The Sun.
London, England, 1847-11-30 00:00:00

's
C 42 c

distinction in principle between the law of property in
En :laud and the law of property in Ireland with respect
to ibis tenant right. We admit here the justice of the
principle that the tenant improving his land lan ought not
to he disposs_used of it and made to forfeit the money he
has laid outlffimprovements at the mere caprice of the
landlord. I think that to be a principle of justice in
England, and I think it also a principle of justice with
respect to Ireland ; but no man who considers tnis sub-
ject and desires to make it the subject of direct legisla-
tion can enter on the discussion without being soon aware
of the very formidable difficulties in the way. Only last
session, or in the preceding session, there being a general
concurreuce in the principle acted upon in Lincolnshire,
viz., the principle bil'hich the tenant, being dispos-
sessed of his farm, has a right (not recognised by law, I
believe, but recognised by the landlords) to the value of
the inesiaausted improvements he has made on his land,
when an attempt was made to introduce by law that
principle throughout England, we know how great were
the difficulties of the subject, even while we did not,
at the same time, contest the justice of the prin•
ciple.—(Hear, hear.) So it is with respect to Ireland,
and even with respect to the limited view of tenant right
taken by the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, namely,
that the tenant should have the right to recover for
improvements made by him on the soil. Speaking of
bona fide improvements, I admit that to be just, and
though I should cordially rejoice to see the principle
giving such security to the tenant embodied in a law,
yet, having considered the subject, I am fully aware of
the difficulties of it—difficulties which ought not to make
us despair, but ought, at any rate, to render us not too
stiognine.—(Hear, hear.) So with respect to many other
matters deeply connected with the social state of Ireland.
!ing as I do the vast importance of giving them earlf
• c-Lsideration, I am yet not sanguine enough to hope
that, great as the effects of the proper treatment of them
may be ultimately, it would tell immediately on the pre-
sent condition of Ireland ; and, as I said before, I will
on no account wait. I will take an immediate step with
respect to assassination, conspiracy, and assassins ; and
will enter into no negotiation or capitulation with them.
--s Cheers.) It is not my intention, in giving my
support to the Government, to make any reference to
th bygone transactions of 1846.—(Hear, hear.) It has
been said by an Honourable Gentleman that it is
due to the late Government that you should resist this
Tn-asure because you defeated a similar measure when
they were in office. The best reparation you can make
to the late Government is to pass this law.—(Cheers.)
As for reparation in any party sense—l speak for my-
self—so far from wishing to see the passing of this
measure in any way urged against the Government as
- triumph in reference to any proposal made at another
time, I utterly disclaim entertaining such sentiments.
Tie state of society in Ireland is the paramount consi-
deration, and all party disputes and squabbles are
itterly unworthy of consideration.—(Cheers.) The
Tight Honourable Gentleman opposite has proposed a
measure which, on the responsibility of the Govern-
ment, he thinks adequate for the purpose. I think we
mist regard the decision of the Government as almost
final in this respect. I think that a popular assembly
representing the people ought to be most unwilling to
force on the Government any measures which they do
no- think necessary, and they being of opinion that
with the proposed measure they will be able to cope
with the existing evil, I think wo should be unwilling
cs, suggest proceedings departing in a more extraor-
' 7.ary degree from the established law.—(Hear, hear.)
I wish to observe, however, that there arc parts of the
pu-posed measure which Ido not understand. Ido not
understand what is to be the nature of the tribunal
before which, in a proclaimed district, offenders are to
be carried. I understand the Right Hon. Gentleman to
Say that the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland should have un-
limited power to proclaim districts in Ireland corre-
sponding with the limits of counties or smaller divisions.
Then I understand that the Lord• Lieutenant is to have
a double discretionary power in respect to the possession
of arms—namely, a power to interdict the carrying of
arms except by parties named in the Act or specially
authorised.
Sir G. GREY—That would necessarily follow from
the proclamation.
sir R. PEEL—I will take the ease of a witness called
on to attend a trial, in a district where the sympathy is
with the murderer and not with the murdered man. I
take it for granted that the Lord-Lieutenant would allow
that witness the possession of firearms—that that was a
case where he would exercise his discretion. Then I
understand that there might be cases where the peace
was threatened in a higher degree, in which the Lord-
Lieutenant would have, by additional proclamation, the
power to prevent the possession of arms even in the
houses of persons holding them, as well as on the high-
way. But the Right Hon. Gentleman has not said
whether this offence is to be tried by the ordinary or
special tribunals.
Sir G. GREY—Precisely as Whiteboy offences are
now tried.

Sir R. PEEL—I am also bound to say that I think
the state of the law with respect to the possession of
arms, after this Bill has' been passed, will be unsatis-
factory. In instances named by the Lord-Lieutenant
the population may be disarmed, either partially or
totally; there will be a power of domicili w visits, and
of depriving all parties of the possession ortrms, except
• those who are specially permitted to retain them; but I
am afraid that, unless the exceptions are very wide, you
rain 7 create great insecurity in some of the disturbed
districts by almost indiserirainately disarming the popu
lat,on; because, with the exception of magistrates, of
persons in the public service, or of persons who are
specially excepted from the operation of the Act by the
Lord-Lieutenant, all parties, without distinction, will be
required to deliver up their arms. retaining none fur
elr defence. There can be no doubt that many per
s „le in the lower ranks of society are now in the pos-
sez-sion of arms for no dishonest or illegal purpose, but
..cwijide for the purpose of offering that resistance which
i, the most effectual check upon the invader of the
public peace; for I believe that the shooting of one man
by the brave, determined occupier of a house, has
',lore effect in repressing outrage than half-a-dozen
executions —(Hear, hear.) But, if the intention of the
Bill should be to disarm, indiscriminately, all persons
het those who are excepted from its operation, I am
atraid the effect of the measure will not be such as I am
acre the Right Hon. Baronet is desirous that it should
be—to afford additional protection to life and property.
in certain districts, proclaimed by the Lord-Lieutenant,
there will be a general disarming of the people. In the
aujoining districts there will be no prohibition, no restric-
tion whatever, as to the indiscriminate possession of arms
!..v all persons. Now, I must say that, although the
Heins Act has been given up, there are many districts in
iodised in which repeated murders do not occur, yet in
which I think there is no justification whatever for per-
mitting the perfectly unrestricted possession of arms.
Tile Lad-Lieutenant will have the power of issuing his
proclamation to disarm certain persons ; but I think it
would be infinitively better to have a general Act, re-
gulating the possession of arms, applicable to the whole
country, rather than to provide that in certain districts,
almost as had, and immediately adjoining the prohibited
districts, the people will not only have the power to keep
arms in their houses, but to parade those arms in the
face of the authorities at mid day, and to carry on those
shooting operations to which the police-constable of
whom we have heard referred. I think the state of the
law in this respect, under the Bill before the House,
would be very imperfect and unsatisfactory; and I hope
the Right Lion. Baronet (Sir G. Grey) will not abandon
altogether the notion of having some Arms Act, which,
with as littri vexation as possible, may regulate gene-
rally the possession of arms throughout the country.
What will be exactly the state of the law with respect to
Whiteboy ()Minces under the proclamation it is impos-
sible to say, and I do not think that it is the occasion for
entering into those details. I consider that the Right
Hon. Baronet has offered a full vindication of this mea-
sure. He hay proved that there exists in Ireland a de-
gree of insecurity which ought not to be permitted to
continue. I cannot say whether the Bill he proposes
will be effica&ous or not; but I earnestly hope, that if
before Parliament may separate there should be reason
to believe that it will nut be efficacious, no fear of taunt
will prevent in.m from appealing to Parliament to
strengthen the hands of the Government, My firm belief is,
speaking from the experience of 30 or 40 years, that there
are certain districts in Ireland subject to all those great
causes which lead to the disorganization of society, and
that there are sense districts, for instance, in Tipperary,
where crime is inveterate and almost ineradicable. In
1814 s I detailed cases of organised conspiracies to mur-
der, directed against gentlemen of the highest respect-
alaity, exactly similar to those which have been laid
heffirre the House by the Right Hon. Baronet. I recol-
',ct perfectly well a case in which, on each of three dif-
ilunt roads approaching the town of Clonmel, five
assins, hired by a party of considerable wialth, were
se '.ioned, in order to insure the execution of a maeis-
th to of the highest respectability. By one of those
i• Ala this magistrate travelled, and by the five assassins
it'.*,,ioned on that road he was murdered. It appeared
ti.st the assassins had been hired at two guineas a piece
t. commit the deed. A reward of 1,000/. was offered to
any person but those who actually fired the shots, for the
•!enviction of each of the assassins. The person by
whom they were engaged laid open the whole plot, and
,flaimed the reward. Two of the assassins whom he
7l'PloYed were convicted, and in consequence of the
!t&%au ance given by the Government, I paid that
111 n r 2,000
unfair to L—(eries of "Hear, hear.") But it is quite
umst unjuat to j.
imputeur Ireland crimes of this nature; it is
ge of the general disposition of Ireland
from the i i of.these particular districts.—(Hear,
hear.) I
instance,rdecgatrer,with respect to the great towns of
Ireland—for
'seem are publin, Limerick, and Cork—
where the
collected together in large bodies.
that they seem to be almost
rr.lanre submissive to the laws,
morale obedient to the authorities, than they are in this
y—Mer, hear)—andit'tehs
ande same may be said of
the inhabitants of Wicklow
ehteher counties. In
many districts of Ireland I think t
patient
tlieenoupel people
pa are
amt.
jocTlie,
peaceable, more resigned and
are quite as
than the people of this country, and
to the laws; and I conceive this3tr
he mo ©tunjust to judge of the general character nothing
Can
Jooplo of Ireland from those plague-spots which ha.the
ve
:en mentioned. But, if these crimes are so hive!
~,rata in certain districts, I greatly mistrust the
ificaey of any mere temporary law
is not absolutely neces-
sary for their suppres-
',aim. I greatly doubt whether
to subject some districts to a permanent discipline.
I do not think it would be necessary to have enormous
-penahies or unconstitutional powers; but I would have
new police districts, I would have the strictest registry
of every person within them, and I would subject those
districts—as the Right Hon. Baronet proposes—toexpense entailed by such measures;
se
th ocuaghhe
from n the
e
people are suffering, as is at present the w
ex-
treme poverty, I do not know whether this step would
afford any very effectual remedy. I would
.also have a
detective police, as well as a protective police.—(lleac,
hear.) I consider that this is what you want in Ireland.
__
You have an excellent police for defeating powerful
edrobinatioins, but I think you are wanting in a detective
Dolice.—(llfar, hear.) I think you ought to have a

police especially engaged in the detection of these
offenders. I think you should also give some assurance
to witnesses that, if they aid you in carrying the laws into
effect, they shall hare valid protection. I know how
difficult it is to deal with this question. You must take
care not to hold out inducements which might lead to
unfounded accusations ; but when a man who comes
forward to give his evidence in aid of the operation of
the law is doomed, if not to murder at least to certain
ruin, it is a discouragement to the due administration
of the law for which it is almost impossible to find a
remedy. And, even if you sent such a witness to Canada,
or to some of our other colonies, I fear that, with the
great facilities of communication which now exist, you
would not give him the protection he needs. I very
much fear that he would be a marked man in the colo-
nies, and that those facilities of communication which
now exist would be employed for defeating the due ad-
ministration of the law. These subjects, as it appears
to me, deserve the serious consideration of the Govern-
ment. As I said before, I think the necessity for the
immediate passing of a law against murder, and con-
spiracy to murder in Ireland, is most urgent. I will
quarrel with none of the details of this measure. I will
give it my cordial support ; and I trust that those who
opposed the measure brought forward in 1846, if they
have any consideration for the feelings of the late Go-
vernment will not withhold their support from the Bill
now before the House.—(flear, hear.)
Mr. M. O'COI\TNELL hoped, that if Government ob-
tained leave to bring in this Bill they would accompany
it, as far as possible, pari passu, with a landlord and
tenant Bill.
Mr. CALLAGHAN congratulated Ministers on their
having escaped the trap that had been laid to prevail on
them to introduce a Coercion Bill. He confessed it
afforded him very great gratification not to deny a Go-
vernment, to which he gave general support, the as-
sistance of his vote on an occasion like the present.
Mr. DISRAELI said, I had not intended, during this
debate, to trespass one moment on the attention of the
House ; but, with every wish to remain silent, I cannot,
after the speech which we have just heard from the
Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, but
feel it due to myself and to those who opposed his Irish
Bill in the last Parliament, to take some pains in order
that the present House of Commons may understand
the position in which we stand towards the House and
each other with regard to the present Bill. I will not
say—though it would he at legitimate reason for the
course which we took—that it arose from a general want
of confidence in those who were then the responsible
advisers of the Crown. We did not oppose the Bill of
the late Government for regulating the possession of
arms in Ireland because we had no confidence in them.
On the contrary, though that would have been a per-
fectly legitimate ground of objection, it was not that which
we used; for I myself and other Members of the last Par-
liament objected to that measure, not because it was
brought in by the Government then in power, but
because we took exception to the provisions of that
particular Bill, and I therefore wish the House to
understand the differences which subsisted between the
Rightiflon. Baronet and the last Parliament on the sub-
ject of his measures of Irish legislation, and I desire
especially to call attention to the difference between the
policy towards Ireland of the present Government as
contrasted with that of the Right Hon. Baronet. At
the commencement of the session the administration of
the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth
announced to Parliament and to the country, that life
and property in Ireland were in imminent danger. I
hope the House will recollect—though many who are
now present did not belong to the late Parliament, but
they, I trust, even then took too strong an interest in the
condition of the country to remain ignorant of what was
at that time passing in this House—they, in common
with other Members, will, I hope, remember that Par-
liament was in a most hurried manner called together,
and we were informed that life and property in Ireland
were in imminent peril at the time of our assembling ;
yet the Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet for giving pro-
tection to life and security to property in Ireland was
not introduced for months after the meeting of Parlia-
ment—was not laid upon the table of this House till the
month of June.

Mr. HUDSON—It was brought in in the month of
ApEiL
_ _ .

.11r. DISRAELI resumed—lt was not before Parlia-
ment for any purpose of practical legislation till the
month of June. That session of Parliament, as we all
remember, was occupied with business of great import-
ance ; but, in the interval of its labours, time, I should
have thought, might have been found fur those mea-
sures which the state of Ireland required, and, however
important the affairs which engaged its attention, they
could not have been more important than the protection
of life and property. We, who opposed the Bill, did
not resist it merely on account of the conduct of the
late Government in the management of that Bill, though
that of itself supplied a fair ground of suspicion ;
neither did we resist it on account of the extraordinary
circumstances which attended its introduction and dis-
cussion in the House of Lords, although even there the
circumstances were sufficiently remarkable to attract
peculiar attention for, so little were the Members of the
Cabinet in that House agreed as to the mode of pro-
ceeding, that on more than one occasion the solitary
Member of the Cabinet who had charge of the Bill was
on the point of resigning his duties in a pique. The
measure was one brought forward with very little pros-
pect or chance of success ; leave for its introduction was
obtained, and it was then laid on a dusty shelf until the
session was drawing to a close, and yet that was a Bill
for the protection of life ; hence we were entitled to say
that the late Government could not have seriously in-
tended to go on with that Bill. Months were allowed
to pass away in important and exciting debates, yet
neither that nor the other circumstances to which I have
adverted formed the only or the principal reason why
we opposed the Bill ; on the contrary, our objections
were of a more important character and spirit. My
Noble Friend the Member for King's Lynn, who is, I
regret to say, prevented by indi,position from attending
here this evening—that Noble Lord took the lead in op-
posing the Bill ; he denounced it as a Curfew Bill— as a
measure which would compel men to stay within their
dwellings after sunset. When I examine and analyze
the crimes which gave rise to that measure, as well
as to this, do I not perceive that flagrant and nume-
rous instances of noonday assassinations are to be
found, and that they were frequent before the introduc-
tion of the measure which the Right Honourable
Member for Tamworth submitted to Parliament? This
objection was often urged, and I never could learn that
it was ever satisfactorily answered. In my opinion, it
is much to the credit of the present Government that
when they did feel the necessity of interfering by means
of a legislative enactment they have done so early in
the session, and, as I believe, with a sincere intention to
pass the measure. It is not for me—and I agree with
the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth that it is not for
any one sitting at this aide of the House—to urge the
Queen's Government to advance in an outrago upon the
constitution. If the present measure be not strong
enough fur the occasion, on the Government, anal on the
Government alone, rests the responsibility ; and I need
not remind them that that responsibility is not a light
one. I must say I am happy to find that, after all we
have heard of the state of Ireland, an addition of 200
constables may secure the peace and prosperity of that
country.—(Hear.) But I have no doubt the Govern-
ment have well considered the subject. I have no doubt
they have groat confidence in the officer who has to
administer the powers given by this law. It is not our
part, under any circumstances, to urge the Govern-
ment to exceed the powers which they have esti
mated to us as necessary for attaining the purpose
which we all desire ; and I am glad to find that there
will be almost a unanimous consent in supporting the
measure which they have introduced. All that I have
risen fur is, that it should be clearly understood that
the passion of party. did not induce us, even for the
purpose of terminating the existence of an Administra-
tion which we did not wish to endure—that nothing hut
a legitimate consideration induced us to oppose the
measure of the late Government.—(An ironical cry of
" Hear.") I will answer that ironical cheer; I am not
saying that we did not embrace legitimate opportunities,
which every gentleman and every party would—(Hear,
hear)—and if there be any party in this House holding
the existence of a Government to be generally injurious
to the country, I should think the whole character of
of our constitution was lost if that party did not exer-
cise its power upon a legitimate opportunity.—(Hear,
hear.) I :say that that was not a factious opposition,
fur these reasons which I give you, and let them be
answered; first, that the measure that was introduced
by the late Government, which, at the commencement
of the year, announced as the basis of its legislation
that the lives of her Majesty's subjects were in danger,
was not really proceeded with until six months after
Parliament had been sitting; and secondly, that that
measure contained a principle of legislation which we
considered unnecessary and arbitrary.—(Hear.)
Sir G. GREY begged to say a few words with regard
to the spirit in which the measure of the Government
had been received, and to offer his thanks to those mem-
bers who came down to oppose the Bill fur having suf-
fereci it to go on, because it was of great importance
that it should be brought on with promptitude. The
Bid would be in force till the 31st of December, 1849,
and then till the end of the next session of Parliament.
With regard to the observations of the Right Hon.
Baronet (Sir R. Peel), he (Sir G. Grey) had intended
to state that there was an advantage in the small farmers
retaining their arms, and that as to the license for carry-
ing the rule, and licenses would be granted to them to
have them in their houses for the purpose of protection.
With regard to the detective police, he was glad that
the Right Hon. Baronet had mentioned the subject, be-
cause it reminded him to say, that Lord Bessborough, in
the early part of last year, had had his attention called to
it, and an organisation of such a force had been commenced,
and bad been carried on by the present Lord-Lieutenant,
who a few days ago, reported favourably of its efficacy
in the detection of offenders. With regard to a general
arms Bill, having read the resolutions of the Fermanagh
magistrates, the Government still had no intention of
reviving the former Bill. There were, however, some
regulations as t• the indiscriminate possession of arms,
under the consideration of the Lord-Lieutenant, and
onw.ere not precluded by the present Bill from ex-
tendingti
ti l
Y tut ie s
wouldmea measure re,
only i f
remindnecessary,the
0 ihnitoou as
withnett general
regardrog
u-
to the Bill of the Right Honourable Baronet in 1846,
that there was then an arms Bill in force, and powers
were naked for far beyond the ordinary powers of the
law, while thatltwas
atis his
ss
the
Bill did not expire till the end of
elie3f thear'at the auenhSolPar
ft amenshe Government,tohi s eaansdu measure
iwtof.ualidiedstirnenigtsthe then
object,
and s
crimes
tn
and outrage continued,
ask
the responsibi-
the Government waoruilidananoe
for such power as
and ektle
ithfully
lity of coining P
would enable them, fa
their duties to the Sovereign nand
the peetuoalily to perform
Mr. WAKLEYproposed as an ainendrlene.t—
-is not just to the people of Ireland to enact a" coercive
i t
measure without, at the same time, proposing to enactive
such measures as would tend to her permanent relief."

There was never any Government that had been more
kind to Ireland than the present one, and they were en-
titled to the gratitude of Ireland and of England, too,
for their conduct in that country, They had been as-
sembled especially for the consideration of the state of
Ireland, and the Government met her with a coercive
measure and an indistinct promise of remedial ones.
Experience had shown that though there may be great
promptitude with coercion, there was very little as re-
garded remedial measures. When he was asked to
vote for a measure which gave such vast powers to the
Lord Lieutenant he had a right to ask, what were the
measuers of a remedial nature, and to see if they were
worthy of that character. No distinct promise had been
given by the Government. The Hon. Member for
Rochdale brought in a Bill to amend the relation
of landlord and tenant years ago, but if met little
attention even from the Irish Members of that House.
The principle of that Bill was now acknowledged.
The proposed Bill might be perfectly justifiable—
indeed, crime of so horrible a character existed in Ire-
land that there was scarcely any powe which the Go-
vernment might ask that he would not give, provided he
saw at the same time propositions in the shape of Bills
which had for their object the striking at the root of
the evils of Ireland. In the absence of any such mea-
sures, he felt bound to propose his amendment, and he
should take the sense of the House upon it.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD seconded the amendment.

Mr. BROTHERTON had heretofore always opposed
coercive measures towards Ireland, unless they were
accompanied by legislative enactments to improve the
social condition of the people of that country. lie was,
however, very hsppy to find, from the sentiments ex-
pressed to-night by Irish Members, that the proposed
measure was not to be characterised, like former Bills,
as a coercion Act; and having the fullest confidence in
the present Lord-Lieutenant, and feeling sure that until
life and property were rendered safe in Ireland the
condition of her people could not be improved, be should
certainly ♦ote in favour of the introduction of the Bill.
Mr. REYNOLDS moved that the debate be now
adjourned.
Mr. F. O'CONNOR seconded the motion.

Strangers were ordered to withdraw, but
Lord J. RUSSELL interposed, and said he had un-
derstood it to be the general and anxious wish of Mem-
bers on both sides of the House that the introduction of
the Bill should not be delayed. Indeed many Members
had, he believed, come down to the House intending to
oppose its introduction, but after the statement of his
Right Hon. Friend the Home Secretary, declared that
they were ready to allow the Bill to be brought in. If
that were the case, he (Lord J. Russell) submitted that
to adjourn the debate, not until to•morrow (because it
would be most inconvenient to postpone the business
which his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the
Exchequer had to bring forward), but to some future
day, would greatly impede the progress of public busi-
ness, and prevent Irish Members from having that full
opportunity of considering the Bill which it was most
desirable should be afforded to them.—(Hear, hear.)
He (Lord J. Russell) therefore hoped the motion for
adjournment would not be persisted in, but that the
House would at once agree to the introduction of the
. . .

Mr. REY/4OLDS withdrew his motion.
Thu House then divided on 51r. Wakley's amend,
meat:—

For the amendment .
Against it ..,. .

... 20
... 233-213

On the quastion, " That leave be given to bring in
the Bill," another division took place at the instance of
Mr. O'CoNsou. The numbers were:—

For the bringing in of the Bill

Against

... 224

18-206

The Bill was then brought in and read a first time,
and the House adjourned at a.Quarter before one o'Clock.

THE DIVISION LAST NIGHT.

The following Hon. Gentleman voted in the minority
of twenty last night, on Mr. Wakley's amendment to
the Irish Coercion Bill:
Anstey O'Brien, T.
Blenett O'Connell, M.
Devereux Power, N.
Fagan Reynolds
Fux, R. M. Scholefield
Green Scully, F.
Keatinge Thompson, G.
Morgan TELLERS.
Maher, N. Wakley, T.
O'Connor, F. Crawford, S.
Mr. John O'Connell did not vote on either Mr.
Wakley's amendment or that subsequently proposed by
Mr. Feargus O'Connor.

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flexes, ss. ; Pit, as. ; Gallery, ks. ; lipper Gallery, Is.

Doors open at Half-past Six, Performance to commence at Seven.

IMEATRE ROYAL, ADELPLII.
Cider the direction of Madame Celeste.
THIS EVENING

Will be presented a new and original Drama, called GAIIIIIELLI
or, the llequeathed Heart. Fitzgerald O'Carrol, Mr. Moyee ' • Mayor
Dunmore, Mr. Worrell; Marquee di Minclo, Mr. Paul Bedford ;
Bal-
thazar Valtlarno, Mr. 0. Smith; Rob Bit, Mr. Wright ; Gabriel!.
Madame Celeste ; Signora D'Oasuna, Miss Ilrouks.
After which, a New Farce, entitled THIS HOUSE TO BE SOLD
the property of the late William Shakepeare), inquire Within. Cha-
racters by Messrs. Wright, Cullenford, Worrell, O. Smith, Paul Bed
ford, Mrs. Laws, &c., &c.
To be followed by the original farce, called HOW TO SETTLE
ACCOUNT, WITH YOUR LAUNDRESS. Whittington Widgets,
Mr. Wright; Jack Brown, Mr, Menyard ; Squibb, Mr. Redmond
ttyau ; Mary White, MISS Woolgar ; Mdlle. Cherry Bounce, Mite
I..:niqui Harding.
To conelude with the Farce of SHOCKING EVENTS. In which
Mr. Lambert, Mr. Worrell, Mr. Munyard, Miss Harding, and Mite
2liablin will perform.
isoxes, 45.; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery, Is.
. _

?',ors open at Half-past ails, ierformance to commence at Seven,

ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.
eider the Managemeit of Madame Testrls.
Gold Lessee, Mr. Charles Matkows.
THIS EVENING,

Will be presented the Farce of SIATIIEWS and CO.
Atter which, a estate Drama, called ♦ BOUGH DIAMOND.
To be followed by UliBD UP.
To conclude with a Romance if Real Life, called BOX and COX
Principal charasters by Mr. Barley, Mr. Ituckstone, and Mrs. Mac,
tiara ara.

The interior of the Reuse kas been entirely re-designed ly Mr. W.
Bradwell of the Colosseum.

PRINCESS'S THEATFE.

Thugagenaeat 14 lir. MICREADT and MISS CUSHMAN.