The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-20 00:00:00

PH" StTN, LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 20, IR4O.

very properly put an extinguisher upon the
firebraPd. TOMMY'S veracity, it Will be

seen, receives s very awkward compli►nent in the
P.S. of the Chaplain's letter :

TO THE REV. H. E. PRIOR, INCUMI3ENT OF LUCAN.
The Palace, Jaa. 8, 1840.
DEAR SlR—The Archbishop has perceived an adver-
tisement stating that the Rev. T. D. Gregg is to preach
in Lucan Church on Sunday, the 12th instant.
The Rev. T. D. Gregg does not hold a license to
preach.
A written letter from you, to state that this will not be
persevered in (provided it is left at the Palace by eleven
issuing
of on Friday), will be in time to prevent the
of the proper document, in prohibition, from the Consist -
rial-office.—l am, yours very truly,
CHARLES DICKINSON,
Domestic Chaplain to the Archbishop of Dublin.
P. S.---I have had a private interview, by accident, with
Mr.:Gregg, who has left me under the impression that he
will not preach ; but a letter to the effect that you will
not allow the violation of the canon on this subject will be
requisite, or the monition will be issued.
The Rev. H. E. Prior, the Glebe, Lucan.

We direct attention to the Correspondence, else-
where published, relative to Messrs LOVETT and
COLLINS. It has been properly observed that if
they had moved in the rank of Sir JOHN
Hos-
HOUSE or Sir FRANCIS BURDETT they would
have been differently treated ; so that the great dif-
ference of our law for the rich and the poor,
for men of rank and the humble in
station, is continually forced on our atten-
tion. The untiring exertions of the gentleman,
whose letter to Sir EARDLEY WILMOT speaks for
itself, in favour of the oppressed of the working
classes, need no commendation from us, for they are
well known to all whe have ever had anything to do
with public affairs in the metropolis, and will pre-
serve amongst the working cksses the name of
FRANCIS PLACE in lasting honour.

The prolongation of the French blockade of
Buenos Ayres cannot fail to become, in a very
short time, a source of serious embarrassment to the
British Government. That blockade, undertaken
on grounds which, in the opinion of several able
expositors of the law of nations, did not warrant a
measure of such severity, has now continued for a
period of two years, thus threatening to be of in-
terminable duration. The object of a lawful

blockade is to compel a State, by the tempo-
rary injury inflicted upon its commerce, to

accede to the demands of justice or to make repa-
ration for wrongs perpetrated under its authority ;
but in the case of Buenos Ayres the commercialists
of Great Britain and the United States are suffer-

ing more extensively than the subjects of the South
AJierican Republic. Our merchants have already

computed the loss of this country alone at two
millions sterling—a loss so immense that no
Government can remain indifferent to it. Lord

VA LMERSTON has stated that the Government
has hitherto declined to interfere, lest a prece-
dent should be established which might here-
after be invoked to the detriment of the mari

time rights of England as a belligerent. This is
reasonable enough, on the assumption that, in the

absence of such precedent, England has a right to
establish a perpetual blockade ; but if the end of
all war be peace, then is it preposterous to place the

question any longer on such a footing. The object of
a blockade, as we have already stated, is to inflict

only temporary injury, and, therefore, when so ex-
tended as to threaten the total destruction of
various branches of international commerce—to

drive trade entirely out of its old and ordinary chan-
nels, it changes its character, and assumes an in-
tentional hostility of bearing towards all States
with whose trade it interferes. For example, we
are at this moment virtually, and may expect to
be in a short time actually, at war with China, but
were we powerful enough to establish a dooms-day
blockade of all the coasts of that empire, ostensibly
for the purpose of chastising the Celestial Govern-
ment, but in reality to create a demand for the teas
of Assam, and thus destroy the China trade alto-
gether, will it be pretended that France and the
United States would have no right to interfere
with us ? Most assuredly it will not. If Eng-
land, as a free and independent State, the
sole judge and guardian of her own honour, de-
cide that she has suffered wrongs and insults at the
hands of China, no nation has a right to say that
she shall not seek reparation by any legitimate
means she may think proper, and among others
by a blockade if she prefer it ; but they have a
tight to insist that such blockade shall be effectual
and temporary—that it shall not aim at the
destruction, but merely at the suspension of
trade. Now this is all the right that we
claim for this country in the case of the
French blockade of Buenos Ayres. We have surely
a right to say that a blockade which, during two
years has been productive of no result but injury to
England, the friend and ally of France, ought to be
abandoned. This right derives additional import-
ance from the fact that the most valuable branch
of our trade with Buenos Ayres, consists of the
produce of mines, the property of British capi-
talists, and rendered productive by British industry.
In this respect our trade with Buenos Ayres differs
essentially in very little from our trade with one of
our own colonies. Both the raw material and the
manufactured produce are British property.
Had France two years ago accepted the prof-
fered mediation and umpireship of Great Britain,
she would have consulted her own honour and
interests better than by making a demonstra-
tion of her naval strength against the puny
Republics of South America. Even now,
it is not too late for her to leave the ques-
tion to the arbitration of either England or the
United States. Her power and her courage are too
well known to allow her to fear the shadow of im-
putation being cast upon either .by appearing to
yield to the firmness displayed by such a fifth-rate
State as Buenos Ayres.

By the arrival of the packet-ship Sheffield, at
LIT iovrekr,p owo le y
he
as tveer cl
racy:eived United States and in eighteen days from New
ts of the Secretaries of the
Treasury and of War,presented to Congress. As Ca-
nada Journals, the former to the Ist instant in-
elusive. They bring no news of any political or
greati
scommercial interest.
re-
gards dulness and prolixity, they are unmatched even
by the President's Message. From the report of the
Secretary of the Treasury, we learn that the available
annual repo The Washington Globe
balance of money in the state coffers at the begin-
ning of the current year was just 155,384 dollars ;
that the estimated amount of money for the service
of the next year is 31,152,106 dollars, of which
20,000,000 dollars will be required for ordinary
purposes, and the remainder for the redemption of
Treasury Bills, and the extraordinary services of
the Supreme Government. The amount of ex-
ports for the yeas ending September 30, 1839, is
estimated to have been 118,359,000 dollars, being
an excess over those:of 1838;of 9,872,388 dollars.
Of the whole exports, only 17,408,000 dollars were
of foreign origin. The whole imports for the
same period are estimated to have amounted to
about 157,700,000 dollars, being an excess to the
large extent of 43,892,356 dollars over those
during the previous year.
From Canada the news is very favourable. The
Legislative Council of Upper Canada had waited
upon the Governor-General with the resolutions
adopted for the Leaisiative Union of the two Pro-
vinces, which his Excellency received very gra-
I ciously. The Council had likewise resolved that