The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-15 00:00:00

The Bill went through Committee, and their I rant selfish men do not understand, is; hat po- . watched his public career (and! who has not?)
Lo adjourned at a Quarter to Eight. I verty and misery have overspread the land, and entertain the smallest doubt concerning them.
" The brave do never shun the light ;
-1/1 the Commons, a:short discussion taok place i that annually a great number-of persons suffer
On the St. John's Hospital and Winchester Es- ', disease from want of food, and fall victims to Just are their thoughts, and open are their tempers ;
tate Bill, but in the end Mr. LEADER, who lyad i famine. But not seeing the hand of the mono- Freely without disguise they love or hate :
Still are they in the fair face of day,
charaCte •
op rued the matter as jobbing, withdrew his i
polists which strikes them with poverty and
And Heav'n and men are judges of their actions."
Position, and the Report on the Bild was re., death, they mistake this heavy visitation, the
ceived. Some Tories, in the disguise of Liberals, have
result of their own ignorance and reverence of
objected to Sir CH ARLES NAP/ER that he has no
Mr. LOCH having asked Mr. LaLsiouci-LERE
What l men quite as ignorant as themselves, for the na-
claim to the suffrages of the electors of Maryles
would do as to the private b-
Which he
might not be completed, the Rim asiness tural course of society, and the great misery in
bone. What constitutes a claim to the_suffrages
`4lit Hon, which they continually exist makes them doubt
Gentleman replied that if he was in Yii, of any electoral body of honest and popular prins
present
poSitsueutithnatin the next Parliament, he the goodness and wisdom of GOD, if it do not ge- . ,
cipies, if an aptitude for business, and glorious
should
placed in
who had ex.tpe pro- aerate absolute and hopeless impiety. We must
achievements in the service of one's country,
should be :rided money put down monopoly to restore to man his rever-
are to be accounted as nothing? But the ques-
in the same si
stood •
m the present. -nation as they ence for nature and for the Deity. We must put
tion is rather, Where is the constituency to
On the Report of the down monopoly to rescue society from poverty,
whose suffrages NAPIER has not established a
been brou ht up, A rf • •
PI) vnation Bill having misery, famine, and wholesale murder.
. claim? Such a constituency is not to be found
derable lengthg Mr. 7!:JHME showed at consi- Monopoly, like war, is a short and expressive
within the circumference of the British isles.
tind that thr.: agriculturists laboured
greater 1. name for all kinds of crimes. If war have slain
, er no
As to-morrow will decide 'the retirement of
class of the Jurdens than any other its thousands, monopoly has slain its tens of NA PIER or YOUNG, we call upon the honest Re-
turn,
servants comm-
.unity. Taxes on agricul- thousands. Horrible as were the sufferings at •formers to be early in attendance at the
been taken off
sit: tses, and farm-houses, had the conflagration of Moscow, and the subsequent
Colosseum, Regent's Park. Let no confidence
of
983,000 i , fo, Ace 1836. An annual taxation , retreat—lasting but a few months, affecting only
in their aggregate numbers and the popularity of
tesest, wan' , zmerly borne by the landed in-
in-
no a comparatively small number of persons, the the Commodore, interfere with their being in
that the ff paid by other classes. To say
age' struments, too, of crime and tyranny—what readiness to be first at the ballot-box. The elec-
share of t, -tculturists had more than their fair •
fl er and cold • they compared to the sufferings 0 mug tion, virtually, takes place to-morrow. The re-
to delude ae public burdens, was an attempt
i a t d .after year on the thousands of our
i lc e year . tirement of one of the candidates is tantamount
the a„; • the public. He contended that
tion
4:7f." eulturists were not entitled to a protec- humble population, whose great crime, .
is con- to the return of the other to the House of
tiding in the monopolist law-makers .
~Restric- Commons. The friends of NAPIER—the advo-
given • Bs.; and showed from the evidence
befo
wetly and
tions on the supply of food, working q . .
the 1 re the Import Duties Committee, that cater of free trade and cheap bread, are now
' JOO
'ended interest deprived the community of certainly, with the stealthiness of a pestilence in
called upon to bestir themselves in right earnest.
mr.,OOOZ per annum. the air, have done the work of destruction. They Let the Reformers remember that it', in conses
?Hake - quence of apathy on their part, the Gallant
such statements. ligent inhabitants, a loathsome, famishing prison. Commodore retire fromthe field, theirs will be
The Debt Of all these enormities the Tories are the
~,,,e
Election sof Parishes Bill was withdrawn. the shame—theirs the disgrace of having, to a
13"--", Petitions Trial Act Amendment avowed defenders. They will not abate of them certain extent, betrayed their country in the
_,l.leictur. which goes Principally to remedy technical one jot. They disregard the prayers and suffer- hour of her greatest need. Let every Radical
totot_ ions to the ings of millions. They defy the millions. They
present law, was passed through now do his duty by coming forward in the full
Committee,
threaten them. They would even extirpate them confidence that his vote will decide the election.
co the
a c0,,,_ . Register of Voters Bill being put into if they could. They have declared themselves the Every vote is of the utmost importance. The thou-
adjou'urnulittet, the House was counted out, and enemies of the people, and, however shortcoming sand from which a unit is subtracted is a thousand
ed 'before Eight o'clock. may be the Whigs, the Tories mugt, for the no longer. The man who, neglecting to exercise
public happiness and the public safety—for the his own political rights, trusts to the patriotism
sake ofmorality, religion, and social order, be ofneighbours having more leisure than himself,
deprived of political power. The elector who is unworthy of.the enjoyment of the rights of
votes for a monopolist votes for the continuance
of poverty, misery, and famine, and votes for the citizenship, and of the protection of the laws.
dominion of evil. We shall expect, therefore, to see every Re-
former in the borough early at his post to-mor-
[ row, to record by his vote the triumph of
, NAPIER, and the downfal of the Corn-laws.
We again revert to the great importance of
the metropolitan boroughs being the first to set a
good example to the country. Any semblance of
a reaction in Marylebone would not fail to be
turned to the worst account by the Tories. The
question is not—Have the Radical constituencies
entire confidence in Ministers? but, Does the
county want cheaper bread, cheaper sugar, and a
more extended market for the products of manu-
facturing industry ? This question the electors of
Marylebone are called upon to solve to-morrow,
and the decision of a constituency so numerous,
so generally enlightened, and so cognizant of the
evils resulting from monopolies which enhance
the price, and diminish the quantity of the neces-
saries of life, cannot but have an extensive influ-
ence. London, with its adjacent boroughs, is to the
nation .what the heart is to the human body,
where every pulsation tells upon the extremities.
Hence the necessity that the political action of
this mighty heart should be sound, vigorous, and
healthy ; and hence the urgency with which we
press every Liberal elector within the bills of
mortality, td' the exhibition of a ten-fold zeal in
doing his duty. Electors of Marylebone ! Re-
member your gallant struggle to obtain the
Reform Bill, and bethink yourselves that you
are now called upon to decide whether that Bill
shall bear the rich harvest of ripe fruits which
it at first promised, or whether, like the barren
fig-tree, it only put forth a leafy foliage.
Remember, that by turning your backs
on NA PIER you content yourselves with the
foliage and abandon the fruits of Reform.
You are now the true Poor Law Com-
missioners, for the fate of the poor is in your
hands. It is you who will now regulate their
dietary, by deciding whether you will obtain for
them employment and cheap bread, or confine
them to the tread-mill and the workhouse. You
have a high, and in the present state of the
country, a most sacred duty to perform. For
ourselves, we have unbounded confidence in you.
May you confirm .it by . the cordial reception
which you will to-morriiw give to Commodore Sir
CHARLES NAPIER, as a candidate the most worthy
to represent your influential Borough in the
House of Commons !

, ;' eountry is now launched into the serious
1-84."ss °f a general election; which will, for the
'Zft, few weeks, chiefly engross public attention.
12;,-- nave already made our readers aware, that to
_lease us the budget should have gone a
great
'4l urther; but all speculative opinions must
ilow be
." laid aside to embrace and forward the sue-
-88
Of (4le party. We are devoted to free trade
Ire are steadily opposed to all monopolies, and
titan do our best to resist and put down mono-
-1)°13" and injustice in every shape.
;When We turn from the Ministers, with whom
3)0.1r- are not thoroughly satisfied, to their op-
' What is the alternative they offer
3th- Illit do Sir ROBERT PEEL and his friends, the,
r Portion of the aristocracy, promise us
u te„Y Illeall to preserve the landlords' monopoly
oftl-11(111ed! They will not allow a single graini
is Nal. to enter any mouth in England which 4 . tot the produce of our colonies. They will
cet.,°t:tilew a stick of timber to be imported, ex-
bat be on Paying a very onerous tax, which has
',--'• been felled by some labourer employed to
ell fi,
b ...e wealth of our gorged capitalists. They
will
lic't allow the smallest relaxation of those
cioPolies ; they have us fast bound in those
usitinB which our foolish ancestors forged for
' and they
and Preg avow that their policy is to rivet
IT, -erve them for ever more.
th - general, the planters and landowners are
ill re St,lne Persons. For example : in one House.._
.114, '''4arl of RAREWOOD, Lord SEAFORD, Lord
1:0114) and ViSQOUIIt ST. VINCENT i in the
441er, m..
Fi, GOVT BURN, Sir A. GRANT, the
agedil. 41Plani‘;:rss'.. wad others, are both landowners
The planters and landowners
Or liel()elY allied with the monied . classes
th t ei4 ttle'ZropOliS, the BARINGS, the PALMER:,
0 e "-E REIDS, and others. A few la!
Ilt'n**tibel'B ill Canada may• be interested in the
ty er duties, but the persons who chiefly profit
nii-p t:bettl are ship-owner.s—not ship-masters, nor
is "I'lnerii
-3 for the timber-trade across the ocean
tabstaptielY destructive of their lives—London
ail Tt, and others, concerned in land jobbing
e.,11,- taaibering in Canada; all these classes,
Itluiii:lists, Money-lenders, ship-owners, planters,
and s-tild°vE'ners, are dove-tailed into a combined
qn l'og piece of political joinery, but in point
200,(1-4-uer—they do not exceed, probably, at most
.
Nay, they are a most insignificant part of the
l'eCIIIIIitY• The Tory policy avowedly
is to
l
4tit
ll
the' kIE
st pass, restrain, plunder, and enslave al
pthe community for this selfish and
i Portion.
)410 t °lust be remembered that not one of these
on I.,(3P°,lies does, or can, confer any advantage
'tig.htte labourers engaged in them._ Under the.
all ~- °f Property, it is an admitted axiom, that in
sofficL;eaPations the wages of labour will be juis
.
bo, e`ent to maintain the existing race of a
laborueirs' and enable them to breed up as many
Prev,i'ers as the capitalists want, according to the
eertaLent standard of comfort, and they will,.
manl,3', be no hioler under these monopolies
ti:a allY branch of free trade. If they were-
capit.l labourers have no monopoly, as the
oPe,-..ists take care that there shall be an
other 71d for men to compete with each
P105„,---labourers would soon flock for em-
ll'Aa-,,,e11t to these monopolies, and bring down.
Ittor t° the common level. It is said there is
Cluaerie4lPloYEnent for agricultural labourers, ford
for -'a hlmberers, for West India negroes, an
Polie Ilglish sailors, in consequence of the mono;
Irake:' b"
no person contends that the rate o
artfii! Of these classes is raised the fraction of a
ofgrii-gb3r the monopolies. The irksome business,
if willng sugar and felling timber, and the severe,
'441 t (:80111e labour—which there is some rea-
spr„: doubt-.0f growing corn, may possibly be
ttlay °ted by the monopolies. More labourers
othet.l::!haPs be required in these businesses than
tion. 'se, but the constant pressure of popula-
N " se,
will always keep the rate of
Thees,in them down to the common level.
The
...'"oopolies do at the best, therefore,
few
we the interest of the combined
the e hare mentioned, and they sacrifice
~,, raan3,.
Ihe Tories
the tii„„ say they will continue to sacrifice
at th,,-"Y for the few; a principle which strikes
'elves' 11),(4 of *social order. By avowing them-
the: delenders of monopoly, and opposed to the
all,
thy that 1
. .aws should be made for the good of
T
we hey alm at overturning political society; and,
l'ories-read anarchy, we are for putting down the
It ii-,,..41(1 the Monopolists.
te tax" "ell proved, over and over again, that attoth °lle Class of .the people for the benefit of
'nth Cr,ft is to prostitute legislation to the purposes
133 r alei,-; 411 Protection is the plunder of one class
law, "'gel% It destroys the reasonable authority of
than attii(ll leaves no other means of ruling society
saileti e sword. It gives ,the highest human
tarils °lt to the most vulgar of crimes, and over-
*ell, as' asi far as the law-maker can, morality as
estfety law. Now, as society cannot flourish in
Renet„ievell if it can exist, unles there be a
elect,: resPect for morality, it is the duty of the
thitiZs to oPpose those who, while they con-
°rdai.J,..talk about religion, sanction, or rather
powe 2 uy lavr, theft, and, to the utmost of their
Nix' obliterate moral distinctions in the public
Iherp. L.,
taese
~,- i' somethinc, worse even than this in
liabits7t.°lloPolies. We e require timber for our
with,4ol.,°ll, and sugar and corn for our food. To
nouritthlu.4lletil is to deprive men of shelter and
Eta tv,_!lleat-. Delicate a subject to meddle with.
ilia eat.
..s.t.t. bsistence—the food of society—of
4,04 zo_l.llions, ease—the
ever been held to be, the
that Pti°llsts not Only meddle with it, .they avow
cr,„%v iittes:.!l,o; - and will, limit the sup ply. They
regui„, little or nothing of the natural laws which
hie
elte, It, for those who have devoted a long
a tticAelusivoly to the subject—a. SMITH, a SAY,
t0en......dit.-D°, a MILL, a MALTHUS, a M'CuL-
lifer on the most fundamental principles.
IN'evertheiess, i
he_
lost oerluirlye o
this in , gnorant as the monopolists are of
f all great social questions,
,c:,•Ypieliost
and savagely interdict the
iPu . from suppl in themselves, and keep:
ti'l atla ci,. ~. , Y g
44441 l natural
gm_ e .tiuer irotti them. . . .
... . ~ .
and necessary result of this - hia.e•
savage interference with . what these ignoi.'

If London shall elect Lord J. RUSSELL, and
Liverpool Lord PALMERSTON, the moral effec,
would be equivalent to a complete defeat of the
Tories. There is every reason to think it will be
so. The number of electors who have signed
the requisitions to the Noble Lords, if they all
exert themselves, are quite sufficient to ensure
success.

" On Thursday," says the Liverpool Albion
" a meeting of the friends of the Noble Foreign
Secretary was held at Eastwood's Royal Hotel,
Dale-street, WILLIAM BROWN, Esq., in the chair.
The requisition to his Lordship having, it was
understood, been signed by 3,000 electors, it
was determined to put him in nomination as the
champion of free trade and liberal opinions.
The best feeli,ng pervaded the meeting, and the
resolutions were passed unanimously."
Let no elector, however, in either city, suppose
that success is certain. Every man must exert
himself, and encourage others to exert them-
selves. Victory will be with those who are
honest and energetic. The abusive wrath of the
Tories, because Lord J. RUSSELL has accepted
the requisition, is an augury that the result
will be favourable.

The publication by Mr. HANDLEY of Lord G.

BENTiNcx's letter, which has appeared in The Sun
is a neat exposure of a miserable attempt on the
part of Lord STANLEY to form a great party and
place himself at its head. They were to be mo-
derate Whigs, standing betwixt the two ex-
tremes, placing no confidence in Sir R. PEEL, but
determined to give the Ministers of.the KING'S
choice a fair trial. Lord GEORGE went about
drumming up for recruits, among .111.P.5, to
meet at Lord STANLEY'S house, and form this
regiment, and he says he caught about two or
three and forty boobies. The Noble Lord, like
other recruiting officers, must have indulged, we
apprehend, in hyperbole, for the Dilly, aS:itap-
peered in public, never contained more thaiihalf
a, ;dozen. All the splendid promises. of prize-
money and promotion failed to gather a large
body).- of followers, and the poor Lordling
who aspired, in 1835, to place himself at the
head of a great party which should give the law
to both Whigs and Tories, has dwindled into se-.;
condrtnate to Sir R. PEEL. Lord.STANLEY will
now haVe good cause to regret his hasty attack
on Mr, HANDLEY, for it has convicted hiM
having la very treacherous memory, and has
brought_to light this proof of his defeated ant=
bition.

The Extraordinary Express from Paris re-
ceived yesterday, bringing news: from Madrid of
the 6th inst., enabled us to anticipate in our
afternoon edition, the whole of the news con-
tained in the French Journals of Sunday. The
second telegraphic despatch from French Africa,
interrupted by nightfall, concludes as follows :

Sir ROBERT PEEL and the 311 monopolists who
conspired to stop the discussion on the Corn-laws
reckoned without their host. The great question
comes on to-morrow evening, when, we trust,
every Liberal Member will be early in his place.
The Tories fear the discussion, and will try every
means to defeat it, either by not making a House
or counting it out on the first opportunity. They
are ever at their post. Will the friends of the
people be outdone by them, when the following
important 'reSolution shall be made by Mr
SCHOLEFIE4 :--" That the extreme suffering of
the industrious classes, from low wages and want
of employment, renders it the imperative duty
of Parliament not to separate till it shall
have devised some means for the allevia-
tion of the I great misery which now per-
vades all the manufacturing districts of
the country ?" This resolution, coupled with
the motion of Mr. HINDLEY on the present
system of taxation and the Corn-laws, will allow
Members full 'scope for discussing the question
of " monopoly" or "no monopoly." The eyes
of the country are now on the Representatives of
the people—a day of reckoning is at hand—and
let the watchwOi:d of electors be, " He that is
not with us is against us." The accounts of the
distress in the manufacturing districts are quite
appalling; the people have hitherto submitted
patiently, to :the greatest deprivations, but pa-
tience has its limits; and if by any side wind from
the Tories, or the lukewarmness of the Liberals,
their prayers be rejected, no man can answer for
the consequences.

The Duke de Nemours coming from Mostaganem reached
Algiers on the Bth, and was preparing 'to embark for Mar-
seilles on the 11th.

The return of the Duke of 'Nemours to France at the mo-
ment when, according. to the last despatch of General Bugeaud,
the campaign ■itas going to recommence, is a sufficient confir-
mation of the reports which have been spread of a misunder-
standing between the Prince and the Governor General of
Africa.

11e should lay much stress on the fact if it were isolated;
we have on more than one occasion too frankly expressed our
opinion of the inconvenience of giving commands to the per-
sons of the Royal Family as to be much affected at the IA ith-
drawing of the Duke of Nemours ; but when we consider his
return iY conjunction with that of the Generals who have in
a manner identified themselves with our conquest in Africa,
we cannot help being led to think that General Bugeaud must
make an exorbitant use of his command to disgust everybody
in this manner.---Le Commerce.

The Memorial Bordelais, announcing the arrival of the In-
fanta Don Francis de Paul and his Consort, the Infanta Louisa
Charlotte, at Chateau Margaux, adds the following details :
Don Francis is the brother of Ferdinand VII., and Don
Carlos, his consort, is sister to the King of Naples, the Duchess
of Berry, and Queen Christina. After the exclusion of the
elder branch of Don Carlos from the throne of Spain, Don
Francis is the successor to the throne after Isabella 11. and her
sister, the Infanta Louisa.

It is said that they intend to remain at Bordeaux till they can
return to Spain.
Their two sons, the Dukes of Cadiz and Seville, doinotaccom-
pany their august parents ; they have, however, two younger
children with them ; they have likewise their daughter, the
Princess Isabella, who obtained their permission to marry a
Polish Count, of which:adventure all the Journals have spoken.
It is said that the eldest son of Don Francis is to marry the
young Queen of Spain.— Constitutionnel.

The hour "big with the fate" of monopoly, in
Le borough of Marylebone approaches. Ano-
Ler day and we: shall know the extent to which

the Liberal electors of that Borough appreciate
the honour of laving as a candidate for their re-
presentation.
tn 'Parliament, a man whose bril-
liant
exploits, in, connexion with his right Radical
principles, have obtained for him a distinguished
reputation extending over the habitable globe.
Marylebone has reason to be proud of being
able to command. the services of such a man as
Commodore Sir CHARLES NAPIER. The sailor
hero is not .a mere man of the sword,
who has only honourable scars obtained
in fighting, for, liberty to exhibit to the
people as a. passport to their suffrages. A re-
ference to. the'•columns of The Sun, at various
periods Within the . last five years, will show
the deeps interest which the , Gallant Com-
modore took in the condition of the British navy—
of that navyin whose annalshis name will fill a
brighter pagtithan that of any other aniimander
since th6-da:Vinf Nelson. How much the. triumph
of coswtoAthrig.lfreedoni in' Portugal is indebted
,to thp,tinfl9tßitable courage of NAPIER, is a ques-
tion which, at this. time of day, it would be an
impertinence to discuss. Enough, that the tyrant.
:'Mt4tiEt.Ctiountto. no enemy who contributed
.Inore effectually to hurl him from his usurped,
seat of em.plirtuid of -oppression: .
The Liberal electaiS of Marylebone
avah%^a
staunch,. straightforward, nn co m prornisVtgil.2 ?ear-
le;s keformer to represent theni in Piirliamnt,
mind' such a man , is Commodore NAPIER.
There is nothing, insidious—nothing, hollow
abbot him. He wears no two faces, one
C.9r, the plebeians at the hustings, and: 'another
~..e,dtfcr's of the " great unwl.tsin,d" in time
'House of Commons. His political 'Principles are
:Xhoroughly Radical, nor can those who hate

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 15, 1841.

of this greet tit}—(Loud cheers.) Yes, he had on ! country, and thus to diminish the proportion which each indi-
that day come as his ancestor had done, in his carriage— victual contributes of his property for the purposes of taxation.
through the streets of the metropolis, and true it was the : --(Loud cheers.) And .in this point of view the measures
virtue and liberty accompanied him. He came not, ' which were proposed were justifiable on every ground of
indeed, as in the dark times of his ancestors, to the justice and of sound policy.—( Loud cheers.) With
black scene that awaited him, but he had come regard to the various. measures which we have proposed, I
to that glorious civil triumph which union and determined think it will hardly be necessary here that I should enter into
exertions would command. He came there amongst . any defence of them—(Cheers)—because I see that whatever
them repudiated, he had almost said insulted, by a I may be the adverse rotes which we have sustained—whatever
House of Commons—(Cheers)—which he (Mr. I..Z,yd) 1 may be said of the impolicy of bringing forward such measures
yet trusted to find had not spoke the voice of the people.— :in the face of so strong a force opposed to them—as far as
He came there, thus treated, to ask for their countenance 1 argument is concerned, with regard to the abstract truth ar d
and approbation—he came there, having in his bosom those mea- I justice of the principles propounded, with regard to the real
sores which that House had rejected, and he demanded of them 1 policy of the measures themselves, the opponents of them have
support for those measures; and upon what ground did he ask I little to say against them in the way of argument, and many of
for that support ? Let him (Mr. Loyd) state this in the lan- them have preserved a total silence.--( Cheers.) Even your
guage of the Noble Lord himself, for no other words own candidates for tl e City have not spoken frankly and °rent),
could state them with the same modesty and force. , like my Hon. Friends who have so long and so worthily repre-
He demanded this support for his Government and measures, sented you. They have not ventured to say that the measures are
because the main object he had was to increaseithe comfort, I unsound in themselves, they have not ventured to offer some
and promote the trade, and unchain the industry, of the I ether scheme as preferable to those measures. But they have
great and prevailing interests of the country—(Cheers)— i shrouded in a studied obscurity the purpose which, until I hear
and he further stated that those measures had suffered in his I it more clearly and explicitly defined, I must say I consider
hands a temporary defeat, bat he could not doubt the truth of as an attempt to keep up the burdens and restrictions under '
the principle on which they were founded, nor could 1 which our industry is now suffering, and that they intend to 1
the Noble Lord believe that in this great metropolis of eom- recruit the finances by increasing the burdens of the people.—
merce those principles would be defeated. The language and (Cheers.) Now, with regard to what we have proposed,
conduct of the Noble Lord at the present moment reminded thes e are many who take especial interest in the question of
him (Mr. Loyd) of those days of ancient (history which Corn-haws, and I think, gentlemen, that you will agree with I
were celebrated for the production of specimens of noble me, that there may be certain considerations which ought
patriotism and high and exalted resolution—of the Roman to weigh with us with regard to an alteration
General who, when finding his :country's safety had in those laws. lis the first place if it can be made out that
been overwhelmed in a mighty conflict, returned to the there are any burdens which press unequally upon the agricui- I
citizens of Rome, not to deceive there by false rapre- tural interest, it is in accordance with the principles of
senta.ions, not to conceal from them the danger, rot the freest trade not to impose on our own people
to tell them that they were called upon to make sacrifices, a greater burden than we do, on foreigners.—( Cheers. ) On I
but to explain to them that they had been defeated in a great I that principle, therefore, we must either take off those taxes
and formidable conflict, and to call on those who wished to see which press unequally upon agriculture, or we
their country saved, to follow, and he would lead to victory. must impose a duty equal to them on the foreigner,
He was confident that those sentiments would meet, as he found Then, with regard to any sudden alteration, if the farmers and
they had done, with an echoing response from the heart of the labourers have had had encouragement in pursuing
every man to whom he addressed them.—( Hear, and cheers.) a vicious system, no one would wish for an alteration
He was not deceived in his expectations, and he was so sudden as to produce great misery and distress
satisfied that he need riot trespass further on their time. So with regard to the other subjects, lam persuaded that
The Noble Lord was himself present—much honoured were those very reductions, so far from being injurious to the
they by such an event. He was there present to tell them in agricultural class, will be most advantageous to them ; for, of
language which no other man on that platform could even all others, the landed interest is interest in having close at and
feebly attempt to emulate, what were the grounds on which he certainly a prosperous mercantile community, in good circum- I
appeared before them, and what was the nature of that great stances.—( Hear, hear.) lam told that the landed in-
cause with which he was identified, and in the success of which terest feel alarmed at our propositions, but I say, let us
our future prospects as a great and happy country mainly look at the opinions of those who may be suppose
rested. His duty would be discharged when he had introduced to know best what are the true interests of the agri-
to them that Noble Los d upon the present occasion.—( Hear.) cultural community. Let us look at the opinions of one
He could not do so in the ordinary form of introducing him as his who has always been a high authority on these subjects.
Right Hon. Friend. He stood in no situation which war- who has devoted his whole attention to agriculture, and
ranted him in the use of such a term towards so elevated and devoted the whole of a long life to agricultural pursuits-1 mean
so great an individual ; but he presented him to that meeting, my Lord Leicester.—( Loud cheers.) My Lord Leicester
and through that meeting he presented him to the consti- supports an alteration in the Corn-laws.—(Luud cheers.)
tuency at large—(Cheers)—asi his country's frieed—( Cheers) Another nobleman who has devoted his life to agricultural pur•
as an individual towards whom, in that chrracter, he (the suits, who has preferred those pursuits to the highest honour
Chairman), and they, and all who were interested' in their which ambition held out to him. Lord Spencer is in favour
country's well-being, were not only entitled, but were bound to of an alteration in the Corn-laws.—( Loud cheering,
entertain all those feelings—those mingled and harmonious feel- and cries of " No.") Yes, if Lord Fitzwilliam's motion
ings of respect, gratitude, and confidence, which a grateful people had been brought forward in the House of Lords.
would never fail to bestow in unmeasured abundance on those Lord Spencer would have voted for it. —( Loud cheers.) When
who had proved themselves to be true, and steady, and lattle- I see these men who had devoted their special attention
ful public servants.—(Loud cheers.) Before he concluded, he to agriculture, when I see Lord Fitzwilliam
should remind them, that although the main and the Duke of Cleveland, the Duke of Bedford, and others,
principal object for which that kneeling had been in favour of such an alteration I cannot believe that such
assembled was to receive in person, and to recog- a measure can be injurious to the interests of agriculture.
nize the merits of Lord John Russell—that there wes e but that on the contrary these men see more truly and more also present upon that occasion three gentlemen who at pre- wisely what is the real interests of agriculture
sent represented them in Parliament—(Cheers)—and who he and rather than carry on a protracted struggle
trusted would again be enabled to assume that proud position. against the wisdom and justice of these alterations. J tnink it
—(Cheers.) Those gentlemen attended that day to do better that we should lie one people united in interest, and
honour to the illustrious individual before them, and at the that that which is best for the whole community
same time to discharge their duty to their constituencies. They must also be best for the great agricultural interests.
would, no doubt, be anxious to address the meeting upon that Gentlemen, I have been accused of using exciting language,
occasion, but they also spoke to their constituents through their when I endeavoured to refute the notion that the scanty crops
past services in language more strong than either
athey of this country, and the diminished food of particular years
or he could adopt. —( Cries of " Hear, hear," and ellPers• ) was sn ordinance of Providence to which we must submit ;
He would only remind them in addition, that as the question and I endeavoured humbly to show that that was not the case,
about to be submitted to the constituent body of the empire and that in this as in other instances, Providence wisely
was one so simple and distinct, that as it was a question provided for man provided man did not reject his
to which the answer must be "ay or no," and as in gifts and blessings.—(Tremendous cheering.) In so
the effective character of that answer, in his firm Lelia', arguing this topic, I have been preceded by men who
depended either thee clouded: times of despair and decay, or were no agitators—who were not acting for any purpose
the bright and glorious times of future prosperity, which, by of immediate popularity, or endeavouring for any purpose to
wise legislation and mutual justice from all classes to one ann- save or uphold a Alinistry.—( Hear.) I was using the language
ther, was yet within our grasp. He trusted they would re- of Lord Grenville, than whom no man was more attached to
member that they could not effectually accomplish these the Comer cative and Monarchical institutions of the country.
ends, or realise the expectations of their best friends, unless (Hear, hear, and cries of .. He was a Tory.") Then, at least,
by one common act and one common accord they send his Gentlemen, if, Lord Grenville was, during the greater part of
Lordship to next Parliament supported by the other three gee- his life: a Tory—(Laughter)—I was not at least putting
tlemen who now represented them ; and he would be 'greatly de- terth any democratic doctrine.—(Much cheering and laugter. )
ceived if where Lord J.Russ ell led they would not be found to follow But, gentlemen, was not the fact so ?—( Hear, hear.) I will
The Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst vehement and re- put the instance as one might paint it to themselves, and it will
petted cheers of the meeting by apologising for the length to be better, pestle -as, if I take two individuals. Take a man in
which he had trespassed on their attention. Germany, a small landholder, who was ready to cultivate his
Sir J. GUEST felt proud at finding himself selected, however land—to work all the year through—to sow and to reap,
unworthy of the honour, to propose to them a resolution which and who said that he was willing to part with the fruit of
he was sure they would respond to with enthusiasm. He had his industry, provided lie could get clothes for himself
to propose to them a resolution, to the effect that the meeting and his family._( Loud cheers.) Take another man in Lan-
receivesl with the:highest satisfaction and delight the determine- cashire, who by his industry, and by working some ten hours a
tion of Lord John Russell to stand as a candidate to represent day in the hardest way and with insufficient food, is willing to
them in the ensuing Parliament —( Cheers.) It would ill provide clothes for him provided he can obtain a better and
become him to address them at any length after the more plentiful supply of food.—( Cheers. ) Here are two men
eloquent speech of their Chairman; and still less would it the one wishing for clothes and the other for food, and there is
become him to attempt to impress upon so enlightened an as- the third person, the merchant, who is ready to negotiate
sembly the advantages of free trade over monopoly. He was between them, so that both parties may be benefited. le
sure there were hundreds present who could properly value not that the cogrse which seems by the natural order
free commercial intercourse, and could duly appreciate its of things to he pointed out—that which will give
benefits; and he was sure that at the poll they would show a scope to industry, and give its reward to industry,
that the City of London—the first city in the empire—was fully and make both men happy and contented. I say, then, why
alive to the importance of the questions now under the consi- are you to come with your laws and with your Government
deration of the people of England. He trusted they would offer not for the purpose of protection—not for the purpose for which
an example to the whole kingdom ; and that with " a strong Government and laws were instituted, but for the purpose of
pull, a long pull, and a pull together," they would return his placing a bar between those two men, so that one shall not have
friend, Lord John Russell, at the head of the poll—(cheers) ; the clothing the wishes at a cheap rate; and that the other
and that with him they would return the present three Mem- shall not leave the food which he might obtain, but that you
bers to represent them in the ensuing Parliament. The Hon. shall shut up and separate these two men from some refined
Gentleman then moved the first resolution :—" That the argument of independence of foreign supplies.—(Much cheer-
meeting viewed with the highest satisfaction and de- ing. ) These are some of the extremely subtle and ingenious
light the declaration of Lord John Russell, that he accepted the reasons by which they oppose a legislative bar to flee
requisition of the electors, and avowed himself a candidate."— trade by which the one party is prevented from obtaining
( Cheers. )
a sufficient supply of clothing, and the other is condemned to
S. BREADSON, Esq., seconded the resolution. a scanty supply of food. And then they call this law
The resolution was then put and carried amidst loud cheering. a monument of Legislative wisdom. —( Much cheering.)
Commodore Sir C. Napier here entered on the platform, This seems to me to be the great practical question, and the
and was received with vehement and repeated acclamations by one upon which the people of this country will be
every one present.
called upon to decide. It is true that our opponents
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose, and was received with long say they admit the general principle, that it is only that
continued and deafening cheers. When the cheering in some we never can get them to apply them—(a laugh)._
measure subsided, the Noble Lord thus addressed the meat- And in that respect they resemble some book collectors with
ing :—Gentlemen, I stand before you, in consequence of a whom lam acquainted, and whose great object it is very often
requisition, bearing, as your Chairman has said, 5,000 eigna- to find the original edition of a book with the leaves uncut
tures, inviting me to allow myself to be put in nomina- and never used, which they topsider extremely valuable,
lion as a candidate for the City of London.—(Cheers.) and for which they would give a high price, but if once
Gentlemen, I should not have ventured in any other eiremn- you cut the leaves the whole value of the book is destroyed.—
stances to aspire to such an honour; but while 1 feel that under ( Laughter and cheers.) In that way our opponents speak of
other circumstances, and without such an • invitation, it would free trade. They consider it an admirable book—a valuable
have been presumptious in me to ask for the suffrages of the book, hut if you once open it and cut the leaves the whole
electors of the City of London • yet on the present. occasion, value is destroyed.—(Much cheering, and a cry of ~The Poor-
and with such an invitation, I feel equally that it would have laws.") Some gentleman has mentioned the Poor-laws. I
been poltroonery in me to have refuted it.—( Great cheers.) will only repeat here what Isad in the House of Commons—
For, Gentlemen, you have rightly judged that it depends upon That I think every restriction ought to be removed from labour
you and the electors of the United Kingdom, arid from industry which is not justified by imperative necessity
to decide this great question.—(Cheers.) The proposals of and that when such restrictions are removed, our object ought
the Ministers, as your Chairman has told you, at least the first to he to support helplessness—to support those who are unable
of them that was proposed, was rejected by the House of to labour, but that with respect to thooe who are able
Commons. That decision was no doubt made conscientiously, to labour, I would rather see them living inde-
with a view to the interests of the country.—( Loud cries of ud niently upon the honest wages of their labour than
" No, no.") But, Gentlemen, whether you ageee with me Apon charity doled out to them.—(Much cheering )
in opinion as to the motives of that rejection, I think you will rand now, Gentlemen, I will say that whatever my opinions
not differ from me when I say that the Ministers of the Crown vay be, whether popular or unpopular, I have endea •
were entitled to advise their Sovereign that this was eoured to form these opinions without any view to
an occasion, that these were measures upon which, as they ither immediate popularity or unpopularity. I have en-
affect the community, the people ought to be consulted, and deavoured to form them wirh a view to that
that an appeal should be made to the country at large whether which was really for the benefit of the country, and I have al-
they confirm or reject the decision made by the House of ways acted upon these opinions fairly and freely,
Commons.—( Great cheering.) That, gentlemen, is the ap- and left it to my countrymen to judge whether
peal that is about to be made, and I know no community in these opinions were deserving of their support. Gen.
which it can be better judged, in which you will find elee• tlemen, that I consider the question which the City of
tors more capable of deciding such a question, than in London will have to decide, and which the electors throughout
this great city, the metropolis of the commerce of our world. the country also will have to decide. The question is, whe-
We, Gentlemen, had to consider, in our duty as Ministers, ther upon this occasion they will ceoose to unfetter the
not only the questions affecting trade, upon which, on every industry of the country ?—( Loud cheers.) It is upon
sound principle, great alterations ought to be made in the that question that • 1 wish to ask for your
present restrictive duties restrictive in many instances, suffrages. With regard to my past life, my past opinions, and
prohibitory in some instances—but we had likewise to my past acts, I leave you to judge of them ; 1 have no ap olog
consider the state of the country as affecting its finances. to make for them, and no apology will I make. And now,with
We found it impossible, however desirous we might be of eco- regard to this subject, on which I fear I have detained you a long
nomy in the management of the resources of the State, to allow time, lam told this is a question which especially with the
this great country to be placed in a position inferior to other ferment of a general election, will raise excitement through-
countries, as regards that vital point in her strength, her marl- out the country. Why, gentlemen, there is no ques-
time forces.—(Cheers.) Of late years, the navies kept by time deeply affecting the interests of the country, whe-
several of the great countries of Europe have been very much ther it affects their comforts, their prosperity,
increased. The navy of France at present is some three or or their rights. ' which does not excite feeling and
four and twenty sail-of-the-line; the navy of Russia, some seven emotion, and thereupon it may be said, that those
and twenty sail-of.the-line. We have raised the navy of Eng- who promote it are endeavouring to cause excite-
land to some five or six-and-twenty sail-of-the-line ; and I mente--Cries of " Hear, hear.) But it is not for the sake
ask you, considering all our great interests in the various of the excitement, but for the matter itself, that
portions of the globe, aware as you are that we have to be I stand befere you ; and if the matter is important, why the
strong in the Mediterranean, not only in the Channel and in excitement is the necessary ordeal through which it must
the neighbourhood of our own shores, but that we have to pro- come. In former times the power of arbitrary imprisonment ex-
tect our various possessions and dependencies in every quer- isted, ands man might be seized and he might be confined in
ter of the globe, I ask you whether it would be be- prison by the sole and arbitrary dictum of the King; and a
coming in English Ministers to say that the force member of the Common Council of the City of London rose
of England should be inferior to that of other and opposed that system, and was mainly instaumental in pro-
powers, and that the flag of England should even run the risk curing that Habeas Corpus Act, which is now the safeguard
of
infamy ?—( Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, if such was our of our liberties.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.)
sentiment, and I am glad to perceive it to be yours, the The question was whether the subject was worth the excitement
question next came to be how the expenses necessary for such it was causing in men's minds—(Great cheering)—in order
a force were to be sustained. Why, one obvious mode was to ask that you might obtain an Act by which no person might be
for increased burdens upon the people, and lam satisfied, if imprisoned except by the law and the decision ofjudges.and j cries
there had been a necessity for those increased burdens of the country.—( Cheers. ) And so I say of this question, I say
—if, upon looking at the whole state of the country and the it is worth while that the country should be excited, in order to
whole state of our finances we had been obliged to say that decide whether industry is to be free or shackled.—( Cheers.)
there was a necessity for these burdens, and no Member of the Whether this country is to go on prosperously competing with
House of Commons could have pointed out that that necessity all the nations in the world, or
whether she should yield to
could be avoided—l am persuaded that both the House of other nations the proud pre-eminence she now holds, and
Commons and the people of this country would cheerfully have allow her decline to be as marvellous and as wonderful
borne these burdens for the purpose of sustaining the honour, the as her rise.--( Great cheering,) This is the case upon which
credit, and the power of the nation.—( Cheers.) But, gentlemen, you are called upon to decide. I shall feel satisfied with your
when we considered this subject, having previously considered decision whatever it may be. I have come forward and fairly
all these matters relating to trade, it ;truck us with a convic- stated my opinion to the electors of the City of London, and if
tion that it was impossible to avoid, that there were not only they meet with your approbation, I can assurethem that I shall not
taxes paid to the Queen, forming part of the revenue of this thrink or be deterred by anything from doing all that I
country, but that there were other taxes paid to different think for the benefit and advantage of the country. With
classes in this country—(Cheers)—which a e no less taxes respect to your local interests I cannot be suosed
because they do not enter into the Exchequer—( Cheers)•-- to be so well acquainted with them as many here present;
which are no less burdens because they count fori but I feel that if you send to Parliament the three friends
nothing in the naval and other establishments .!I with whom I have long had the honour of sitting in Parliament,
the country, taxes which pressed most heavily upon the In- any deficiency of mine will be most amply supplied, as lam
dustry and resources of the country ; and that, by diminish- sure they will give me all the information in their pee .
ing such taxes, so far from diminishing the revenue These, then, are the questions for you to deckle.—(Cries of
of the Government, so far from diminishing the "We will decide them")—and vvhieh you will decide.—( Con-
revenue for their necessary expenses, we could meete thet tinued cheering.) The Ministers of the Crown have advised
wants of those establishments and raise the revenue ofth court ry their Sovereign to dissolve Parliament, in order to appeal to
to the utmost that was at present required by
.its necessities. the people—( Cheers)—and by that appeal they were
contentto abide. •It will be for the people to
Having, therefore, I say, arrived at this conviction, how could
say whether they will decide in one way or the other. I have
we fairly and honestly propose to lay other and new_hur-
great confidence in the good sense of the people of England, and
dens upon the people ?—( Loud cheers.) We were perfectly
and the citizens of London, and I belive that their verdict will
aware, in fact every man must be aware, of the great strength -
of the protected interests, and that they would. be naturally de- be triumphant in our cause. —4 Great cheeriog,. amid which the
protection, and consequently Noble Lord sat clown.) .. -
sirous of continuing the system of
•• - •
of continuing those burdens upon the interests—(
were we, Sir M. Wools then rose. and was received with great cheer-
therefore, to forget the unprotected Cheers)— ine.
g• He had listened, with the utmost attention. 'fo
and endeavour to impose those burdens upon them, while by the eloquent and - most e constitutional speech of ' the
wants adoption of a fairer and a juster mole the was of the Chairs-:(Loud-4 Loud • cheering)—and there was one part of
revenve might be supplied?—(Loud cheers.) I will now it which he would follow very closely. He said that
speak of the Proposed measures in relation to the revenue of the acts of the representatives of London were better
the country. We have sustained wars of great expense, than their speeches, and he ( Sir M. Wood would
and of great length, and large debts have been incurred abide by that most strictly.—(Laughter.) That meeting had
to support those wars with which the present gene. given him a feeling such as he had never experienced
ration has been burdened in consequence of those wars. before—it was a glorious one and the speech,
These are obligations which I feel no man can shrink from ob- eloquent and able as it was of the Noble Lord
serving ; for it is as absolutely requisite, and as completely our had given him, as it had the meeting, the utmost pleasure and
duty to preserve the public faith, as it is to preserve the ho- satisfaction. He had sat in the House with the Noble Lord for
noun and power of the country.—(Loud cheers.) lherefore many years,, and he knew no one instance in which the liber-
it is evident that a direct diminution of the burdens of the ties of the subject were concerned, but he found in him a
country cannot be carried beyond a certain extent, and great and sincere friend.—(Cheers.) Whatever might be
we have endeavoured to carry that diminution to as the wet of the election, although it was probable that the
great en extent as possible, and in every instance Noble Lord would be at the head of the poll.—(Loud
have endeavoured to diminish those taxes which pressed the cheering, and s•
we
heaviest upon the necessaries of life, such as the taxes upon tuned them it cries
sld of He
pHroevewiiiel, thhee wsilliigTtestri de e
beenra es e.
coals or candles, or those which prevented a free commercial disagreeable to him, although upon many occasions he had
such at the Postage--( Loud cheers) —by these placed in that enviable situation himself. He was sorry to see the
intercourse,
means we have endeavoured to diminish the burdens of the Noble Lord's name at the bottom of the advertisement, but he
There is another method of lightt nin,2. the I - •-I that was etiquette,
country.
... , ,uppo'e • h• in the House of Cora-
which press upon the whole ' question, came to ini
a friend of his who was on the
of the couilunoLiiy, ' other side of the q
burdens
and that is to enable the community at large to Income rich coons, and made a charge against him on that score, but
by their own_exprtiom —to increase the general wealth of the be said it was not his fault, but he told
. - his friend to go and give the Noble Lord his vote, which might