The Sun.
London, England, 1823-02-28 00:00:00

FOREIGN ,INTELLIGENCE.

Artkosi Tin ETOILE OV TUESDAY r:v1111/211210 •TE11: 251
PARIi, FEB. 15.—News from Madrid of the
It3th has been this day received by an extraordi-
nary channel. The ,Cortes, under the fear of a
wir, have offered a full and entire amnesty to all
the Royalists who have arms in their hunds.
'General Morino i to command the army of re-
serve of 'Andalusia, if the King is removed to
Sc v 11e.

CHAMBER OF DEPLITigg.
Sirrv,to oP TLltrilLtV, EERItLJARY 25.
The Sitting opened tit t 4 gnarter before two.
iitiNto,le V it.Lti.tyle Comm:Kr-01e PEYKONWET,
are the Duke de Iht.r.eiO, were on the Bench

of ldinihters.
The order of the day for the resumption of the
liebate.-:—Mter M. de Josir BEAuyont, who sup-
ported the war, and M. do Bior4oN, Who opposed
de Cu Fvre.Auatti AND ascended the Tribune,

and spoke as follows
*hall go through the series of objection% already presented
frecti this tribune ; they are numerous as well as different ; that
I may not embarrass myself in treatin# a subject of such vast
extent, shall arrange them, under di event heads.
The orators who deliveretk their sentiments when the Address.
waa voted in this Chamber have printed their speeches, and yes-
terday, at the Public Shelties, some lion. Depeities referred
their opiniont tuthose very speeches- Even to-day, a part of
the arguments stated in the Secret Committee were reproduced
title. I will, therefore, endeavour to reply to what has been
l'ekti printed, and repeated ; that I may embrace at once the
who e of the subject.
In following in their objections the orators who sit on the O.
positinn Benches, I shall examine, let, the right of interven-
tien, since it is the bads of all their reasonings ; idly, the
tight of speaking Of. institution,' which may be useful to Spain ;
3dly, the right of alliances, and the transactions
,at Verona ;
4thly and liestly, some other objections.
let., Let us examine the right of intervention.' Has one go-
vernment the right of interfering in the internal affairs of an.
mbar ieovernment? This granil question Of the rights of nu-
tions hail been revolved in opposite senso.a.
411 who adhere to the natural rights, such as Bacon, Pliffen-
doff, and Grotius, its well as all the ancients, think that it is
permitted to take up arms in, the name of human society,
against a people who violate the principles on which reposes
general order, in the same manner as in a private state one pia.
nishet the disturbers of public tranquillity. . ,
They who look upon the question as a civil right, maintain
on the contrary that it is not lawful for one Government to in-
terfere in the affairs of another Government.
The former, therefore, place the tight of intervention among
the duties—the latter, among the interests.
I adopt, Gentlemen, the principle which emanates from civil
right : 1 place myself among the ranks of modern politica
and I say with thern—that no Government has the •dright to in-
is rje* re in the internal idfairs of another Government.
It is evident if this principle were not admitted, and especi-
ally-by those people who enjoy a free Constitution, no nation
,would be sure of its internal tranquillity—since otherwise it
Would be sufficient to have a corrupt Minister or an ambitiotut
King to attack every State which should endeavour to improve
its condition. To the manifold causes of war which already
exist, this would add another principle of hostility—a principle
of which each man in power would -be the judge, inasmuch as
he would have the right to say to his neighbours, " Your in-
stitutions are disagreeable to me ; change them, or I will (helve
war against you.
1 hope that my Ilonourable Opponents will admit that I ex-
plain myself with frankness. But as l present myself in this
tribune to support the ,justice of cur intervention with the afTeire
of Spain, it may be said, how shall I extricate inyself from the
positions which I myself have so strongly maintained ? Gentle-
men, you will see.
When modern politicians rejected the right of intervention by
departing Troia natural rights to appeal to civil riehts,they found
theineelvel much embarrassed. Cases occurred in which it was
'found imposeible to abstain from interfering without involv-
ing the State in danger. At the commencement of the Rev°.
lotion, it was said— Perish the coheniea rather than a prin-
ciple"--the colonies perished. It is noaeiti be said-»" Perish
,Seeiril order rather than one of our principles." In order riot
to trespass against the very rule which those political reasoner%
'Cad established; recourse was had to an exception, by
.means
'uf witUllt they returned to the natural right and it es now
used--" No Government has a right to inter we in the inter.
flat regulation of another Government, except in cases rvhere
its PrVla immediate safety or its essential interests are compro.
mita." I shall soon quote the authority from which 1 borrow
ii:rise words.
The exception, Gentlemen, does not seem to me more con.
•trovertible than the miter no State can suffer its essential in.
lereits to perish without danger of perishing itself as a State.
, • ;Oven we reach thin part of the gliestion, the whole changes its
appearance; we are transported to another ground; end I arn
7n) longer bound to combat victoriously' the rule, but to prove
that the.caso Of exceptionhas occurred as far as France is now
eioneerned.
Before I shall atiOure the motives which justify our interven-
tion in the affairs of Spain, 1 run bound first to strengthen my-
*self by the authority of some examples.
mall often in the course of my speech have occasion to /peak
of Etiglatideethce my nondurable Adversaries every moment
oppose its conduct to ours, as well in their unpremeditated as
In their written speeches , and printed discourses. "It was
treat Britain alone which at Verona defended principles—it is
else alone who now opposes the right of intervention—she alone
is prepared to hike up arms for the Cause of a free people—she
14012 e reproves, an impious war veltich attacks the rights of na-
tiorie—a war which a litele.bigetted and servile faction wishes
to undertake, ineorder to succeed at length in burning the
nench Charter after having torn to pieces the Constitution of
Spain.".. Is riot this correct, Gentlemen ? We shall return to
item points. Let us first speak of the intervention.
1 fear that my lion. Adversaries have made a bad seltectien
of authorities. England, they say, gives us a great example
le 'protecting the independence or nauons.
lege England, secure in the midst of the waves, and defended,
by het old institutions--let England, which has endured neither
tfic dieeetent of two invasions, nor the wine:lotions of a thirty
Revolution—think that there is nothing to be feared from
.eepain ; and that she should not desire to interfere in her affairs.
'lrliere-cen be nothing more natural. But' does it follow that
rlreuto enjoys the same itecuritielieethat France is placed In a
similar situation ? When the essential in:crests of Great Bri.
tam were under other circumsterscarcompronitted, 'did not she
rraovt justly for her safety act contrary to those principles which
minnow invoked to her name',
;England, on conimeneing the war with France, published, in I
Ooetoher 1793, the celebnited Dklaration of Whitehall. Permit
oar, Gentlemen, to read a passage of it for you. The Declare-
thin commences by reciting the. iniefertune3 of tile Revolution,
.and then it adder—
" The designs which had been professed of reforn.itig the
atones of the Gevernment‘of France, of establishing personal
liberty and the rights of property on a :solid foundation; of seen-
-ring to extrusive and populous country the benefit of a wise
lee:Walton, and an equitable and wise administration- of its
lace; all these salutary views have unfortunately vanished. In
their place lois sutzecwled system destructive .of all public
tweet, maintained by prescript:ow, exiles, end corifiscations
without number ; by arbitrary impriisonnient ; by maesuieres,
Ithicii cannot even he remembered without horror. • I
inliaiiitAnot of that unfortunate. country, en long flattered
by the promises of happinees, renewed at the period of every
froth trims, have found themselves plunged into an Liberia of
• etherouripled calserities. • s •
"'This state of brings cannot exist in France without involv-
ing all the-surrounding Powers in one common danger, without
ring them the right, svitlintst imprieing it open them as a
;sty, tel snip the progress of.an evil which _ crests only by the
AtoettSdiln violation of all law and all property, and which at-
tacks the fundsmentel principles by which mankind are united
in, the bends of civil society. His Najesity by no means dis.
pules the right of Prance to reform its laws. It never would
hare been his WWI to tniploy the influence ,of external force
with respect to the particular fOrms of Government to be tato-
Wished in an independent Chuntey. Neither has he now that
wadi, except in so tar as such interference is become essential
to the Security and repast of other Powers. Under these cit.-
cutnetences, heeleinande from France,
,and he demands with
justice, the termination of a system of anarchy, which has no
14CA but for the purple e of inieshief, unable to discharge the
primary duty.of all Government, to reputes the disorders, or to
the crimes which are dilly increasing in the interior of
the y unt ry , but dieposing arbitrarily of the property and blood
eit *el Itthabitents rot Frence, in order to disturb the tranquility
9f eitheaeriatione arid to render all Europa the theatre of the
einreteimes, andi of the same misfOrtunes. The King demands
that some legitimate, and stable Government should be tea-
hltelled; found.sl on the acknowledged 'principles of universal
justice, and capatile of maintaining with other Powers the ace,
• • •
etteactried rattle:es or union and peace.
" The King promisee, on his part, the sup e' of hostili.
tie*, frietalehip, and (as far se the anima of events will allow,
sif'stilchtM will of man cannot dispose,) seam* end Prates..
OW to all *Os° who, by der*lng for a monarchical Govern-
.

ment, shall shake off the yoke of a sanguinary anarchy; of that
anarchy which has broken all the most sacred bonds of society,
dissolved all the relations of civil life, violated every right, con.
hounded every duty ; which uses the name of liberty, to exercise
the most cruel tyranny, to annihilate all property, to seize on all
possessions; which founds its power mr the pretended consent
of the people, and itself carries fire and sword through extensive
provinces, for having demanded their laws, their religion, and
their lawful Sovereign."
Well, Gentlemen, what do you think of this Declaration ?
Did you not think you were hearing the very Speech delivered
by the King on the opening of -the present Session, but that
Speech developed, interpreted, and commented upon, with as
much force as eloquence ? • - -
England says, that she acts in concert with her Allies ; and to
us it is imputed as a crime that we have Allies ! England pro-
noses aid to the French Royalists, and it is said to be wrong
that we should protect the Spanish Royalists! England main-
'tains thatahe hit* the right to interfere to save herself and Eu-
rope
froni the evils which desolate France ; and we are to be
forbidden to defend ourselves against the Spanish contagion !
England rejects the pretended consent of the French people,
.she imposes on France as the price of peace, " the condition of
establishing a Government founded on the principles of justice,
and capable of maintaining with other States the accustomed
relations ;" and we are to be obliged to recognise the pretended
sovereignty of the people—the legality of a Constitution esta-
blished by military revolt ; and we are not to have the right to
ask from Spain, for our security, institutions rendered legiti-
timate by the liberty of Ferdinand !
We most, however, be just. When England published this
famous Declaration, Marie-Antoinette and Louis XVI. were
no more. I allow that Marie-Josephine is as yet only a captive,
and that her tears alone have yet been made to flow ; Ferdinand
is yet only a prisoner in his palace, as Louis XVI. was in his
before going to the Temple, and thence to the acatfold.—
(Movement on the right; Silence," on the left.)—l will not
calumniate the Spaniards, but I will not estimate theni higher

than my countrymen. ,
Revolutionary France brought forth a convention ; why
should not Revolutionary. Spain also produce hers ? The Judge
who condemned Don Carlos to the galleys, would be a worthy
Member of that Tribunal. Has not the Spanish Revolution
taken ours for its model ? -Does it not.eopy it servilely ? Does
it not proclaim the manic principles P. liar it not already strip.
ped the altars, assassinated the priests in prisons, erected in.
stromenui of death, pronounced confiscations and banishments?
Can we, who have had this terrible malady, mistake its synip-
aorns, and not feel some alarm for the life of Ferdinand ? Will
it be said, that by hastening the , moment of interference, the
situation of that Monarch is rendered more dangerous ? But,
did,Penapland save boos XVI. by deferring hex Declaration
.Is not that interference which prevents evil more useful than
that which avenges it? Spain had a diplomatic agent at Paris
at the time of that bloody catastrophe, and prayer* were ,
unavailing. What did this family witness do there ? Assured-
ly he was not necessary as evidence of a ,death ktniwn to earth
and Heaven. Gentlemen, the trials of Charles I. and Louis
XVI. are already but too well,known throughout the world.
One morejudicial murder, and there will be established, upon
the authority of prededente, a sort of right to commit crimes,
and a body of jurisprudence for the use of people against
Kings.—(Reiterated bravos on the right.)
But perhaps England, which had admitted the case of ex-
ception in her own cause, does not admit it in the cause of
another ? No, Gentlemen; England's policy is not so narrow
and so personal. She recognises in others the rights which she
claims for herself. lies essential interests were not compro-
mised in the Revolution of Naples, and she did not think it
necessary to interfere ; but she judged that it might be other-
wise for Austria; and it' is with reference to this 'transaction
that Lord Castlereagh explains himself clearly in the Circular
of the 19th of January 1821. fie combat*, in the first place,
.the principle of interference, which he finds too generally laid
down by Austria, Russia, Prussia,: in the Circular of Laybach.
Then he adds—" It ought to be clearly understood that no
Government can be more disposed than the British Government
to maintain the right of every State and of 411 States to inter-
fere when their immediate safety, or' heiressential interests,
are seriously compromised by the.domesticaransactions of ano-
ther State." Nothing can be more. formal than this declara-
tion; and the British Secretary of Stati4Or Home Afikirs, Mr.
Peel, did not hesitate• to say, in one or the last sittings of the
House of Commons, that Austria had a right to interfere in
the affairs of Naples. If Austria had the right to go to Naples
to overthrow the Spanish Constitution, perhaps the right will
not be detlied to us of opposing that Constitution on its native
soil ivelien it places France in danger.
I hope, Gentlemen, that the example and the opinion of
England
,will no more be cited in opposition to us on the sub-
jert of interference, since I have destroyed those objections by
that very example and opinion. It is necessary now to prove
that we conic within the legal case of exception, and that our
essential interests are injured. Our essential interests are in-
jured in the first place by the state of suffering in which the
revolution keeps one part of our commerce. We are obliged
to maintain vessels of war in the American seas, which are in.
tested by plr'ates sprung from the anarchy of Spain. Many
of our merchant vcssela have' been plundered, and we have nut,
like England, the maritime force necessary to compel the
Cortes to indcninitY us for our losecia
Besides this, our provinces bordering upon Spain urgently
require the restoration df order on the other side of the Py-
renees. Since the month of June 1820 (and then war was not
expected) an Honourable Deputy has told this Chamber that
the Spanish revolution, in interrupting the communications
with France, diminished by one half the value of the lands in
the Department of the Landes. The commerce in mules alone
was of considerable value. The peewit of Rouergue, of
Haute-Avergne, of Haut-Limousin, of Poitou, often paid his
land tax with the produce of the sale of the mules ; anti as far
as Dauphine, all participated in this advantageous traffic.—
Our corn from the South flowed also into Spain, which paid
for it in piastres, from the negociatson of which there arose a
new source of profit. Our clothes found a vast market in the
Spanish Peninsula. The troubles which followed the military
Insurrection-in the Isle of Leon considerably diminished these
exchanges; and a Government would be culpable which would
allow a whole population to be ruined without protecting
Is it hoped that the civil wars will cease and leave the field
operi to our commerce ? Do not expect it ; nothing ends of it-
self in Spain—neither passions nor virtues.
Our Consuls threatened in their person-,.our vessels expelled
from the ports of Spain—our teerltori, three times violated—
are these essential interests compromisid ?
M. Do Groanoiv—lt is not a violation, but a passage.—
( Laughter.)
M. Da ettATEAUBRIAND in continuation—An Honourable
Deputy has thought that the only question before us related to
the little valley of Andorre, recognized as neutral ground by
treaties ; this valley in fact has also been traversed by the sol-
diers of 'Mina, but the French soil has not: been more respected.
Our territory. violated ! and how, and why ? To murder some
unfortunate wounded men of the Royalist army, who thought
they tnight die in peace in the neighbourhood, and as it were
under the shadow of our generous country. Their cries were
heard by our peasants, who in their cottages blessed the King
to whom we owe the happiness of being delivered front revo.
lutioos.
Our essential interests are again compromised by the very dr-
commence that we are obliged to have an Army of Observation
on the frontiers of Spain. How many days, months, years,
must we keep up this army ? This state of half hostility has
all the inconveniences without having the advantages of peace;
it presses on our finances—it unsettles the public mind—it ex-
poses the soldiers, too long unoccupied, to all aheseorruptions
of the agents' of discord. Do the partisans of peace at any price
wish, that, to obtain it, we should obey the d.eelaration of M.
San Migoel, and withdraw the Army of Observation ? Well,
let us five before the company of the hammer and the 'Lands-
burian bands, and let the remembrance of our weakness in the
brat military act of the Restoration be for ever united with the
memory of the return of begitimany. '
But why was the Army of Observation established? Why
did. we not leave Spain to consutne herself ? What neutrality I
What, if We were certain of security from the evils which de-
solate our neighbours, should we see them with indifference de-
stroynne another without attempting to interpose a generous
hand between them ? And if we were not sure of being re.
spe4curd, oiorlit we by our imprudence to have let the Spaniards
pour forth their quarrels into the midst of Mt—burn-our vil-
lettee---pillage our peasntry ? Would not the violation of our
territory be sufficient to justify the establishment of a cordon de
curets England herself has allowed the wisdom of this mea-
sure. In an official noteof his (;race the Duke of Wellington,
presented to the Congress of Verna, this passage is found :
In considering that a civil war is kindled along the whole enc.
tent of the frontiers which separate the two kingdoms, that ac-
tive armies operate on all the points of this frontier on the side
of France, and that there is not a town or a village placed on
this frontier, on the side of France, which is not in danger of
being insulted or disturbed ; no one could disapprove or the
precaution taken by his Most Christian Majesty in forming a
corps of observation for the pepteetion of his frontiers and the
tranquillity ofhis people."
A Note addreesed on the 11th-of January. last to the Charge
d'Affairee of his Most Christian Majesty in London, by his
Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, contains these words—‘' The Duke of Wellington did
not make any objection on the part of the King his Master
against the measures, of precaution taken by France on her own
frontiers, because those measures were evidently authorised by
her right of self-defence, not only against the dangers to health,
which were the origin of these measures, and the motive mitts
sitely alleged for them until the month of September, but also
against the evils which might result to France from civil troubles
in a country separated from her only by a conventional boun.

dart', against the moral contagion of political intrigues, and ,
finally against the violation of the French territory by casual
military excursions."
46- The moral contagion"--Dentletnen, it is not I Who use
this expression ; I avail myself of the assertion. I agree that
this moral contagion is the most terrible of all—that it is this,
above all, that compromises our essential interests. Who is
ignorant that the Revolutionists of Spain are in correspondence
with ours ? Have they not by Ilublie provocations endeavoured
to excite our soldiery to revolt ? Have they not threatened us
to send down the tri-coloured flag from the heights of the
Pyreonees to'bring back the son Of Buonaparte ? Do we not
know the designs, the plots, and the very names of the guilty
men escaped from justice, who venture to come to us under that
uniform of the brave, which must sit awkwardly on traitors ?
(Lively acclamations on the right, and 44 Silence" on the left.)
A Revolution which raises tip amongstus so many passions and
recollections would not compromise our essential interests 1-;-
This Revolution, it is said, is isolated, confined in the Penin-
sula—out of which it cannot go ; as if, in the state of civiliza-
tion to which the world is arrived, there were in Europe States
strangers to one another? Is not what happened recently at
Naples and Tut in a sufficient proof that the contagion can pass
the Pyrennees ? Was it not for the Constitution of the Cortes
that they wished to overthrow the Governments of those coun-
tries? And let us not even be told that the people wished for
that Constitution on account of its excellence :, it was so little
known at Naples that on adopting it they nominated a Commit-
tee to translate it.--( Laughter.)--It pawed away like all that is
not national—like all that is foreign to the manners of a people.
Born in the midst of ridicule, it perished in the midst of con-
tempt, between a Carbonaro :end an Austrian Us oporal,—
(Laughter.)
Vi'ith regard to foreign politics, our essential interests are no
less compromised. The President of the Council has already,
said to the Chamber of Peerathat we tW not seek in Spain for par-
ticular advantages, nor for the restoration of treaties which time

has destroyed : but we ought to desire an equality which would
leave us nothing to fear. If the Constitution of Cadiz remain'-
.

ed as it is, it would inevitably convert Spain into a republic.
Then we might-see alliances formed, relations created, which
in future wars would, considerably weaken our force. Before
the Revolution, France had only a single frontier to defend.
She was guarded on the South by the Mediterranean, on the
West by Spain, on the North by the Ocean, on the Bast by
Switzerland ; there only remained between the North and the
East r. ehortlinc studded with fortified places, and on which we
could always direct all our troops. Change this state of things;
be forced to observe your Western and Eastern frontiers, and
instantly the division of your -armies ohliges you, in order to
make head against the North, to sustain those efforts by which
States are exhausted. From this position of affairs, the.greatest
misfortunes might result. Yes, Gentlemen, I have good rea-
son for saying so--the greatest misfortunes. Let experience
instruct us! Through what countries did the armies pass
which invaded us ? Through Switzerland and Spain—that
Switzerland and Spain which the insensate ambition and false
policy of one man detached front our alliance. Let not a short-
sighted policy persuade us that we are unconcerned in the in-
novations of .Spain, and induce us. to expose the independence
of our posterity to the reaction which our errors may hereafter
cause.

I come, Gentlemen, to the'grand question of the Alliance,
and 'of the Congresses. This 'Alliance was, invented for the
servitude of the world ;'the tymts eqmbined together to con-
spire against the people; France at Veipna begged the assist-
once of Europe to destroy libetty ; at Verona our Plenipoten-
tiaries compromised dip hornan, and sold the Independence of
their country ; at Verona,the military occupation of Spain, nay,
of France herself; vfasi.esolved upon ; the Cossacks are hasten-
ing from their 404 ant: haunts to execute the high will of the
kings, who Eerie France to engage in an odious warefare, just
as the Ancients often forced their slaves to march to the
combat !

Here, Gentleman, I am obliged to make a great personal ef-
fort, in order to maintain in my answer that coolness and that
moderation which are necessary to preserve dignity of character.
ft is difficult, I own, to hear w►thout emotion such strange ac-
cusations brought against a recent Minister who commands re.
!wet front all that approach him. I have only one regret, and
it is very sincere, that you do not hear from the mouth of my
predecessor those explanations to which his virtues would
add a weight that I cannot flatter myself to give. lle has been
called in this Tribune the Duke of Verona. If it be on ac-
count of the esteem with which he has inspired all the So-
vereigns of Europe,' he well deserves to be so named ; it is a
new title of Nobility, in addition to all those befOre possessed
by the Montmoreneys.
-

As for my Noble Colleagues at thee Congress of Verona, to
defend them would be to insult them. A companion of the
exile of the King, a friend of his Royal Highness the Duke
de Berry, are above all suspicion of having betrayed the inte.
rests of their country. There remains then only myself. The
Chamber has no need of my apologies ; but 1 will dare to *ay,
that among; so mane Honourable Deputies there is not one
whom I will acknowledge to be a better Frenchman than my.
self.—( Lively expressions of approbation.)
I do not wish to recriminate ; yet I demand permission to
dwell fur a moment on one observation.
In reading the Journals holding opinions opposite to my
own, I see continual and certainly well merited eulogies on the
English Government. Good Frenchmen drop a hint that there
would be no great harm if England were to break her neutrality
and to take arms against their country ! In the cause of liberty
they forget, the abuse which they heaped upon this same England
not a twelvemonth ago, the caricatures which covered the Bou-
levards, the pamphlets with which they inundated Paris; and the
patriotism which they thought to display by insulting in the
grossest manner a few poor players from London. In their love
for revolutions they Seem to have fortten all their hatred of
the soldiers who were fortunate at Waterloo. They care not
what these men then did; provided that they now support the
Spanish Revolution against a Bourbon. On the other hand,
those Continental Allies, whose suffrages they formetly sought,
are isecorne the objects of their hatred. 'Why was not the com.
plaint of our loss of independence made when the foreigners
actually exercised so powerful an influence on. our lot ? When
foreign Ambassadors were consulted even on the choice of laws
to be presented to the two Chambers? We were then told that
Europe applauded the Ordonnance of the tith of September, that
Europe approves, the mannerin Which the Royalists are treated,
that Europe has declared, in her public acts, that she is satisfied
with the F ystem that has been followed; and in consideration of
that system she withdraws her soldiers and remits our contribu-
tions. Who was it, Gentlemen, thar protested at that epoch
against such an' abandonment of tie dignity of France? Could
it be those same individuals who are now charged with having
sacrificed that dignity at Verona ? If so, it would at least be
just to hear them before they are condemned, and not to eon.
elude precipitately that they have changed their interests and
their principles merely because other pervious have changed.
Gentlemen I must confess the truth. I arrived at the Con.
grew; with prejudices by no Means' favourable to that Assembly.
1 remembered the mistakes of Europe. Friend as I sincerely
am to public liberty and to the independence of nations, I had
been in some degree shaken by the calumnies which we still hear
daily repeated. What Was I compelled to see at Verona ?
Princes full of moderation and justice, Kings who are men of
integrity; and whom their subjects would gladly choose for
friends if they had them riot for Sovereigns. I wrote down,
Gentlemen, the very Words. which I heard from the lips of a
Prince, whose magnanimity my honourable antagonists, at an-
other epoch, were accustomed to praise, and whose favour they
at that time sought.
I ant very glad," said the Emperor Alexander to me one
day, " that yod are come to Verona order that you may
beer testimony to the, truth. Can you have believed that, ae our
enemies pay, the Alliance is only a pretext which serves to cover
ambitious views ? Perhaps this might have been true in the old
state of things, but in the present day, when the,civilaserl
world is in jeopardy, we cannot stoop to consider private in.
terests. Henceforward there can no longer be an English or
French policy, a Russian, Prussian, or Austrian policy; there
is only one general political system, which, for the good of ali,
!dust be admitted In common by Kings and People. It is my
part to chew myself the first convinced of those principles on
which I have (minded the Allience An opportunity to do so
has presented itself—the Grecian Insurrection. Certainly no.
thing could appear to be more entirely for my own interest, or
for that of my people, nor inure agreeable to the opinion of my
country, than a religious war against Turkey : but I thought I
saw, in the .troubles of the Peloponnesus, the revolutionary
stamp.. From that moment I abstained. • What efforts have not
been made to break the Alliance ? Attempts have been alter-
nately made to inspire me with prepossessions, and to wound
my self-love. Nay, I have been openly. abused. But they
knew me ill, who thought that my principles rested on vanity,
or could yield to resentment. No, will never separate from
the Menarche with whom I ern united, It may well be per.
niltted that Kings should have public alliances to defend them.
selves against secret societies. What is there to tempt nit ?
What need have I to extend my Empire ? Providence has not
placed 800,000 soldiers under my orders to satisfy my ambition,
but to protect religion, morality, and justice, and to support
those principles of order on which reposes human society.'
Such words Gentlemen,
In the mouth of such ,a Soverhign,
well deserves to be recorded : and I am happy to transmit them
to you, well amnia that they will excite In your minds the
same sentiments of admiration which they have done in mine—
Wu it possible that a Prince who held such language, could
the next moment contradict
thing which would conlni it by proposing to France any
le her independence and her hon-
our ? Moderation is the prevailing trait in the character of
Alexander. Can you then believe that he wishes for war tit, all
hazards, behalf of I know nut what divine right, and in
hatred to the liberty of nations ? Gentlemen, this is a corn.

plete error. At Verona all the discussions set out upon the
principle of Peace. At Verona the Allied P‘owers never spoke
of the war which they might wage against Spain • but they
believed that France, situated differently from themselves,
might be forced to undertake such a war. Did that persuasion
produce any treaties bardiensome or dishonourable to France ?
No. Was it even proposed that Frameahoulti give any foreign
troops a passage through her territory ? Never. What has been
the result then ? The result is, ,that France is one of the Five
Great Powers which compose the Alliance; that she will re-
main inviolably attachett to it ; and that in consequence of that
Alliance, which is already of eight years standing, she will find,
in cases foreseen and determined, a support which, far from
affecting
.her dignity, will only prove the high rank that she
occupies in Europe.
The error of my [lon. Opponents consists in confounding
independence with disconnection. Does a ration cease to be
free merely because she forms Treaties ? Is she constrained in
her march ; does she bend r.eck to a disgraceful yoke, be-
cause she has relations with Powers equal in force to herself; and
subjected to the conditions of a perfect reciprocity? What na-
tion was even without alliances in the midst of other nations ?
Is there a single example of such a circumstance in history ?
Is it wished to make the French people like the Jews separated
front all the rest of mankind ? The Government would have
exposed itself to much more serious reproaches if it had fore-
seen nothing, combined nothing, and it, in the case of a possi-
ble war, it had been so ignorant as not to know what part
other Powers would take. _ _

At a time when we had no arrriy—whe we reckoned for no-
thing among the States of the Continent—, men the petty Princes
of Itermany invaded our villages with impunity, and we dared
not complain of it—even then nobody said we were slaves. At
the present day, when our military resurrection astonishes
Europe—when we raise a voice which is listened to in the coun-
cils of Kings—when new conventions efface the remembrance
of the treaties with which we were compelled to expiate our
victories—at this day it is that we are said to be subjected to an
humiliating yoke ! Cast your eyes on Italy—See there another
effect of the Congress of Verona. Look at Piedmont, whose
evacuation will be complete in the month of October. Observe
the Kingdom of Naples, whence 17,000 men are withdrawn,
where the military contributionk has been lessened, and.which
would at this moment be totally evacuated, if it had reorgan-
ized its army.
Were we not told that Austria aspired to the entire domina-
tion of Italy ?—that the Congress of Laybach had consigned to
her that tine country ?—that, in short, all the Congresses were
invented only to extend oppression, and to smother the liberty
of nations under long military occupations? And yet scarcely
a year has elapsed when this ambitious Austria begins to restore
to their lawful Sovereigns the States which she has preserved
from Revolution

am tranquil as to the lot of my country. It is not at the
moment when France has recovered the arms which so
riously defended her independence, that 1 tremble for her
liberty.
I now pass, Gentlemen, to sonic objections of dalail.
In the Speech of the Crown there is a sentence which some
have blamed—" Let Ferdinand be free to give his people insti-
tutions, which they can only hold from hini." This is the
same objection which was raised against the word " °drive"
in the Charter, and it springs from the same principle. It is
denied that the source of Sovereignty is the Sovereign. We
were free to speak or not to speak of the Institutions which
might be given to Spain. If we had said nothing about them,
we should have been assailed with outcries that we wished to
make war for the re-establishment of the absolute King and
the Inquisition. But because it was just, generous, and politic
to speak of institutions, did it necessarily follow that we ought
to recognise the sovereignty of the people proclaimed in the
Spanish Constitution?_ Did it follow that we were bound to
. .

submit to two principles which would overturn the whole
frame of social order—the sovereignty of the people, and mi.
Mary insurrection? As to the shapeless mass of the Constitu.
don of the Cortes, it does not deserve the trouble of an exa-
ruination.
France, then, might well desire foeSpainin 1823,as England de-
sired for France in 1793, institutions more in to render her happy
and flourishing. But it is said, France for five years recog-
nized this Constitution of the Cortes, and why not continue to
recognize it now ? Several great Powers had Ambassadors at
Paris from 1799 till 1793: they saw with slam the commence.
silent of our Revolution ; but they hoped that sooner or later
reasonable men would be listenedto. When their hopes were
deceived—when they found their essential interests compro-
mised by the growing revolution—it became necessary for them
to withiliaw4 and to seek in the chances of war a safety which
they could no longer find in peace.
k ranee, Gentlemen, does not attempt to impose institutibns
on Spain. The Spanish national liberties repose sufficiently on
the ancient laws of the ancient Cortes of Arragon and Castile,
for the Spaniards to find in them at the same time a rediedy
for anarchy and despotism. It becomes, however, necessary to
be consistent; that while we do not reproach ourselves on the
one side for having the intention of supporting arbitrary Go.
vermnent in Spain, we do not, on the other side, entertain the
project of naturalizing the Charter. We cannot at the same
moment desire to maintain slavery and freedom.
I-will state fleinkly to yoti, Gentlemen, that France does not
desire to meddle with the political establishments of Spain. It
is for the Spaniards to know what is suitable to their state of
civilization : but I wish, with all my soul, that that great pete
1-ple may possess liberties proportioned to their manners, and in-
stitutions which may place their virtue beyond the dangers of
the variation of ..fortune and the caprices of man. Spaniards !
It is not your enemy who speaks—it is he who announced the
return of your noble destinies, when others supposed you with-
drawn for ever from the scenes of the world. You surpassed
my predictions—you • tore from Europe that yoke which the
most powerful people of Europe had not been able to break.—
You owe to France your misfortunes anti your glory. She
transmitted to you two scourges—Buonaparte and the Re-
volution; deliver yourself from the second in the same manner
as you repelled the first.
Allow me; Gentlemen, to repel the comparison which some
have attempted to form between the invasion of Buonaparte and
that which France is now compelled to—between a Bourbon
proceeding to the deliverance of a Bourbon. and the Usurper,
who, having by unexampled treachery, obtained the person of a
Bourbon, seized hie crown—between a conqueror marching to
destroy the altar, to massacre the religious, to exile the Priests,
to overturn the Constitution of the country, and a descendant of
St. Louis, who goes forward to protect every thing which is sa-
cred among men, and who himself, once among the proscribed,
now endeareprs to make proscription cease.
Buonsparte could not meet with friends among the subjects
of a Bourbon-1n the country where reside the descendants of
the Hero of Castile ; but we have neither assassinated the last of
Condes nor exhumated the Cid ; and those arms once raised
against Buonapare will combat for us.
I should have wished that less bitterness had been used in
speaking of those Spanish Royalists who row support the cause
of Ferdinand. I recollect that I was once banished as they are,
that I was unfortunate as they are now—
Several Members on the left, and M. Girarin in particular,
excleimed,—", You altar served him whom you now call an
Usurper !" Another cried out—a' You too sacrificed to Baal !"
Members on the right replied--" Call those interrupters to
order."
The PRESIDENT--I beg that the ride of the Chamber from
which those murmurs are heard to recollect, that there was no
interruption to the speakers from its benches; it ought to be
reciprocally attentive.
Al. tie CHAUVELY):—.I'hey are but simple reflections.
The PRESIDENT—Thbae reflections are exactly what dis-
turb order ; they ought to be abstained from.
M. de (II RAIMIN —The Mini-4er for Foreign Affairs has,
like many others, been in the service of Naeolton. He wee 'his
Minister Plenipotentiary at la Valais.—(Loud cries of Order
from the right side.)
11. dg CIIALEAUSIRIANn, with dignity—Yee, Gentlemen,
I did fulfil the duties of a Diplomatist under Naeoleon but it
was before the Duke trEngitien was assassinated.(refariot of
ailbeesion on the right. Several Members cried out,—M. de
Chateaubriand then gave in his resignation.)
Al. de CHATEAU BRAND continued—lt is difficult for me to
prefer to the Barnet d'Eroles, esteemed as he is by his very ene-
mies, soldiers who have rested their bayonet. even on the heart
of their King, to prove to him their devotion and fidelity.
recollectionpellcutitngwiy
Lreuccalc.utopationtf S ain
ipthabty Bti Mestaong: is stosteth?e SLseolleae hat
monument s
monument of derision and of servitude accuse me ? I too was
acquainted with it, and I should have desired not to make allu-
sion to it from,* fear of wounding the feelings of those who are
now adverse to war, and who yet silently followed in the train
of war, when the Senate declared that the invasion of Buono.-
parte was just and politic.
Let us not be confounded by declamation or by threats. If
we were now opposed to war by those men whose opinions are
honou.rable, we might hesitate; but when all the revolutionists
of Europe with one accord vociferate peace—
Ai. VOY.—Votifernte peace ! That's a new expression.
M. tie CllAAEAUnnratene—They evidently feel that they are
compromised in 'Spain t they are afraid they will be driven
front their last asylum ; and they who pretend to pity us for
the evils which the war will create, fear much more our success
than our reverses.
As to Ministers, Gentlemen, the Speech from the Throne has
chalked out the line of duty for them : they will not cease to
desire peace,.to invoke it with all their hearts, to bear every
proposition consistent with the honour and safety of France;
fus,relinquishasrmwoisnore
ueersainsap
an situationutlus,
but Ferdinan'ti musts be free. France must at all hazards
iihniteoiwnmhwimchaor.nawhLeeithscoumuislidnuotnhsoeftrurgbwtatetrstiper,thishas
itwthithe
its ineone
sentences and
hitsavdeanegreaersve,l an am
it willpro;ltLe
u ans niutt
willen hseaadvue easn.ustage
to.

. . ,
stated us in our old military rank among nations: it will hal`
decided our emancipation and re-establiihed our independer.ce.
—Therejs perhaps yet something wanting for the complete re-
conciliation of the French : it. will be completed under the ten..
companions in arms are soon friends, and all recollectionsPl4'=ie e:
the past are lost in the thoughts of mutual glory.--(P
on the risht.)
The King, the King so wise, so like a father, so pacific,l3o
sPoken—he has considered that the security of France and the
dignity of his Crown rendered incumbent on hint the flatlet
having recourse
hintself
vtoalaiarnnitsassinicieenhriis corti,i.ncils have been unveiling.
The King has desired that 100,000 soldiers shoula aoemble un-
der the orders of that Prince, who at the pa.ssage of la PrOnil
sous confidence, has intrusted the eaiellioef Kthineg‘'‘hviitthe Fla
officers who have caused the triumph of other colours. Tr/
will teach it to proceed on the road to victury—it has Wirer ar'
gotten that of honour.—(Warrn and unanimous applause.)