The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-05 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION

the night of
FEROCITY 0---i' A - CAT.—On
Prickly last a female named Phil!' as residing at No. 67, King-
strtyt, Golden-square, who had restl • time had a favourite
or someh
King-
car in her posse,siou,
;lot been ion,,i; in
bed rteet tliai at erusual time, but had
bag with. the cat of a nei
basin of water over them, gilismel heard her favourite quarrel-
sn,ceeire d She. riose, t
flra,t,l.. ttlahreorlinagnda
ng her cat up into her roam' 17}tahreani again went to
bed, and could not have beon above five minutes asleep
before
Abe was suddenly awoke by an acuse sense ofpain, when she
found that the cat had made an attack on her, and bitten a
tree oat of her cheek, besides having dreadfull • lacerated her
Me with its claws, and was then fixed on her left arm, a
Riece out of which it had also bitten. The screams of the
seaman brought prompt assistance, by whom the ferocious ani-
Mal was killed, but Mrs. Phillips still continues sufferini , from ,
Ise injuries she has received, and the effects of the alarm the
attack occasioned.
THE MEETING OF THE POETS.--The
New Orleans Gazette states that " in a city well known to
every body—if they can find out the name," a poetical ge..
rius was hauled up before a poetical Magistrate for kiAng a
Firl and kicking up a dust, and the following characteristic
dialogue ensued:—Magistrate—ls your name John Jay?
Prisoner—Yes, your Honour, so the people say. Magistrate
—Was it you that kissed the girl an:l raised the alarm
Prisoner—Yes, your honour, but I thought it ni harm.
Magistrate--Yon rascal! did you come here to make rhymes?
P.ssoner—No, your honour, but it will happen sometimes.
lagistrate—Be off, you scamp ! Get out of any sight.
Prisoner—Thhnk'ee, your honour, then I'll bid you good night.
The active Reformers of Cockermouth have not
'' bees slow in aiding the movement for a repeal of the
Ni.:l4Cnollksde#O4;for the revision of the Import l)utie".
...,__Dasierthe- week petitions to Pit;liament praying for
~_, \
the adoption of.. hese measures were agreed upon in that
- spirited borough; nd in the course of a day or two they
~,.r woe' severally sig ed by upwards of 800 men.— White-
laistli
• Aaven Herald. •-•
-..t , ,

r

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tik a s

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS
FROM TITS EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—The Lords have supplied the Tory-
Chartist league with a new watchword. " Walter, No
Bashaws, no Universal Suffrage," will now be
joined with " Winchelsea, and No Bread Tax !"
" If," said that noble Anti-Corn-law champion, " a
tax was to be laid on that article which was the main
110-sistence of the labouring classes of the country, in
:God's name let them all rise as one man, in that House—
(Laughter)—and out of that House, and let the higher
classes do their duty by the lower classes. Let a tax be
raid on anything else ; but, in God's name, let them
not suffer a tax to be laid upon the poor man's food !"
If, say we, the Anti-Corn-law League do not elect Lord
Winchilsea an honorary member of their asiociation
for total repeal of the Corn laws, they will show
little policy, or gratitude for his powerful support.
This is the way to East-Ileyordise the Corn-1 awe.
ita medium musr be tolerated. Everything or nothing ;
&ties for prohibition, ortione at all! There are many
who would take Lord Winchelsea at his word. We are
sat of the number. We are not prepared to go the whole
hog with the Noble Earl ; and to aid him in agitating
the country with the alluring awents of " No bread tax."
Zyd Ripon had expressed the same sentiments in
rtty to Lord Melbourne. "It was taking up," he
quite a new ground to tax corn for revenue
--( Hear, hear)—and this would be doing that to which
he would venture to say no country in the world ever
subiniefed, and which he would also venture to say would
be, without exception, the most unpopular and most un-
justliable, and most cruel act that was ever imposed on a
reluctant Parliament." Lord Melbourne said he was not
prepared to answer the question, how far the proposed
change would be founded on the principle of "protection,"
or how far it was to be considered as a measure of taxa-
tion. It appears to us that the question need have
hardly been asked, and that, if it had been worth wh?ie
to forestall the discussion by answering it, the Noble
Viscount might have done so with no less facility than
be answered the cavils at the part he had taken on
former occasions. The state of the revenue compels
Government to take a new survey of the field of taxa-
tion, in order to decide whether new taxes must
be imposed, or whether a better adjustment of
(misting burthens would meet the emergency.
It is therefore true that the wants of the
revenue are the occasion which suggests the adoption of
new measures of financial and commercial economy.
It does not follow that those measures are adopted
merely as financial expedients. They are the measures
which the Ministerial leaders in the House of Corn-
11101iF, their most distinguished friends, and their
most energetic suppoi tees, have always advocated on
their own merits, independent of financial exigencies.
But, when it so happens that financial exigencies force
saute 71C10 measures on adoption, surely it is an idle
objection to those now proposed, that they will serve
a twofold purpose,—supply the State's wants, as
well as the people's. Indeed, this is a new and
irresistible argument in their favour. They are
not mere measures of finance ; but—view them
merely as such—you must either adopt some such
measures, or vote new taxes. It is the irritating
sense of this alternative that dictates these taunts.
STANDARD.—Within the last three months
there have been four contested elections, Canter-
bury, Walsall, Nottingham, and St. Alban's. At
three of the four the Anti-Corn-latu candidate
has been signally defeated, and at the fourth,
St. Alban's, the Corn question we believe was
not raised—for the seat was bought by the foulest
earruption, and the purchaser did not think it ne-
cessary, perhaps in an agricultural village, and St
Alban's is no more, prudent, to raise it. At Walsall,
however, the question was tried with every possible
advantage to those who would contend that the people
are anxious for a change. The borough is an exclu-
sively manufacturing borough ; the Anti-Corn-law
League openly nominated their candidate ; amply sup-
plied with money by the mill-owners and the money-
owners, they employed the grossest and most lavish
bribery, and musteidng all their rabble from six or seven
counties they availed themselves of violence and intimi-
dation to an extent which threw the place of election into
a condition little, if at all, removed from downright
anarchy. Notwithstanding this, and the aid of the
Government given without conscientious scruple or
prudent reserve, the candidate of the Anti-Corn-law
League was shamefully beaten by a gentlemen who
took his stand upon the existing law, and who has
'the distinguished honour to be the son of
the most powerful of all the defenders of the
agriculture of the country, though himself a merchant,
holding a high, if not indeed the highest, place among
fisti princely merchants of the world. The election at
Walsall alone would demonstrate that Lord Melbourne's
vi, s upon the Corn-laws cannot have been effected by
tiny pressure from without, of which the change of
these laws is the object. But Walsall, Canterbury,
and Nottingham, taken together render the demon-
strettion irresistible. Where else then are we to look
for the " eircumstenees," necessities, and crisis, if
not in the state of the revenue, or in the state of
public feeling ? In the state of our foreign rela-
tions ? Why, the whole of the scheme is based
upon an hypothesis of continued European peace.
The first cannon-shot fired in Europe would dissipate
all its provisions. But is continued European peace
more probable than it was ? or are the present circum-
stances et Europe Inch as to recommend that England
should throw herself into a condition of absolute de-
peuatence upon the Continent even for daily bread ?
Nd ; " the circumstances, the necessities, and the
" crisis," are " the circumstances, the necessities, and
" the crisis," of a defeated, a despised, and a detested
Ministry, and of their odious Poor-law. It is their
miserable exigency which suggests to convulse the
country from end to end is to save the Poor-law
Ministers, and the Poor-1 Commissioners, and the
hateful law itself, that the people are invited to agitate ;
but the people will not answer the call.
COURlER.—According to the Premier, the re-
peal or alteration of the Corn laws is rendered necessary
by certain" wide and extensive financial measures" in con-
trlnplation, the nature of which may be guessed rather
thaii gathered from the budget display in the one House
and last evening's exhibition in the other. And thus is
that rendered opportune and advisable now,which twelve
months since only was pregnant with dangers so terrific,
according to the Noble Lard's own showing. The jus-
tification attempted is not the most intelligible, nor the
" time " and " circumstances " which have lei to the
change of ipolicy and opinion the most accurately de-
fined. His Lordship briefly observes that " these cir-
cumstances had arisen, that time, in his opinion, had
now come, when it was found necessary, in order to
meet the exigencies of the country. to adopt wide and
extensive financial measures—measures which affected
every other interest in the country—when, he
owned, it appeared impossible to him to leava that,
the master grievance (so we understood) untouched."
If it be true that large alterations or reductions in the
geneiriil tariff arc to be effected, and that at the close of
all, n ith Corn-laws repealed, a Property and Income
Tax is to be levied upon the capital and industry
of the country, the (Leal and financial dealing
will surely make extensive havoc among all
interests and all classes. With Corn-laws repealed
to begin with, a property tax on the heels of it will
be like burning the candle at both ends. Yet such is
the fate with which the nation is threatened, and such
the consummation of ten years of so called reform, re-
trenchment,
and non-intervention. We hare no fear
that the working classes will he imposed upon to any
in?ischievoug extent by the stale cries and pretences of
the Anti-Corn-law League against the Corn-laws. Az-
atimiag that low-priced bread was the result of
Corn-law repeal, at least in the first instance,
'tow knowbetter than the workmen that low:
prided bread must lead to lower wage., and that wages
waski decline, or be forced down, at amu h
accated rate than bread stuffs. The imemeTioart:
a
conaequenco of the withdrawal of protection from •a
gri-
eulture must be to throw one half the land at least out
dt tillage, arid with the land, the 1 sbourers dependent on
Uri-lulu}, some four or five hundred thousand in number.
Let the manufacturing operatives and mechanics ask
themselves ho tic this mass of redundant labour to he
absorbed ?—viTere is this vast aggregation of uncial-
-
ployerbands to be distributed ?—howaro the hunger
ing myriads to be fed ? If thrown upon tbe cotton ma-
anfacture,.they beat down wages, r 0 the more skilled
workmen can only Lk's be str^ !Intel by
rl-1 - the uns led
in the taco of -•t5••
compe •on The master manufacture:
meg rejoice eve- "-*
*
tionallyrio dechninz and profits pro-
! wages ever _
-int, but so will not the patriot and philosopher,