The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-11 00:00:00

c' CAL-4

ANTI-CORN-LAW MEETINGS.

LIVERPOOL.
(From the Liverpool .11ercury.)
A public meeting of the inhabitants, convened by the
Mayor, Joshua Walmsley, Esq., in compliance with a re-
quisition to that effect, signed by men of all creeds in reli-
gion, and all parties in politics, was held ycsterday, in the
Sessions House, Chapel-street, for the purpose of taking
into consideration the propriety of petitioning Parliament
on the subject of the Corn-laws. The meeting was most
numerously attended. It comprised most of the members
of the Town-Council, and a great many of the most emi-
nent merchants in the tswn, of both classes in politics,
though the Liberals gr,atly proponderated, numbers of
shopkeepers and trrdesmen, and a great body of the opera-
tive classes, nearly all of whom evinced the interest they
took in the question at issue by remaining throughout a
very protracted discussion. The capacious building was
crowded within thre2 minutes after the doors were opened,
and it so remained until the close.
The Mtvoa said, that in compliance with the requisition
which had just been read, he had deemed it no less a
privilege than a duty to summon the present meeting.
It would scarcely be necessary for him to remind them that
the subject to be discussed was one of the most im-
portant that could be brought under their considera-
tion, and one involving, as it did, numerous and mighty
interests, which required to be approached with
the utmost calmness and deliberation.—( Hear, hear. )

Whatever might be his own individual opinions, and thPy
had been too frequently and too fearlessly expressed to be
misunderstood, his present duty was that of the strictest
impartiality, and he had no doubt if need were, that he
should receive from that meeting that support which he
was entitled to from the office which he had that day un-

dertaken.—( Applause.) In conclusion, he called upon
,ne of the gentlemen who had signed the requisition just
read, to explain his views, and to move the first resolution
—Mr. Thornely.—(Great and continued cheering.)
TdostAs THORNELY, Esq., M. P., said that the Corn
mittee bad, he thought, with great propriety, framed the
first resolution to the experience and opinions of the meet-
ing as to the operation of the Corn-laws during the past
year. ft would be in the recollection of the meeting that
a meeting was held in that Court-room exactly a year ago,
and that petitions were then presented to Parliament for
a repeal of the Corn-laws, and that it was now their
duty to address the Legislature in confirmation of
the opinions which they then expressed.—( Hear,
hear.) The first circumstance which occurred to
him for observation was the operation of the existing
Corn-laws on the Bank of England and the currency of
the country. It was well known that the Bulk of Englan d
had been nearly exhausted of its gold, and had, conse-
quently, been obliged to contract its discounts, and to raise
the interest of money very greatly. and also that that ad-
vance in the rat: of inte,rest had extended to every banking
institution in the United Kingdom. Indeed the danger
was imminent that the Bank of England would stop pay-

ment altogether. This danger was by no means over.
Looking round the meeting, seeing merchants en-
gaged in a ♦ery wide extent of business, and of all
sides and shades in politics,—seeing, as he rejoiced

to see, so many labouring men of the community, many
of them probably deprived of that employment which they
would obtain if these laws were either repealed or modified,
—he mu t say that merchants, manufacturers, the labour-

ing population, and all classes of the community were
deeply interested in representing to Parliament the
necessity of an alteration of this system, It had been
said by some of the advocates of the present system,
that if they reduced the price of corn they reduced the
rate of wages ; but what had been the effect of high prices
during the last year ? Had wages advanced ?—( Hear,
hear.) Provisions had greatly advanced in price, but in-
stead of labour advancing in price, labour had actually
fallen.—( Hear, hear.) He was in Wolverhampton last
week, and he was told that goods were to be bought at
lower rates than they had ever been bought for in the me-
mory of man ; and within the last two weeks, men engaged
in the iron works in Staffordshire had had notice given to
them of a reduction in wages.—( Hear, bear.) He hoped
that no meeting of this sort would ever be held without
an expression of feeling in favour of the rights, the in-
terests, and welfare of the labouring classes. They ought
to consider the interests of the rich and the poor, of the
capitalist and the labourer, as one and the same.—( Hear.)
It was impossible for manufactures and commerce to
flourish without labour advancing, and it was quite impos-
sible for the capitalist to employ his capital advantageously,
except for the benefit of the labouring classes. Let them,
then, throw overboard all divisions into classes—( Hear,
hear)—let them look at the good of the public, and do
what they could for the interests of all classes.—(Cheers.)
He thought it right to read a quotation from a speech
made by Sir Robert Peel in support of Mr. Canning's
Bill. It was delivered on the Bth of March, 1837.
--.. Let gentlemen consider what effect had been pro-
duced by the admission of Irish grain into England.
Before the year 1807 the article was positively prohi-
bited, but at that period the prohibition was annulled.
Now the price of labour was much lower in Ireland than
it was here, and the land was much richer. Yet the
effect of removing that prohibition had not been injurious
to the British grower. What then was there, practically
speaking, to lead gentlemen to suppose that the admis-
sion of foreign corn under the regulationa laid down in
these resolutions would be attended with a bad effect?
He believed the tendency of the measure would be to pro-
duce an equality of prices, so far as good harvests and bad
harvests would allow that equality, and he was quite
certain that it anybody would more than another be bene-
-1 fited by level prices, the agricultural interest was that
body. In his opinion a greater boon could not be con-
ferred on them than to keep the price of grain between
fifty-five and sixty-five shillings." He felt that they
had now arrived at such a crisis in the trade, the commerce,
and the manufacturing system of the country, that if they
persevered, disaster and ruin would follow, whilst if they
altered the Corn-laws, they would give joy and satisfac-
tion to the land, and prosperity to the people at large.—
(Great applause.) Mr. Thornely concluded by reading
the first resolution,
Mr. Alderman EARLE seconded the resolution, and was re-
ceived with much cheering—All who were engaged in com-
merce must know how seriously and injuriously these Corn-
laws had interfered with their commercial operations; and
the evil influence of those laws on the labouring classes
would come more home to them than to those who were
fortunate enough to be in easy circumstances. Experience
would tell the labouring man that he was now obliged to
purchase corn at a high price, or resort to the sad alter-
native of purchasing inferior and unwholesome wheat,
thereby injuring his own health and that of his family, and
depriving them of the means of support ; for they knew
that if sickness attacked th* labouring man, poverty and
want soon followed.—( Hear, hear.)
The MAYOR having put the resolution,
Mr. LLOYD, a gentleman who was Editor of the Stan.
dard legit yeor, began by regretting that he had not heard
the arguments of the preceding speakers, but he came
prepared to show that this Anti-Corn-law agitation was,
to use a plain, though not very complimentary phrase, a
grand piece of humbug. —( This remark excited a storm of
disapprobation.
The MAYJR interfered to obtain the gentleman a hearing.
Mr. LLOYD said perhaps he might have used a milder
term, and he would, therefore, call it a delusion.--( Cries
of " No, no.") It was said by the Ant,. Corn-law agita-
tors that cheap bread would be beneficial to the labouring
classes ; but what was cheap bread? It was merely a re-
lative term, for corn might be as dear at 2a, a bushel, as
it was now at 9s. or los. a bushel. There could not be
the slightest doubt that the great object of those who set
the machinery of the Anti-Corn-law League at:work, was
to obtain a reduction of wages.—( Cries of " No, no," and
much disapprobation.) Otherwise the alleged ground of
complaint was as baseless as the fabric of a vision.
He contended that the inevitable result of a repeal of the
Corn-laws would be a reduction of wages. He maintained
that the Corn-laws had not operated injuriously on the
manufacturing classes, and cited varissus parliamentary
returns, showing the increase which had taken place in the
number of woullen, cotton, flax, and silk factories, and
also in the number of men employed, from the year 1835
downwards to 11135,—and also the quantity and value of
goods exported from 1524 down to 1839—the value being
in the former year stated at twenty millions sterling, in the
latter at upwards of forty-three millions. All this he said
was under the Corn-laws, and it proved that those laws
did not operate injuriously to the export trade of the coun-
try. It was an incredible fact that fortunes upon for-
tunes had been realized within the last twenty years,
which had been wrung from the distresses of the
working classes by a system of tyranny and oppl es-
sion which scarcely had a parallel in the history
of mankind.—( Disapprobation and cries of " Chair.")
If there was one thing more than another that would bring
a curse upon this country, it was the grinding oppression
I of the manufacturers. It was true that there was distress
I amongst the manufacturing classes, and it was a:so true
that there was a splendid and a gorgeous banquet preparing
at Manchester for Monday next for the purpose of still
further reducing in the scale of misery and oppression
those unfortunate beings from whom the manufacturers de-
rived their wealth.---( Hisses, and cries of " Chair.")
The MAYOR thought it would be much better if the
Gentleman would not impute the basest and most impro-
per motives.
Mr. LLOYD proceeded with his remarks in much the
same strain. He said that the inevitable result of the in-
troduction of foreign corn would be to throw hundreds of
thousands of acres out of cultivation, and to deprive the
manufacturers themselves of their best customers. Manu-
facturers might now be distressed, because there has been
a great deal of over production during the last three or
four years.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") If they wanted to
render the abc lition of the Corn-laws unnecessary,--if they
wanted .employment for the whole of their manufacturing
Ppnlittion, letthem raise the rally ing cry of " Ships,
Colonies, and Commerce."—( Cries of .. Question," and
partial applause.) What raised Liverpool but ships,
colonies, and commerce'? He concluded by moving an
amendment, to the effect that it was the bounden duty of
Government to encourage and promote the extent of the
colonial possessions of Great Britain, as the best mode of
increasing its trade, commerce, and manufactures, and
providing employment for the great mass of operatives
and mechanics.
Mr. Joffe FORMBY seconded the amendment. He should
like any gentleman to explain to him what proportion the
price of a bushel of wheat, or any other produce, bore to
the rent. The end of the abolition of the Corn-laws
would be to ruin their best customers.—(Loud laughter. )
Nine-tenths of what was said on the subject was all trash.
Colonel WILLIAMS said that he was what the last
speaker called a practical man; he was a practical farmer,
and he stood before them in the character of a landowner
also. This gentleman, in the plenitude of his sympathy
for the farmers, said they would all be ruined if the Corn-
laws were abolished. Now he (Colonel Williams) did not
fear being ruined ; but he wanted to say a word or two to
the mover of the amendment. The gentleman said that,
by the abolition of the Corn-laws a vast number of acres
• would be thrown out of cultivation. He would leave gen-
tlemen connected with commerce to answer other fal-
lacies, but with respect to the acres thrown out of cultiva-
tion by the abolition of the Corn-laws, he looked upon
that to be the grossest fallacy that ever dwelt in the brain
of any pseudo political economist. He should like to
know, looking to his own fields, whether, when he ceased