The Sun.
London, England, 1847-02-19 00:00:00

one principle is abandoned for the trial of some
merely specious legislative experiment. We have
observed that no individual interest is sa-
crificed for the advantage of the minority,
and we enunciate that opinion deliberately, from our
conviction that the emolument of the masters cannot
in any degree be diminished through the diminution
of the time allotted for work to the female and infant
operatives. Under the existing regulation the ener-
gies of those operatives are incessantly crippled by
their constant vigilance and occupation ; and we are
persuaded that it would baffle the arithmetical capa-
bilities of the most ingenious dissentient to calcu-
late the amount of injury inflicted upon the em-
ployed by the abstraction of one or two hours from
their diurnal labour. It is indisputable that
the employment afforded to the industrious in
manufacturing towns is:variable and intermittent,
that it fluctuates with the fluctuations of the demand.
At one period the operatives are taxed to the fullest
amount of their bodily vigour, at another, when the
markets are glutted, and purchasers indisposed to
barter, the operatives are thrown wholly out of em-
ployment. By the limitation of the hours for manual
exertion in the factories there must result a certain
amount of security to the employed as to the perma-
nence and continuance of their employment, and to the
employer the result must necessarily be, in the long
run, the spinning, or weaving, or printing of as much
materials as upon the former and less equable
system. Quod erat demonstrandum. We have ob-
served, likewise, that no political engagements are
broken by the present alacrity of the House of
Commons to forward the Ten Hours' Bill unmuti-
lated through its remaining stages, and in this must
be recognised an agreeable dissimilarity to the cir-
cumstances under which the corn-laws were
abrogated, and free trade rendered the commercial
text of the Constitution. In addition to this we have,
moreover, remarked that no one principle has been
abandoned for the trial of some merely specious legis-
lative experiment by the partial sanction already
given to the second reading of lir. FIELDEN'S Bill.
As well might we designate the prevention
of cruelty to animals a legislative experiment as the
reduction of factory labour from twelve hours to ten.
As well might we designate the former imposition of
a deodand, or the present demand of compensation to
the relations of a deceased person, slain accidentally
or through lack of precaution, a legislative experi-
ment. As well might we call the infliction of a
penalty upon the vendors of pcison a legis-
lative experiment, or the punishment of a
master-sweep for cleansing a chimney by
means of a climbing-boy, a legislative experiment;
or the prevention of practices in any manner dele-
terious to the health of the community a legislative
experiment. Upon its own merits, apart from every
interested consideration, is the Ten Hours' Bill being
judged in Parliament ; and, providing those merits
continue to be regarded with impartial scrutiny, that
vexed question must inevitably be settled before the
close of the present session.

The debate on Lord GEORGE BENTINCK'S Railway
Bill has terminated in the manner which every
rational man must have anticipated. A majority,
consisting of 322 out of 440 Members of the House
of Commons, have refused to sanction the second
reading of a measure the most impracticable in its
character, the most reckless in the manner in which
it deals with the financial affairs of the entire nation,
and the least calculated to attain its professed object—
the relief of the really destitute and suffering portion
of the Irish population—in proportion to the enormous
expenditure to be incurred, that was ever brought
forward by the recognized leader of a strong nu-
merical party. It might, indeed, have been termed a
Bill for the encouragement of railway speculation in
Ireland, and for the relief of distressed shareholders,
and reimbursing them the sums they have wasted in
wild and reckless dealing, or rather gambling, in
scrip, from the National Exchequer. Great sacri-
fices have been made to feed the hungry in that
country ; much that might properly have been
chargeable upon Irish estates has been• provided- for
from the public purse ; but it is rather too much to
suppose that funds are also to be provided fOr all .who
choose to invest their money in any sort of speculation
in Tr.land. more partiout.rly when than rsons chiefly
interested are to be found, not in that country, but in
England. The calculation of the noble projector of
this notable scheme was, that while Government re-
ceived only a fixed interest for the money advanced,
lower than that at which they could hope to obtain,
the amount necessary to be raised in the market
when a new State loan of such magnitude was re-
quired, while in addition to a certain loss, they took
upon themselves the entire risk of failure, all the
benefit was to be given to those who advanced but a
small portion- of the required outlay, who would re-
ceive no less than from 8 to 10 per cent. dividend
thereon, or, in other words, would have every 1001.
increased to the value of 2001. or 250/. It would be
more simple, and fully as efficient, to enact that every
holder of Irish railway stock should receive a certain
bonus or bounty from the State equal to the entire
amount of h!s nominal capital—a measure which,
though vastly agreeable to the capitalist, would
scarcely be so satisfactory to the hard-working and
tax-paying portion of the community.
We are not disposed to underrate the advantages
that would be conferred on the sister kingdom by ex-
tending to it the benefits of a well-arranged and
prudently-devised system of railways. Nor do we
ray that Government should not, under any cir-
cumstances, interfere, and afford assistance and
encouragement to useful projects of that description
but if the interference was to have been to so vast
an extent as that proposed—if everything was to
have been done by the State, the State should
surely have received the benefits that would be
consequent on such a gigantic outlay. A few short
years since, when it was proposed that the nation
should construct railways in Ireland—when the bold
and comprehensive proposition of the late lamented
Mr. DRUMMOND was brought forward, and there was
a loud outcry against such an interference with pri-
vate enterprise and the legitimate employment
of private capital, and against the undue influence
which Government would thereby obtain—the
clamour prevailed, the Government withdrew their
proposition, they abandoned the field to that private
enterprise ; and behold the result-123 miles of
railway only have been constructed in Ireland! True
it is, that Bills have been passed, the legislative
sanction has been obtained for a much greater dis-
tance, but, as if the full, the only object was attained,
when authorised to commence operations, all further
proceedings were dropped, and matters were suffered
to remain in statu quo, the projectors looking for
public assistance in order to effect that which they
should never have interfered with unless fully pre-
pared to carry out, onma
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to presentments made at sessions for' the earth-
works of railways. Judging from the readiness to
make any presentments manifested throughout all
parts of the country, we can scarecely suppose that
if any such had been sought for by the directors, it
would have been refused ; and yet we believe in one
instance only was advantage taken of the offer. In
fact, as is unfortunately the case in every Irish matter,
the parties neglected to avail themselves of the oppor-
tunities within their power, while they demanded
other assistance, far beyond the bounds of reasonable
expectation. We cannot regret the length of the
discussion, although much valuable time has been
consumed. The triumphant and overwhelming ma.
jority must satisfy all parties that, if the projectors
desire to succeed, they must lay their own shoulders
to the wheel, and that legislative aid, to the extent
they have looked for, is wholly impracticable. We
trust, also, that it will have the effect of inducing the
Senate to withdraw the powers they have already
granted, unless means are; speedily adopted to carry
the authorised works into execution. The companies
are not to prevent others from doing that which they
themselves are unable or unwilling to effect.

The case of the policeman Amos, to which we have
already alluded, was further investigated and finally
adj udicated on by Mr. Buouonrox onWednesday. With
the observations of the worthy magistrate in delivering
his judgment we fully concur. He recognised the vast
importance-of the case, both as regarded the adminis-
tration of justice and the conduct of the police force
generally, the public confidence in which would be
seriously affected, if a charge of such an aggravated