The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-10 00:00:00

IRELAND.

• Mr. J. O'CONNELL inquired whether the Govern-
ment intended to take any immediate step to
provide employment or food for the people of
Ireland, where the rates were insufficient, and whether
they proposed bringing in a landlord and tenant Bill ?
Sir GEORGE GREY replied that the attention
of the Government was closely directed to those
parts which were impoverished, and they had sufficient
means at command to meet any emergency. It was
not the intention of the Government to propose the
resumption of works and relief.—(Hear.) The
Landlord and Tenant Bill would be introduced as
soon as its provisions had been properly framed. It
had been intended to introduce it and other measures
at the commencement of the usual session ;
hence the delay. The Government did not wish to
lay on the table a crude and ill-digested measure.
CRIME AND OUTRAGE (IRELAND) BILL.
On the order of the day being read for the resump
tion of the debate on this Bill,
Sir G. GREY wished to trespass fora few minutes
on the patience of the House, in order to remove
several misconceptions which had arisen with respect
to a part of the Bill, and in answer to observations
which had been made to him by several
Hon. Members with respect to the Bill. It would
prevent some discussion if those misconceptions were
at once removed, and those observations to which he
had alluded answered. The first point to which he
wished to refer was with respect to the amount of the
increase in the police force of Ireland. On a former
occasion the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire,
to wards the close of the debate, expressed his satisfac-
tion that the state of Ireland was such that the re-
medy proposed by the Government was to be confined
to an increase of 200 policemen. Considering the
statement which he (Sir G. Grey) had made, he felt
conscious that the error into which the Hon. Mem-
ber had fallen was occasioned by his not having gone
sufficiently into that part of the Bill and the present
state of the law with respect to the police of Ireland.
Had he gone more fully into the subject than
he did, that Hon. Member would not have fallen into
the error which he was conscious he had fallen into.
He (Sir G. Grey) had had several communications
made to him upon the subject of the limit proposed
by the Government, which was to be extended only to
200 men. He would take the present opportunity of
stating that under the proposed Bill the limit might
be extended to 1,000 men. The real effect of the
measure would be to remove all the limits whatever,
except that imposed by the necessity of the case.
He would shortly refer to the existing laws on the
subject. By the 6th IV. chap. 13, the
number of police in all parts of Ireland was fixed.
A maximum limit was placed, beyond which they
could nut go. There were, however, two modes by
which, under that Act, the police force could be in-
creased—the first was by the Lord-Lieutenant,
at the requisition of a majority of the magis-
trates at quarter sessions, stating that the
existing amount of constabulary was insufficient
for the due execution of the law. The second mode
was by the proclamation of the Lord-Lieutenant
stating any distriet to be in a state of disturbance.
By that Act power was given, under such circum-
stances, to increase the amount of the constabulary in

such districts by 50 men. By a subsequent Act power
was kiven to increase the amount by 100 men.
In many cases the police have been increased under
the regulations of the existing laws. With respect
to the expense of the increase, half of it was to be
borne by the barony or district in which the increase
was made, and the other was to become chargeable
upon the Consolidated Fund. By the 6th William IV.
power is given to keep a certain reserve force of
police in Dublin as a sort of constabulary depot, from
which they are sent by the Lord-Lieutenant to those
disturbed districts where they may be required. He
hoped that it would be sufficiently understood that
there was now no limits to be placed upon the amount
of increase in the police force. By the measure
before the House it is proposed that the whole
charges of the additional police should be borne
by the districts to which the police are sent. By the
Speci d Constables' Act, 2 and 3 William IV., chap.
108, very useful powers were given for calling into
active exercise those duties which devolved upon the
inhabitants of any district where crime existed, by
calling upon them to aid in the execution of the law.
He could not too strongly express his own opinion
that gentlemen should avail themselves, as far
as possible, of the provisions of the Act,
and induce the sound population of the
disturbd districts to aid in the suppression
of crime. The only other point to which it was
necessary that he should allude was, that with respect
to accessories, as it had been stated that the Govern-
ment had not taken notice of them. With respect to
accessories after the fact, the notice of his Noble Friend
would be well considered by the Goverment. As to the
question of accessories before the fact, such cases were
under theconsideration of the Lord-Lieutenant, and he
(Sir George Grey) had his assurance that he would
not shrink from the performance of his duty.—(Hear,
hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, after stating
what the law, as it at present existed on this subject,
was, observed that his only object in rising was to
remove the misconception that had arisen upon the
subject. The Right Hon. Baronet concluded by
moving the second reading of the Bill.
Sir R. PEEL thought it would be much better that
the present Bill should enact what would be the law
after it came into operation, without referring to Acts
of Parliament that were at present in existence.
Sir G. GREY apprehended that the Right Hon.
Baronet referred to the White Boys' Act. He did
not see the necessity of re-enacting the provisions of
that Act.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL did not consider it neces-
sary to go at any length into the objections which he
entertained for this Bill. Not only was it an unjus-
tifiable measure in point of severity, but it cruelly in-
terfered with the liberties of the people of Ireland.
The House, however, had always been indisposed
to act with justice towards Ireland, and this Bill was
nothing more than what was to be expected from it.
The Right Hon. Baronet seemed a little irritated at
the questions which he (Mr. O'Connell) put to him
just before the motion for the second reading of the
Bill, and he regretted that they had caused him any
uneasiness. He admitted they were merely repetitions
of questions which he had put upon former occasions,
but he was anxious once more to give Government an
opportunity of setting themselves right with the peo-
ple of Ireland. He did not think, however, that he
should have occasion to trouble the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet again with such questions, for he felt that it
was now the duty of those who took an interst in
the welfare of Ireland to proclaim to her people
that all hope of England ever redressing their griev-
ances was at an end. England had, from the com-
mencement, shown a strong disposition to act harshly
with the Irish people, and he was afraid it would re-
main so till the end of the chapter. It was hopeless for
Irish Members to expect to be listened to by that House
with attention, and he, therefore, did not think it
necessary to dwell at any length upon the circum-
stances contained in the Bill. No later ago than last
year the Noble Lord at the head of the Government
declared that he was against coercive measures for
Ireland, and he wanted to know what had occurred
since then to render coercion necessary now.
The friends of Ireland might now give up their
" long game," so far as the Government was con-
cerned, for they left their appeals unanswere d. Was
that the way, if they were in error, to make them think
that they were so, and that they should put their faith
in the present Parliament, and not in one composed
strictly of Irishmen, sitting in Ireland ? Was
that the way to induce the whole people of
Ireland, who had pledged themselves to leave no-
thing undone to !carry the repeal of the union to
doubt the expediency of their vows ? Was it the way
to lead the Irish Members, who had vowed to
devote their lives to the promotion of the
cause, to place faith in the present Legislature ?
It was not. He asked the Right Honourable
Gentleman he asked Englishmen how these
deep-seated convictions were to be removed when
their remonstrances were treated with silence, while
an ignorant English landlord was carefully answered
by the Government ? Let them at once frankly tell
the people of Ireland that it was idle mummery
to go through the ordeal of electing Members,
' for they were treated with contempt; for it
was useless for them to be subjected to the
expense and trouble of attending that House, for
England monopolised the whole business of legisla-
tion. He contended that he had established a
claim to be answered. Although he knew
that he should be vituperated in Ireland for
consenting to the introduction of the Bill,
for he wished to see the police increased, in order
that crime might be repressed, he did so heedless
of the consequences ; but he now understood that the
Bill which was stated by the Right Honourable
Gentleman to be partial and temporary, that it was
to be confined to parts of the five counties, was not the
measure that had been described ; for the first clause
stated that the Lord-Lieutenant should have power
to apply the provisions of the Act to any
other county which he might imagine was
affected. He might have yielded hastily, but he
now doubted whether he should have done so.
He admired the conduct of the Lord-Lieutenant
while he was engaged in a foreign country, but he
came to Ireland ignorant of the country. He was not
in a position to become acquainted with the Irish.
He was perfectly walled round from the truth, and it
was to such a man as that the Government were
going to give the most absolute power over
the liberties of the Irish people. He would
inform the House that the office of a dictator
was entirely unknown in Ireland. If the present
measure were the smallest infraction of the liberties
of England, they would have many individuals stand-
ing up in the House for the liberties of the people,
but Ireland was considered beyond the pale of the
constitution. He did not delude himself that any
arguments which he could use would be of avail
when the House was determined to commit an act
of injustice and oppression.—(Hear, hear.) He
felt, however, that he had a duty to discharge, and
he was determined to discharge it.—(Hear, hear.)
He would have readily consented to a Bill to pre-
vent parties from having arms in their houses, pro-
vided such provision had been contained in a separate
Bill. Then with respect to the right of search, he
admitted in certain cases the necessity for that right.
but it ought to be conducted under certain guards.
In the present Bill there were no guards at all, and
the most prejudiced parties might increase their
prejudices to the fullest extent. With respect
to the constabulary force, the greater portion
of the officers in it were the most prejudiced Orange-
men—(Hear, hear)—and it was to such parties that
the present Government proposed to give the right of
search by this Bill. The people of Ireland had
been taught for centuries by misrule to distrust
the administration of the law, and he thought it
was high time that some ameliorating measures
should be brought forward, and not such enact-
ments as were contained in the present Bill.
He would predict that this Bill, instead of repressing
crime, would increase it. The people would be ren-
dered more discontented with their condition, and their
want and suffering would goad them on to be reven-
ged against such measures as these. The House,
it would seem, would not listen to the suffering cry
of Ireland till the law had been obeyed, but how
could they expect to see the laws obeyed while the
distresses of Ireland were treated with indifference ?
Why not make concessions ? Why not try the
effect of remedial measures before they ap-
plied a scourge ? No doubt the House of Lords would
increase the severity of the provisions of this Bill.
and then it would become utterly inoperative, in-
deed, the only effect it would have would be to pro-
long the shedding of blood; whereas, if remedial
measures were resorted to, many of the existing
evils would be removed, and the affections of
the people of Ireland drawn towards this country.—
(Hear, hear.) It appeared to him that Ministers were
adopting a retrograde course. Formerly they were
for extending conciliation towards Ireland, but now
they were going to resort to measures that would
have disgraced any of the dark ages, as they were
called.—(Hear, hear.) It was monstrous, therefore,
F to expect the people of Ireland to remain contented
while under the rule of this country, and he warned
the House that if they passed this Bill they would
soon have cause to rue the day they did so. He
had gone through the chief matters in the Bill to
which he objected. They were many and grievous.
He had been indeed no way prepared for a Bill of
such petty, minute, ingenious, torturing details. It
was the most deceptive measure ever brought before
the House. In other coercion Bills there had been
frank, bold, avowed oppression. In this enactment
it was covert. This was an insidious, deceptive,
sneaking Bill. It deserved no other terms. It did
underhand that which its authors had not courage to
do plainly and openly. It went beyond the powers
of the worst clause of the worst previous Act. It
was calculated to meet the people at every turn—to
annoy them in their persons, their pockets, and their
liberties.—(Hear, hear.) It was, therefore, that he
felt it to be his duty most vigorously to oppose the

Bill. He knew that that opposition would be in-
effectual—he knew that he had no chance of defeat
ing the Bill—that he had no chance of obtaining even
a mitigation of the Bill, and he knew from what he saw
stated in the newspapers, what was the bloodhound
cry used to urge the measure forward. He knew
that in another place, where the bitterest enmity,
where an insanity of hostility to the Irish people had
been more than once expressed, he knew that there,
at least, the Bill had no chance of improvement.
There, in the place'to which he had ref_Tred, the cry
was " Down with the priests, punish the priests,
oppress the priests, carry out the principle, crush the
priests." Oh, crush them, and see in whate state you
would soon have Ireland, deprived her of her best and
surest peace-makers I These were the men, indeed,
who had alone controlled the exasperation of a people
enduring suffering more intense than those of any
nation on the face of the earth. But nothing could
be done on their behalf. He found it utterly impos-
sible to obtain even a shadow of justice. Government
had turned their minds against Ireland. They had
told the people of relief, and now withheld it. They
could not even name the distant day when their mea-
sures of relief would come. Why did they not come
forward with the Landlord and Tenant Bill ? The
House was told the Government found the subject too
difficult, and that it must be put off. But at all events
let the measure be introduced. Even were it not passed
—were it to be laid upon the table before Christmas,
were Ireland to be allowed to see its provisions, to
assure itself that they were those of an honest Bill—
were only this to be done, he did assure the Govern-
ment that it would do much towards facilitating the
restoration of peace in Ireland. In the meantime he,
and the other Irish Members who acted with him,
felt that they, at all events, had done their duty: If
blood be shed, let it be on the heads of those who
would not stay those calamities. He and those who
acted with him would have at least the consolation of
knowing that they had done their duty to themselves
and to their country.
Mr. B. COCHRANE could not but express his
great surprise at the difference of the tone which the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Mr. J. O'Connell) now
used towards the Bil, and that which he adopted when it
was first introduced.—(Hear, hear.) On that occa-
sion the Honourable Gentleman gave them to under-
stand that if he did not give it his most cordial assent,
he at all events admitted the necessity which called
for it—(Hear, hear)—but he now turned back—

" as though afraid
E'en at the sound himself had made ;"

and taking a totally different view of the measure,
denounced it as " sneaking and insidious," and de-
clared that it was introduced and forced on by " a
bloodhound cry." Comparing the state of crime that
now existed in Ireland with that of former periods of
her history, he (Mr. Cochrane) was of opinion that
if any complaints at all were made against this mea-
sure, it should be that the quality of mercy had been
too greatly strained, and that it was not sufficiently
coercive.—(Hear.) He was rather surprised at its
opposite character, and still more so to listen to such
a philippic against it as had been delivered by the
Hon. Member for Limerick (Mr. J. O'Connell). The
panacea which the Hon. Gentleman would apply to
this horrible state of things was, that we should send
plenty of money to Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) His (Mr.
Cochrane's) opinion was, that it was a just and sound
principle to lay down, that the Government of a
country was bound to do all it could as a Govern-
ment to call forth the resources of the governed
nation ; but he thought it foolish to hold out hopes
that any Government should " stand between the
living and the dead, and that the plague should be
stayed." To alleviate the distress that existed in
Ireland was less the province of the Government than
of private charity, and he would ask the Hon. Member
for Limerick (Mr. O'Connell) if that charity had not
been most nobly and generously extended to his
countrymen by the people of England ?—(Cheers.)
If there had been any ray of hope in the darkness
which overshadowed Ireland, it had been lent by
the conduct of this nation, and when the Hon. Mem-
ber stood up and said they had done nothing for Ire-
land—that Ireland owed England no gratitude, for
that she had only done what she was bound to do, he
must say it left a most grievous impression on his
heart.—(Cheers.) After hearing such sentiments,
he could not but ask the House to look to her past
history, and say how far they had ever found any-
thing but one invariable result from any concession
they had made to Ireland.—(Cheers.) Soon after
1793, when the penal laws were abrogated, they
would find the United Irishmen springing into exist-
ence, then they would find that society in 1796 cat-
rying on a treasonable correspondence with France,
and finally the rebellion broke out in 1798. After
the passing of the Relief Bill, which the Duke of
Wellington declared would give security to the
Church, strengthen every department of Govern-
ment, and restore tranquillity and peace to the
country, and after the names of Anglesey, Had-
dington, Normanby, Fortescue, De Grey, Bes-
borough, and now of Clarendon, had been
added to the long list of good and great men who
had been her rulers, they found Ireland as bad as
ever, and the necessity for coercion increased rather
than diminished. While on this subject he could not
but refer the House to a passage in the letters be-
tween the Duke of Rutland, who was Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland in 1783, and Mr. Pitt, of
which he had copies in his hand. The Noble Duke
said—" That Ireland had been reduced to its present
state of faction by leaving important questions in an
indefinite state, and he told Mr. Pitt that whatever
advances he might grant, to let them be understood
as conclusive. The permanent arrangement of all
doubtful questions was indispensable to peace and
order, for so long as anything remained in an indefi-
nite state, so as to excite the expectation of the
country, there would never be peace." The House
might go on granting and granting, but unless
they were determined to make their stand
somewhere, and insist that the law should be
carried out in all its vigour, any concession to Ire-
land was perfectly useless.—(Cheers.) When the
Hon. Member for Nottingham brought forward the
question of repeal, he could not help thinking it was
a significant fact that it should have been introduced
by an English Member, and he would warn that
Hon. Member, and those who acted with him, to
take care lest the cry of repeal might not at last come
from this side of the water.—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") If that day came, they might remember
the words of the Right lion. Baronet the Member
for Tamworth in 1843 :—" That if they made so
much of the Union, they would convey the impression
to Ireland that her interests were sacrificed to British
interests in order to maintain it." The tone and
temper of the speeches of Hon. Members in that
House was not quite consistent with that of their
addresses to meetings in Ireland. He could not be
accused of bad feeling towards the Roman Catholic
clergy, whom as a body he believed to be very re-
spectable, after his vote in favour of their church
last night—(Hear, hear)—but he had a right to look
to the language held by those gentlemen. At the
meeting where Archdeacon Laffan made that mon-
strous and unfeeling speech, Mr. J. O'Connell said—
and let the House remember this was at the meet-
ing where the Saxon was held up to reprobation be-
cause he had not the manliness to stand aside and
shoot the first man he met with a decent coat on his
back—" Your clergyy, our beloved clergy, ever true
to you, and to whom you have been as you ought to
be, ever true, and whose counsel, if you listen to them
as you have hitherto listened, must keep you safe, must
keep you from all peril—you have come for a good
and holy object—(Good God ! for a high and holy
object I)—you have come to look for the preservation
of the rights of all—the preservation of order and the
preservation of property—in a word, for the preserva-
tion of society—(Hear, hear) —and if we go next
week to Parliament we shall be able to tell them that
the men of Tipperary, so long oppressed, so long ca-
lumniated, and so long denounced, have assembled in
peacefulness, in good order, but with determination to
demand their rights?' Who could have believed that
Mr. J. O'Connell delivered this speech at the very
same meeting where Archdeacon Laffan made his
horrible and iniquitous address to the people ?—(Hear,
hear.) Then came Mr. Maher, who spoke in a similar
manner, and congratulated the people on their assem-
blage. Every individual present, when such language
was used, as a gentleman, as a man, as a citizen of the
world, was bound to have expressed his abhorrence of
it.—(Cheers.) But did they find the higher authori-
ties of the Roman Catholic Church complain of it ?
No ! What did John M‘Hale, Roman Catholic
Archbishop of Tuam, write to his clergy ? He con-
gratulated them and the Catholic people of Ireland on
the unexampled patience with which they had borne
their sufferings; but_ he did not in any way appeal to
the proper feelings of the lower orders of the.priest-
hood. Then came the Rev. Dr. Ryan, Bishop of
Limerick. He said—" The higher classes, forgetful
of Christian obligations and the duties which religion
prescribes for their performance and guidance, tram-
ple on those who are placed under them, and recon-
cile with justice and mercy to treat them like cat-
tle. Cold and callous to the voice of humanity, dead
to the ordinary feelings of commiseration, untouched
f
by the cries of famine and pestilence, the wailingso
hunger, the lamentations of women and children, and
the terrible condition of the poor man himself,heaitthleesys
exercise over their victims a systtehme
vengeance of
cruelty, calculated to brinq, down
It was monstrous for a
heaven on their own heads.
to an exasperated and starving popu
menand to Ch
minister of God thus to denounce whollaetiocalas classes of
so
the strict letter of the
ftiaarntiotyf.orgleitewdhidatnowt
law, but he contended that the bishop or minister of
acsardeufeorto society ns-
abepesooplien,
gctu,aganedtomsuucsht
was an accessory
the Church who übseefdorseucthhelafna
the eyes of heaven.—(Cheers.) His guilt was aggra-
vated by his cowardice—
"What's basely done must be done safely too."
He did not mean to say that there were liot many
who really believed
.they were doing goal to their I

country, while they were only luring it on to guilt
and ruin. In the words of Wesley, he would call on
her Majesty's Government vigorously to exert the
laws against those who by their lives and principles
inflame the people to madness—to teach the people
that there was a difference between that liberty which
was glorious, and a licentiousness which was only its
abandoned abuse. How (said he) shall we appeal to
the feelings and touch the hearts of this infatuated
people ? Never—until the cause of that infatuation
is removed ; never—until the Government are pre-
pared to act with vigour, and shrink from no respon-
sibility, to strike at the root of the evil, and to teach
the people that the law like death levels all distinc-
tions. Then, and not till then, shall we have such
union its will be binding and real, and without which
it would be better to have a union of kind feeling and
of Christian virtue only.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HUME said he could nor but complain of the
speech of the Honourable Member for Limerick. He
had stated as facts what were nothing but fallacies,
and had asserted many things which were not borne
out by the facts themselves. No one in that House
was more ready to redress the evils of Ireland than
he (Mr. Hume) was. Throughout his life he had
consistently advocated the removal of those grounds
of complaint which pressed upon the people of that
country, and had supported such a treatment as
would make them contented and satisfied. If the
Ministers could be charged with inconsistency for
introducing this Bill, he was open to the same accu-
sation, for he intended to support it. He had always
voted against coercion, and would do so whenever
was attempted. But was the present a "coercion
Bill ?—(Hear, hear.) There was nothing in the Bill
which :coerced the people of Ireland—nothing
which bore against any man but those who violated
the laws, and yet the Honourable Member for
Limerick spoke of coercion, asserted that this was
an attack on the liberties of the people, and talked
of punishing the many for the crime of the
few. He denied those allegations.—(Loud cheers.)
The Bill was intended to punish those who were com-
mitting mischief and murder—who were maltreating
and molesting her Majesty's peaceable subjects; it
was intended to protect those who wanted to follow
their honest occupations without lekor hinderance, and
v, ho had a right to demand and receive protection
from the State, and yet the Hon. Member declared It
was an attempt to coerce the people, and deprive them
of their liberties.—(Loud cheers.) The Bill was not
intended to oppress the many, but to punish the few
who violated the law. The Hon. Member said the
majority of Irish Members were against it. He (I" •
Hume) had looked to the division lists to see bow far
this was correct, and what did he find? That out Of
105 Irish Members fourteen voted for and thirteen
against it—(Cheers)—and that on the second aces-
lion only thirteen voted. Was the correct proportion
in the Hon. Gentleman's mind ninety-one to tbir- ,
teen ?It was too much to say, when the whole num" _
ber of Irish Members who voted on the Bill did not
exceed thirty-four, that the whole of the Irish Mem-
bers were against it.—(Hear, hear.) It reminded
him of a speech of a relative of the Hon. Member, in
which he mentioned the anecdote of " the three,
tailors of Tooley-street," who began their address to
the House with " We, the people of England.--
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) So, the Hon. Member
for Limerick seemed to believe he was the repre-
sentative of all Ireland.—(A laugh.) He could
assure assure the Hon. Gentleman he was placing himself
in an awkward situation, and he would wish to fin''
out the grounds on which the Hon. Gentleman -
thought himself entitled to believe he was the only
representative of the nation.—(Hear, hear.) Were
he now an Irish representative as he had been once,
he should have considered himself called upon to deny
and repudiate this assumption. Another charge
against this Bill, equally unfounded in fact, was
the Bill handed the people of Ireland over to the dic-_
tatorship of Lord Clarendon, and that the liberties of
the country would depend on his sic vole, sic
jubeo.
'
The Bill did no such thing—(Hear, hear)—but dis-
tinctly declared that its provisions were to be en
forced by the Lord-Lieutenant, "by and with the
advice and consent of the Privy Council of Ireland,:
and, therefore, it was unfair to say that it conveyed
absolutely to the Lord-Lieutenant those powers which..
he shared with a responsible body.—(Cheers.) .131!5
the inconsistency
~of the Hon. Gentleman on this
question was not to be passed over.—(Hear, bear.) ,
in a letter, signed J. O'Connell, and addressed to the
editor of the Freeman's Journal, in order that the
whole people of Ireland might know what were the
sentiments of him who represented Ireland, the Hon n.
Gentleman, speaking of the very measure ageie6
which he had just delivered such an unfounded
philippic, said :—" The Government proposition
to-night is to give the Lord-Lieutenant power
to increase the police force in disturbed districts, and
prevent the carrying of arms in the same. Arius
may, however, be retained at home by all who choose
to apply for a license—not to hostile magistrates—
but to Government officers sent down to hold a kind
of session for the purpose. The Bill is to be only of
partial application, and the moment the Lord-
Lieutenant withdraws his proclamation, the right of
carrying arms revives. This, it must be acknow-
ledged, is very different from what we expected from •
the threats of the hostile press ; and if fairly adminis-
tered, may not inconvenience any but the authors of
disturbance and outrage. I have not opposed (but
neither have I voted for) the introduction of this Bill,
as some temporary measure relative to arms may, In
the disturbed districts, be useful, and as the increase
of police cannot be had without it." How, then,
could the Hon. Member now assert that its object
was to hand over the whole people of Ireland to
oppression ?—(Cheers.) For the very reasons given
by the Hon. Gentleman in that letter he (Mr. ,
tiolumster)ensgutphpeoorttehdothehanßdisll,
able Gentleman had talked much
Honour-
criminals and disturbers of the peace. The _b"_n-
oa
of
d GboevcearnumseenhLe fishedaoiunrs-t
paned long ago, but could any act of our t
Pas rderers
call upon us now to permit assassins and mu
to go through the country with impunity.---(ne",l -
hear.) He had heard with the greatest pain a speeca
of the Honourable Member on a former occasion,.
of what had 114
wherein he vindicated in a sort of way the deeds of.
those men which the law pronounced to be worthy el
death, and had read letters and made statements
e,
re-
specting their victims which were, as he (Mr. Huta
was informed, utterly unfounded. He ha heaven.o
charges against the late Major Mahon, but
tured to say that the character he had given of that
unfortunate gentleman was as different from AB
truth as was darkness from light.—(Cheers.)
And nest
had spoken of Mr. Roe in the same way ; a ,eis
he came to Mr. Carden, whom, judging
observations, he held up as an individual who ought
to be punished.' Did the House know that Mrs
Carden had been seven times shot at ?—(Cheers_J
This was the man who was again to be held up
the Hon. Member to the eyes of the people.—(Lo If
from O.
cheers.) The Hon. Member forgot his position. Is
he were indeed a lover of peace and anxious to stay
bloodshed, that was not the way to do it.—(Hear,
hear.) " Blood," said the Hon. Member, " will be
shed. Why blood had been shed already, and that
was not the way to lessen it. —(lean) He was
afraid the Hon. Member was not aware that the
people of England were estranging themselves from
Ireland, and losing their love for her. Up to a very
late period of his public life he never had been at
meeting of the people, or of the working classes,
wherein the state of Ireland, her wrongs, and the in'
justice done to her was mentioned without then
being an universal cry of " Shame." He won:.
challenge any one to say that when the clue
tion of justice to Ireland—that sentiment so often
quoted by a relative of the Hon. Member--ew%
brought forward before the people of Englansbilltso
they would not administer it. He was ples"u,,,„t
find that Government wanted no law that Was 7,-ci
perfectly constitutional. Powers were to be granted
under the constitution for the protection of life an
property ; this measure granted no more; and le
should like to know what man, calling himself sr;
Irishman or an Englishman, wished for less ? thilescs,
a man would defend confiscation of property, 11,1,
could he deny that such powers were necessary undo,
any constitutional Government ?—(Hear, bean) life,
vernment was bound to protect property, and ce,
and to give the country a chance of returning peat
and of that industry which alone would confer lasting
benefits. How could any man expect thatcapitaltsal
would embark their money there, when they saw
men of liberal feelings, who wished to improvetheirp_f
perty, and give their tenants fair play, were in danger ie?
losing their lives and having their property destroyed
With With regard to the question of tenant-right, ifs r:„."11
•by pro
position were to be submitted to that House by wn''
the landlord and tenant were to become joint op
e,
see° .
and striking at the root of all industry. He
prietors, he should think it a most mischievous enu,
a list of parties owing arrears of rent for three, 1 t"
or five years ; they refused either to give up "
rfe er
land or pay their rent, and although on several of.i.eii-A
properties the land remained perfectly barren,
.1%
persisted until the sheriff was called upon to eject, 114
upon their ejectment all arrears were passed by, rof
a sum of money paid them. If this was the serk
of
tenant-right proposed, where would the proner'
Ireland be? If people were to bold just s o se 5:11 h
e
land as they could vegetate upon, where would the
means of giving them employment? Such a
.3nsut
arrangement would be inconsistent with the lath! El); •
which it ought to be their aim to encourage, andrn;
prosperity which might be expected to result fro...rely.
Mr. CALLAGHAN regretted that the 11
h
vr Lu
Member for Montrose should have expressed sue::
sentiments ; he was quite at a loss to know
give utterance to what he thought of that
Member's fallen state.—(Laughter.) The is', 4..
Member was a sad example of what a man mign,.b'v
come in his old age.—(Laughter.) He Inns' der,
vi
that he disbelieved many of the statements si
were put forward regarding these instances of intsrdig.;
n
A friend of his, a Noble Lord, had lately rise
I stated that Mr. Roe's death was discussed And

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