The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-16 00:00:00

MORNING SUN.

PILIT of the PU BLit; JOUfINALS.

Faosi THE DAII,Y PAPERS OF YESTERDAY
~.T-IRONICLE.—" Coming event; cast their shadows be-
te. s" Indications of the approach of Tory misrule are be-
einning to show themselves. The darirg interferences with
e-ccdom of election which have taken p ace both in Ireland
sod in Scotland—we especially refer to the conduct of the
'ssor at Dublin, and the introduction of the military by the
.1 rquis of Lothian at Hawiek—are first fruits of the antici-
pated restoration, stimulated to their premature display by the
hope of impunity. A more quietly concocted, and much more
important movement, is however, it seems, in preparation. AU
that is sordid and grasping in the Church begins to count upon
its harvest time. As soon as the aspect and chances of the
present political crisis were evident, a meeting of prelates was,
according to the Times, held at Lambeth ; the Tuesday in
Whiisun week being chosen for this very apostolic
purpose , • • " at which it was resolved to proceed im-
mediately to the erectioi of bishoprics in New
Zealand, the British possessions in the Mediter-
ranean, New Brunswick, the Cape of Good Hope, Van
Diemen's Land, and Ceylon; and after these sees shall
have been provided for, to carry out the same good work in
Sierra Leone, British Guiana, South Australia, Port Philip,
Western Australia, and Northern and Southern India." The
Times proffers i.s own assurance to the country that this mag-
nificent plan of Church Extension shall not be proceeded with
lint* her Majesty's present Ministers be formally dispossessed
of office, and their successors installed. Now, if thie were
simply and honestly a project for extending the doctrines and
worship of the Church of England, by means of resource= de-
rived from the zeal if its prelates and profeseors, why need
it wait for the erection of a Tory Government? That soy
difficulty or obstruction would he interposed, or any fair f. ci-
lity withheld, by the existing authorities, is too childish a
thought for any Tory mind to entertain, though it
,may
not be too base a falsehood for any Tory journal
to circulate. That souls should perish because Whiffs
are in place, can scarcely be the maxim of any pious and prose-
lvt ing bishop. The original contributors towards the scheme
were probably very sire ere and single-minded ; in the form
which it now assumes, their purposes are polluted, in order to
manufacture the spiritual movement into a co-operation with
the political change. The notion of endowing all these bi•hop-
ries out of funds contributed by private beneficence is perfectly
absurd. Subscriptions for the permanent dignity and emolu-
ment of thirteen bishoprics ! Not three of the thirteen will
be permanently provided for, before a call is made upon the
public. For every subscription bishop, the people may rely
upon not being saddled with fewer than four tax-paid bishops.
The Times says it ha; " purposely waited " till the elections
were chiefly over before publishing this plan ; and for once we
believe the Times. The scheme was by no means of a cha-
racter to broach on the eve, or during the progress of a general
election. But it does come with most admirable propriety to-
wards the slose of a struggle in which the constituencies have al._
lowed the rqaurn of a Tory majority. We give the manu-
facturing poftlation of Yorkshire, and the farmers throughout
the country, joy of the privilege they have earned, of future
levies upon themselves and their posterity for the support of
thirteen new Bishoprics. The scheme is, moreover, quite in--
dependent of the not very cheap project of Church extension
at home, which Sir Robert Inglis is waiting to bring forwird
under " happier auspices." Nor is this all. The hitherto un-
disputed prerogative of the Crown in the appointment of Bi-
shops does not quite please those who are conspiring to degrade
the Church into the strong-hold of a faction. The scheme
extends, as expounded by the Tinies, to " a greater indepene
deuce of action, and a more direct influence in the nomina-
tion of the new Bishops." The head of the Church must, it
seems, be shorn of some of the authority of her predecessors,
and put under a sort of Tory clerical regency. Her Majesty
is not to be trusted with the nomination of func-
tionaries, whose proper selection may prove quite as im-
portant to the pease of our colonial dependencies as
that of their governors. This is what some of the hired
allies (for election purl ores) of the Tories would call
" coming- it strong." But there is no mistake. The
extension of religious liberty to Dissenters and Catholics is as-
sumed by the Times to "hare, so far, tended to disqualify the
Ministers of State for the offices of ecclesiastical advisers of the
Crown." No less bold e_ change is contemplated than the
withdrawment of this extensive ecclesiastical patronege from
the constituted and responsible authorities to whom its exer-
cise belongs; and with whom its exercise most continue, if
any security whatever is to be retained for the religious and
civil libertiee of the ration. We are much mistaken in the
character of her Majeity if the Tories will find it an easy mat-
ter to coerce her into this alienation of her legitimate power.
The Church receives the price of its connection with the state ;
,a very handsome price it is altogether, in the amount of its
teismoral emoluments, dignities, and privileges ; and the
Chnrch ought to stand to its bargain. To deprive the Sove-
reign, acting through the agency of constitutional advisers, re-
cognised and responsible, of the right of episcopal appointments,
would render any monarch the helpless tool of a factious hier-
archy. It would be the hardest blow that has been struck at
the Throne since the days of the Long Parliament.
TIMES.—In endeavouring to exaggerate the imaginary
embareasments which are alleged to be inseparable from a
Conservative Government, the Whig newspapers have often
twitted us with that very unaccredited and apocryphal acknow-
lortgment ascribed to Sir Robert Peel—" My chief difficulty
was Ireland." Now, even if that declaration were ever ut-
tered in the sense contended for by the Right Hon. Baronet's
detractors (of which we have strong doubts), eve shall es•eem
it a signal favour if they will have the goodness to inform us what
party-purpose they can plausibly twist it to, at the present criti-
cal moment ? A proper estimate of possible obstacles, and a mo-
derate portion of self-distrust in the endeavour to cepe w ith them,
are invariably the marks of wisdom. A shallow and inconsi-
derate Minister never finds a difficulty at all—because,
with a paltry modicum of political genius, his imperturbable
sell-complacency in dealing with the commonest questions in-
spires him with a confidence that the same power which can
flourish a dandy's switch will qualify him to brandish a Her-
eules's club. Admit, then, that Sir Robert Peel, when inci-
dentally mentioning his inability to disarm an Irish cabal in the
House of Commons against hie former Government, did say
that his chief difficulty was Ireland—pray what is the response
-Which Ireland herself now makes to those oft-perverted words
Of that accomplished statesman? Here we have the city of
the populous metropolis of the Emerald Isle, distinctly
telling Sir Robert Peel, that far from offering him any
unusual difficulties, she hails his advent to power with
a shout of exultant enthusiasm. Here we have Bel-
fast—one of the great arteries of Protestant life
in that country—transmitting its full tide of constitutional vi-
ealisy to sustain his Ministerial functions. Here we have Wa-
terford—anether large community in Ireland—giving the
Rig-ht Hon. Baronet a similar tribute of support. The fact is,
the Only difficulty lay with Mr. O'Connell, and his political
influence is now fortunately at an end. To our certain know-
iedge it was with the utmost difficulty (difficulties will occa-
sionally change hands), that he could obtain candidates to
contest the Irish seats. In Queen's County, net a decent gen-
tlemen could be found who would consent to tip,h• for him.
Laird Kildare spurned his alliance in Dublin as the foul plague.
The small breed of Beddingtons, Mnrphys, and Callaghans,
whose purses can sustain a seat in Parliament no longer, were
persuaded once more to face the hustings, only on condition
that the earliest possible opportunity should be afforded them
of vacating their 'seats in favour of such defeated
outcasts as Leeds, or North Cheshire, or the West
Riding might force into the Irish market. O'Connell's power,
eve repeat, and Sir Robert Peel's difficulties, are alike at an
end. " Strange alternation !" (may the learned fugitive now
say) ; t' the Orange Premier's anticipated perplexities are sum-
marily handed over to myself. The chief difficulty with Ire-
land is no longer his, but mine. My strongholds are crumb-
ling beneath me on -every side. A reformed registration,
whmh will give Peel the suffrage; of all Ireland, is now in-
evitable. A plausible Conservative policy will at once con-
ciliate the prejudices and raise the condition of my frieze-
coated deserters in the same proportion as it embitters my own.
Aliserat;le old man that I am—my chief difficulty is Ireland !"
Few things can be more gratifying to the friends of Constitu-
tional Government than to see, from the. Dublin returns, the
general soundness of the Irish metropouitan population, in re-
gard to Protestant principles and British counexion. Popery
and Repeal are clearly in the minority.
ADVERTISER.—The Whigs, we repeat, owe their dis-
comfiture mainly to their own misconduct. If—warned by
the example of the Duke of Wellington, who, if he had in 18.23
bestowed the suffrage on Birmingham, Leeds, and a few
of the larger towns, and gradually extended it to others as
urgency required, might have remained in office till this day
—they had pro :used their recent measures at at an earlier
period, when their offers would have had the graceful ap-
pearance of concession instead of the ungainly aspect of
extortion, they would at this moment have been secure in
their places, with the certainty of retaining the lasting con-
trol of the country. But though men, it is said, are some-
times taught by experience, parties, it should seem, never
are. It is vain to attribute their defeat to' the supineness
of the people alone. The people, inconstant as they
are said to Ise, never forsake a popular government until it first
forgets its principles and forsakes itself. A few interested
fanatics and ctisappointed enthusiasts turn round upon every
administration the moment it is installed in place ; but the
great majority of mankind are true to their tenets, and cannot
lie expected to renounce them when there seems no difference
between Tories in
,office and Whigs in place. Some may be
'disposed to consider as suicidal the late conduct of the people
a majority of representatives avowedly
in returningopposed
to their dearest interests, and may feel inclined to say, if
the people will be starved, let them be starved," as the
Rev. Rowland Hill, when a few fanatics in his flock
protested against his doctrine that Heaven
was n
ciful shd Hell not eternal, " If myeearerr;
es ill lie d--01 to all eternity, may they to all eternity be d—d."
voice w
votes T h rt f or
ere n r
dot her st.
but we take a wider and more charitable
view
of,:the inhabitants of these realms had no
elections, and three-fourths of those possessinY them. The
prived of freedom conscientiously to era
firmer are involuntarily doomed to submit tP;all the horrors
of famine, because, though subjected to all the burdens of the
;State, they have no influence in the Legislature ;and the
le ter are rendered instrumental in perpetuating the starvation
ties because they are forbidden, by ii system'of coercion, to
- • it off, or because the same end is attained by corruptio,
,esse-ste
„AAA those temptations, aa alluring to the unreflecting, who
mess° disposed to forget the past and forego the future, for
the enjoyment of the present hour. An extension of the suf
erase° is the only means that will eradicate these calamities,
;Lad the introduction of the ballot seems the sole mode by which
they cars be alleviated. If Ministers are sincere in their re-
cent propositions—if their measures are designed really to
ameliorate the condition of the country, and net merely to
sustain themselves in place—let them introduce the one at no
distant period, and the other without an instant's delay ; other-
wise, they will only delude the nation wish hopes that can
never be realised, and accelerate, instead of ave. ling, the ay-
proach of that ruin which threatens to engulph in its vortex
both themselves and their country.
DERALD.—O'Connell appear; never to be able to main-
tain anything like self-possession when he cannot persuade the
gold fish to come bodily into his net, that he may scale them
at pleasure while entangled in its meshes', as he did with poor
:Mr. Raphael in the troubled waters of Carlow ! If we contrast
she past obsequiousness of O'Connell,—his fawning, flattering.
solicitations of all classes of the Irish people, whilst he was yet
far indeed from the state and dignity of one of the 't high con-
tracting parties" to the Lichfield House compact--we shall
hardly know hear to believe the identity of the supremo agita-
tor of 1841 with the political barrister of 1800. Yet only the
Isame lan- of progression, and nothing more, has advanced the
Tone and pretensions, and changed the deportment of the man
which impels the course of every organiser and leader of a
faction.' The " bated breath and whispering humbleness"
with which O'Connell formerly wooed the masses whom he
now wields, have given place to an assumption of insolent
.authority and dictatorial impatience. The brawling declaimer
-whose theme of earlier years was ever " the rights of the
people" in their utmost extent, now makes no affectation of
concealing his high resentment and unappeasable indignation
at their presumption who shall dare to judge for themselves on
the relative merits of any two candidates, or to exercise, unfet-
tered,that franchise in thespontaneous, unimpeded use of which
election, ex vi termini, really consists. So much for the honesty
and ecrasistency of Whig-Radical Liberalsm l—and yet, we have
not done with it. On Monday last, at Alnwick, Lord Howick
supplied a striking commentary on its principles and its opera-
tion.,, The waspish Viscount would have done well to have en-
oretivottred to catch a little of true kindlier and more masculine
Spirit of Lord Mor s " Adieu to the Ridißg." That Noble
ILdrd
apadrtegerdeetroomf lethisformer with constituents, it Inust be allowed,
feeling, abounding candour, and nue& femed friendliness ood
even for his opponents, which did him the
highest honour, andleave
could no
faosrs ohc. as t ipoenrs
obneahli ncdh ha
ri
ame
tbelLt
such as would enseee their respect
Lord Howick began by expressing" mortification" at his
elefeat, and far from telling the
leeistis rs of Northumberland, as

Lord Morr;eth told the inea of Yorkshirc, that, though they
had thought proper to reject him it was only after a spirited
and well-sustained conflict—in the exercise of their undoubted
right ;—the heir of the name and house of Grey vented his
anger and his " mortification" on his noble competitor, Lord
Ossulston. That noble person's success was a a offence, in
Lord Howick's eyes, Which the disaster of his own defeat could
not teach him the wisdom of treating with moderation. The
whole tenor of his speech clearly indicated that he had antici
paled that North Northumberland was to be a pocket borough
to one who bore his title, and that it was bound to act as such.
There is something ludicrous in this champion, and son of a
much more eminent champion. of the imprescriptible right of
Englishmen to elect freely those who are to represent them in Par-
liament—thus fulminating his denunciations against a rival who
had been guilty not merely of the lese.majeste of opposing him,
but of " suddenly opposing" him !
GLOBE.—The Chronicle, in adding some farther quo-
tations from agricultural writers to those which we made
yesterday from Arthur Young, observes, "We are not
aware that any one agricultural writer of eminence has ever
advocated the Corn-laws." They are forced upon the
farmers by needy and grasping landowners, and are
defended by men who in general know nothing of agri-
culture." The Tories protect agriculture by Corn-
laws, as they protected religion by Test Acts, and
Boman Catholic disabilities. In the former, as in the
present instance, they proceeded against all the autho-
rities which carried any weight with them—even
those of their own party. There is not a single
name of those (excepting Lord Eldon) whom the
Tories affect to claim and commemorate as the past
champions of their principles—there is not one ac-
knowledged really great Conservative name, from Burke
to Canning, which affords authority for religious ex-
clusion any more than commercial restriction. Yet
intolerance was the bond of union which kept the
Tory party together. Monopoly is the bond of union
which holds it together now. What shall we say. of a
party, which can only name its great men, without
quoting them ; and, if it quoted them, would only
prove that, in naming, it takes their names in vain !
And what shall we say of reasoners on corn legisla-
tion, who are capable of making a continual bugbear (as
Sir R. Peel, Lord Stanley, and all their organs have
been doing ad nauseam) of a single passage in the
speech of Lord Charles Russell, in which that scion of
the house of Bedford expressed apprehensions lest repeal
of the Corn-laws should throw two millions of acres out
of corn cultivation. Why, take Lord Charles's bull by
the horns. For the sake of argument—suppose it should.
Suppose a repeal of the Corn-laws should throw two mil-
lions of acres out of corn culture ! Is that a considera-
tion so momentous as to outweigh all others ? Is the
retention in arable of the two million acres most unfit
for that purpose in England, compensation in full for
compromising the fate of our greatest masses of work-
people, and our most important branches of external
trade ?
COURIER—The present election has taught the
Conservatives the most valuable lesson ever yet read to
a great party—to know its own strength— and under the
guidance of that lesson will their future movements be
directed. We are fully aware of what the journals in
the confidence of Ministers would fain insinuate, but
what is too gross for them openly to assert ; we know
what they are driving at in their dark inuendoes with re-
gard to the probability of another dissolution early,next
year; but we also know that there exists not the shadow
of a shade of foundation for anticipating such a con-
tingency. Sir Robert Peel's majority in the,: new
Parliament will be too powerful, too irresistible, to . re-
quire that he should adopt any mode of strengthening
himself beyond what will accrue to him from the gradual
development of his policy: and so fatal has been the
issue of the experiment of a dissolution to the Whig
party, that even had they the means or the opportu-
nity to try their chances a second time, they would
shrink from it with that instinctive dread with which
a " burned child" regards the fire. Another disso-
lution would altogether annihilate them ; the allu-
sions to it as a means of recruiting their shattered
forces, in which the Whig journals have been lately
indulging, were intended only to alleviate' their sense
of defeat or soothe their wounded pride. The coun-
try has proved itself to be too essentially Conserva-
tive in spirit, that a second appeal should be required,
and it was too powerfully impressed with the sense of
the danger inseparable from Whig rule, to relapse again
into its former inactive state. Had the Whigs not shown
themselves so openly and undisguisedly in the true co-
lour of destructives—had their desperation not driven
them to assail with such virulent hostility the greatest
interests of the empire, their case would not altogether
have been so utterly hopeless as it is ; but detected, con-
victed. and punished as they have been, they are doomed
for life to the cold and cheerless regions of a feeble and
fruitless opposition. Their fall has been too great to
admit of any hopes of their re-ascent. A loss of over
forty members cannot speedily or easily be replaced, a
loss not confined to English counties or even English bo-
roughs, but spread over Ireland and Scotland.
STANDARD.—We have to-day to announce the ra-
tification of the dismissal of Mr. Handley from South
Lincoln, and Mr. Wilbrham from South Cheshire,
with the almost certainty of three more Conservative
gains in Ireland—namely, two in the metropolitan
county, and one in the adjacent county of Wicklow. The
whole Conservative gain in Ireland will probably amount
to at least ten votes; it already amounts to six—viz.,
Dublin City, two; Waterford City, two, Queen's County,
one ; Athlone borough, one—to these, as we have said,
Dublin County, two ; and Wicklow oite,i may be added
with almost certainty, making nine gained. Long-
ford County will most probably afford the tenth,
while it is scarcely possible but that some must be
gained in the other contests approaching or in progress, in
Clare, Cork, Louth, Tipperary, Wexford, while it is evi-
dent that nothing can be lost, as the five counties have
been hitherto represented by Whig-Radicals. One Con-
servative seat has been lost pro tem. at Kinsale, and
one is threatened in each of the counties of Carlow
and Kerry, but we think not seriously. In Carlow,
indeed, a gain may be expected ; but, admitting
against appearances the possibility of the loss of' these
two seats, the balance of Conservative gain on the
whole of the Irish elections will hardly be less than
ten seats—a respectable addition to the British ma-
jority, but infinitely more valuable as proof of the Con-
servative re-action in that part of the United Kingdom
where it has been thought least energetical, and where
it questionless has had the greatest difficulties. The
Sovereign, the people, and they who may be called to
her Majesty's Councils, must learn from the re-
sult of the Irish elections that there really is such
a class as the Conservative Protestants of Ireland
possessed of power to claim respect and considera-
tion—that they are not the "miserable minority"
they have been described, but the possessors of what-
ever legitimate influence exists- in the island. They
have beaten the Queen's Ministers, they have beaten th-e
Romanist priesthood and the Radical agitators. They
who have done this can be no longer treated with the
contempt which has been too much their portion. Two'
of the greatest victories gained through the whole of this
glorious struggle are undoubtedly those won in the cities
of Dublin and Waterford— and, as units in the Conserva-
tive democracy, we cannot but rejoice that they have
been won by the people alone, without aid of any kind
from the higher class of Conservatives. Dublin sends to
Parliament two professional gentlemen, undistinguished
in any way except by their talents, their honourable
private character, and their fidelity to Protestant prin-
ciples ; and the case of Waterford is, if possible, still
more striking.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

CHRONICLE.—The state of the Share Market is still
very heavy, and some of the quotations are lower than yester-
day. Since the last Account day there has been a difference
of full 51. per share between the extreme prices of the
Brighton Shares ; in Great Western Shares there has oc-
curred a difference of nearly double that amount ; and in the
Blackwall and one or two other railways, considerable changes
have taken place.
The settlement of the Account in Foreign Stocks, which)
takes place to-morrow, is likely to turn out a heavier one
than has occurred for some time past, not so much from the
amount of business transacted since the last Account day, as
from the great depression that most of these securities particu-
larly the Spanish, Portuguese, and the South American, have
sustained in all of these the differences which the holders
for time will have to pay will be very large.
TlMES.—Since the report of the " Union Bank" has ap-
peared in print, may of the shareholders do not appear to be
as much satisfied with it as they were when it was read at the
meeting, and when they had less opportunity to consider the
particulars. An item of 16,5001., set down for " pteliminary
expenses" has caused much surmise as to what those expenses
can have been. The bank premises being already charged for,
there is a difficulty in understanding what " preliminary ex-
pense " can have been ircurred beyond the costs of a deed of
settlement, which, of course, could form no material por-
tion of a sum like this
mo
most
1 Besides, if the word " assets "
means property
vert.ible into money, this item would
seem to be
• improperly placed under that head, as,
from the report, it is utterly impossible to conjecture in
what tangible form
or how it could the 16,500/, is at present represented,
be
realised.As far as can be judged
from the information
conveyed, the only proer place
annuity of 500/. under the " liabilities," as an
Per liennii. for ;thirty-three years, as
inches d the 5001. for t
statement of the appropriation sent year does appear in the
moreover of opinion that it woulde the surplus. Some are,
b
taking of magnitude to reduce this sum
expedient in an under•
than by the creation of this inconsiderablesamby a speedier process
capitalof annuity. It is also
observed that the paid-upthe bank is (in round
numbers) 423,0001., and the surplus profit about 25,0001.,
which is about 6 per cent. ; so that as the same idle employment
ofno the rz o than 2 per
b re
of capital will produce at least 4 per cent,
cent. can be fairly set down as the profits
busi-
ness. With respect to the item of 15,0001. for banking
assets, is
still
remarked, that although in a young undertaking,lre eleitissf it
fair to
class the estimated value of buildings among t
that should be done with a view to ultimate redemption,
that a provision should be made for that end, so that in, and
the
course of a short time none but legitimate banking assets
should be classed under that head, and all such items, as " pre-
mises," and the like, should be removed. It is quite possible
that there may be nothing in all this to operate as a serious
discotiragement to the shareholders ; but it seems too early, at
all events, to make a decided boast of being in a very flourish..
ing condition.
POST.—It was account day in shares, and from the great
fluctuations which have taken place of late in such property, it
was also a day of the severest trial.to many of the time specula-
tors. Continuation upon continuation, and that at an extrava-
gant rate, has for weeks past been given by the Bulls, until
at length in the impoverished condition of the fraternity, they
could pay no longer, and two or three of the number have been
" declared ;" nor can there be a doubt that it is to the inability
of such parties to hold on any longer the decline in the money
quotations is to be attributed. It is a fact which bona fide
dealers cannot bear two much in mind, that a fictitious value is
given to all Stock Exchange investments by the transactions
reported as " for the account."
HERALD.—The Railway speculations have principally
borne upon Great Western and Brighton, and especially the
latter, which has been one of the " fancy" articles of the
stock-house, as the favourite season quarters of the members
of which Brighton has been renowned for many years past. It
would appear to be singular that the shares of the two railways
cited should begin to dcline in price almost the moment after
the official announcement of the entire opening to traffic of one
line, the Great Western, and the completion of the other to
within nine miles of Brighton, its termination. It is not diffi-
cult, however, to account for the cause by the ordinary rules of
speculation, and Stock Exchange dealing. For in proportion
as the lines approaches their conclusion, those connected