The Sun.
London, England, 1815-09-02 00:00:00

TRENCH; PAPERS.

The Marshal duc de !Whine, who has lately
given proofs of the most noble fidelity, Ana of un-
boo-tided devotedness, has 'addressed to the Elec-
tors of the Department of the Loivand Cher, Over
whom he presided, a Speech, which has mule a
deep impression, and in which we have remarked
the following passage :—,
"The violences of..th,se revolutions which have ennenl;ed
France, form a motive srldiciently 'powerful for removing
from all public functions those furious madmen who were
their authors. Let us hope that they will be placed in a
situation in which threwill utterly he unable to renew them.
Let us even entertain the fartherhope that returning to more
moderate sentiments they will sincerely unite themselves to
good Frenchmen to support by their union the sauce of the
throne and the conntrv. Brit until they have abjw-ed the de-
plorable errors which have misled them, till they lace become
Sensible that the misfortunes with which France kat present
loaded were the fruits of their Mind madness; in fine, till
convinced of. the enormity of their guilt, they have tr stifled
their repentance by a condect which jnstifies it; let its never
think of thin], hut for the purpose of invoking their return
to the virtues of a citizen. The Electoral Colleges of all the
Departments of the kingdom are at this, moment met to fulfil
the highest offices, to give legislators to.their country. May
Irovidence direct their choice and inspire the new deputies of
the French people with that ardent love for the common
wealth which so eminently distinguishes our good King, and
which alone czin second the paternal intentions of his Ma-
jesty."—Journal des Debals.

SPEECH OF VISCOUNT CHATEAUBRIAND AT THE

OPENING OF THE'ELECTOIIAL COLLEGE• AT OH-

LE %NS.

" GENTLEMEN,-When Louis XVI. of sacred
and lamented memory, assembled the States-Ge-
neral, be wished to remedy an evil which France
at that time conceived insupportable, but which
we, at this day, since experience has rendered us
better judges of adversity, regard as very insigni-
ficant. After the manner of unskilful physicians,
we have converted a slight sore into an incurable
distemFer. The, Constituent Assembly was dis-
tinguished for wise intentions, Ina the times hur-
ried it along. Possessing less talent, but more
boldness, the legislative assembly attacked the
'monarchy itself,• which the convention succeeded
in overthrowing. The two councils were deStroyw
red by their own very factions. Under the tyrant
the people were silent, they only recovered their
voice under their legitimate monarch. On the re-
turn ,of Jitionaparte the convention seemed to start
up with him from the tomb ; the two phantoms
have vanished into the abyss together, lehving as
an evidence of their apparition innumerable ca-
lamit!ts, end 600,000 foreigners on the soil of
France. .

" Gentlemen, if we. reflect' only upon the re-
sults Of tl ()se Assemblies, w:e may feel discou-
ragement', but our errors ouglit to instruct us;
the moment is arrived when we may employ, for
the consolidation of the 11.1emarchy that same po-
pular force which was the ioistrument of its over-
throw ; Meyer were the deputies of the nation as-
semblud in circumstances more weighty. The
King himself has reminded us of the importance
of !hose functions which they will be called upon
tei discharge, by drawing the people more closely
to the Throne, by honouring several Electoral Col-
leges with the. patronage of the Princes of his

'`‘ But we must not disguise the fact, Gentle-
men, that every thing depends upon ,the choice
svhich France shall now tuake. Europe watches
this, our last experiment. She has come (if I
may he permitted the expression), to place her Self
in the midst of us, and to be present at the forma-
tion of those resolutions by which her repose its
‘veil as ours will be derided. The French. people
is going to behold Kings seated in the halls of its
Councils. After having judged the Princes of
the earth, it will be judged by them in its turn.
The point of interest will be to know it we are
'to Ire declared incapable of fixing those institu-
tions :which we sought through so Many storms,
if our successes are to be revrded as the sport
of fortune, and our calamities a deserved punish-
ment ; or, if confining ourselves within a regu-
lated freedom, we are to preserve the lustre of our
glory, and the dignity of our misfortunes.
" WhAt must we do. Gentlemen, to attain this
last object A thing very easy ; eve must choose
the good, .remove the wicked ; destroy the debt-
that spirit, talent, and energy are monopo-
lized by those who have tailed in their duties, and
that he alone is clever who is perverse. Let
France call to her assistance good,men and France
shall be saved. Europe will trot feel itself cow-
nletely at ease till it shall hear our orators, too
long bewildered hi gloomy doctrines profess those
principles" of justice and religion, which are the
basis of all society, and we ourselves shall not re-
gain our weight in the political balance till we re-
sume our rank in the moral system:.

"-Permit me, Gentlemen, to address you with
the frankness of the country where I was.•bor» ;
this is not the time to observe a delicacy which
might be fatal. Unquestionably we must e':tin-,
tliSh division, we must cicatrise wounds, we must
throw over the failings of our brethren the veil
of Christian charity, forbid ail indulgence in re-
proaches; recrimination and vengeance, and after
the example of our King, pardon the injuries
vvliich we have suffered. But, Gentlemen, there
is a wide space between this necessary indul-
gence and that criminal impartiality, which being
obliged to choose, would select the objects of its
choice from the good 'and the .bad alike, and
make no distinction between principles and opi-
tions, actions and words.
If in the ultimate result it were the same thing
to have committed or not to have- committed
crime, to have kept or violated an oath if when
the storm is Over, we offer the same treatment to
him who has.exeited and him who has allayed it
if buth'enjoy the same degree of cotifidelices and
share equally in the same dignities and honours,
would not the men of integrity be discouraged ?
Let ns not make tlitt path of duty so revolting.•
Are we anxious to repir, the disasters of
country ? Let us not allow•those who profit .by
0,„ reverses, to persist in calling virtue the pro-
a scornful expiession, which
fessirm of a dupe,
somtii,,tes
„seal,,,s its the lassitude of misfor-
tune, as well as in the ity;olence of prosperity...—.
Let ii4,lteap upon Clis virtue the treasures of our
esteem and our favours—if tv ill restore our gifts
with usury. To overlook in our kindness the ar-
tificers of our troubles is onlV justice. 'Justice is
not reaction, neglect is not vengeance. 4 luau
tutt•t not think himself punished hecause he is not
rewarded for the crimes he has committed', Do

, .
thtrio. (leset'Ve OM- sartigC3 sajlt6 t ave tO:lttetcd
within the %rails oloar cities .fureigners whom the
arms of our ancestors. atresred at the gatcs %
Nevertlieless,if s:fc't men until! be fonint among
yon, ..Fon would ivikncss them presenting th..m-
-' selves as candidate's, and even with an unembar-
rassed countenance Soliciting your -s(ipport,—fOr
this age vise has actinio eel (he candour of virtue,
and corruption the Simplicity ofinnocenee. Bolt
thanks to the excellent s-plrit of this Depa-rt went,
yon will not, Gentlemen, be i•educed, (0 make
those painful distinctions; among your members
we behold only devoted subjects of their
Already the Colleges of the Arronditse;nenl present
to your 'choice scandidateSYas distinguished for
their talents as for their intrepid condnet and their
noble character. IlapPy eMbarrassnient of
abundance where the only regret felt arises from
not being able to nominate all, to choose all !
Fidelity to the throne of St. Louis is among the
Orleanoik an hereditary virtue ; they .preserved
their xamparts for Charles the., Victorious, as they
have their hearts for Louis the Desired. 'Who.is
ignorant, Gentlemen, that your city, during our
eicil storms, was -the refuge of all persecuted
Ftenehonen ? The fugitive priest found here an
altar, the servant of the King an asylum in which
they might worship their . God, or lament, their
master. NVere not you likewise the first who
demanded the liberation of that illoFtrions orphan
who is now the pride and the glory of France.
As for myself, Gentlemen, I shall always re-
gard the day in which was raised,to the honour
of presiding over Our electoral college as ones of
the happiest of my life. Th: King. who registers
the zeal of his faithful subjects, has by•this dis-
tinction overpaid my feeble services. I have, how-
ever:some title to your indulgence, for I believe
that thei-e does not exist a man who can more ea-
sily than myself enter into your sentiments', or
who can better appreciate your loyalty. Like
yourselves, I would surrender my life a thousand
times for the best of Princes ; and my heart has
always beaten, my eyes have always overflowed
with tears, at the cry (if love and safety, at the
French cry of Vice le Roi I" , •

FRENCH i'EERAGE.

(From the Journal dLs Debuts.)

In pointing out the importance of the last de-
velopement which the .King has given to a part of
the Constitutional Act by his Ordinance for ren-
dering the Peerage hereditary, the announced a
wish, on which we did not sufficiently in-ist, of
at last seeing, as soon as circumstances should
permit, the Constitution fulfilling all our-hopes,
and operating completely as a whole. We can-
not be accused of too much eagerness in express-
ing this wish, since one and ,the same sentiment
now unites the majority of the French to their le-
gitimate Monarch, and since their accordance, ern
so essential a principle, renders them worthy
of all the•benefits which the new order of'thing;
promotes: besides no wish, ~Avltieh consists-of a
call for a definitive settlement, can appear preci-
pitate, after twenty-six years .of revolution. If
we are not ripe lot the destiny which awaits ns,
when-shall we—when can we hope to be so ?
kihall we not lie cuticle(' to regard ourselv'e.3 still'
in revolution, while the movement which has so'
long agitated us does not give place to that -repose
and stability which can alon,resttlt from the full
and perfect exec..tion of an invariable system of
laws ? Does not the granting the enjoyment of
it part of that system, and the denial-of another
imply that men's minds are supposed not to he
completely cure of. the revolutionary mania ? Is
not this in some measure arbitrarily prolonging
their convalescence ? Is it not st;crificing real
and positive good to a s‘ippasitihti which may be
chimerical, and which may he stipposed interested ?
, For twenty years we have heat d of nothing but
constitutions, and for twenty years no constitu-
tional system has been estahlisheit7among
Many constitutions have been formed on paper,
but stone have been put in practice. The work of
the Constituent Assembly was as soon destroyed
as made. The •Legislative Assembly laboured
only.to undermine and overthrow. The Conven-
tion drew up a constitution-which it •hastened to
deposit in an archive which became its tomb; and•
for which the despotism of its Committees was
substituted. The constitution of the year 111.
had scarce begun to make us feel the advantages
of a sort of regular government when it was an 7 -
nulled by the tyrannical violence of the Directory.
Buonaparte seemed only to collect togethet all the
preceding constitutions, and to rest on the bundle
thus formed, iu order that he might the better
annihilate the whole. In fine, it. has constaAtly
been the practice to talk to the nation of her rights,
and to seek for pretexts to rob her of them.
. One essential basis was doubtless wanting to
these edifices, all raised on the same foundation,
namely, the legitimacy of the principal authority.
'ithout that basis there is nothing. solid, and we
cannot therefore be surprised that constructions
in which it did not exist should so soon fall' to
pirces, or should not be capable of supporting
themselves even for a moment, With it every
constitution may be, good and durable ; but the
best composed, the best adapted, and most per-
fect constitutional act, will only exhibit the in-.
conveniences of a defective government, if it be
not carried into execution as a whole, and if all
its springs_do not act together and at the same
time. Indeed the more wisely it has been planned.
the greater will be the relation of the different
parts to each other, and the more therefore will
the defect of harmony be felt, when the action
of souse of those parts is stopped or interrupted.
It may be added that the action of the other
parts will then be purely illusory, for in the re-'
ciprocal deyendence which unites them all and di-
rects them to one. common object, that object
cannot be attained except by a perfect concurrence.
The most certain means of exposing a good con-
, stitution to criticism and caium v, the surest
scheme for diserediting it would therefore be, to
'make partial experiments otrit, to inntilate .it in
practice, never, to stew it complete with all its
proportions and all its advantages except on pa-
per and in theory,, and thus to render•it in reality,
lame. Under toe pen of the po!incal, ealenktor,
it would then he a wonderful thArhitie, but
..by
false and de.:!eitful experiment it would be ex,100.1
to the contempt and --11(Tision of the vulgar.
Au incomplete execntiott alwqs resembles the.

, . . .
. .
; I.a timid %via:l(litre netthcr
;Al nor grant all. It is obvious, also, that these
partial suspensions, While they cOniKotnise the
11:11:,14.,. of the administrative system, rend also to
comproinise the very atallorit'lwhioli nrders.theni.
There is, in fact, such a force in ct rfain sprit,igs of
sloe yolnical machine, that they cannot beemploy-'
ed exeept in conjunction with those with which_
Are must imme,diatelycolineCted.' 'fius, for,
example, you suspend the Liberty of the PressT; and
you convoke the National Representation. But the •
conne::tiowbet wee') these two parts of the con-
stitutional act is so intimate, that the activity of
the one necessarily miles- wilh it that of the
other ; and the shaclsks imposed on the Press will
Of neces,..ity he either destroyed or exceedingly re-
laxed by the mere fact of the meeting of the Cham-
bers. It this should not be the result, the other
consequence would he, that these two elements
of the Constitution would be equally paralyzed,
in spite of the appearance of action which one of
them might- possess. ,This is not the only ex-
ample which might render the inconveniences of
these partial suspensions palpable, , regarded
merely with respect to the authority of Govern-
ment, which they always more or less compro-
mise. But we pause here, because we intend to
return to this itnportatq subject, persuaded that
the more confidence* the Government shall dis-
play in the nation, so happy in now possessing
.her legitimate King, the more it will receive in
return. Gratitude for the benefits of the Monarch
will grow in our hearts in proportion as we ap-.
pear to be considered worthy of those benefits. •