The Sun.
London, England, 1840-09-15 00:00:00

E MING EDITION,

nontmously, but prepared with much care and atten
tion. This abstract omits much of the evidence that is
considered to have no relation to the allegations of the
petition of the East India Ccmpany, from which the
investigation originated, and to tend rather to embarrass
the real' questions at issue than to illustrate them. On
those questions it is full and explicirt, and presents within
the compass of a hundred pages, in a condensed and
easily accessible form, the whole amount of information
contained in ant of these. unwieldy blue-covered folios
which Parliament sends forth in such abundance,
to be consigned to oblivion or employed as waste paper.
The evidence before the Commons is more ample
than that given before the Lords on the British re
lations with native States, and this branch of the sub-
ject is of importance to demand extended illustration.
in India there are certain native States which are nomi-
nally independent of the British Gevernment for pur-
poses of internal administration, but which are avowedly
dependent and subordinate in regard to all questions of
external policy, and practically in various degrees and
under various relations even in regard to internal admi-
nistration. With special reference to time coffee of the
State of Mysore, the question has arisen how the pro-
ducts of all those States are to be regarded. Are
they to be treated as the products of British pus-
sessions or of foreign countries ? If the former, then.
in the case of Mysore coffee. the duty to which it is
subject is 6d. per lb. ; and, if the latter, then the
duty is 9d. per lb.; and so in other cases that may
arise, the difference of duty will be such as essen-
tially to affect the productive industry of the native
States. tbe comfort and well-being of the people,
as well as the resources of the native Governments.
In order to pronounce upon this question, it is in-
dispensable to have a clear conception of the position of
the British in India. England has in various ways
conquered or acquired extensive and populous countries
and provinces, which she has brought under her direct
and absolute dominion, and which are dovetailed and
interlaced with other countries and provinces still in
name and forrn subject to the authority of native Princes,
rand constituting the native States to which reference has
been made. To concede to those States perfect and un-
qualified independence would be to open the door to com-
bination from within and to invasion from without, di-
rected against British authority ; and hence the relation
in which they stand and agree to stand to the British
Government is that of subsidiary, protected, or tributary
States to a paramount power, whose will is law, whose
supremacy is universally acknowledged, and which is
equally able and ready, when necessary, to repress the
strong and to protect the weak. The British territories,
.strictly so called, do not form one political system in
India, and the native States another ; but both toge-
ther constitute one political system, the supreme autho-
rity of which is vested in the head of the British Indian ,
Government, who wields the power of the entire system,
and watches over the general peace. If any State were
assailed from without, the paramount Power would in-
stantly appear in its defence, as if itself attacked. If
internal insurrection and anarchy arose, the paramount
"Power would interfere to introduce law and order. If
the British territories were exposed to external invasion,
the paramount Power would not hesitate to avail itself
of all the resources of the native States, less restrained
in its demangs by the terms of treaties than by the exi-
gencies of the oswasion and by a sense of justice ; while
even in times of puce its control over the internal admi-
nistration of those Stakes is limited or extended by the
same considerations. It foifows by the clearest and strictest
construction of international law, that those native
States are British territories and possessions, and as such
their products arc entitled to all the advantages in
British ports which the products of British possessions
can claim. It they are not British territories and pos-
sessions, we request to be informed what they are.
There is only one other thing they can be, that is, fo-
reign countries, and if foreign countries, let us withdraw
our trooos from their limits, let us beware of exercising
criminal jurisdiction within those limits, let them watch
mover own internal peace and external safety, let them
no longer be required to relinquish political relations
with all other States, to hold no communication with
each other except through the British Government,
and to submit all their disputes to its arbitration
and adjustment. When all this is done, the conse-
quences will be various and important. We shall
.soon discover bow essentially conservative of our
Indian empire are the relations that have been
established with those native states, and how frail
is he tenure of our poser without the support they
supply. They will not only have the power and the
will to i:npose import duties upon British produce and
m.mufactutes whets brought into their own territories,
and export duties on their own produce when carried
out ; but they' will also have the power and the will
to form independent commercial treaties with each
other, and with foreign Asiatic, European, and Ame-
rican Governments, giving them superior advantages
to those which are granted to us. Nor would their
negotiations be limited to commercial treaties either
amongst themselves or with foreign Governments.
'Trey would have independent political relations
aizo ; and the object of every political combi-
nation laud connexion at home or abroad would be
ono, and one only—time overthrow of British supre-
macy, in short, such a loosening of the native States.
as we hate su ?posed, from their allegiance to the Bri-
tish Government as paramount and supreme, would be
a voluntary abnegation of our Indian empire, and we
have supposed this case solely for the purpose of show-
ing by a reductio ad absurdum that time opposite is the
only tenable ground that can be taken. The native
States of India are either British possessions or foreign
.countries. They are not, and cannot be permitted to
be, considered or treated by themselves or by others as
foreign countries. They are, therefore, British posses-
sioar, although they arc such under certain anomalous
circumstances, arising from the anomalous character of
our pov'er in India ; and, being such, their prodncts are
entitled to free access to our ports as the products of
British possessions.
( Frees the Morning Advertiser.)
The Parliamentary Reform Association, which was
lately formed at Leeds, begins to excite attention. To
the first general meeting of this Association we have
already adverted ; and, in doing so, took occasion to
m-ereecify the leading objects which it coetemplates. The
Association promises to be productive of greet good—it
promises to give a new impetus to the cause of !siberal-
ism. There can be no question that the Leeds Asso-
ciation will be forthwith followed by the formation of
einnlareissociarions in all the great towns in the country.
And here l-t us whisper to the movement party, that
they should not only lose no time in proceeding to the
organiz,ition of Reform Associations ; but that they
ought to be careful that the principles on which their
bocieties are based combine the qualities of the requisite
liberality and an enlightened judgment. We have seen
association after association fall to pieces without
achieving a particle of good, simply because it was too
timid or moderate in the principles on which it was
founded. 04 the other hand, we have seen a world of
mischief produced by associations aiming at the accent-
-Itisknent of the best and most commendable object=,
merely bec4u,e the means employed were of an injudi-
cious and impracticable nature. To unite liberality of
,object, therefore, with the use of these means which a
won() judgment would suggest, is of vital importance
in the formation of those Reform Associations which
may, now that Leeds has nobly set the example, be ex-
p. :zeal immediately to spring up in all the populous
,towns and cities of the Imnd. In the future efforts
nimich will be made to achieve a reform of our " Re-
tained" Parliament, there is one grand wirer which
the friends of freedom ought most sedulously to
guard against. We allude to that of one section
.of the movement party, not only detaching them-
velvt.s from the other sections, but actually interposing
every obstacle in their power to the accomplishaient
of any good whatever by the latter, merely because
they do not happen to go the same lcugth in their
y,ewe and plans as those who thus seek to annoy and
defeat them. Need we say that we particularly
ss'ilude to the Chartists, and the attempts they are in
the habit of making to frustrate the efforts of the adeo-
eates of cheap bread, simply because the latter do not
tee it right or expedient to identify themselves with the
Charter. We trust that the Chartists have at last
begun to discern thy supreme folly of this game, and
that we shall not be doomed to endure the mortificatiou
of a repetition of it. It is the wildest and most irra-
tional thing is the world fur the Chartists to take their
stand on extreme points, and to resolve not to aces pt
any amount of reform unless they gielt the whole of it.
What they ought to do is to take a
at
they
Peen try to obtain the remainder. The Chartists nrteisats clamour,gte, a
nd
i.'hr example, for universal suffrage. Now there is not
Ole most slender probability of their obtaining h
present, or for some time. They ought,h tat. ,
to
petition and agitate for household suffrage, which there
ie a probability of obtaining. Has it never occurred to
ehe advocates of universal suffrage, that if we had
once obtained household suffrage they would be in a
better condition for wringing unit ersal suffrage from the
Legislature ? At the meeting of the Leeds Associa-
eion, Mr. Middleton made some pertinent remarks on
vas subject. He said—
," J believe with our friend Colonel Thompson, that uni-
versal eoffrage is the only thing that has univerblesal ho
t,•exsty
in it ; but I do not expect, nor can any
reasena man e-
pect, we shall be able to obtain universal suffrage at one
gram,. It therefore becomes a most important question, what
extension of suffrage we can obtain ? Now, Ito feel certs
cor_in,
if we form ourselves into a union, and worktogether
Oially, we shall be able to obtain household suffrage, and
that very speedily. Now, I will ask my friends who go along
suite lee to universal suffrage, will household suffrage be an
advatnage, or a boon, or will it not' If it be not a boon, than
I vsou;'d say, would not waste my time in obtaining it;
but it will be a boon, and such a boon as Englishmen
have sel.iom enjoyed ; and by opposing the agitation for
household suffrage now, we shall be placing ourselves in
the situation of some of the Chartists, who foolishly op-
posed
the
the agitation for the repeal of the Corn-laws, be-
cause
Sir,haihnot obtained their own peculiar measures.
N I say,let go forward with our friends for
household suffrage ; when we have. obtained that, if they
we
will not go on with us, trust bid theta good bye, and
struggle'on with ourselves ' •
the
if they again wish to unite
with us we will give themrmght band of fellowship,
,lift them over the wall, and be delighted to hear their voices
pingle with ours in the great victory."
This is the only sound rational way of viewing the I