The Sun.
London, England, 1815-09-08 00:00:00

cKt.R,(I IL Vial,' these
that the war Wa's most national. ,

In this view I have only inserted the nihst pre
opinions,. some of ..irlikh..are not without
nature. The 'Nobh.sse and the Clergy, La Vets-
' dtie excepted, have
..no where - any party. MI
-France revolts at the excesses committed In -the
South, by those hands that exclusively call them-
selves. Royal : even their existence is a state of re-
bellion (ti). Fanaticism, civil %.•ar, and the coon ter-
revOlutionary sentiment excite horror everywhere.
Scareely.a tenth part of the French nation can -be
tound who are willing to revert to the
.old regithe,
and scared a fifth part who are heartily devoted
to legitimate -authority. This will not prevent
the great majority from submitting sincerely to
your Majesty in your capacity of Chief. of the
State. That submission will be lasting; in the
course of time it will even assume the character
of lOre and confidence, if France be constantly
governed by liberal ideas, eminently constitu-
tional, and completely national. •
On the.suppos,tion of civil war, the Royalists
would reign absolute in ten departments ; in tit.-
teen others the parties would be balanced; and
in all the rest of Fr ince only a few handfuls of
Royalists would be found opposed to time great
mass of the people. There would he ‘ufficient
means of forming a Royal army, bait how long
would resistance be maintained, or even the foie-.
lity of that army preserved which had been so much
.reckoned upon ? There are besides a sufficient
number of ancient Nobles, or of parti.ians of the
Court in every departuient, to establish there an
appearance of public opinion, and even a certain
majority in the Electoral Colleges (7). It must be
inferred that the party of the Noblesse is still of
some importance, when the public functionaries
employ all the efforts of Government to support
themi is it deprived of that support, the popu-
lation absorbs it: 'some serious errors on this
subject might circulate round. the throne, and for
this reason I endeayour to excite attention to
them. I shall have, other occasions to charac-
terise the purThe feeling : fought first to speak of
the army.
(8) Various motives ha repro(' uced the s uhmission.
of the army ; iu somelhis submssion is a.sincere:
return to their duty to time Icing ; in many others
it is the effect of necessity ; in time greater numtrer
it is a sacrifice made to the repose of France. It
is now wounded and humiliated at beholdin.; its
dismemberinoemt and dismissal. That army has
been employed in inva.ion and congheSt ; rep( e
is repouant ro it : ambition unbounded by for-
tune had rendered it enterprising, and thout.„ll it
had no longer a't, its head as General that warlike
Chief of, time State, it could not but long remem-
her its ancient standards. Ought we to strive to
place it on harmonious terms with the other armies
of Europe by giving it modest notions, a moral '
and monarchieal point of honour, a sort of reli-
gion for legitimacy ? Or indeed was it iothspensi-
bly necessary to disband turns ? This question
ought not to he decided by time laws of rigorous
jo,tice—we should rather consult the art of go-
yenning the future and the reason of state.

The-fewer ole officers and soldiers there re,
main in the new corps about to be formed, the
more discontent and sedition_will be found in the
midst of the-people. It will require a long time
before the object is accomplishei of estranging- a
new army from the interests of the old. 'rile civil,
disturbances will become touch more serious in
more stormy elements, and if the clash of the va-
rnms factions be survived, every thing will be in
a state of preparation for a civil war : under the
most lavourable supposition,. the disbanding- of
the army will .ave the effect of recruiting the bri-
;;ands, anti it is impossible not to diicoVer a cause
of terror in the mere fact of throwing upon an
electric population already so lunch disturbed
200,000 men connected with so many familieS,
who are tiros placed in opposition to the Govern-
Ment (9). \No ant horny could -withstand such an
immense coalition of hatred,passion, and
of shattered and discordant interests.

Another danger will arise from the opposition
61 the political opinions of the parties and
factions.

There are draw-baclo in the march of ages,
and in the pi ogress of civilization ; t he understand-
ing itself has its detractors, and when tl►ey lead
to too precipitate and extensive changes it gives
rise to resistance and continued agitations: .The
great struggle of the Revolution is not yet finish-
ed by 25 years of subversion eAch of the ancient
factions was not completely extviet when the in-
vasion of the Usurper revived the parties, dis-
closed new oneS, atid made a full discovery of the
extent of the factions.

To speak in the first-place only of the simple
difference of opinion ;. if this difference be ex-
tremely %vide, if it produce a sort of rupture in the
State, it is in vain for authority to govern in the
sense which it believes prevalent ; another opir
nion collies across it which also pretends to be
the public opinion :. a reign could not -be of loag
continuance it it had only this minority in its favour,
since even the support of the majority
allow the strongest resistance to be kept up ; on
the one side the sacrifice of their opinions will be
difficult, and on the other impossible. It remains,
therefore, but to chuse rightly, and to make rea-
son and justice triumph over old passions anti an-
cient prejudices. Similar contrarities doubtless,
exist in the other states of Europe, but they do
not refer to sucii mighty interests, nor unite them-
selves to so many other oppositions.
Atter this danger conies that of parties, without
calculating the Royalists, who are found in the
year 1815 trX be, what they were in 1789. Among
the old parties the Republicans and the Constitu-
tionalists still subsist : if the RepubliCans have not.
been undeceived with regard to all their princi-
ples, they have at least discovered tfte impossi-
bility of applying ;hem to a great State. Having
thus ceased to be dangerous to the power of mo-
narchy, they became so to Buonaparte only on
account of his tyranny, and with a very few •ex-
ceptions Buotiapartists would be found in the
ranks of the Republicalis*. This would be to com-
mit a great error ; they are not less opposed to
the government of the Icing, having some dal
catty in believing that a dynasty that haS suffered
so much by the Revolution, and- which has strug-
gled so king, can prevail upon itself either to par-

• Therc seems to be au error of the Presi here,

titan, .tO forg:4, to deny its doitrinet.
by giting sufficient guarantees for public libel iy.
This. nuitive alone haS 'recently induced them to_
la.ke,tti-kat in all tire•rneaures that had lot-object
theseptdsion- of the Bourbons ; that an impassa-
ble-bv.rier- is raised betttveen the pasi and the pi•e-
selii ;. that pablic should be established on
an immutable basis, ‘Vith ftese e(inditiO,s there
is -notblnp, to be apprehended .friltit the itcpubli-
carts ; they %:voultt even become the firmest su--
porters oldie Govenithent:

The Contitutionalists-are only 'a party. to this
exception, inasmuch its they are' opposedto.the
Royalists and defend • the. rights of the people
against them, as they were established during time
revolution; for every thing i•n ti►e last 25 years has
not been illusion or crime.

A stop has been put to glaring abuses and odi-
ous privileges, sage principles have been conse-
crated, and just barriers opposed to a power which
had no restraint but its own discretion. It is.oot
under thispoint of view, that we are in opposi-
tion with Europe. What a It:volution would not
have produced would have been obtained by the
progress of knowledge alone. Now that .Franc-6
is acquainted with her rights, how can she be
made to retrograde ?.• It' must first be•in the power
of man to destroy and forget his own ideas, to
create for himself oilier truths and another kind
of evidence.'

The Constitutionalists revere tilSo the principle
of legitimacy. Two Monarchical Constittitions
have been framed-. in Friince since 17S9—both
have consecrated the principle of a hereditary
thro.to.; but because both gives'ihe right to suc-
ceed to the throne, must we conclude that it trans-
mits a power without limits ? Does it perpetuate
the manner of governing because it perpetuates
-the dynasty ? And is there not'a distinctiOn to be •
made.between
,the designation of the Prince and-
the.nature of his authority ? The first is undoubt-
edly regulated by birth ; but -the second can only
be regulated by national laws. Such are the prin-
ciples of- t he -Coast itutionalists.
This party, however; and this must not be dis-
sembled, this party, altbongh it does not hesitate
to Filinnit; has never ceased during a twelvenionth
to he in oppdsition to the King's GOvernment.---
ln 1814 it was chiefly the Constitutionalists who
ccusured violently, who attacked incessantly the
most of the measures and acts of anthOrity; and
when such a struggle has once begun, when the
multitude take part in it,. a revolution.;:s not
far. off. This oPposition brought out a number of
parties- who had never before themselves.
It was generally said that the reign of the Bour-
bons wonld not be of long duration, that a crisis
was approaching either from some enterprize of the
Court, or a mOvetnent of the people. Some spoke
at that time of calling a foreign Prince to the
throne. others declared themselves in favour of the
Duke of Orleans, a greater number still for the
Itegeocy ; it scented that a sort; of moral Revolu-
tion had already taken place in the minds and
hearts, ansl this circumstance, added to the treach-
ery, explains only too well the facility with which
Budnaparte replaced himSclf on the throne, and the
impossibility it) which the- Court then was of de-
fending tiaentselees. another moment- less de-
cisive, that where Buonaparte gave in his abdi-
cation, the same opposition to the King's Go-
vernment was manifested in the Constitutional
party with still more force than the former time.
‘vhy can 1 not avoid laying theSe details before
your Majesty ? But how is it possible to save the
Monarchy, if we are' not thoroughly acquainted
-with the evil, and with every danger ? There is
not a foreign Prince whom- at this momeut the
party in question would not have preferred obtain-
ing or receiving from the hands of the Allied Powers,
The prepossession bad reached. such a• heighth
th.rt.there was but one exclusion ;—that of the
family of our ancient Kings. Your Majesty can-
not•help considering as a seditious act, -the De-
claration. of the Clrindacr of Representatives,
which tended to regulate the royal power before
the throne was filled. The truth is, however,
that a multitude of Frenchmen participate in the
same blindness and the same resistance, because
they had the same fears. • Every one demanded
conditions, every one dreaded re-actions and yen-
gea9evS ; 'they. wished. guarantees, not against
your. iNlaje,ty, Whose wisdom and moderation
were known, bat against, the pretensions so well
known, .itritl so often announced, of those who
froM their access to the throne, may one day have
the oppportanity and perhaps the power of mak-
ing theiwtriumph.
What obstacles will not this fatal disposition of
minds produce ? 1 have only entered into such
painful detail, to arrive at this consequence---The
acts of the Government will he again attacked;
they are so, already ; and this controol, with re-
spect to principles„passes for a right and' even for
a duty, when it is exempt front bad intentions.
Political doctrines are in the present day so gent-
rally diffused in France, that the people imagine
themselves competent- to decide uu - them.—A
demi-liberty, partial conditions appear as insup-
portable as the .most absoluto power-=they would
exeite the same commotions. NVilat 1 have al-
ready said of the public spirit of the departments,
has shears that in sonic provinces the Constitu-
tional Party prevails more or less. This same
.party attracts also more and .more
_notice among
certain classes of citizens: The old rich families
are in general more devoted tt.) the King t it is
the same in the tribunals among the people of the
law, nod the higher • commercial classes : 00 the
.other band, it is the great maioi-ity of the inferior
citizens (petite bourgeoisie), retailers, and petty pro-
prietors, who are Constitutional, because they
have had the greatest share in the Revoltation.
The purchasers of national estates, and the firrtri•-
lies of. soldiers add a great. force to that party ;
but what gives 'it
,more especially an irresistible
preponderance,i•is the Mass of peasantry, who are
at present Very enlightened anti its easy circum-
stances, whose situation has been ameliorated by
the Revolution : it reconcilable enemies of the
nobles'am clergy. _Passion calculates the streN th
of parties differently, and arrives in fact at other
results. In such calculations the people), pass. for
nothing..

• I.tlo not in
chu,c. toe i.liociapartivs in the num-
ber of I.lartis---therc are none—there can no
Longer be any ;Buonapartists, except in a small
poition of the army. It is not. from attachment
10' ttte I/14 VI this party, it is still less from He.

lily that in th month of ?larch at part of France
Was seen to associate themselves for a moment
witlt.bi.s destinies..i his 4nc,- e:iorely;
iii be regal oy
some its a
,fibcrator, by others as an just! 'uncut ;
and .thiS- instrument gave U 3 thucti grater rea-
sbus fni• fear than for lscipe. -There can be no
party without a clite.t. .13noMiparte only had
three iti,",ittlis of a new existence by events which
cannot again be renewed. All the rt. mai:is of the
BinSnaparltists are, therefore, confounded in the
ranks of the ConstitntionaliSts aod Republicans..
1 Z•linnt.,.to the fac't'ions.—lt is prinipally under
this point of view that.the situation of yotir Ma-
jesty is:attende'cl: with danger. It is evident that •
there—are two great factions in. the State. The
one defends the principles 'of the Revolution, .and
the ot,lier-ainfs at a Counter-revolution (10). The
force of the two factions may he meastoed. Iti
the one there are the Nobles'andthe Clergy, the
ancient possessors Of national estates, the Elul-
grat-ts;-- tile old .ROvaliSts, and all that remains or
the old Parliamems—enlightened Men, %vitt) sin-
cerely, because they have leafned nothing (-11) for
23 years, cannot comprehend how their old
ledge should be .deficient ; a certain number also
who cannot pardon %(,hat they have abhorred, or
who prefer their repose to everything, and have
no hope of regaining it but in the old regithe;
lastly, empassioned writers; and individuals Nrboni
a sprit of hatred impels always to violent melt-.
sures—to extremities.—in the.other party is ak
most' the whole of France—the Constitutionalists
and the Republicans, the actual Airs, and the
People, all the discontented clases; and even a
moltirtn;e olgood Frenchmen, lint less enliiiliterted
than attached to their King—but who are con-
vinced that every attempt of counter-revolution,
and even'a simple tendency to th'e old regime, '
would becoine the signal of- an explosion similar
to that of 1789, and would ',ave the same result.

It is no longer a question of mere
one of the t%vo factions is ininotion—hostillies
Corn lIICIIce—La Vendee is arganiSed—trm!,ps are
raising in the. South, with colon's whiCh are not
even ruyal ; and already bands have `made their
appearance in-Languedoc ands PrOVence.- They,
seeltalso. to, influence opinions. Eitel, in' the ea.:
pit4those Who are desirous of a counter-revolu-'
Lion, say so openly, which is a manner of ,del•
paring Elie' 'minds. At a.greater distance, the
high-flown Royalist spreads his doctrines, and
.doesnot<disemble his proFets.
The ether faction, which looks on the .
tion of these projects as impossible; does riiii yet
act. But will this inaction continue long ? and
what wid happen if the combat commences ? Un-„,
defsuch.grave circumstances, it becomes my duty
to eXpreSs iny'undisguised opinion to your Majesty.
So long as France shall -be occupied by foreign.
troops, their presenCe may
constrain, to a certain
point, the popular party ; the royal authorities
may also, by theirt.igilance, retard the danger
but the moment would come when all the obstacles
would be 'borne down : a civil tvar, when. the-
cause of the King is the pretext, may last a little
Conger, but at length the mass of the people would.
be triumphant.
No person is more convinced than your •Majes-
ty, that it is imposible to return to the old doc-
trines of the Monarchy. All the elements of the
old regime have disappeared. There-was then no
national estates recognised—power was 'Modified.
by the manners—it was regulated as it were, and
restrained by habits
.and usages. If there were
no fixed laws, there were Maxims of government
—;-here was an inviolable code of moderation, of
mildness, of equity, and urbanity—no passion
was let loose—every person was formed tor' his
situation, or supported it without regret. A single
remark may serve to shew the difference between
that time and ours. An import, more or leis, then
Constituted the reputation of an Intendant, the•
glory of a Minisrcr, the eclat of a reign. Will
it be said that France was only the more happy 1,
It ‘vill remain to he e:•.(lained then how the Re-
volution happened to be prepared in these happy
tinies--htit -10' what purpos'e these discussions ?
The old regime - cannot be re-established. ,The
greatest fault which governments can commit is
not to distinguish between what is possible and'
what is not: To be at war during a whole reign,
is not reignin. . _

_„.
To conceal nothing on this subject from your
Majesty, I will still add that no particular con-
spiracy menace, you at the present moment. Our
dangers proceed only from our situation; hut we'
may conceive in thought a conspiracy, of w hick
the •success-would be infallible, and of which the
designs could neither be prevented not foreseen.
lt %void(' be that of a Ministry or a party at Court,
who, trom the grossest errbr, or the most blind de-
votion to the Royal cause, should counsel or fa-,
vont a plan Of counter-revolution. Every plan of "
this nature would overturn the throne again with,
a crash, and destroy, perhaps, even (12) our last"
hope of the dynasty of our Kings.
false remark has often been made on the
subject of the old regime, namely,.that the French
wjio have supported the tyranny of Buooaparte,
woold.support much more: easily the whole extent '
.of the Royal power. They are here mistaken in.
many respects, because. the position of Buons-••••
parte has never been known to foreigners ; his
tyranny was.not our-work, but that of Europe
it was the Sovereigns wit() consolidated his power
by their treaties, their alliances-, and even by
their friendships ; and even if we had resisted
him., the other nations Woulta have ranged theM-
selves tinder his eagles, or bumbled themselves',
before him. Always more afraid 'of the interior.
than forcizor countriesOte knew' well that'. if he
had artnies against the Kings, he_had no power
against public opinion. It was by foreign obe- •
dieneethat.he endeavoured to bend us tinder the
yoke. ke haS -ditched to more than cult Victory,
to have an additional means 'of re-acting on
France. A Conqueror without, he was, unquiet
within—every public assembly made him tremble.
Lastly, there were always in the midst of his
' Court - anti in his Counsels men of courage, w!ro, •
without disobeying the Monarch, at least binved...
theiDespot. Supposing ,even that
•been more patiently supported than it was, ca
the same subm expected ission be now his tyranny had'
cted ? He con-
trived to make us forget by-Substituting
glory it.titeait.l We
,had, nothing to dread
under his reign, neither fr9m the Clergy, nor the
Nohics,,,,, the ii,caigrants (1:3). If he stacc:edeci in