The Sun.
London, England, 1824-02-04 00:00:00

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPE.AtiF.a having taken the Chair at half-.
past two o'clock, the Commons were shortly after summoned to
the House of Lords to hear his Majesty's Speech delivered by
Commission on tha opening of the present Session of Parlia-
'lint. The Speaker, attended by a considerable number of
the Members present, imtnediately proceeded to the Lord,*. On

the return of the Speaker, he informed the House that he had
issued warrants for the return of a Member for the County of
Lincoln, in the room of the Hon. Mr. Pelham, now Lord Yar.
borough; and for a Member for the County of Liskeard, in
the room of the Hon. Wm. Elliott, now Lord St. Germain.
On the motion of Mr. Ix StiINGTON, new Writs were or-
dered for the following places::—
For the Borough of Eye, to elect a 'Member in tire room of
Sir Robert Gifford, lately appointed to the Office of Chief Jus-
tice i his Majesty's Court of Common Pleas;
oti
the Borough of Ashburton, to elect a Member in the
r of Sir John Copley, appointed to the office of his Ma-
i 's Attorney-General ;
Tor the City of Oxford, to elect a Member in the room of
Charles Wetherell, Esq. appointed Solicitor-General;
For the Borough of Weymouth, to elect a; Member in the
room of Mr. T. Wallace, appointed Master of the Mint;
For the Borough of Sandwich, to•elect a Member in the room
of Joseph Marryatt, Esq. deceased ;
For the County of Cavan, to elect a Member in the room of
Colonel Maxwell Barry, now Earl Farnham ;
For Dumfries, in the room of Keith Douglas, Esq. appointed 1
one of the Lords of the Admiralty ;
For the County of Louth, in the room of Sir Thomas Skef-,
fington; 'now Lord Ferrard.
THE KING'S SPEECH. . .

The SPEAKER. said, having been summoned to the
House of Peers, he attended to hear his Majesty's Speech read
by the 'Lord Chancellor. To avoid mistakes, he had procured
a copy of that Speech, which he would now read to the House.
The SPEAKER then read the Speech ; shortly after he had
concluded,
Mr. HILL rose to move the Address, and delivered himself,
as nearly as we could collect, in the following words :—" Mr.
Speaker, I should not have ventured to present myself to the
House, for the first time, on this important occasion, if I were
not convinced that their indulgence to those who undertake to
move the Address to the Throne is always in proportion to the
necessity there may be for *hewing it—(Hear, hear, hear !)
With a full sense of my own inability to perform this task,
I trust I may rely on even a larger portion of their kindness
than they have been called upon to shew on any former oc-
casion. Nothing, indeed, should have induced me to un-
dertake it, but the full persuasion that the Address of
Thanks I shall have to move to his Majesty, for the most
gracious speech which we have just heard, will be received
with the unanimous approbation of this House. Sir, I think
myself particularly fortunate that this duty has fallen to my lot
at a time when, from the very gracious sentiments contained
in his Majesty's Speech, it will be extremely difficult for
any man to find the means of raising a discordant voice.—
(Hear, hear, hear!)--,Sir, when I look back to the last few
years of our history ; when I remir to the stupendous exer-
tions and unequalled difficulties of the long war in which
this country had been engaged, and the consequent dis-
tress arising from those exertions and those difficulties ; I
say, when I contrast that state of the country with its present
condition, I am filled with admiration and astonishment ; and
the suddenness of the change and rapid contrast in our situa-
tion appear to be more like the creation /of some superior
Power, than to flow from the ordinary influence of human
Councils—(Cheers.)—Within seven years war, ears of a which has
endured for a quarter of a century, in which all Europe was
engaged—but the resources mainly supplied by Great Britain,
we find our commerce extended to the remotest corners of the
globe.--(Cheers) - OUT Manufacturers in the highest prosperity,
and public credit, the lee-blood of the state, full of animation
and vigour; while that which is the most important interest
of them all, the agriculture with which my own, and the
fortunes and welfare of those I have the honour to repre-
sent, is in a gradual state of amelioration.—(Loud cheering.)
In addition to this gratifying prospect, I am happy to be able
to add, that from Ireland, hitherto the dark quarter in our po-
litical horizon, a ray of light has broken Nell, which I hail as
the augury of future improvement, by the wise removal of in-
vidious distinctions and restrictions in our mutual commerce,
by an extension of the blessings of education, and by a cordial
sympathy in her sufferings in times of calamity, the reflecting
pert of the peozle of Ireland have been convinced of the deep
interest which Englishmen take in her welfare ; a conviction
which will ultimately tend to make her a large participator
in that happy state which makes us the envy and admiration
of the world. In common with every lover of peace and of my
country, I rejoice at the continued assurances of the friendly
disposition entertained by Foreign •Powers towards his Ma-
jesty; and it is an act of justice in me to offer up my humble
tribute of applause and gratitude to his Majesty and his
Ministers for the undeviating neutrality which this country has
maintained during the late partial agitation of the Continent ;
a neutrality, which I am persuaded has prevented die re-
kindling of a war throughout the States of Europe, and has
established the peace of the world on a foundation of no ordinary
stability.—(Loud cheers.)—ln referring to that part of his Ma-
r iesty's Speech, in which he has commanded the estimates of the
present year to be laid before the House, I have to congratu-
late you, affording, as it does, a striking proof of the prosperity
of the public finances, that even after provision is made for
the expences incidental to an augmentation, his Majesty has
been under the necessity of making in both his naval and mill-
tory force, an expectation is held out that some means may be
fbund of relieving several branches of our national industry.—
The expediency of this augmentation is unhappily founded on
the state of the Weet Indian Isles.
I cannot, however, but in-
dulge the hope that a steady and calm investigation will prove
that the true interests of the colonists are inseparably connected
with the morul improvement and meliorated condition of the
slave population ; and that the chief cause of the military aug-
mentation will therefore soon cease to exist. Offering therefore
my grateful thanks to the House for the kindness with which
they have beard me, I shall move that an humble Address be
presented to his Majesty."
The Hon. Member then moved the Address,
down amid the
which, as usual,
was an echo of his Majesty's
Speech ; and sat
general applause of the House."
Mr. DALY seconded the Motion. He was fully aware how
inadequate he was to the duty he had undertaken ; but recol-
lecting how often he had experienced the indulgence of the
House, lie thought he should shew himself to be deserving of it
by proceeding in the first instance to the subject on which he
was about to address them, rather than by consuming their time
with apology for his insufficiency. He was induced to second
the Motion for this Address, because lie was satisfied that it
would meet with gentle or no opposition. It could not be de-
nied that the situation of the country was such as to afford gene-
rel satisfaction. A few years ago England was excluded from
any intercourse with the rest of the world, and was opposed to
one of the ablest and most extraordinary enemies that had ever
been arrayed against her. The question at that time was, whe-
ther she should bow to the Conqueror of the rest of Europe, or
remain a tree and independent country—shehad triumphed ; and
had shewn herself as moderate in peace as she had been vigor-
ous and determined in. war. At the Congress held on the Con-
tinent shortly after the termination of the war, the modera-
tion of England was most conepicuous. She proposed the sa- '
crifice of all minor interests, and looked at main question on
a subject so deserving of consideration—the securing comfort
and happiness to other countries, and thus removing every cause
of hostility from all. He should like to know who was the man
that would not congratulate the House on the continuance of
our relations of peace, in consequence of the policy we had
adopted on the recent invasion of Spain by France. He well
knew that that policy had not been occasioned by apprehen-
sion ; but he would not say, that, as an Englishman, the issue
of the war had been agreeable to him.—(Hear, hear ! from the
Opposition.)—There was rurEnglishman who did not regret the
extinction of the smallest spark of liberty; but the very slight
struggle which had been made by the Spaniards themselves
shewed the good policy of our Ministers in not interfering with
the question. He gave Ministers credit for the steady oppo-
sition they had shewn, even to the good feelings of the peo-
ple of this country; for our own almost recent struggle had
shewn that we feared not all the rest of Europe combin-
ed, when proper occasion called for our exertions. Yet,
after such a struggle as we had gone through during the
lase war, the blessings of peace were too valuable to be
slightly thrown away. It was not to be forgotten too that
after such a struggle, it could not reasonably be expected,
that prosperity and comfort, the natural 'results of peace,
would come upon us all at once. He thought, however, that
our warm acknowledgments were due to Ministers, who, when
pressed, bad fairly admitted that the vessel of the State was
shaken, but had truly prophecied that she would ride through
the storm. They could now ask the most able of their political
opponents, whether all the public interests were not in a
state of prosperity ? In a consideration of this nature, Agri-
culture would, of course, take the lead ; and lie was en-
titled to say that the prosperity of this branch had been pro-
duced, not by artificial means, but by the gradual increase of
wealth in its ordinary course. The burthens which pressed on
the country had been considerably lightened ; no less than 20
millions. if taxes having been taken off within the last eight
years. However desirable such a relief might be considered,
it ought never to be thought of, at the least sacrifice of public
faith. This had been preserved inviolate, and yet a consider-
able reduction had taken place in the interest of a part of the
National Debt, without causing any difficulty. Foreign Na-
tions had of course their financial concerns also ; but every
European Country was obliged to solicit our assistance.—
Even the Austrian debt contracted recently for the payment of
part of an old debt due to us, • could not be contracted for with-

Out English guarantee. Nay, the French army, in its aggres-
,sive march against the liberty of Spain, could not proceed with.,
out the assistance of British capital. He had heard it said, in-
deed, in that House as well as out of it, that although England
was prosperous internally and in her commercial relations, still
she had lost her former means of preserving the balance of
power. He did not agree with those who advanced this posi-
tion: on the contrary, he contended, that England was never

more able than she was now, to hold the balance of power
in her own hands. After noticing the increasing prosperity in
all the branches of our manufactures, the Hon. Gentleman
proceeded to allude to that part of the Speech which referred
to the appointment of Consuls from this country in the new
States of South America. It was most gratifying, he said, to
see millions of our fellow men shaking off the galling yoke of
despotism and slavery. Ile hailed this appointment of Con-
suls as a first step towards the formal acknowledgment of these
States as independent countries. He knew that the latter re-
quired prudence, and an attention to those forms which ought
always to be observed by civilized states in amity with each
other. This prudence and this attention to form had been
scrupulously adhered to by us, notwithstanding the example
to the contrary which had been shewn us by France on the
revolt of our own American Colonies. With regard to the
West Indian question, he thought the utmost caution in all
our proceedings was absolutely necessary. We should have to
consider not only the rights of property in the abstract, but
those rights secured, as they were, by many Acts of Parlia-
ment. For his own part, he could say that almost the first vote
he gave in that Mouse was for the Abolition of Slavery.
That vote he had given most heartily • but he could not forget
that the same attention was due to the rights of West Indian
property as to those of our property at home. He only meant
to observe, that we should pause before we proceeded to any
positive Act. There was another subject in the speech which
demanded notice; he meant the state of Ireland. It was truly
painful to think of the many acts of misgovernment which had
taken place leading to the disturbance of that unhappy country.
He was aware of the liberality of Parliament by pecuniary
grants, and of that of the people of this country by subscription.
He could say with confidence that they had done more to , en-
dear the British character to the people of Ireland than any
' historical acts that lie knew or had heard of. The late ar-
rangements respecting the Petty Sessions and other circum-
stances, resulting from the present administration, had satisfied
the people that justice would now be done to them ; but much
yet remained to be done.—He could speak from his own know-
ledge to the fact, that within the last six months large advances
of British capital had found their way to Ireland ; and these,
he thought the House would agree with him, must have more
effect than whole volumes of law.—(Cheers.)—The present im-
proved situation of that country he thought he might fairly at-
tribute to the Administration; but as he had before observed,
much remained to be done. He could not forbear touching on
one topic, which he considered as one of considerable im-
portance. He meant the question of extending the benefits of
the constitution to all classes in the kingdom and especially
to those who only knew of the existence of those benefits by
the bars which excluded them from their enjoyment.--(Loud
cheers from the Opposition.)--He thought every other measure
for improving the situation of the Irish people would fail, or at
least would be diminished in effect, unless that to which he had
alluded were added ; for every such measure must be offered
to a divided people. He did not intend to go fully into that
great question, because he knew that its importance would
call for an early consideration of it. He merely declared his
opinion, that all improvements would be of little value with-
out the addition of the principal one.—(Hear,`hear, hear l)
He knew it was customary only for Members younger than him-
self to second motions like the present ; but as he had generally
supported the measures of Ministers, he had not thought it
either improper or unbecoming to second an Address which con-
veyed a general approbation of those measures. The Hon.
Gentleman, after thanking the House for the indulgence they
had shown him, concluded by seconding the motion.
Mr. BROUGHAM said lie rose chiefly in consequence of
some observations which had fallen from the Hon. Seconder,
having had no means of informing himself of the contents of the
Speech, except so far as they had been collected by anticipation
in some Morning Papers, and a Foreign Paper, which had
made a very correct conjecture as to the substance of the King's
Speech.—(A laugh.)—Considering the magnitude of the topics
discussed, he wished the old practice of better times had been
followed ; but as he knew it would be violently opposed
if he were to propose postponing the consideration of the Speech
till they had examined it, he should go on to remark on some
of those topics which had, coming from the lips of the Hon.
Seconder, given him unfeigned pleasure and delight ; he meant
the latter part of that Honourable Gentleman's speech, from
which it appeared that at length Government had determined
to rule Ireland on some intelligible and consistent principle, not
raising up and abetting one party to thwart the other in its
endeavours to possess itself of those constitutional rights which
the Honourable Seconder had so truly and so eloquently said
they knew not even the existence of, except by the bars
which shut them out from their enjoyment. Such a line of
policy alone could insure the tranquillity of that country, or
indeed could be safely or honestly. Patronised. He saw no
reason why this country should felicitate herself, or utter con-
gratulations to the Crown on the other events alluded to hy the
*Honourable Gentleman who seconded the Address. Spain, it
was true, had been unsuccessful in her struggle; but were they
for that to congratulate the Soyereign on the line of policy his
Ministers had advised him to Pursue ? Their interference might
have been successful or it might not—the same might have been
the result—the Spaniards might have been unable to maintain
the Constitution ; but because they were now only one degree
better than they could have been in the worst conceivable state
of things, was that a subject for congratulation. He did not
now arguetoh a
veb
whethereenadoped they;
or not followed the line of policy that
oughtbut was it a time to congratulate
the Crown that matters were no worse ? What was it that did real-
ly happen ? The conquest of Spain by France.—( Hear, hear !)
—That was the event they suffered to take place almost without
the slightest expression of disapprobation—without protest or re-
monstrance ; an event to avert which, in former times,the greatest
and most expensive wars ever
t
undertaken by this country had
been waged and victoriously Waged. As to example and imme-
diate consequences, it would be needless to remind the House
of the wretched effects that followed from the policy pursued.
Whether they could avert, the ever or not was another question.
' This at least, was clear, teat the present state of the Continent
offereel most serious ground of alarm. He could not admit
the force of the argument so eloquently advanced by the Hon.
Gentleman who seconded the Address. The little resistance
offered by Spain was, he said, a proof that this country would
have been premature in interfering otherwise than she had.
This was an argument that cut two ways. He should like
to know, if Spain were not averse from the restored Govern-
ment, if the body of the People did not entertain sentiments
favourable to the Constitution, what was the motive for re-
taining in that unfortunate country a force of 50 or 60,000
men ? Either the Spaniards were friendly to the Constitution,
or France was now the conqueror of Spain ; and holding
possession of it as a conquered country, notwithstanding her
former protestations to the credulous Ministry of England.
One or other branch of the dilemma was inevitable, and the
last was that incalculably most injurious to the interests of
England. France, however, up to the very last moment, de-
nied any views of aggrandisement. If the latter alternative
was not admitted, the necessary,conclusion was, that Spain
was attached to the Constitution that she wanted but the
countenance of other Governments—that she stood in need of
fleets and armies, and pecuniary resources--and that these
wants alone prevented her from a successful struggle. Ills be-
lief was, that Spain was attached to the Constitution ; that
though unsuccessful from want of leaders or resources, she did
what she could under all the circumstances, and was now only
kept dpwn by a French force, by the terror of those armies
which had most unwarrantably trodden down her rights and
liberties. He should be told, perhaps, that the fears lie enter-
tained front the conduct of France were chimerical—that no
danger could result to this country. The Hon. Gentleman
who seconded the Address said, that England never stood in
a more commanding attitude than now—that her influence was
never greater—that she never more Completely held the balance
of power in Europe. Where were the proofs of this ? Either
they possessed the influence without exerting it ; or holding
the balance they allowed- it to incline entirely to one side, or
they looked upon themselves as having nothing at all to do, no
interest of any kind in the conduct of the other Powers. The
fact appeared to be, thaethey were entirely shut out from the
deliberations of the other Powers; they had no voice in the
conclave: of Sovereigns, and were called upon only as brokers
to contribute their money in support of the war, to lend
their aid when the bills became due.—(A lauglin—He be-
lieved, however, that the case did not present !so much of
a dilemma as might be supposed; and that in fact the Allies
did not look upon them as a Power that ought to interfere.
It was the common talk in some of the saloons of Paris that
England in future must content herself with the situation of a
secondary Power, with that-in which nature and, he would add,
her own choice placed her. He should be told that the dangers
he apprehended were either very distant, or quite chimerical;
that there was nothing to be apprehended from those conspira-
tors against the liberties of Europe, who went under the appel-
lation of the Holy Allies. This was the name they gave-them-
selves. These conspirators were wise in their generation. He
did not apprehend that they would immediately proceed to out-
rage the feelings of this country—that they would attempt it
this year or the next. Though they were bound to keep the
peace under a recognizance of 800,000,0001. still there were out-
rages under which the Holy Alliance well knew they would for..
feit even a recognizance so great, and say to the authors of
such outrage, let the debt go as it might, we will submit to this
no longer. Being conscious of this, the Allies would not make
any sudden attempt to excite opposition ; they would undertake
nothing outrageous, until after slow encroachments submitted
to one after the .1) ther, as of no great importance, they would at-
tempt some decisive step, that must at length drive this country
into an unsuccessful, because unequal struggle. Look at their
conduct to other countries. He recollected that last Session
he was treated with something approaching to derision by the
Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
in consequence of some allusion he made to the conduct which
it was then reported the Allies were pursuing with respect to

the Swiss Cantons. The Right Honourable Gentleman said
that if the least part of the little he (Mr. B.) then stated were
true, it was much too much, It was thus he answered, with
something of an epigramatic turn, in place of communicating
any accurate information, of meeting the statement with a
denial, or saying no such information, had reached Govern-
meat. It was the singularity of the Right Honourable Gen.
tleman's expressions that fixed the matter in his recollec-
tion. It turned out, however, that the greater part of whet
he (Mr. B.) stated was true; and that they, without any
Minister with a large salary at the Swiss Cantons, were more
correct in their information than his Majesty's Government.
It was true that there had issued a requisition to put down
the free press of Switzerland, to turn out all emigrants, all who
took refuge there from the persecutions and tyranny of their
own country. Switzerland, that had been illustrious for ages
for affording an asylum to those who fled from religious or
political persecution, was thus ordered by imperial mandate to
turn out those who took refuge in her bosom. These unfortu-
nate men, too, were driven away with unnecessary violence;
and a violence equally unnecessary was employed in putting
down the free press. Not content with suppressing the com-
mon vehicles of political intelligence and passing events,
they suppressed even journals which were merely the depo-
sitaries of scientific discussion, not from any political offences
committed by them, but because they had the savour of dis-
cussion ; and the Allies feared that any thing like a spirit
of discussion upon any subject, might turn out unfavourable
to themselves. A country might be allowed to enjoy tran-
quillity; it might not be overrun by invading armies; it
might seem to prosper; but he must call that an unhappy
country that was thus obliged to act under the dictation of des-
potic Governments. It might be allowed for a time to wear
the appearance of a separate State, but sooner or later it must
be swallowed by the despotic Power that thus interfered in its
internal concerns. The same was the case all through Ger-
many. There the Allies acted like a sort of armed police.
They met, concerted their plans, and appointed each other to
carry them into execution. At one time Italy was the coun-
try to be overrun, at another time Spain ! Austria was appoint.
ed to do the business at one time, and France at another. With-
out putting a single question to this country on the subject ;
with any shew of respect to her Government, any deference for
her principles or opinions, their measures were concluded upon,
and carrfed into execution. And this he was now told ought
to be a Jsuhject for congratulation. This was that state of un-
exampled influence the country had reached; this was holding
the balance between the Powers of Europe. If any man doubt-
ed that the same conspirators who put down the free press of
Switzerland was pursuing the same course with respect to Ger-
many, let him only look at the case of Wurtemhurg. There was
not a single Editor of a Journal in Germany who would now
dare to publish any article tending to give umbrage, not mere-
ly to the Sovereign of the State in which it was published, and
who might be supposed to possess some right of interference,
but to the Czar of Muscovy, the King of France, or the Empe-
ror of Austria.- It was the same with respect to Italy, in the
southern parts of which a force of 30,000 Austrians still re-
mained ; and in the North, scenes of cruelty and oppression
were now going on, that made the blood creep. I. or very
obvious reasons he did not mean to enter deeply into this sub-
ject ; but it was impossible not to observe that now, after
undergoing the torture of' imprisonment for three years, many
were lately put to death in that unhappy country. There
was one instance of peculiar atrocity, and most wanton cruelty.
It was that of a female, who had gone a considerable distance
to visit a relation in prison, thinking that he was to suffer
death. On her arrival, though the sentence had been com-
muted for imprisonment, the fact was not communicated
to her. She was allowed to return in a state of painful un-
certainty, and thus to continue unnecessarily in a state of
mental torture during the whole interval that elapsed till her
arrival at home. This was a sample of what was doing in Italy
under the paternal and tender care of the Holy Allies. Ac-
cording to the laws of that country the torture had been abolish-'
ed ; but the Judge of Police, if the victim refused to answer, had
the power of confining him to a dark dungeon, of ordering that'
it should be made more dark or more damp, and therefore more
unwholesome. Thus the wretched man might be treated until ,
an avowal of guilt was extracted from him, though not guilty at
all. In some cases, when the health and mind sunk under con-
tinued oppression and imprisonment, it was known that some,
to rescue themselves from, their miseries, inculpated even their
of things existed in Spain, since it was committed
own innocent relations. here was no occasion to say that a
similar state
to the charge of him who was a worthy representative of the ,
Holy Allies—the beloved Ferdinand—(A laugh),—who, he had
no hesitation in saying, was an object of more contempt, ab-
horrence, and disgust, than any
other man now living. There he
was, after breaking through every obligation that should bind
him as a Monarch or a private man, torturing innocent women,
with the blood of the gallant but unfortunate Riego's murder
on his head. It Was impossible that there could exist either in
that
tion for the armed uespots. There was not one who must not
detest
e It 1
tohues house orho
ioeuct,oon,fdiuet and principles of those Royal conspi- I
it, but one feeling of horror and execra-
rators, who were now filling Europe with blood and misery.
'Whatever might be the feelings with respect to Old Spain, he
found there were many persons, he did not allude to his Ma-
jesty's Ministers, extremely sensitive as to any thing that re-
p'ower in that quarter. Let the whole coast of Spain be, under
garded New Spain, any interference of the French, or any other
the rule of a country from which Ireland might be advanta-
geously invaded ; let that country take possession of her harbours
aisd her arsenals now in decay, and make preparation for putting
them into a state fit to receive and equip her fleets ; let all this
be done, these persons say we mind it not, for who is afraid of
France ? We beat her before, and can again. What though we
run up a bill of 100,000,000/. ? But let no one come near the
Spanish Colonies, or attempt to interfere with them, as our trade
and commerce is deeply interested in their independence. The
instant any attempt of that kind is made, then, say they, go to'
war. How these persons thought, after permitting the inva-
sion of Spain, that they could make out a case against any
policy France might think fit to pursue with regard to South
America, he knew not. Ferdinand had just as good a right
nMexico, as he had some time back to Madrid. He was
out to
ofpossession of one as well as the other. The Colonies
were his de jure, but it might be said that now defaeto they were
separated from the Mother Country. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman (Mr. Canning) said last year, that time and the course
of events had settled the question with respect to South Ame-
rica ; but had not time also settled the question with respect to
the Constitution of Spain ? Two years back there was no indie
cation of disobedience to the new system introduced there. It
was recognised by this country, inasmuch as a Minister then re-
sided at Madrid from the Court of London. It was recognised
four or five years previously by the Emperor of Russia. These
were inconsistencies he could not reconcile. He trusted that
South America would never return under the dominion
of the Mother Country, whatever might be the form of Go-
vernment there, whether Constitutional, or, as it now was,
completely despotic ; he trusted these Colonies would retain the
freedom they had purchased with their blood ; and that if the
necessity should arise, this country would do her duty. Happily
this important question was now nearly disposed of. He spoke
it with pride and exultation, that an event had lately occurred
which must be a source of pride to every nation that cherished
any idea of freedom, and fill with gratitude every bosom that re-
garded the rights and liberties of mankind. He alluded to a
declaration in the speech of the President of the United States.
—(Hear !)—lt was open, manly, and intelligible, such as be-
came a free nation ; and he trusted they would not be deterred
by any mean spirrited calculations of prudence from any appre-
hension of giving offence to the Holy Allies, from follow-
ing the noble example, and joining our efforts to those of the
free people of America, to set bounds to the encroachments of
a despotic alliance, which, ifonce it could bring the Old World
under subjugation, would no doubt endeavour to extend its ty-
ranny to the New. That such was their wish he had not the least
doubt. They had clear proof of it from the letter of Ferdinand,
in which lie expressed a hope that the Emperor of Russia would
assist him in the subjugation of South America. His Imperial
Ally would not perhaps attempt this openly ; but he might send
ships to the Spanish ports to be afterwards employed in a war
against the Colonies--he might transmit treasure, arms, and am-
munition. Thus assisted, intriguers armed with money could
be dispatched into South America, as they had been into Spain
previous to the late contest, to sow dissension, and to buy
over a party. The Priests would no doubt exert themselves
in the unholy cause, as they were always the ready Allies
of despotic power. With such aids, sooner or later, South
America must be reduced, unless she received the early and
decisive support of this country, unless they came forward to
second the Declaration of the United States. He regret-
ted that the Honourable Gentleman who seconded the Address
said any thing in relation to the unsuccessful efforts of the un-
fortunate people of Spain. Errors no doubt had been committed
by their leaders ; a different policy might have led to very dif-
ferent results. Mere forms were perhaps too much attended
to when substance only should have been regarded. But with
respect to the illustrious individuals who forsook their country
when they saw that their presence could no longer be of use
their highest praise was, that they retired from the contest un-
sullied by blood and untainted by the breath of suspicion.
They subjected themselves to no charge, except perhaps that
of not having acted with that degree of vigour the peculiar
nature of the struggle required. lie trusted they would meet
with the sympathy, the fellowship, and the assistance their
sufferings and their cause so well merited ; and that they who
had squandered vast sums upon objects far less worthy, would
do justice to their merits, and not suffer them to sink under the
pressure of adversity. He asked pardon for having delayed the
House so long. It was not his intention when lie rose to enter
at such length into the subject of the Address; but however he
might approve of other parts of the Hon. Seconders speech, he
could not but enter his protest against some of the doctrines
with which it concluded,

When the Hon. and Learned Gentleman concluded, no other-
Member appeared on his legs. A pause ensued.
Mr. Secretary CANNING then rose. After the speech of
the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, he should inre-.
diately have offered himself to the House, teat for a rumour
that an Amendment to the Address was intended to be moved,
if not by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, by some other'
Hon. Member. This, however, did not appear to be the case,
and in this state of things, though the Honourable and Learned
Gentleman manifested no ill will to that practical vote, to
which the House was likely to come, there were points in
his speech which, it might seem disrespectful to him, and dis
respectful to the House, if he were wholly to pass them over.
on the present occasion. Whatever had fallen from the Hone
Gentleman, the seconder of the Address, to incur the censure of
the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, lie would say that
he thought, in fairness to that Honourable Gentleman, the
whole of his speech should be considered, not with a view to
the separate topics which it embraced, but with reference to
the general tenour of the King's Speech, to which itapplied,
and the state of the country to which it alluded. He agreed.
with the Honourable and Learned Gentleman that this would
not be a convenient time to enter into the discussion of the
merits of the past-gone policy of this country with respect to
Spain, and indeed that question could not now be debated
without deviating from the Order of the Day. It was true,
nevertheless, that a part of the Speech referred to what had
been the conduct of Parliament with respect to it. Ile need not
now say by how large a majority the determination of Ministers.,
had been sanctioned on that occasion ; but now that the result
was known, anti the struggle at an end, it was impossible to
pass it over altogether, and lie thought the Hon. and Learned.
Gentleman himself would admit, that if mentioned at all,it could ,
not have been touched upon in a way less likely to excite irri-
tation, or to revive the discussion of topics which were formerly
the cause of some differences of opinion. He was not disposed
to invite a debate on this subject, nor was he more willing to
call for a critical inquiry into the causes of the failure of the
friends of the Spanish Constitution in the Tate struggle. Cod
forbid that he and those with whom lie acted should exult over
their misfortunes, and impute the absence of those qualities that
ought where ensured success. God forbid that they should ag-
gravate the sorrows of those who now pined in all the agony of
disappointed hope, by imputing to them a want of individual',
talent, virtue, and exertion which merited a better fate. Doubt-
less it was known from the very commencement that the issue '‘
of the struggle must depend on that which no human being
out of Spain could form a judgment for himself, on the degree of ,
support which the people of Spain were inclined to give to tie
Constitutionalists, and on the means which they had at their
disposal. The very principle, however, on which iinistees
had decided not to take a part in the contest now precluded
him from going minutely into the merits of the system which
had been established in Spain. For obvious reasons he had
certainly considered some parts of it not fitted to the situation
of that country, but he would-not now critically examine how
far the Constitution was suited" to Monarchical and Catholic
Spain. It had failed, and its failure had brought back the
present or former system, which he was not more dis-
posed now to characterise than he had been to speak of the
Constitution. This, however, at least was satisfactory, that
it had -not occasioned the inteference of British arms, or the
expenditure of British treasure. Had we entered into the con-
test, what must have been the consequence ? was not
enough that we should furnish armies, fleets, and money; those
would not have been sufficient. Ministers knew this at the
time, for to the success of. the Constitutionalists that unani-
mity, patriotism, and attachment to the system then establish-
ed was wanting which no strangers coal supply. Fleets and
armies and money might be furnished by foreign friends, but the
qualities which he had enumerated could not. Wanting them,
no external aid could turn the tide of war ; all that could be
effected by other means was. to protract the struggle, which
would ultimately, in all human probability, have terminated
nearly as it had now done. The Hon. and Learned Gent. said,
he had made every effort to find out that discriminating grin- '
ciple which would justify this country in opposing the.
attempts of Foreign Powers on the Spanish Colonies, while
she offered no opposition to the attack made by France on
Spain herself. Why. they acted. in this instance on the
principal which they had always avowed, that of abstaining
from all interference with the internal affairs of another
country. They had treated Spain as. if her situation' had
not been changed with respect to her Colonies. They
viewed it not merely as a question betweeen Spain and her
Colonies, between Ferdinand the Seventh and the South Ame-
ricans; but they held this doctrine, that there never was a
case in the world, where the separation of Colonies from a,
parent State, could, of itself,' give other nations a right to
exercise a judgment on the merits of the case, or at least a
right of acting on that judgment by force of arms. No co-
lonies had a right to demand assistance from a foreign power,
and no foreign power had a right to aid them while it remained
on terms of friendship with the parent State. Under latch
circumstances, the recognition of independence might justly
mbe o wt
hiethr hc
oe lud, nt
rays t giveoit ais
cti
ffiw ae
us
lttot
oednrcaowu rtahgeel rnees
ai sntadnscaey two
htehne
the recognition of separate colonies ought to take place, and
when the newly independent states had reached that stage at
which to refuse the solicited recognition was to do injustice.—
But the decision of his Majesty's Government on this question
was not to be influenced by the present state of Spain. Whether
Spain was under an arbitrary Monarch, or under a mitigated
democracy, as was latterly the case, the question was to be
determined, with reference to the principle which he had laid.
down on its own, merits, and not with a reference to the in-
ternal state of Spain herself. Undoubtedly if we were to
deal with Spain as others had dealt by us we need not hesitate
to recognise the independent States of South America. We
might look back to the loss of our own America, and we
should then see that others had not been so slow to recognize
the independence of the North American States. But, instead
of doing precisely as we had been done by, to do as we would
be done by was the true maxim, and thus England had acted.
—lt was from our adherence to this principle that we were be-
hindjothers in taking that course to which circumstances might
be hastening us. The- Honourable and Learned Gentleman
had said, that if we now recognised the independence of South
America, we should only follow the example which had been
set by the Government of the United States. With the prin-
ciples set forth in the President's Message, he in some instances
cordially agreed, from others he most unequivocally differed.
He agreed that when a question was raised between Colonies
and a Parent State, that no foreign Power had 'a
right to inter-
fere by force ; but he did not agree, that, when Colonies resist-
ed the authority of the Mother Country, the latter. had not a
right to recover them by force, if she could. In such a.prin-
ciple he could by no means concur.
[Mr. BROUGHAM intimated that he had not contended for
this.]
Mr. Secretary CANNING continued.—He thought the
Learned Gentleman had maintained that the time was now past
when Spain herself had a right to attempt 'the recovery of her
Trans-Atlantic dominions by force of arms. He had misun-
derstood the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. What he (Mr.
Secretary Canning) maintained was this, that other countries
had not a right to interfere between revolted Colonies and the
Parent State with arms, but that the Mother Country had a
right to compel the Colonies to submission. He was not blind
to the physical impossibility of this now being done by Spain ;
but the right was hers, and we should act unwisely, unjustly,
and ungenerously, were we not to admit this right, and to
allow a proper interval to elapse, in which she might make
the attempt before ever we decided on that step, which some
were of opinion ought to be taken forthwith. It would have
been ungenerous, while Spain was engaged in a struggle with
France, to have sanctioned any inroad on her colonial posses-
sions ; and 'it would now be ungenerous to •do so before
Spain could be regarded as fairly in possession of her own
means, which was not the case at present, as coming out of a
war, she was seen in a state of comparative weakness and ex-'
haustion. If an opportunity for recognizing the independence
of the Colonies had been lost, lie rejoiced that it was gone by,
and that we had taken no step which could encourage them to
resist the parent state, while that parent state was engaged in
a war with a powerful neighbour. That part of the speech
then, which related to South America, he hoped would meet
with the approbation of the Gentlemen opposite. Ten months
ago the view which his Majesty's*Ministers took of the situation
of Spain and her colonies had been brought before the House. In
an official paper which he had laid on the table, it was there
stated, that "time and the course of events had substantially
decided the question between Spain and her colonies; but the. •
period at which this Government would recognise the independ-
ence of the latter must depend upon circumstances; and on
the circumstances of the States themselves." After the lapse a
ten months, the Speech now under consideration was brought
before them, which told them that "his Majesty has reserved
to himself the unfettered discretion of exercising towards
those countries such policy as the interest of his people, may
appear to demand." The Hon. and Learned Gentleman did
not stand in need 'of any interpretation of thislanguage. lieknew that it meant this, that his Majesty had' declined to en- ,
gage in any expressions on this subject, that he might remain
unbound by any pledge or compact, at full liberty to take that
course which the interests of this country might dictate.---7
What more than this could be desired. He would appeal to
the House if here his Majesty had not acted as wisely as' ge-
nerously. This was acting a just part towards Spain, Monar- .
chical or Constitutional, and it was the best course that rota. ,
be taken for the Colonies themselves, as a ereater boon would
be offered eventually to them than would be given by our se-
perate recognition now. Conceded upon mature deliberation,'
it would be the more satisfactory and efficient, and we should
stand justified before God and man for the course we had
deemed it our duty to pursue. On this subject our answer
had been given to the Court of Spain. It was now on its veal
to Madrid, and a time would probably arrive when Ministers

I

g Warr-,
fre
- 9111
.efee.
th,),7
his cQ
.aat in
t e
[thahe t
rquestit

er.

of
me
lour
ved,
dier
asc.
me&

ted
ue,
iad
not

s
Aid

lurse of our criminal proceed-
fu,'lgs ! Good God ! what an impression might be made to
r Prejudice on foreigners, who read what had been pub-
',lled in the course of the last three months relative to the trial
Veat Hertford ! How must they have felt while reading the eulo-
s which had been bestowed on a hardened uticonfeesmg
eeirderer !—(Hear, hear, hear !)—Supposing a free asseme
i!Y to exist in dermaneez containing a counterpart of' the
11_0nourable and Learned Gentleman..—(A laugh.)—lle should
Ixe to know what might not be said. of the English people
" the eprese t +ions made of their being theradmiiireornso,uaofibohlnee
nlnirderri Thinirtell.—(Hear, hear, hear !) rhe
d Learned Gentleman had adverted to what he had
41 "ta,..trit er
,occasion on the subject of some alleged.sey%riti.es
o \yards parties connected with certain publications in
li Letzerland• Not half an hour after learinhgottnhee stpoeehcilsi
office,of the
lie°— and Learned Gentleman, on passing. te lead found there the same details which he had just been lis-
renolng He had read the accusation pirrrec ,
eanwdhicthhehraed-
b ennstrance subsequently called forth by teecouurs
foer a takell on that occasion. He did not stand as champion
nY ot the parties• Ile would not vouch forp the correct-
Iness "the accusatio- n ;* but this he would say, that if the accu-
lletiwond were true the r monstrance was just. He believed, and
/ions. were
enneh
land, of tubade'evede if a great part of these misrepresenta-
,earnehtd Putto fborrittlha. by an evil dispo.sed erson in Switzer_
who le ll be had good reasons for speaking. a.s he did,
becau
statement
`lle fact had never ga
inbienself in a
.defeated faction. As to the
.itaiu drawer up an Austrian Prince, riinnctel,tehehebaealieovfeda thatcer.
of
sntlteexl,stence
lione to every Cabinet in Europe, who had sent his produc-
till at length all refused to
eceive his lucuhrations any lop g' . He wished it to be un-
derstood that he was not the Champion of the Germanic Con-
!neonetitution. He could onceive nmothing more cumbrous and
venient than a Genne an Diet. By this, foreign interference
''_a sanctioned. This was a Part of the Constitution. That
371c11 was sanctioned by the Constitution was not to be re_
'nted as an outrage. It ou
~°_niplained of when that Conceit t" ;as established. Per.-
ght to have been foreseen and
u ion .
'aPs its powers had been improperly directed against a parti-
le news thh.,_
_e PaPer. But if we took upon ourselves,
11 m-
t.„„.,e °f this sort occurred in another State, to break off a. co
when any
,s"litlcation with that State—to hold no friendship with it, and,
leh`e,re depended upon us, iei blot it out of the map of Europe
lee, men, he thought it would be well that we should no
lee, t ee.
b'ee of living in this world, but must look out for a new
e There were ose who maintained' that England ought to
I),,tit herself, at the head of those states who were said to be
-),Aessea ,
t° fay '°Y the larger powers. Ile was not disposed
w, ar -°°.,r this idea. blle was not in favour of perpetual
kneiv ar'i
a ceaseless expenditure of our wealth. We
ceu,tewnat were the immediate consequences of war to this.
seoul,Y, but then the ultimate result of such a system it
11;ero' be hard to pre hecy. Many wars had raged in
warsware Pie, but of all those whose ravages had been deplored,
°Pinions had been found the most fatal.. Such a war
only t„„,i,now, and brought to bear against this country,. not
con must w' ' England rescue herself, but the sparks elicited in the
ewe°°l4 cee°,9(l fire the whole of free Europe, and the contest
io4Phir_e• I,iiuoebtei rage till, one or other of the parties should
It was for her
tto
110
,i,7
aicere,hytelint.t
tth° ei 1 ovt ; ?lfno
r Eh
theen ownllad ;was
e Pr
eo‘rbi-t without looking
proper
of another star. Let
,e.bed
rabs ,
with shine cvithYhee owni splendour,g enlightening others
, st the illoeri put let her not adopt the principle of crusade,_
manifest ode
%Lein, which her power and influence were made
} , t'., heaele,u`u,eotivert her very blessings into curses. 7
i_le advocate.lT-I'Y followin'g out that course of policy which
curses.—
'ea repose. gh ei''es°l'rees would he husbanded and refreshed
„ect fiallen
had should Would not be found the less efficient when_ her
Pee-; led fron again be called into action. A remark whic.h
.
bitel roe Hon Seconder, towards the close of his
his a;waee, L° state 'that he tained the opinions he
fr 3 farmers,i—ri.eased with respect to Ireland. He retained
thelllelnlY be; 1°."8 On that important question, wh.ic.lrehad so
30__ lion. 4.., n discussed within these walls. He differed from
t ,as,,,r,Y to h0.",,°_,1-41eanied Gentleman on one point, and he was
enroe
se__, opportunity of speaking to. it now..
mTenr!
ry
r e '4l.e titan!Ppre incessantly banded about in Perim, tawas
eristTtletnt th
Y
a), i biers
" ine(!nsistency." This wort:
refers withtta le an individual, not because hew7it'solin
thett',"ce to "Iseti, but because he was so considered eon-
by a
serge peinciple which the party using the. term
Ilia cr.t Prop 9.
sat i -"dnct to advance. The word had been applied . 0
the 4 tile s_evith respect to the Catholic Question, because he
th:teepediaate Cabinet with those who differed from him as to
the P enCY of carrying it. It might be to be lamented
,que3t. athor
ID ie Question had not been made a Government
4+4t amongithe present public men a Cabinet could

Might he more explicit. This topic of all the most important,
save one, which the Speech comprehended, and being so pro-
minent from the hold which it had on the feelings and wishes
of the people, he had not been able to avoid bringing forward
in the tittle which he had to offer on this occasion to the House.
As to the station in which this country was placed with Europe
and the world—with Europe and america, with the Old World
and the New he would say, neither courting nor assuming the
praise, on the one hand, which the lion. Gentleman behind
ad been pleased to bestow on his Majesty's Government, but on
the other he must reject the blame thrown on it by the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman, and say, that England's just rights and
just influence were as much respected now as at any period of
her history, and her interference was as much courted and de-
Sired by other Powers as ever. But was ready to agres with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that public affairs were not
in the same state as formerly. Great and predominating powers
had been formed, which possessed more strength than had be-
longed to any one formerly. Circumstances hacFchanged, and
this being the fact—having to deal with different elements—our
!ystent was necessarily in some degree varied to accommodate
it to the:changes of which lie had spoken. Ministers had been
taunted with the humble state of the country; they had been
taunted for not holding the balance of power, and this was in-
ferred because connections bad been established between Eng-
land and countries whose institutions were less liberal than our
"11• lie should be glad to know when such alliances were
deemed objectionable, and would wish that those who favoured
the objection which had been stated, would look back to former
times—to the reigns of Kino. William and Queen Ann, and see
what passed then. He
wished to ask, if in their reigns, when
an alliance was proposed with the Emperor of Germany, or
one of the most despotic Princes of the time—he would ask
if it entered into the heads of our ancestors to object to it be-
cause the subjects of those Princes were less free than Eng-
lishmen ? Till they could make a perfect world, they must be
content to act on such materials as were to be found in this.—
Was it to be contended that England was to form no alliances
but with States who enjoyed free Constitutions like her own ?
lf this were in future to be the rule,
lie wished the House
to
see how greatly it liit our aan he
'lesited them to look back tom lli
the history ofances, the last ten
years, and see what we could have done without the as_
sistance of the subjects of those despots (if despots they must
he called) toward; overthrowing that Colossal power which
prevailed in Europe, and those disorders which republican
frenzy had produced. The /1013. and Learned Gentleman had
,iPe°l',en of certain proceedings in States under the Austrian
—m'nion, which he described to be such as made the blood
Curdle at the recollection. Of one particular fact to which the
lie mig
anht d Lwanearnedt information on Gentleman ]the sub ad allud
ected
w liehich was ignorant.
the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman possessed. For j
aught he knew in the
al'tlocess to which allusion had been made, the testimony might
s false, the plot feigned and the Judges corrupt. He did not
Say that they were so—he did not believe that they were. But
gtant that they were, did it follow that we were to hold no
Zfurther intercourse with the State in which such things could
e°l'• Were we to extinguish a State because our superior
wtristitution taught us to look upon some of its proceedings
ed It Pain and abhorrence ? Ile believed, however, the SeemanLearn-
'ir}(,:ie had been misinformed in certain respects.—
tra„at (Mr. Secretary Canning) had heard relative to the
in-isaction was, that some of the accused after condemna-
and after confession of their guilt, had been pardoned
t.' "'e Emperor of Austria. This had been done in opposi-
wt°ontp the advice of some of his Counsellors, who thought there
Of da be great danger in chewing mercy to such offenders.—
saachihe Particular circumstance which had been mentioned,
-g the treatment of the relation of one of the parties, he
th: ' as he had already stated, wholly ignorant; but he believed
th t if undue severity were imputed to the Emperor of Austria,
,! non. and Learned Gentleman would find himself in error.
oe Honourable and Learned Gentleman had spoken of dun-
14e°118 and extorted confessions. He would tell the Learned
Isentleman one thing, which he did not know perhaps. By the
h4W of the country in which the proceedings in question were
ated to have occurred, a criminal could not be executed till
fte had made confession. The law there differed materially
€l4.' that of England. Here we had executions every day—.
''ot every day, but very often, without confession of guilt.
"f
ere men werefrequently hanged with professions of innocence
in their mouths. The law in question might he singular, but it
seelned to haveoriginated in a humane idea Here confession was
not deemed necessary; but there, whatever the circumstances
tinder which it was exacted, it was part of the law. This fact it
?vas
ing3 hot fair to sink
be en while speaking in reprobation of the proceed_
Stating menoned. Stating this, he did not wish
It to be understood that he considered it any part of his duty
/0 defend the law of which he had spoken, nor to be ac
lliainted with the details of any trial which might take place.
tinder it. What he contended for was, that with these we
had nothing to do, and on such grounds we were not to pro_
-ounce on the character of a people. What would be
fought if others should act such a part by us ? What bar-
barism isins, what coarsenesses migh
t they ynot imp tus if
t' character as a State were to be taken fromute that which
yiently transpired in the con,—

not be formed united on that question, who could act together
on the other great points which must claim the attention of a Go-
vernment. This might he a misfortune, but in his opinion incon-
sistency could not fairly be imputed to a public man, situated as
he was in this respect. his opinion, and it was not one of to-
day, but one which he had often avowed, was, that inconsistency
was not proved against a man because he differed from others,
but only when he could be shown to differ from himself. Rtit
the Hon. Gentlemen opposite had thought proper on a for-
mer occasion to fix this reproach on him. And to prove it,
they had whinisically selected that moment of his life when he
had publicly put forth those sentiments for which he now con-
tended. In 1812, he was willing to form part of an Adminis-
tration which was to comprehend Lord Wellesley and soi-.; of
the Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite side of House. Then
it was said it was his object to form a Government united on
the Catholic question, yet now he was content to act with one
whO were divided with respect to it. It was odd that the his-
torian of this business should have looked at one page of the tale
and not at the other. Had he looked at the next page of the re-
cord of this very transaction, he would have found that when time
Prince Regent was pleased to command Lord Wellesley and
himself, (Mr. Secretary Canning,) to undertake the formation
of a new Administration, he had stipulated, not that those op-
posed to the Catholics should be excluded, but that Lord Liver-
pool should be written to that very hour, and invited to become
a member of the new Cabinet, which was done. The principle
on which he had acted might be very erroneous—it might
prove his views to be exceedingly confined, but there was no
inconsistency. He had acted ou the principle which he now
favoured, not when lie was about to join an administration,
but when he was endeavouring to form one ; not on the occa-
sion of his accession to a Cabinet, but when he was seeking
the elements of a new one. In this Cabinet he had wished
Lord Liverpool and other distinguished personages to be com-
prehended, and lie did so because it was his impression that if
ever the Catholic question were carried, it should be in a mixed
Administretion, and not in one united on this single question,
and differing on other points of general valley. This opinion
might be very absurd, but it was that which he had always de_
Glared to be his. He hoped that in time the prejudices which
now existed would be reasoned down, and that a prospect of suc-
cess would be affbrded to the question,whichhe was sorry to say lie
could not see at present. In whatever shape, and by whomsoever
brought forward, from him whether in or out of office that ques-
tion would always receive the best support which he could give
it, and which he had always given it from the year 1812. He
would not travel into any topics touched upon in the Speech or
the Address which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had
passed over. There was one point on which he desired to
say nothing, not because he under-rated its importance, but be-
cause a better time for its discussion would arrive. The Hon.
and Learned Gentleman having indulged in a discursive
view of our foreign relations, it had become necessary briefly
to reply. Through the policy pursued, we had remained at
peace without the lo.;s of public honour, without diminution
of national influence, and with great augmentation of the
resources of the country. The Speech from the Throne,
known, as it was, to be advised by Ministers, might be re-
garded as containing the account of their Stewardship; and
though it might present nothing to challenge approbation ;
such as it was, they could meet criticism without embarrass-
ment or terror.—(Hear, hear !)
Mr. DALY explained.
Mr. BRIGHT protested againstthe language held on one or
more points.

Mr. Secretary CANNING briefly explained :—hut the noise
in the House was so great from the Members retiring at the
close of the Hon. Secretary's speech, that neither the explana-
tion nor that which had caused it to be offered, could be dis-
tinctly heard.
Mr. Secretary PEEL said after the able speech of his Right
Honourable Friend, it was unnecessary for him to detain
the House. There was, however, one point, which, as it was
one of great delicacy, he held it to be extremely important
that no misunderstanding should exist. It had been stated that
it was understood Ministers had some measure to propose for
the relief of the Catholics of Ireland. He could only say, that as
the Right Hon. Secretary for Foreign Affairs persevered in his
determination to support the Catholic Claims, he wished it to
be known that he still retained those sentiments on that subject
which he had so frequently expressed in that House. He had
thought it right to mention this, lest it should be supposed that
he was disposed to give up his opposition.
Mr. HUME regretted the, policy of Ministers, whichl per-
petrated the divisions in Ireland, and considered the declara-
tion just made by the Right Hon. Secretary, to be a very
lamentable one at this time. The House had been called
upon to congratulate his 3lajesty on the prosperous state of the
country. That prosperity, he was of opinion, ought to be
mainly ascribed to the reduction of taxes which had taken
place. He wished to ask, on the part of the people of Eng-
land, whether any and what further taxes were to be taken
off? In the Speech, the words of which were as vague as
those of any speech could possibly be, something was said
about arrangements for the relief of the country, but it was
not said that any taxes were to be taken off. He hoped all
uncertainty would be removed on this point, and that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer would tell what taxes were in-
tended to be repealed.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, as it
was his intention at a very early period, in a fortnight or so
perhaps, to give the House a thorough explanation of the state
of the finances of the country, and the measures resulting from
that state, he trusted it would not be thought disrespectful to
the Honourable Gentleman or to the House, if at present he
declined giving any specific information. He hoped at the time
he had mentioned to make a full, ample, and satisfactory state-
ment.; but till that time, he must be allowed to decline answer-
ing the question of the Hon. Gentleman.
The motion was then put and carried. A Committee was
appointed to prepare the Address, and the House adjourned.

The once beautiful and admired actress Mrs.
HARTLEY, died on Monday last, aged 73, at her house at
Woolwich. She was a cotemporary with Garrick, and we be-
lieve, the only one that remained, excepting Mr. Quick and
Mrs. Mattocks, still alive. Her extreme beauty and the
truth and nature of her acting attracted universal admira-
tion, and caused her to rank the highest (as a female) in
her profession previous tolthe appearance of Mrs. Siddons.
Mr. Hull had written his tragedy of Henry the Second, or
Fair Rosamond, several years previous to its production
and despaired of obtaining a proper representative for the charac-
ter of Rosamond until the above lady appeared. Mason also, the
celebrated poet, wrote his tragedy of Elfrida, that she might per-
sonify the principal character. Elfrida has always been admired
as a beautiful poem, but is not calculated for stage effect : it was,
nevertheless, at that time supported, and even rendered highly
attractive, by the person and talents of the late Mrs. Hartley.—
She was the very favourite subject of Sir Joshua Reynolds, and
appears as the beautiful female in a number of his most cele-
brated pictures. Two, in particular, are professed portraits of
her called—" Mrs. Hartley as Jane Shore," and " Mrs.
Hartley as a Bacchante." A fine study for the former was
recently sold at the late celebrated sale of the Marchioness of
Thomond's pictures at Christie's. She died, in easy circum-
stances, her merits, during her public services, having pro-
cured her a handsome independence.

GLENCORSE PARISH PLOUGHING MATCH.-
On the 12th inst. the Competition Prizes, given by Wm. Child,
Esq. of Glencorse, for the best ploughman in Glencorse parish,
took place in a park of old lea belonging to Mr. Child. Thirteen
ploughs started, and the prizes were extremely well contested,
and finished within the time specified. The judges, Messsrs.
Thomas Aitken, Waillstone, Adam Brown, Braidwood, and
Andrew Harper, Brunston, then commenced a careful exami-
nation, and with much difficulty adjudged the prizes as
follows, viz.:-Ist, To William Thompson, son of Mr.
Thompson, Cooking. 2d, To William Scott, servant to Mr.
Ritchie, Castlelaw. 3d, William Gilbert, son to Mr. Gilbert,
House of Muir. 4th, John Gilbert, servant to Mr. Child,
Glencorse. sth, William Noble, son of Mr. Noble, Easter
Howgate. The work was considered by all to be done in a
style superior to any of the kind in the neighbourhood :
The unsuccessful candidates were each presented with a small
sum. The farmers and others afterwards retired to the
Fisher's Tryst Inn, and partook of an excellent dinner pro-
vided for the occasion. After dinner, the health of Mr. Child
and family was drank, together with a number of toasts suit-
able to the occasion ; and the evening was spent with the great-
est conviviality and harmony.—( Scotch Paper.)

A TAME BEAR.—In a Zoological Memoir, corn-
municated to the Linnman Society, by Sir J. T. RAFFLES, is
given an account of some animals in the island of Sumatra,
I collected by that Gentleman for the East India Company.
—The most popularly curious of these is the Ursa May-
layanus. This bear was caught young, and brought up in the
nursery among the children. It appears to be a variety of
the common bear and bear of India. It was perfectly tame, and
in its habits exceedingly playful. Sir J. T. Raffles men-
tions sportively, that it was also a brute of taste, which it dis-
played at the dinner table, where it was a frequent visitor, by
refusing to eat any fruit but Mango steens, or to drink any wine
but Champagne ; the only instance in which it was ever seen
angry was, when there was none of the latter at the dessert.—
Bruin commonly messed in peace with a dog, a cat, and a lory.
The dog was its favourite, and suffered to worry and tease,
without offence or resentment. The strength of the animal, when
full grown, was nevertheless, very great ; and it could tear up
by the roots, from the garden, a plaintain tree of such size as
to be almost too large for its embrace.

----
ERRATA.—In the Poem of yesterday, third stanza from the
end, for "indignant aid,". read Cid ; and in our Chancery
Report on Saturday, respecting Covent-Garden Theatre, for
CoNsT v. iltaxiiiNes, read HARRIS. The mistake was not
ours, but was copied from an official document.

*** For LITERARY NOTICE, see our Fourth Page.

PRICI OF STOCKS
THIS DAY AT TWO OCLOCIi.
Bank Stock 938,1: India Stock —
3 per Cent. Red. 91 India Bonds B4s. —s.
3 per Cent. Cons
3i per Cent 100{ Old Annuities
4- per Cent. 5 Old lO2 Fix. Bills 53 55
[ New IOGA Ditto Small
5 per Cents. 1797
Bank Long Ann. 22R India for Con. Acct.
I
Imp. 3 per Cents.
--.......-
PRICE OF FOREIGN STOCKS IN LONDON, FIB. 4.

AT ONE O'CLOCK.

_I- Five per Cents. 96i.
1 Scrip, 8 pm.
1 Six per Cents. 00.
Five per Cents. (Metallic) 00.
Ditto New 89j.
Five per Cent. Bonds, 00.
Scrip, 5} prem.
Five per Cent. Bonds, 1820, 00.
Spanish Ditto 1821, 24i.
Ditto 1823, 17.
Prussian f Five per Cent. Bonds, 911.
1 Ditto New, 89i.
Danish Five per Cent. Bonds, 00.
Portuguese 86g.
Per uv ian New Loan, 00.
Chili 79.
Colombian Six per Cent. Bonds, M.
Mexican Loan,. 51 prem. '
• Poyais f 00.
1 New, 3.
Mexican Mines 94 prem.
I Bank Shares £22 105.—£23.
Seven per Cent. MO.
American -' Six per Cent. 00 —OOO.
I Five per Cent. 00-000.
I. Three per Cent. 71. x.
_........_

French

Russian

Neapolitan
Austrian

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
Morning, 58 minutes after 4. 1 Evening, 15- minutes after 5.

THE SUN.

SOLE) QUIS DICEIZE FALSUM .lUDEAT

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY, FERRO/IRV 4, 18.24.

We have this morning' received by Express
from Paris tl►e Moniteur of Monday. It is; how-
ever, chiefly filled with Royal Ordinances which
are uninteresting to the English Reader, and
w►tlr a statement of the affairs of the Bank of
France, submitted to a general meeting of the
Stock-holders on the 99th of last month, for an
abstract of which we have riot room in our pre-
sent Paper. The Prince CARIGNAN had a pri-
vate audience of the King and the Royal Family
on Sunday, to take leave, previous to his de•
parture for Turin.

We have also received the _Mode of yesterday,
from which we extract the following:—
cc The Constitutionncl pronounced yesterday,
with great confidence, that the Ministry were
going out. The reason it gave was, that they
neglected nothing to form a Royalist Chamber
of Deputies ; but the Constitutionnel reasons
wrong ; and his Master, who is so expert in
logic, has given him a wrong lesson, or robbed
him of his memory.

‘, Field Marshal Count Vrede died on the 16th

January.

t, In the Journal des Dc''bals it was stated that
Mr. 131toww, new Minister from America, had
arrived at Havre, but this proves to be false and
the new Minister is not expected to arrive in
France until seven or eight days."
[The Eleile also contains al% article from
Trieste, which confirms the intelligence given ten
or twelve days ago in Tut StfN, respecting orders
having been sent from the Porte to the Bey of
TUNIS, requiring him to give satisfaction to this
country for the recent outrage.]
Our Express brings the French Rentes on
Monday, 96f. 65c. for Money, and for Time,
96. 80.—Spanish Bonds 25.

Our columns are so largely occupied with the
debates last night in the two Houses of Parlia-
ment, that we can do little more than refer the
Reader to these interesting discussions on the
domestic and foreign affairs of the country. The
most important disclosure, perhaps, that was made
by Ministers, was Mr. CANNING'S statement that
Spain had made propositions to the British Go-
vernment on the subject of South America, and
that the reply to those propositions is now on the
road to Madrid. We shall again advert to this
topic.