fouche called " worse than a crime—a blunder" in the
present Ministry to leave fiscal and commercial reforms
to their successors. It so happens, however, that the
most important reforms of this kind—those reforms
without which all others are a trifle—some would be an
injustice—are certain of obstinate opposition from
banded and strongly organised interests. To meet
those interests, we have called for a strong pressure of
opinion from without. The Examiner seems to think
this in some manner or degree inconsistent with our
dislike and distrust of Radical organic changes.
We cannot see this. If it were proved that any
specific dose of change would give us all the pure rea-
son of the country, purged of the impure interests, we
should be zealous promoters of this change. But this
is not proved. We think there is more evidence for
believing the contrary. We do not therefore feel our-
selves inconsistent in opposing one species of change,
while we call upon the aid of public opinion to carry
another. It is possible certainly that radical changes
might save us the trouble of calling in that aid against
the present strong and organised interests. That is
possible, though by no means certain, as has been ably
shown by the Leeds Mercury. But the question is,
whether such changes, if they succeeded in the only
sense in which success is possible in such a career (in
breaking down existing powers, namely), might not
probably substitute other interests and influences not
more pure, not less selfish, and more ignorant. All
these questions will, of course, be answered accord-
ing to preconceived opinions ; and we have no more
pretension to dictate ours, than disposition to ac-
cept others. But we contend that, unless it be stated
as the duty o. Government to start projects of organic
change, it cannot justly be imputed to Government as
a fault that they cannot, in the present state of parties,
propose, with prospect of success, practical measures
which thwart powerful interests, unless they are strongly
backed by opinion. We do not profess to announce
the intentions of Government as to this or that mea-
sure—as to this or that change in our anti-commer-
cial tariff. But we will predict, without claiming any
extraordinary gift of prescience, that they would not
succeed, in the present state of parties, in any compre-
hensive measure (and really we regard any other as
trifling with our present situation), unless the voice of
opinion is heard loudly and decidedly in its favour.
(From the Standard.)
All the Ministerial journals, except the Globe, have
given up the attempt to defend the infamous Frost-job ;
but that journal having been thrust into the front to
carry the Ministerial falsehood, perseveres in supporting
it, notwithstanding every rebuff, notwithstanding oven
its own repeated promises to relinquish the subject.
On Saturday our Contemporary returned to its task
in an article which demands a few remarks from us :
" No Journal knows better than the Standard when to
affect calmness and courtesy. It shall bring charges the
most enormous in language the most unmeasured—it shall
denounce infamy on a whole Ministry for acts unproved,
untrue, and impossible—and then, when such conduct is
animadverted on in the terms it deserves, the Standard
talks of gross deviation from truth,' and ' indecent and
violent injury.' Certainly there have been both in this
case; and we think we have shown upon which side. But
the Standard's concluding challenge must not escape a
word of condign notice.
" The Standard requires us to produce our authority for
our contradiction of its first statement. We thought
that, when a statement affecting any department of admi-
nistration was answered from authority,' it was sufficiently
understood, that authority' was the authority of the de-
partment
answered
hr ees pso nt
Stan
bdlaer. N
d's eVhea
ehn agvee
by already,antieip a t
itohne.r e forvee,
have challenged those (if any) who believe its statements
to find a mouthpiece for their belief in Parliament, and we
have ventured to assure them that Government would not
shrink from any questions that might be asked."
Now we really do not know to which department of
the Government application is to be made for an expla-
nation of Frost's pardon and promotion. Asa convict
we believe he is under the care of Lord Normanby—as
the inhabitant of a colony he belongs to Lord John
Russell. Between the two Lords, however, there is
little choice—the one " said the thing that was not," in
the matter of Alderman Montgomery's evidence : the
other made a speech at Totnes, certain important state-
ments of which the Bishop of Exeter compelled him to
retract after the speech had whitened the town of Tot-
nes with placards for several days, not to say weeks.
However, we should like, from mere curiosity, if from
no other motive, to know which of the Noble Lords it
was who authorised the Globe to contradict us by a
downright untruth ?
(From the Courier.)
At the meeting which Mr. Booth, on the part of the
Liverpool and Manchester Railway Company, has con-
vei,ed, of the managers of the greater part of the other
railway companies, it is to be hoped the most enlightened
and liberal policy, as regards the public safety and
convenience, will be the prevailing feeling. We have
already made some comments on Mr. Booth's first cir-
cular, and to which we would refer the gentlemen of
the conference. Signals are absolutely essential to the
safety of the trains travelling at such velocity where
there can be no deviation in the track ; and whatever
code shall be considered best ought to be adopted by
every railway company. The difficulty of settling what
are the best signals will in all probability be great,
as each person will naturally fancy such as he has him-
self proposed the most efficient ; and as there is an aris-
tocracy in railways, as in all other concerns (which is
shown in the circular not being general), we are almost
afraid that instead of the companies legislating among
themselves, for themselves, they will farce on the Go-
vernment
a task they have shown such an unwillingness
for. If every gentleman present at the conference
would take as his text the preamble of the several Acts
of incorporation, and bear strongly in his mind that the
powers of such Acts were given in anticipation of great
public benefits to be returned, and not for exclusive pri-
vate advantages, such singleness of purpose would make
the meeting a most useful one, and the private interests
of the Companies would profit in the increased confidence
of all classes and descriptions of persons. There can be
no sort of objection to a convention for such ends in
so large and intermixed an interest as railways are ;
and indeed all the rules and regulations of the different
Companies, in which the passengers are concerned,
should be common to each, even to the mode of start-
ing the trains ; and every facility should be given to such
lines as unite or branch from each other, without favour
or affection. Indeed the passengers should never be
allowed to know there is such a thing on the great
highways of the kingdom as partiality or rivalry. We
repeat our opinion, that three men on an engine are not
too many, and our dissent to looking to a stoker as
a substitute in case of accidents, or as an assistant to
the driver in charge ; at the same time we also repeat
our full agreement with Mr. Booth, that no person
should be placed on the engine or tender, superior to the
driver, or who is not connected with the engine itself.
With the passenger trains there should certainly always
be some head, in charge of the whole train, to whom the
passengers could always look with assurance of atten-
tion, and who should make his regular reports at the
different stations, where a journal should be kept of
the progress or delay of every train, its time of arrival,
sincerely hope that every
departure, &c. &c. &c. We
Company will agree not to take each other's servants
when discharged for gross negligence or incapacity, and
this would tend more to force attention and good order
than any other means ; and that this should be most
effective, we would have been pleased that every Com-
pany for which an Act has been obtained had been in-
vited to send a representative to the conference.

DAMP WALLS.— Several months ago a corres-
;
spondent applied to us to know if we could advise him how
' to remedy the nuisance of damp walls. We were not at
the time aware of any recipe for the purpose ; but we hap,
pened to meet with a paragraph the other day in a re•
spectable work, which we shall here transcribe, in order
to afford our correspondent the opportunity to put it to the
teat :—" A hall, of which the walls were constantly damp,
though every means were employed to keep them
dry, was about to be pulled down, when M. Scemithall re-
commended, as a last resource, that the walls should be
washed with sulphuric acid (vitriol). It was done, and the
deliquiescent salts being decomposed by the acid, the
walls dried, and the hall was afterwards free from damp.
ness."—Recreations in Science.
THE PENNY POSTAGE.—The Tory papers
complain that this liberal measure was uncalled for. They
forget that the bill passed the House of Commons by a
majority of 100, and that Members of all parties voted for
it. When the duties were taken off gin, beer, and leather,
no one seemed to care how the deficiency was to be made
up ! Now, we assert that no tax that has been repealed
has conferred such general benefit as the penny postage ;
in fact, the public have the full benefit of the reduction,
which was not the case when the duties were taken off
the above named articles. One of the witnesses who
gave evidence to the committee of merchants in Lon-
don, stated that it ought to be called " An Act to faci-
litate trade, and emancipate Members of Parliament
from the trouble of franking letters for others." Some
assert that the rich merchants are alone benefited by
the reduction, but this is a fallacy, the advantage being
very great to the small shopkeeper, who has been accus-
tomed to remit his 61., 10/., and 15/. ; and men em•
ployed apart from their families, at iron works, rail-
ways, &c., and who can now send their weekly remit-
tances of 10s. or 205., also find it a great convenience.
Such persons can now remit a half sovereign far 4d.,
whereas the charge used to be from Is. 6d. to 2s. ! The
enemies of cheap postage try hard to persuade the public
to believe that the taxes put on last year were to make up
the loss of the postage revenue : this is a sad error, as the
deficiency in the Post-office is but one quarter the amount
of the new taxes and increased duties. Not only have
we cheap postage, but a vast improvement in the con-
veyance and delivery of letters. Many new mails have
been put on the different roads; day mails have been
established in several places, and we shall no doubt have
one from London to this city on the completion of the
Great Western Railway. Until January last the market
town of Tredegar, with its 10,000 inhabitants, was with-
out a post-office, as was Nantyglo and many other very
populous places; so that not only is the price of postage
reduced, but letters are delivered, in very many instances,
in less than half the time they were two years ago. In
this city alone we have the advantage of four new mails,
which have recently been put on.-13ristol Mercury.

THE TREATY BETWEEN FRANCE

AND BUENOS AYRES.

The Monte Video journals gives the following text
of the Treaty concluded between France and the Go-
vernment of Buenos Ayres.
" His Majesty the King of the French and his Ex-
cellency the Governor and Captain-General of the pro-
vince of Buenos Ayres, charged with the department of
Foreign Affairs of the Argentine Confederation, with
the intent of settling and terminating the differences
which have unfortunately arisen between France and
the said Government, have for this purpose named
Plenipotentiaries, viz., the King of the French,
M. Angel Rene Armand de Mackau, Grand Officer,
&c. &c. ; and his Excellency the Governor and Cap-
tain-General the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
said Government, Dr. D. Felipe Arena, who, atter
having reciprocally communicated their respective full
powers, which were found to be in due form, have agreed
upon and concluded the following articles :
" 1. The government of Buenos Ayres acknowledges
that indemnities are due to the French who have ex-
perienced losses, or suffered damages in the Argentine
Republic, and the amount of these indemnities, which
alone remain to be settled, shall be ascertained by six
arbitrators, to be named in common accord, three by
each of the Plenipotentiaries. In case of disagree-
ment, the regulation of the said indemnities shall be re-
ferred to the arbitrement ola third power to be named
by the French Government.

" 2. The blockade of the Argentine ports shall be
raised, and the island of Martin Garcia shall be eva-
cuated by the French forces within eight days after
the ratification of the present Convention by Buenos
Ayres. The materiel of the armament of the said
island shall be re-established in the state it was on the
10th October, 1838. The two Argentine ships of war
captured during the blockade, or two others of the same
force and value, shall, within the same time, together
with their materiel of armament, be placed at the dis-
posal of the Argentine Government.
"3. If, within the delay of a month from the said
ratification such Argentines as have been proscribed
from their country at different epochs since the month
of December, 1838, abandon al lor part of them, the
hostile attitude in which thay are now found against
, the Governor of Buenos Ay:es charged with the foreign
relations of the Argentine Confederation, the said
Governor, accepting from this day, and in this
case, the friendly intervention of France relative to
these individuals, offers to grant permission to return
within this territory to all those whose presence shall
not be incompatible with the safety of the repub-
lic ; and the persons to whom such permission shall be
granted, shall not be prosecuted or molested for their
anterior conduct. As to such Argentines as are at
this time in arms within the territory of the Argentine
Confederation, this present article shall be applicable
only to those who shall lay down their arms within
eight days from the official communication of this
present convention, which communication shall be made
to the chiefs through the mediation of French and Ar-
gentine agents to be charged with this mission. Gene-
rals and chiefs are not comprised in this present article,
except those who by ulterior acts shall render them-
selves worthy of the clemency and indulgence of the
Government of Buenos Ayres.
" 4. It is understood that the Government of Bue-
nos Ayres shall continue to consider the republic of Ori-
ental Uruguay in a state of independence, in like manner
as was stipulated in the Convention of peace concluded
on the .27th August, 18.28, with the Empire of Brazil,
without in any wise prejudicing its natural rights, so far as
is consistent with the justice, honour, and security of the
Argentine Confederation.

" .5. Although the rights and advantages at present
enjoyed by foreigners within the territory of the Ar-
gentine Confederation, so far as regards their persons
and property, are common to all citizens, and subjects
of friendly, and neutral nations, the Government of
the King of the French, and that of the province of
Buenos Ayres, charged with the external relations
of the Argentine Confederation, declare that until
there shall be concluded a Treaty of Commerce and
navigation between France and the Argentine Confede-
ration, French citizens within the Argentine territory,
and Argentine citizens within the French territory, shall
he considered and treated, in all that concerns their
persons and property, in the same manner, as now are
or may be treated the subjects and citizens of the most
favoured nations.

"G. Notwithstanding what has been stipulated in the
preceding article, if the Government of the Argentine
Confederation should grant to the citizens or natives of
all, or any part of the United States of South America,
special, civil, or political rights more extensive than those
now enjoyed by the subjects of all and each of the most
!avoured nations, these rights shall not be taken to ex-
tend to French citizens established within the territory of
the Republic, nor be claimed by them.
" 7. This present Convention shall be ratified, and
the ratifications exchanged at Paris, within the delay
of eight months, or sooner if possible, through the me-
dium of a Minister Plenipotentiary from the Govern-
ment of the Republic, who shall be accredited for that
purpose to the Government of his Majesty the King
of the French."

HORRIBLE DISCOVILRY.—A young man, of
i the commune of Renil, waB out shooting a few days ago,
! when his attention was attracted by a large flock
of ravens, who were all standing together near
the side of a brook, and apparently disputing the
possession of the ground. On his advancing to-
wards the spot the ravens took flight ; but, curious
to see what bad attracted them, he proceeded to an
examination of the ground. Seing a little hillock covered
with snow, he kicked against in order to ascertain what it
was, when to his surprise be discovered that he had, by the
stroke of his foot, exposed to view the head of a man, He was
so alarmed at this discovery that he instantly ran
home, and told what he had seen. Some friends re.
turned with him to the place, but what was their
horror, on removing the body from the position in
which it had first lain shrouded in snow, to see a
quantity of rats and mice make a precipitate retreat from the
inside of the dead man I They seemed to have forsaken the
brook and made a nest in the body,which they had entered by
eating a hole in the throat. M. Bouchard hastened to the spot
as sown as informed of the circumstance, but could not dis-
cover anything to indicate the name of the deceased, whose
death he knew not whether to ascribe to the hand of
the murderer or the inclemency of the weather.
The deceased was well dressed, and is supposed to
have been the mate of a ship. The body, which was at
first hard and frozen, was in a shocking state when the
" autopsy" took place, from a thaw having in the mean
time taken place.—Gazette des Tribunaux.
THE USHER.—The career of this humble and
unhappy son of learning is thus mast feelingly drawn by
Crolly :—" En his turn, our hero himself becomes less
amiable : he is fretted and wearied for ever. Day by day,
and all day long, the same dull din goes on—the same
endless, hopeless toil ; no prospect of good, no respite, no
sympathy, no reward,—
Pain, pain, ever, for ever 1'
_ I

Then he is without a friend. For the usher stands
always apart—the master is above him, the scholars
beneath. He is alone tossed and swung about in
the dark and turbid region of his thoughts,—the light
of hope, that once threw a trivial ray upon him,
being now diminished to the smallest point. Once,
he had a poor refuge in his father's house ; he was
at least endured there f it was there he passed his brief
holidays. But his father is now dead, and his house is
' the home of a stranger. During the tedious school-hours
he is at the oar; a slave chained to his galley. In the in-
tervals, he cowers over the winter fire, or watches games
which he can partake no longer; or he is sent out, at the
end of a long file of boys, to keep anxious watch over
all, and to check every turn and threat of mischief. His
position is such that be is certain to attract dislike, and
can never hope to excite affection. Should you
enter the school play-ground en some sunny day, you
will perhaps see a man with a small book in his hand,
pacing up and down, under the southern wall. He is
young, but his face is thin and colourless; his cheek
hollow, his lips compressed, big eye hard and watch-
ful. Hu stops occasionally, and casts a fierce inquisitive
look around ; or he calls out in a harsh voice, or quells a
dispute about marbles, or stops the progress of an incipient
fight. If you wait, you will perhaps see him followed by
a boy on tip-toe, making faces behind his back, " squaring"
as though he would hit him in the spine. If the urchin
be more than usually lively, be chalks softly the poor
man's back ; or puts dust in his pocket; or thrusts a pen
under his collar, having a string and tassel annexed,
producing a tail indeed of some pretensions, to the
inexpressible delight of :Al beholders. On the walls
there is the same man's likene;;', sgrawled in chalk
or charcoal, exaggerated and ridiculous, bui still with suffi-
cient resemblance to enforce your laughter. Do y' ti ask
Rho is at once this tyrant and victim? Alas! it is still—
the Usher l" Is it not strange that in these matters we
should have to use the melancholy words in which Dryden
addressed the public of his day. "It will continue to be
the ingratitude of mankind, that they who teach wisdom
by the surest means, shall generally live poor and unre-
garded s as if they were born only for the public, and had
no interest in their own well-being ; but were to be lighted
up like tapers, and wasteth themselves for the benefit of
others,"

O'CONNELL IN CORK.—At no period of his
political career did Mr. O'Connell exhibit to more effect
the extraordinary endowments with which he is gifted,
than on Monday last in this city at the meeting. His va-
ried powers were eminently displayed ; his playful humour
—his ready wit—his electric rapidity in seizing the tone
of those around him—his powerful castigation of Ireland's
worst enemy, Stanley—his vivid description of her wrongs,
and his mode of redress—all spread over the vast mass an
enthusiasm seldom before even witnessed in this country.
At the dinner, too, he most unquestionably surpassed him.
self, for never was he more powerful, more happy, more
effective ; never, even in the buoyant days of his youth,
when he was wrestling for religious freedom, did his soul
rise into higher enthusiasm. His speech on that occasion
was almost the eloquence of inspiration—it was an effort
even beyond himself, and the effect produced far exceeded
any thing we ever before witnessed.--Southern Reporter.

_ _ _ •
FLOODS AT GREENWICH, LEWISHAM, &C.
—The effect of the rapid thaw, accompanied with a vio-
lent gale of wind, on Saturday night, has been productive
of serious losses to numerous persons, particularly to
market-gardeners. in the vicinities of Greenwich, Dept-
ford, Lee, and Lewisham. There is not a vestige of
snow visible on Shooter's-hill, Blackheath, nor on Any high
laud in this neighnourhk.od, but the valleys have presented
nearly on© uniform sheet of water during yesterday.