The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-31 00:00:00

between you.—(Choers.) I can, therefore, give the Govern-
ment no credit for the policy which they have pursued in India.
Besides, from the information recently received, it appears that
Shah Sooja already totters on his throne, and the British army,
which was about to seek rest, has been hastily recalled to sup-
port your tottering puppet—that Dost Mohammed has again ap-
peared in arms.
Sir J. HOBH OUSE—These reports are not true.
Lord STANLEY—I am rejoiced to hear so, but I have no
sources of information, except those which are open to all the
world. Let me now ask in what condition are our relations
with China? There is a specimen of the sagacity, the pru-
dence, and the foresight of her Majesty's Government. Our
trade in opium is stopped, our merchants have had their pro-
perty confiscated, and their persons confined—our trade in tea
is stopped—and, to complete the whole business, you have given
the Chinese Government the temporary triumph of having
constrained and coerced your authorities, and of having set at
defiance your naval force. But befor Igo any
n. farther
Gentleman

opposite—
Sir J. HOBHOUSE was understood to say it was not in his

department.
Lord STANLEY—In the united Cabinet surely one Mem-
ber can answer for another.—(Cheers, and laughter.) Whe-
ther we are at war or not, surely cannot be an open question.—
(Loud cheers.) You must have consulted together on the
question in your Cabinet, and I ask you, and any Cabinet Mi-
nister must be in a situation to answer me—do you approve or
disapprove—do you sanction—do you repudiate the con.
duct of Captain Elliott?—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers)—.
and how do you intend to deal with the claims of those
British subjects who have incurred serious losses by obe-
dience to his commands?—(Loud cheers.) I will not now go
into the Colonial question—fortunately there happens to be
one spot in our Colonial Empire to which we can look with
unalloyed satisfaction—l mean the Colony of Jamaica.
(Cheers.) There we hear of nothing but mutual congratulation
between the Governor and the Assembly, who are engaged in
carrying to their fullest extent the provisions of the Emancipa-
tion Act, and in spite of the prediction of the Noble Lord,
are doing full justice between man and man, and nobly and
honestly co-operating with the Governor ; and this is the Le-
gislative Assembly that you were last year about to destroy
upon the plea of necessity; but we prevented your succeeding
in that measure. Oh, but, says the Noble Lord, the Secretary
for the Colonies, you were never more mistaken—as long as
the Assembly continues, it is impossible that justice can
be done between man and man, our measure is the only one to
secure that, and you obstructed our measure, v.hich was es-
sential to the wellbeing of the colony. Now if the Noble Lord
believes his measure essential to the wellbeing of the colony—
if the Noble Lord believes that without this measure
it is impossible that justice can be done between man
and man, why does he still continue to incir
the responsibility of administering the affairs of that colony,
when he acknowledges that we have placed an obstruction in
his way, and that it is impossible justice can be administered
fairly between man and man.---(Loud cheers.) With all
these circumstances calculated to create alarm—with the Char-
tist agitation convulsing the country—with the Boandary
question unsettled—with the aggressions of the French at
Monte Video—with the increase of the French Navy—are
you prepared to make a great struggle, or will you quietly sub-
mit to let England sink in the scale of nations? You are pre-
pared to make a great struggle ?—( Signs of assent from the
Ministerial benches.) Well, then, what are your means?—
(Cheers from the Opposition.) I ask, with all these dangers
both at home and abroad, what is the state of your finances?
For the last three years you have had an increasing deficiency ;
notwithstanding you have had an increasing income in three
years, you have accumulated a debt of three millions.
In 1838 your deficiency was 140,0001. ; in 1839, 425,000/.
and in 1840 you calculate it at a million, and the last quarter
you have remaining in which to make up your deficiency is the
first quarter in which your new Post-office regulations come
into operation.—(Loud cheers.) I ask, then, with your India
trade cut off—with the removal of your Indian source of re-
venue by the abolition of the opium trade—with you tea trade,
that great source of revenue stopped—with your three millions
of deficiency in three years of profound peace—l ask where and
how are you prepared to find the means for your great struggle,
and as the Hon. Gentleman says, to make a great effort to
keep England in the scale of nations? Why, I say, under those
circumstances, and that state of the revenue, the sacrifice, small
as the amount may be—small I trust it will be, although I think
it will be large, from the Post-office arrangement—that
is an indefensible sacrifice, and you tell me the House is
obliged to make good that deficiency.—(Loud cries of
"Hear, hear," and cheers.) Why we scorn and repudiate it,
and your own supporters laugh at the pledge ; and when you
come to apply for new taxes to make good the two millions,
I should like to know where you will find them. Has the
House of Commons sufficient confidence in you to vote them?
—and if not, in what state will you leave the revenues to
meet the mighty effort you are going to make ? I had not
meant to have trespassed so long upon the time of the House,
but there was one question more particularly than any other
which I was desirous of avoiding and shrinking from, had it
not been for the observations of the Hon. Gentleman op-
posite. I mean the discussion of the religious question.
And now, Sir, at the outset, I have no hesitation in declaring
my strong and fixed principle that since the passing of the
Emancipation Act, not only have I had no desire, nor
would I consent to be a party to the repeal of that Act, but
that in carrying out that Act fully and impartially into effect,
there shall be no Gentleman in this House who would go
further or more willingly and cheerfully to carry it out than '
myself.—( Cheers.) I say that that Act made all classes of
her Majesty's subjects entitled to an equal participation in all
civil rights, and 1 for one will never be a party to
depriving them of any one of those rights. And
when Honourable Gentlemen think to connect the great
body of the party on this side of the House with those ex-
treme opinions, which he says he has heard, from whom he has
not named, when he talks of speeches that we have never
heard—(Cries of " Oh, oh")-1 have not met any of them.
One of the gentlemen to whom reference was made, I hare
on one occasion met, I mean the Rev. Mr. APNeile, and a
more eloquent and more temperate and sounder speech than
that which I heard him deliver, and one more free from any
one of those characteristics which the Hon. Gentleman has
described, I have never heard. The Hon. Gentleman talks
about the venders of every species of calumny and uncharita-
bleness ; but he does not name any party, nor has he given
us any quotation. He concluded by saying, if you do nut
mean those opinions, what do you mean by the term Protestant
Government ? I tell him I am for Protestant Government too, and
I can tell him that by the Constitution of this country its Go-
vernment is Protestant, and that the Sovereign by the Con-
stitution of this country is a Protestant Sovereign, and that
the Establishment of this country is a Protestant Establish-
ment, and what is meant by a Protestant Government is, as the
lion. Gentleman himself has said, that we will not be the
minions if Popery—that phrase is not mine, but that of an Hon.
Gentleman opposite (Mr. Ward—" It is Mr. Thesiger's")
—Mr. Thesiger's then but I say there is a great thilerence
between the benighted minions of Popery, in the sense in which it
was used by the Learned Gentleman, and our being firmly de-
termined to secure to all her Majesty's subjects the equal enjoy-
ment of all their civil rights. That enjoyment I will maintain as
far as the Hon. Gentleman himself—l will not forget that lam
a Protestant subject of a Protestant Sovereign—(Cheers)—and
I will not by any means, either private or political, so tar as I
know, do anything to endanger the security and welfare of
this Protestant Establishment.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
That is what I mean when I talk of a Protestant Government.
But to show the accuracy of this statement, if the House will
forgive me a moment, 1 heard of an attack by the Hon. and
Gallant Member for Brighton against a gentleman whom he
never sate or heard of until the present occasion, with reference
to a speech delivered by him at a meeting on the subject of
education.
Captain PECHELL—No, no; it was at a dinner.
Lord STANLEY—I am told that he objected to the ap-
pointment of the Honourable and Learned Member for
Tipperary, to the appointment of the Hon. and Learned
Member for Waterford, and to the appointment of the Hon.
Member for Kildare, on the ground of their being Roman Ca •
tholics. That is the charge, and the Hon. Gentleman had a
printed letter in his band when he made that charge. The
Hon. Gentleman read a portion of a speech from a Newspaper,
and I suppose that it is identical with this.
Captain PECHELL—No, no.
Lord STAI\. LE :'-1f it is not, I should have taken care to
receive an accurate copy. This is the speech said to have been
delivered by this gentleman, in which he objects to Mr. More
O'Ferrall on the ground of his being a Roman Catholic. (The
Noble Lord then read an extract from a speech of the Re-
verend Mr. Anderson, which had been previously read
by the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Brighton.)
The Gallant Member stopped there—would it not have been
fairer to go farther?—( Cheers from the Opposition.) The Reve-
rend Gentleman went on to say, " I must also allude to a gross
fallacy, now too prevalent, and which is daily put forth in the
papers, that the great body of the Conservatives are anxious
that the Emancipation Act should be made a dead letter. We
desire no such thing."—(Loud cheers.) "We hold that Act
to be law, and as such to be respected and acted upon."—
(Cheers.) This is the gentleman who is said to have objected
to the appointment of Mr. M. O'Ferrall for being a Roman Ca-
tholic—( Hear, hear)—and the Hon. Gentleman had the letter
in his hand at the time !—(Cheers.) Indeed, I believe the
Hon. Gentleman had the same edition from which I have been
reading. —( Hear, hear. )
Mr. WARD—No : I received a written statement (point
ing to Captain Pechell).
Lord STANLEY—I should think that the Hon. Member
will be very cautious how he receives any more " written
statements" from the same quarter.—(lmmense laughter, and
cheers.) This Rev. Gentleman does not object to the appoint-
ment of Mr. M. O'Ferrall, but he does to those of Mr. Shell
and Mr. Wyse. As to the first Gentleman, I will now read
one of the grounds on which the objection is stated.—(Cries
of " Read.") If Hon. Gentlemen will look to the next page
or two, they will, I think, see the reason why I should not read
it.—( Renewed cries of " Read.") No, I will not read that ;
but this I will say, that it is a reason which must have weight
with those who are so emphatic in their professions of horror at
anything like disrespect towards members of the Royal family.
The Noble Lord here read a further extract from the speech of
Mr. Anderson, in which it was stated that, not many years
ago, Mr. Shiel was charged with having rebelled against the
law, and his name stood in the list of persons tried for these
offences in the Court of Exchequer. Now, the objection to Mr.
Wyse was, that he was an active member of the Central Society
of Education, which had denunciated doctrines, repudiated and
condemned, and considered dangerous to the Protestant reli-
gion.---(Hear, hear.) I have now only to thank the House
for the kind and patient hearing it has given me. I have
stated the grounds on which I can place no confidence in the
present Government. In stating these grounds I believe that
I have stated grounds why the great body of the people
of this country have no confidence, and can have none,
in the Members of the present Government ; and my convic-
m
convic-
tion is, that if. you were voting this night—if Hon. Gentlemen
were voting in their consciences whether they had or had not
confidence theprinciploefs,htehre
Majesty'sforesigli Government, t, theye
rnm
prudence,ent t h e
energy,and the firmness the
vote would be not to retain them in office but a vote distinctly
to say we have no eonfidencree. in the measures' of her Majesty's
Government.—(Loud and
andnerated chfering.)
?tNion of the former BanßdO, TonHtEhße TmnlO Hon.RPE TAlllemrboesre, Loa,
gethierr.,
debate was adjourned till to-morrow.
of, and the House
The Order of the Day was thendisposed
adjourned at a Quarter to Twelve o, Cloak.

Mr. G. B. Hobhouse paired off on Monday night
in favour of the Ministerial allowance is Prince Albert, with
Sir F. Pollock.

ERRATA IN COL. THOMPSON'S LETTER
PF:
In line 27 of paragrph 2, for " purposes," read " the "
poses." In 6th line from end of paragraph 2, for
wish
solemnly," read " I ask solemnly.
KING CHARLES THE MARTYR—ANNIVER-
sARY SERNION —Yesterday, according to custom on the anni-
versary of King Charles I. 's execution, the new chaplain of
the House, the Rev. Mr. Andrews, preached before the Com_
mons in gt. Margaret's church, Westminster. The Speaker
was attended by the Sergeant-at-Arms, Sir William Gossett,
the clerks of the House in their official robes, and also by the
trainbearer and other officers of the House. Sir Robert Inglis,
M.P., and Mr. Brotherton, M.P., Lord Euston, and Mr.
Pringle (and no more Members) were also present during the
service.
HAYMARKET THEATRE.—This house was
taken last night by
.a party of amateurs, who got up the opera
of Cinderella. Their exertions were exceedingly praiseworthy;
the opera was nicely sung. The lady who played Cinderell
has a voice of astonishing power.