The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-17 00:00:00

with an intrepidity that our deference for his position—
not for himself—alone prevents us from designating by
another epithet. . . . . With the same happy
co,nfusion of ideas, M. Thiers afterwards speaks of
the " double existence" of Turkey and Egypt as the
integrity of the Ottoman dominions, and follows up this
proposition by declaring that " the deposition of the
Viceroy, if put in force, will be, in the opinion of
France, a blow given to the general equilibrium."
Fortunately the French Minister " confines himself to
the declaration" that his Court " cannot consent to the

carrying into execution of the act of deposition pro.
nounced at Constantinople." What the Cabinet of
Paris may hereafter do on this point does not appear ;
but one thing—the only portion of the whole note to
which we can pay the compliment—is perfectly clear :
France will now be satisfied if Egypt alone be left to
Mehemet Ali. This ought, in common honesty, to
have been declared at an earlier stage of the ne-

gotiations. The insincerity of the suppression lays a
frightful responsibility on M. Thiers. It has already
excited feelings of the greatest exacerbation through•
out Europe, and may even yet lead to a general war.
This is an instance of remarkable self-denial on
the part of France, if we are to place confidence
in the repeated assurance of M. Thiers, that several
of the Allied Powers have already expressed their dis-
approbation of the measure adopted by the Sultan.
It is true that, when we come to particulars, the
"several," like the men: in buckram suits, dwindle
down considerably ; and it appears at last that Count
d'Appony verbally, and Lord Palmerston in a diplo-
matic note, have declared their dissent from the act
of the Sultan. With such a concurrence by Austria
and England, we wonder M. Thiers "confines himself
for the present to withholding his consent " from the dis-
missal of Mehemet Ali ; and Europe must therefore feel
thankful to him for his moderation. But perhaps there is a
reason for this abstinence ; perhaps there is some mistake
about the declaration of the Austrian and British Mi-
nisters. We confess we have seen so much of the pe-
culiar talent of M. Thiers for misapprehension of facts
—to use the gentlest expression—that we should like
some better authority than his ipse dixit. If they have
said what he attributes to them, they have shown them-
selves totally ignorant of the law of nations, and palpa-
bly unfit for the high positions they hold. In noticing
the several parts of this production of M. Thiers, we
have, in fact, conveyed our opinion of it as a whole. It
may be briefly described as a collection of inconsequent
and contradictory inferences, drawn from absurd and un-
supported assumptions.
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
M. Thiers is unquestionably a very clever man, and
his admirers say a great statesman ; and we suppose, as
he claims to represent the interests of the revolution,
he deems it necessary to depart from the old usages of
cabinets. The note of the Bth of October, addressed by
him to M. Guizot, which our readers will find in ano-
ther column) may serve to illustrate our meaning. Be•
fore that note could have been in the hands of the
gentleman commissioned to bear it to its nominal desti-
notion, it must have been already in the hands of his
faithful Achatcs, Mr. Urquhart, his channel of com-
munication with that portion of the English press
which lends itself to the abuse which the last-
❑arned gentleman so lavishly showers on Lord Pal-
merston. Bat after all, M. Tillers is not in 1/4.ceping
in his innovations. It is o❑ the principle, no doubt.
that a nation is entitled to an immediate knovdcdp,-,

of all that its servants transact in its behalf, that M.
Tillers communicates his notes to the press before they
reach their nominal Lstination. We can have nothin,,;

to say to this, only we would suggest that, to be co
sistent with his principle, he might have published the
note first in the Paris journals, and sent a copy of one
of the journals to M. Guizot. If the innovation be ad-
visable, we do not see the necessity of ever adopting the
circuitous channel of an English journal. With re•
spect to the note itself, as well as the memorandum of
the B], the English Government have cert-dnly no retie
son to complain of them. Teey telly vindicate Lori
Palmerston from the charge of having deserted
French. The general feeling yesterday certainly we,
that the note was of a pacifie complexion. M. 'Prier-
takes a just view of the deposition of Mehemet Ali to
Viceroy of Egypt, and refers with satisfaction to the
communications of several of the Allied Courts or;
that subject. It will no doubt depend on Mehenite
Al himself whether or not the ban against him b..
removed. But while we say this, we are bound to
that if Mehemet Ali, presuming on the tterteiaty of
tenure of Egypt, avail himself of its resources to defea.
the object of the treaty of the kith July, it may not b
so certain that the forfeiture will be removed. In tact
to proclaim that, whatever happen, he is sure of Egypt
is to offer the strongest encouraeement to protract the
strife, and to add mint cessarily to the calamities of war.
If Mehemet Ali knew that at the worst he can only lose
Syrie, he may make the most desperate efforts to pre-
vent the realization of that event, and may even con-
tinue his operations in one quarter or other long after
all hopes of success are at an end. It may be
among the difficulties of the, position of M. Thiers
that he is obliged to appear to do something to keep
his very inflammable .countrymen in, good humour ;
but it cannot be questioned that hale at the same time
affording oncouragernent..to tho .Paelia,to•persiat in his
evil courses. But be this as it may, the general tenor
of the note is certainly pacific. " The question," he
says, " with respect to the limits which ought to be es-
tablished in Syria, in order to divide the possessions of
tile Sultan from those of the Viceroy of Egypt, might
with safety be left to the chances of the war now actualiy
in progress ; but France cannot prevail upon herself to
abandon to such a chance the existence of i'vlelicii3t
Ali as a Prince-vassal of the empire. Whatever terri-
torial limits may ultimately separate the two
Powers by the fortune of war, • their con-
tinued double existence is necessary to Europe,
and France cannot admit the suppression either of
the one or of the other. Disposed as she is to enter
upon and take part in every acceptable arrangement
which shall have for its basis the double guarantee of
the existence of the Sultan and that of the Viceroy of.
Egypt, she confines herself at present to the declare.,
tion on her part that she cannot consent to the carrying
into execution of the act of deposition pronounced at
Constantinople." This, of course, limits in a great
measure, the difficulty to the decheance. It is true,
the declaration of guarantee for Egypt has a tendency
to protract the war unnecessarily in Syria ; and the •
necessity of a Prince-vassal in Egypt to keep the Rus-
sians out of Constantinople is not apparent to ordinary
understandings ; but, upon the whole, the difficulties in
the way of preserving peace seem to be greatly dimi-
nished by this note of M. Thiers.
( From. the Morning Advertiser.)
Nothwithstanding the excitement which has been
produced in France and England, and, we have no
doubt, in most countries in Europe, by the reply of M.
Thiers to the- far-sigheeks.nd truly statesman-like in-
structive statement to the tritisti-Charge d'Affairse of
Lord Palmerston, there is really nothing in the docu-
ment put forth by the French Minister which, in itself,
and for any meaning that it conveys, is deserving of
a single word of commentary. What M. Thiers may
wish to conceal by this darkening of counsel with
words without knowledge, we pretend not in the mean-
. time to say, though the truth may come out, and
may show that this foam of words is set forth to cover
it
some' icli just
t othe
most i cinpl
the anguish felt at the defeating of a project of oriental
ambition, as old as the days of Napoleon, if not
nmouvcehwo!
must reserve,
important—and,
t This,
becauseow weev er
involveso
,is a points most
unprincipled which
may
add, d, m
policy; and such being the case,
projeots and crooked
we cannot enter into the full investigation of it, until
time, the grand interpreter of the maelnnations of de-
signing men, shall reveal the facts. Why M. Thiers
should have put forth this most ambiguous and most
unmeaning document, is a question which can be best
answered by himself. He was aware of every step
taken in the progress of the arrangements by the Four
Powers for preserving the integrity of the Otto-
man empire ; and he himself, or that Government
Of which he is the organ, were, up to almost
the last moment, parties, and concurring parties,
to the main principle of the treaty of July 15, and to
all the . proposals of the other four great European
Powers, as also to the views and resolves of the Sub-
lime Porte itself. The inference from this is as clear,
and as impossible not to be drawn by every man of
common sense, as an inference can be .—the Four
Powers have held steadily and consistently the tenour
of their way, in conformity with • the political justice of
the case—they have not deserted France, or thwarted
her declared views upon any one point connected with
the avowed purpose of the league. France, however,
has deserted them—she has detached herself from a
cause in which she once professed to be hearty. She
has done this without adducing any reasons which are
at all consistent with the usual line of honest and
straight-forward diplomacy.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
(From the Globe.)
We insert elsewhere some particulars of the proceed-
ings of the select little Urquhart party, and an account
of the still more select nature of toe constittten9 of
that party in Birmingham. The three tailors in 'Coo-
ley.straet who proclaimed—" We, the People of Eti.l_;-
land !"—have found no unworthy successors in Messrs.
C. Atti,vood, Cardo, and Cargill. Little David, in
his Cave of Adullam, at the Hotel Bristol, has no great
reason to flatter himself with the mighty assemblage,
consisting, according to Scripture, of " every man who
was discontented, evtry nura who was i;i debt," &e,
who join his confederacy. The attitude of M.
Barrot, in receiviag this ragged regiment of " great
PlnP°tel from the People of England, ay
apepeliirs'tubillrie m
m eslor otherwise—according to French
or English judgment. The delegates got rather
hustled, however, off their hobby by M. Bar-
rat's cool style of condemning
all British States-
men, whether past or present, for their alleged
systematic predilection _s for Russian policy. It W''s
very hard to have tkcir theory of Russian corrup-
tion of our Foreign Minister, which they had tak,n
so much troul;le to import into France (havic:g
set aside so unceremoniously for
failed in Eagia4,
ono sti;i more sweep.mg, of French g,rov. tb, and
which did not at all answer the particular pur-