The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-12 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, JANUARY 12, Ib4l.

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4 PRACTICAL TREATISE on the
CAUSES, NATURE, and TREATMENT of
STRICTURES of the URETHRA, and their CONSE-
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By FRANCIS BURDETT COURTENAY, M.R.C.S.L.
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Strictures of the Urethra.
CONTENTS.
Symptoms resemble those of
Stricture.
CHAPTER Pr.
Of the Treatment of the Mala-
dies Consequent upon Stric-
ture.

CHATTER 1.
Causes of Strictures.
Divisions of Strictures.

Consequences of Strictures.

CITAFTXIt, 11.
Of the Different Modes in
practice for' the Cure of
Strictures, by the Bougie,
(Iv, Catheter, the Lunar
Caustic, and Cutting In-
struments. The Author's
Mode of Cure.

A rrENmx.

Cases Illustrative of the Su-
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Mode of Cure over the Trezt-
merit by the Bougie, Cathe-
ter, Lunar Caustic, and Cut-
ting Instruments.

CHAPTER 111.

On the Diseases where thei

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TIIE IRON TRADE.--This important trade has
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of the past year, whi:,ll2 depression continued to its very
dace. The new year has, however, opened with a sud.
den and deoidcA iaiprovi:nient: ticaiand is briF,k, ;Lila
larga tai's htvc b.,!oa alr 3uy mad:: at an advanct: of si. to
LOs. per ton; the present quotations of Welsh bars on
shipment being 7/. 10s. per ton.—Silurian.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(FROM THE MORNING PAPERS 'OF THIS DAY.)
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
One consequence of the contest ut Walsall is that
the Corn-laws are, and must henceforth be, through-
out Eng!anti, a hustings question. Every election will
bring them into discussion. There will be no shirking
or swamping the subject. It will present itself every-
where, and under circumstances of the stongest excite-
ment. In the House of Commons it may be regarded
as an annual bore, to be endured, being an inevitahle
evil, but to be got rid of as summarily as possible.
Members may congratulate themselves that the debate
will soon be over. They may indicate in the most
unequivocal manner their contempt for the discussion,
and their determination to be rid of the question. They
may clamour, and laugh, and cough ; snort, bray,
and crow ; but whenever they come again to the
hustings, face it they must. Of that future encoun•
ter they have now fair warning. Their tricks and
gibes will not avail on that arena. The anticipation
can be no very pleasant one for the supporters of
the food monopoly. It will soon begin to haunt
them. They are under the shadow of that coming
event. The bread•taxers, and the bread-taxed shall
there stand face to face. And though the influence on
which they rely may carry some of them through ;,
though a majority of servile or enforced suffrages may'
be reckoned upon as being at their command ; still
there must be something appalling in meeting thourlafids;
who execrate them as plunderers of the poor :1.4401
ctipbo ird to replenish their own purses. The cage ;iS.
not an ordinary one of political oppo-sition. Thertetll
not merely have to present theutselvek before antagonistss
who are simply made so by difference of opinion upoh
some constitutional abstraction. Their opponents are
multitudes who firmly and justly believe themselves to
be the objects of 'a cruel, heartless, and sordid robbery.
They must abide the indignant gaze and voices of men
from whom, and from whose pining families, they have
taken fourpence out of every shilling's worth of
bread. Some nerve is required for such a prospect.
They will need a front of brass. But there is no
avoiding it. If they can and dare, let them, by
some crooked manoeuvre, unseat the present Mnis-
try ; they will only bring it on all the sooner. It is as
certain as death ; and if they realise it, and have any
ec.-gated for the cs'zimation of their fellow countrymen,
scarcely less terrible. They will soon hear of the ques-
tion irl the House. But that is only the prelude to the
question at the hustings. It is the first toll of the hell ;
and it will strike ominously upon their hearts. How-
ever, they will, doubtless, try to meet the subject with
their accustomed boldness of demeanour, and so let
them, " with what appetite they may." The new Poor-
law will not answer to the Tories as a popular diversion
and set-off against the Corn-laws. It cannot, for this
plain reason, that it is quite as much a Tory as a Whig
measure. All the world knows that the journals which
declaim most loudly against its severities have no honest
purpose. We should have probably read the last
of the,ze tirades were Toryism once in power. Not
that we apologise for any harshness or hardness.
The destitute poor are not sufficiently cared for ;
and whether the fault be in enactment or in admi-
nistration, the evil should be remedied. But there is
no alleviation of the stringency of the Poor-law com-
parable for a moment with that which the repeal of the
Core-haws would afford. A flush of employment would
promptly follow. Manufacturers would no longer be
obliged to refuse immense orders because their goods
could only be paid for in foreign corn. 'rho loom
would be alive. Wages would rise ; for when have
they net risen if masters wanted more hands instead
of fewer? Who would care about the Poor-laws—
who feel their stringency, if honest labour obtained
enough for the support of a family ? That stringency
would only fall upon the idle and dissolute ; and in rela-
tion to them, and their attempt to prey upon the steady
and industrious, it is not so very objectionable. If
the Walsall electors give the first of a series of
mortal blows to tt.e bread-tax, what a blessing from
the nation hereafter will they earn for themselves!
The corn monopoly is the great agency of bring-
leg the necessitous under the severities of the Poor-
law. Which are the most pauperised counties in Eng-
lend ? Toe manufacturing ? 0, no such thing ; not-
witustanding the upnatural check given to the progress
of manufactures. It is in the agricultural counties that
poverty is most abundant and its pressure heaviest ; and
nut only so, but the great corn-growing counties are
more pauperz;:d than the grazing districts. Bucking-
hamshire, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk ; these arc the re-
gioes most widely subjected to the calamity and curse
of pauperism. The cost of their poor, as estimated by
toe amount per head of' the population, is three times
that of manulacturing Lancashire. Dividing England
Imo twenty-one counties, of which the population was,
according to the census of 1831, chiefly agricultural ;
and twenty-one in which it was chiefly manufacturing,
mining, and trading.. the average annual poor's-rate for
each Individual of the population is, for the former,
nearly 83., and for the latter only about ss. The corn
monopoly is the centre of the pestilence of pauperism.
The landlord is the only one to gain ; the labourers on
ors property are the first to lose, No tongue can tell
the misery in which our agricultural districts would
uave sunk, but for the drain of their surplus hands to
manufacturing employment.
monopoly pursues them there: AGntriindtiineg ow evil
n pro.
of
(toeing classes to a miserable pittance, its short-sighted
cravings would destroy the only outlet by which its
exiles may support themselves, anti react upon the sup-
port and profit of agriculture. In Arthur Young's
Annals of Agriculture," he mentions that a labourer
was then (1801) living in the vicinity of Bury, who,
when be worked for sa. could purchase, with that 55.,
a bushel of wheat, a bushel of malt, a pound of butter,
a pound of cheese, and a pennyworth' of tobacco. The
same articles would cost now about 225. Meanwhile
rents have doubled and trebled. Part of the differ-
ence, it will be said, is taxation. Yes, s, it is, taxation
forted by the corn monopolists, to save their own
pockets and answer their own purposes. That is part
of it ; and the rest the monopoly itself. The Corn-
laws do not become a hustings question for boroi;ghs
only. 'lacy will be the hustings question for counties,
and a more formidable one to face than Honourable
Members have !hood lately. To play tho Poor-
law question upon it will be like an inefficient stream of
water upon a fire. Work away at the engine, good
Tories, you will augment the blaze. Agriculture,
under the mon .poly systemois a wholsale manufactory
of high rents and pauperism. That the repeal which
would mitigate the pauperism would also destroy the
rent, is an illogical conclusion. Thriving trade, in-
creasing towns, and railway communication, are surer
and more enduring raisers of rent than the strictest mo-
nopoly that eau be conceived. And they enhance rent
without the accomp indnents of bitter alienation, famish-
ing families, destructive riots, midnight incendiarism,
and the curses of plundered poverty that ascend to
Heaven.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
A most significant silence has, on the whole, per-
vaded the Tory press upon the subject of our Indian
as well as CilitICSC affairs, ever since the arrival of the
late inteldgenee from the East. The Tories would, no
doubt, willingly bury in oblivion the credit of any suc-
cesses emanating from the present Government ; but
we cannot allow the glory of.our Indian Government to
be passed over in neglect, merely because its mention
may be painful to the ears of envious capacity or spite-
ful faction. The Tories may ascribe it to" luck," or to
any other chance cause that they please ; but we reply
•
with the General of antiquity, " In this Fortune had
no part." The surrender of Dost Mahomed has
brought the war in Affghanistan to a close. The
various dangers which were impending over our
Eastern empire have disappeared one by one, sur-
mounted by the vigour of our Administration, which has
struck down the Persians and Affghans with one hand,
and the Emperor of China with the other. A dangerous
crisis, unexampled since the days of Lord Wellesley's
Administration, has ended in establishing the British
rule in India firmer than ever, and in raising the re-
nown of our arms to an unparalleled pitch throughout
the whole continent of Asia. We shall he told by the
reputation, ut at
oughtin n, we
not Willingly
to be
Tories that the merit of these great events is wholly
due to our military force, and not to any. foresight or
well-arranged plans on the part of the Government.
'!'hat our gallant army would, under any circumstances,
have 11
rnair
bauintedasistisa well
thisied f
l ea
brought forward in detraction from the merit of the Ad-
ministration by which the efforts of that gallant, force
were directed, or render less conspicuous the imbecility
of the Tories, by whom the very measures which have
led to these signal successes were derided and opposed.
We need no other proof than their recorded sentiments
r
Ri WC shall now show. When a vote of thanks to Lord
Keane and the Indian army, for the capture of
(ill znch, was passing through Parliament, instead of con-
gratulating the country in an honest and hearty manner
upon the successes so nobly achieved, the Tories t
s ig-
matized the war, deprecated its origin, and ; A :
painted its
future prospects in the gloomiest colours. The Govern-
ment was blamed for supporting the legitimate monarch
against Dost Mahorned, who was represented as ho-
i on the confines of his kingdom with an nyer.
whelining force, backed by the sympathy of his country-
men, and ready to resume his sceptre the instant our
troops were withdrawn, Sir Robert Peel, in particu-
lar, lamented that our gallant army should ever have
been entangled amidst the dangerous defiles of a country
I)ci.,:iczt liy h(,;z]n Ldrharians, aid spoke as despond.
ingly as though it had been the expedition of a second
Crassus against the Parthians. We have, therefore, a
' right to say that the Tories cleiruoced the whole policy of

the Affghan expedition ; but let us see to whom belongs
the whole credit of having fomented and brought to a head
the most foveidable combination that has ever threatened
our Indian empire, and whom we have to thank for
having exposed it to so great a risk. To all who are
acquainted with the events which preceded the Affghan
expedition, it is evident that the dangerous predica-
ment so promptly met and overcome, was caused solely
by the neglect and want of foresight of Tory Govern-
ments in preceding years. The peril of our Indian
empire was, in fact, as much the result of the eastern
policy of that party as the more immediate danger which
threatened the peace of Europe fram the blow given
to Turkish independence. The events of 1820, which
laid the Sultan prostrate at the feet of Russia, gate
the finishing stroke to the existence of; Persia as an
independent Power, already much shaken by our re-
fusal, on former occasions, to extend our aid to defend
her ag .just the encroachments of her ambitious neigh-
bour. From that moment Persia became the in-
strument of Russian ambition—British influence de-
clined at the Court of Teheran, and a Persian army,
instigated by Russian agents, was finally launched, as
an advanced guard, against the city of Herat. The
loss of our influence in Persia, as Sir Alexander Burnes
had predicted, led to the loss of our influence among the
Princes of Affghanistan. Dost Mahomed, the most able
and powerful of these, swayed as much by the moraleffect of our abandonment of Persia as by his own
domestic quarrels and enmity to Runjeet Singh, our
ally, after many warnings, thrt.w himself into the arms
of Persia, and but for the :theme° of a British force,
would have placed the keys of India in hostile hands.
That region has always been the arena from which have
issued the conquerors of Hindustan. Timour, Nadir
Shah, Ghenghis Khan, and the Mahometan dynasty of
Ghizeh, all sprung from that quarter ; and NO strong a
superstition has in consequence been begotten, that
there is a well-known Indian proverb which says, that.
" to be King of India, you must be master of Cabool and
Cendahar." Threatened as we were in all quarters, it be-
came of vital importance that we should secure our north-
western frontier. The danger and hazard of the enter-
prise need not he.concealed, nor would Lord Auckland,
wo may be assured, have ventured upon such an ex-
treme step without proof both cf its necessity and of
the probability of accomplishing his object. Had the
Tories been in power, no Affghari expedition would
have been undertaken—things would have beau left to
their course—Russian intrigue would have been per.
mitted to organise a league of Persians and Aft' hens,
which, directed first against our unsteady allies, the
Sikhs, would have next ended in adding their power
to a coalition, of ehich Russia would have taken the
first opportunity to declare herself the head and pro-
tector. Such was the danger we had to guard agein.t
—a greater never menaced India ; and how it has been
met is now known to all t he world. The coalition has been
destroyed—our open foes have been vanquished in the
field—our secret ones have been forced to disown their
intrigues—the English 11 ig floats in triumph by sea and
by Lind, and with no other echo to mar the joy of vic-
tory but the croakings of a disappointed, envious, and
unpatriotic faction.
(From the Times.)
The daily recurrence of the Ministerial Journals to
the Walsall election, proves how grievous is the pro-
spect to them of the loss of another vote. Should that
seat and another (Canterbury) be carried by the Con-
servatives, " justice must be done to Ireland,"—Lord
Stanley's Bill must pass. But then away goes the
power of the mendicant dictator, and away goes that
Ministry which rests upon his support ! The moat
diverting part of the business, however, is, the per-
plexity the " Liberal" Journals are in as to how the
game is to be played. First, Mr. Lyttelton was to be
backed, might and main, as the true and genuine " Mi-
nisterial candidate." Then the Corn-law agitators from
Manchester drove him out of the field, and set up
their own president in his room ; for which they re-
ceived the heartiest execrations of the Chronicle and
Globe. In another day or two, however, perceiving that
it was " Hobson's choice—Smith or none—they sud•
denly turned round, and declared that the nominee
of the " League" most be supported to the utmost! It
is very natural that such conduct as this should either
excite contempt or lead to open avowals of political
ascality. Just as the roue of the clubs, when he some-
times recreates himself with a little pot-house society,
can with case cast off the gentleman and assume the
tone and slang of the pugilist or the pickpocket, so
this little disclosure of that depravation of morals,
which is for the most part kept concealed, warms the
hearts of kindred spirits, and leads to an instant reci-
procation of sentiment on the part of the political
blacklegs who may happen to be within hearing. We
were amused by a little escapade of this sort in the
Ministerial print of Friday morning. A correspondent,
who signs himself " A Member of the League," writes
to the editor in the following strain :
" Sir—You complain of the conduct of the Anti-Corn-
law League at Walsall, and ask, How it will serve the
one question, the repeal of the Corn laws ?' I'll tell
you how—by making other Liberals yield on this ques-
tion, to preserve their scats. You must remember that it
is from want of support from professed Liberals that the
question is not carried. It is the Liberals in the Ileum
of Commons that prevent it; and the Liberal party may
make up their minds to this either to grant the repeal
of the Corn-laws, or go out. Sir, you are quite right
when you say, that 'if the League pursue this course
as vacancies may occur, or at a dissolution of the present
Parliament, it requires not the spirit of divination to pee.
diet that the Liberal interest will be overthrown.' You
are quite right ; there is, there can be, no mistake'
about it ; for the League is too powerful for any interest
or party to oppose successfully. Seeing this, what should
be the conduct of the great Liberal party? Why, most
decidedly to take up the question and settle it.
There are but two among the Ministers who
are are not repealers to a greater or less degree.
Let the two yield, and propose a settlement of the matter.
We will do our best to obtain total and immediate repeal ;
and, failing in that, will take the next best thing we
can get. Oh,' say you, they could never carry it; they
would be forced to go out.' Well, what then ? Do you
think the matter would end there ? Surely not ; the people
would rally round them, and insist on their return. But
if your policy is merely to keep them in, as at present,
doing nothing, then I must beg leave to differ from you.
I.am tired, and so are many other Liberals, of doing no-
thing; and I ask you what single measure, ► f all desired
by the Reformers, do they propose—nay, do nut resist ?
The Corn-laws, Ballot, Suffrage Extension, are alike op-
posed by them; they may be ' open questions,' but as a
Ministry they will not take them up. .
The duty of Liberals is to join with us for repeal; and if
they refuse, we shall, at all hazards, do the best we can for
ourselves. If the Whigs ere thus forced to go out, then
in opposition they will perhaps be induced to unite with us
in order to get back again ; and if so, they would be sure
to get back. At present they are in by ufferance, and
they must come forward and do something, or take the
consequences."
For a frank confession of a total absence of the
least atom of respect for the present Ministers, com-
mend us to this letter, inserted, without the least ex-
ception, in a leading Ministerial Journal! First, our
present extraordinary and inestimable governors are
calmly described as proposing no single measure de-
sired by " Reformers"—nay, as resisting every such
proposition. The writer naturally enough adds, " I
am tired of keeping them in to do nothing, and so are
many others." His remedy, therefore, is not reason,
not persuasion, but simple coercion. " The party may
make up their minds either to do what we (the League)
want, or to go out." Well, but there are many " Liberals"
both in the Cabinet and in Parliament, who do not see
things exactly in the same light that your gentlemen
of the League see them. "It is from want of
support front the Liberals," says this correspondent,
" that the question is not carried." What, then, is to
be done? Oh ! they must give way—" Yield," says
this modest personage, "to preserve their seats." Of
course a seat in Parliament is to be preferred to voting
according to one's conscience, any day. But there is
another difficulty to be thought of. Suppose yen should
force many " Liberal" Members to pocket their con-
sciences on this question, in order to preserve their seats,"
the end of the whole may be, that some of the Whigs
may still prove stubborn, and the "coach" itself be
" upset" in trying your experiment. But our worthy has a
resource still left. "If the Whigs are thus forced to go
out," he says, " then,in opposition, they will perhaps be in-
duced to unite with us, in order to get back again."
Bravo well said, most worthy leaguer ; nobly ima-
gined, indeed ! A most lofty andehonourahle concep-
tion hest thou formed of these Whigs, whom thou so
sagaciously proposest to mould to thine own purposes.
We smile, we grow gay, at such a representation of
English nobleman and British statesmen. But a sud-
den recollection crosses the mind :—" Lichfield House"
—the " firm compact"—the "base, brutal, and bloody
Whigs," on the one side ; and he who had so termed
them on the other! We pause: let us quit the sub-
ject. It may be that this insulting, this coarse-minded
trafficker in principles and in consciences has taken but
too true an estimate of the worth and honour that be-
long to a Melbourne Administration."

A CUMBRKLA ND PIE —Many a cockney eye
has, ere now, gazed with astonishment on the wonders of
what the Cumberland bard has so graphically described as
a " top stan'ing pie ;" but few of them have looked upon
one of such rare dimensions and exquisite workmanship as
that which a few days ago was placed upon the table of the
Chief Tithe Commissioner, as a present from some of his
many kind-hearted Cumberland friends. It weighed six
:.tones, was two yards and a quarter in circumference; and
contained two geese, two turkeys, two hares, a brace of
partridges, a brace of grouse, a brace of black game. a
pheasant, two tongues, and several smaller birds, besides
all the seasoning and other provocatives to an appetite.
Ti“, gift was accompanied by an, Address, "To William
Blamire, Esq., Honorary President of the Inglewood Agri-
cultural Society."....Carii.slc Journal,