The Sun.
London, England, 1815-04-28 00:00:00

TREATY OF VIENNA, SAXONY, &c.

The Marquis -WELLESLEY rose for the purpose,
Itc said, of moving to discharge the Order for sum-
itto.iting their Lordships to-morrow, upon his in-
tended motion respecting the affair of Saxony.—
"There %vete some passages, however, in a paper
bis Majesty's Ministers had thought proper lately
to lay before the House, he meant the substance
of the Treaty recently concluded at Vienna, whiCh
see.r.ed to involve points and considerations of
such intmediatst and superlative importance, as to
rail for full and'explicit information on the part of
the Noble Lords oppesite; previous to the discus-
sion of the subject of which he had given notice;
'however impOrtant that- topic may lie separately
in itself. The document to which he referred was
.of tirtat nature, that for a full discussion of its me-
- tits, he thought a' proceeding originating at the
,other side of the House would be preferable ; but
`on Trading" which he did with the utmost at-
tention, h; found it, (independent of the magni-
tude and importance of the consideration to which
it referred) the language and the tenor of it to he
so obscure, nay so unintelligible, that it seemed to
him to-be essentially necessary; with reference to
the precise objects-.of a war, in which we may
even then be actually involved, to call for some
clear and distinct explanation on the part of his
Majesty's Ministers, and especially as to the prin-
ciple upon which the transaction rested. And
this he felt it his duty to require before he called
the attention of their,Lordshipsto any other snb-
leet-. When the Address was moved on the ith of
-April, he considered from its tenor, and front all
that transpired then in discussion, they were eon-
sideving only these questions :—First, Whether in
the state in which this country and our Allies
were then placed, by the return of the present
Ruler of France to power, it was necessary, both
for the interest of this country and the tranquility
of Europe,
.that we should army sea and land ?
And, 2dly,to consult with our Allies upon such
Measures-as may be necessary for the tranquility
and independence of Europe tinder such cir-
cumstances. The great point of whether we.
'sluiald engage in a war Was a question expressly
reserved at the time. Upon these considerations
alone, did the derision of that d ly take place.—
It since appeared, however, 'that on the very day
the House was called upon for such a decision,
the derision for going to war bad actually been
formed by his Majesty's Government ; and not
only that decision, bat the objects of it,(however
loosely and indefinitely stated) were settled, and
consequent arrangements made, at the very mo-
ment their Lordships understood that the title--
tion of due. preparation and due ednstiltation only
were determined. There existed no reason krr

concealment at the time, for no circumstances
had occurred since the conclusion of the treaty,
which might produce any important alteration in
the minds of the Allies, and he must therefore re-
gard it as most extraordinary that no statement
of the transaction had been made on that day.
Oa- this very questionat,le preleedure he trusted
some distinct explanation would be called for,
and on an early day; With respect to-the Treaty
it was that he had then to call for some ne-
cessary elucidation. 'I here were two distinct lines
of principles nt policy Which he might have acted
upon with reference to the important transaction
which gave rise to the Treaty, neither of -which
the Noble Marquis, after adverting to these, had
been acted upon by his Majesty's, Government.
A middle course was preferred, and one unfortd-
nately which incurred. all the disadvantages of
both the alternatives, without presenting one
single kilvantage of either, and not only these, but
which might eventually prOduce those very dan-
gers they were so anxious to avoid. Let it be
seen what the Treaty itself .expressed. The first
Article was avowedly formed ia the spirit of the
Declaration of the 13th of March, and directed
against Napoleon Iluorinparte, and all those who.
bad joined, or .should hereafter join him, in order
to force him to desist from his projects. This
was distinctly expressed by the Article. And
who •Wel c they who had already joined Burma-
part e % Among the rest, several of those_who were
called, the Constitu'ional Party—Mr. Constant,
for instance. The Declaration, in spirit, was di-
rected against all Nvho should join him—" joined
faction" were the words ; and that would
necessarily refer to the framers of the new
Constitution, the principal article of which.
would he the voting of the Empire to Burma-
. pirte. These persons were, it) the spirit of
the Dedication, considered as outlaws. They
all remembered the dreadful words of the
_Declaration, and it was most essential their
Lnr,lships should know the construction put upon
it by his Majesty•s Goveroment. Could any titan
the Dealaration and have the least doubt that
it did not pledge us to use every effort for the re-
storation'of the King of France ? , With reference
to the prominent consideration and tinparent'
jects of the Ts emy, it was important to -consider
-the tenor and import of the subsequent DedaraL
tion issued on the part of the Prince Regent.--
That mstrunurat referred principally to the 3d
Article of the Treaty, and the principles are ad-
vested, upon which it says the British Govern-
ment had invariably regulated its conduct. Upon
this a plain explanation was most desirable. Did
it wean to state, that. the mere destruction of
Iltionaparte's person was the object of the war, or
*keine(' .s.irlicient to secure the tranquillity of Eu-
rooe % Su
pprne the contingency 1: P.
—uonaparte
Tieing
eing set by France, and the Supreme power
vested io such *men as Lucien Buonaparte, Mass-
he understood that the
sena, or Carnot—would it
Was it even in their
danger was then at an end ?
contemplation that such a contingency may prove
one of still greater danger instead of security ?
lion, did these considerations 'e'er to the views of
not impo;ing upon France any particular Govern-.
meat % On these detailed consnlerattona he would
have to request the Noble Lord, either titmJ or

on some Future nay, for distinct e/planatilms.-,d•
His principal wish now was to know, what-the
principal object of
,entering into the war wAs.—
I Did it merely. extend -to Buonaparte,_ or to all
who Were connected with biro Much did he
wish tbe conduct of the European Princes had
been such as not to excite wishes in .seVeral parts
of the Continent favourable to that man; the state
of SaxOny Was particularly to be deplored; and it
was now known that the Russian Government
were obliged to have recourse to force, in order to
repress actual insurrections at Dresden in favour
of Buonaparte. At least, he trusted the hope
might stilt be entertained, that the Allies, upon
their view of the actual state of things, would be
led to reconsider these resolutions they 'had too
hastily formed in theirintoxication.
The Eat] of LIVEIIPOOL observed, that with re-
stiect to the proposed motion of the Noble Lord,.
it would be for him :to. detormine .-whether he
should bring it' forward or not. With respect to
any proceeding on the part of his Majesty's Go-
vernment on the subject to which the Noble Lord
alluded, he had only to repeat his answer oti a
former occasion, that, until the negotiations at
Vienna were reduced into a shape, in which the
result could he regularly brought before Parlia-
ment, of :course no communication thereon would
be made. The Noble Lord stared his intention to
put some questions on the subject of the Treaty,
but had taken the oppovtunity•to accompany these
questions with a speech of considerable length
against the principle and provision of that Treaty..
lie knew not, howeVer; whether he (Lord L.)
could regularly enter into any thing like-a distins-
sion lino') these points metil the instrumen: itself
should be brought forward in a regular shape ;
but there were sonic points which fell from the
Noble Lord which he could not allow to pass
without observation. First, he ‘vouldobset:ve upou
the implied charge of a breach of good faith in
not having broughtlorward the Treaty at the time
the Address was proposed. The first remark be
had to make on this was, that there was nothing
in the transaction,: of that Message, or -that Ad-
dress,
which could call for the production of the
Treaty, even if it could have,been regularly pro-
duced at the time, which, from the nature of the
transaction, was Ohvious that it could not. If
his Majesty's GovernMent had sought to entrap
Parliament into an Opinion upon the question of
IVar, the case; would have been different. But
what was the whole scope of the proceeding ? A
Message was communicated to Parliament, im-
poming, that in consequence of an eveut which
afforded 'a justifiable cause Of war, the Prince
Regent tild deenied it adviscable to order an in-
crease of his forces both by tva' and land ; and,
that he was in a course of communication and nua
gociation with his Allies. 1.-low in such a case
could it be said, their Lordships were called
.upon
to give an opinion upon the question of peace or
war ; a question which wouLf necessarily as well
as avowedly depend upon the determination the
Allies might make upon the topics in negociation ?
They were only called upon by that Address
approve the precautionary measures of arming
that had been taken, and. the proposition of an
arrameemeut in concert with oar Allies. T he
shades of difference of opinion which then ob-
tained, were upon _different points from those
which arose out of the Address ; but all were
unanimous in agreeing that jt was adviseable
to arm, and to enter',' into arrangements in
concert with our Allies. Parliament was not
pledged to an iota beyond those two views. The
Address had been cautiously .confined to points
that did not depend' upon the Treaty. There ek-
isted, therefore, not tie least necessity to bring
forward that ipstrliment at 'the time, even if it
could regularly have bren brought forward, though
it would have been the -beiht of criminality in
AFnisters, not to have put the country into some
state of -preparation. Bia, in addition, there
were some very essential circumstances that ren-
dered it the imperious-duty of his Majesty's Go-
vernment not to communicate the Treaty. lie
wished,liowever, to state generally, that the
principle held by the Pt ince Regent was, it was
an European question as well as a British ques-
tion ; and that a great deal must necessarily de-
Rend upon" the conduct of the Allies. They were
therefore bound to consider what were the gene-
ral dispositions Of the Allies upon the subject ;
and time ciretimstances under which- the Treaty
was signed, were very different from those which
existed at the time ti;e Treaty was received in this
country by the Executive Government. At the
time of its signaturc!, little was 'known cif the state
of things, rarticularly of the art ival of Buonaparte
at Paris ; hut it certainly was believed at the
tinge that the King. was still in France, -and
had a *considerable party apparently attached
to him at the time. All he would say,
therefore, ori that point was, that it would
not be fair in the view of the Allies to have laid
truth an engagement of that kind before Parlia-
ment and time public, when it might well be said
by them, that circumstances were thouitht to have
been very different at the ,tinie they siglied the
Treaty, and that they had altered much more at
tlic time when you (the British Government) re-
ceived the treaty that you should have given us an
opportunity of reconsidering it while it was in an
unratified state. The principlebf such a proceed-
ing under the special circumstances of the case,
would be a most unfair one with respect to the
Allies, (whom every one agreed iii stating we
were bound to act in concert with), if they hail
laid that engagement upon the table of Parlia-
ment. He trusted therefore he had said enough
to absolve his Majesty's. Government froni the.
charge of any breach of faith on the oceasion—
(l-lear, hear I)—but there were some distant con-
siderations referable to the Treaty in question,
which rendered a peculiar line of conduct neces-
sary. It happened•tbar by sonic: means a' copy of
the instrument in question had been pablished• in
the Gazettes of 'Vienna and Berlin, and after-
, its
wards a copy found way Into the newspapers
here, with some material inaccuracies. Under
these ciremnstances, and the fact known, that
the Treaty was published in an inaccurate shape
iti the newspapers here, it was thought right to do
that which they ought' nor to have done, except
tinder the special circumstances of the case. He
did not intend to 'enter at present into any de-
tailed question as to the merits' of time Treaty ;
but diAnued, however, a fvl7 words, in answer to

a qtiestion tespecting one of tie articles of that
Treaty (that in which a reference was said to have
been made to the a..claration of the 13th of
March), that the, engagement was not only
against Buonaparte As an ontlaW, but to consider
all those whn' had, or may hereafter join him as
the same. On this he4begged to be permitted to
state-on the part of tireat Britain and the Allied
Powers, that they never bad considered the-words
as bearing such an interpretation as that put upon
them by the Noble. Lord. The Declaration Of the.
Allies meant to apply to the circumstances` under
which Napoleon Buonaparte entered into France,
in violation of the faith of Treaties he bail so-.
lemly entered into ; and much of what the Noble
Lord seemed to refer to, as respecting the 'cause
of-Louis XVIII. appeared to arise from what was
stated in the, inaccurate copy priuted in the news-
papers, and w hich was certainly not in the Article
itself ; and no such objects were. in the contem-
plation of the Allied Powers. In fact, he was
astomished at the construction pia by the Noble_
Lord upon that part of the real Treaty, as he
thought no words could more clearly express their
genuine meaning. Three leading propositions
May be deduced from the Treaty. The first was,
the _consideration of the. existiag Government of
Frauce as an evil that should he got rid ; se--
eondly, that it wits held desirable to restore the
ancient legitimate Monarchy of France if practi-
cable ; _and thirdly,
.that the littler should not be
considered as a sine (Ina non,. These were prin-
ciples upon which the Noble 'Lord had long acted,
as well as .himself, and another Lord, not then it)
his'place, under the auspices of a Right ildnour-
able Gentleman now no more. They were not
wished even by Louis XVIII. to enter France up-
on any other principle, who desired no other but
legitimate means to be exerted iii his support.—
He must pointedly deny either the tenor or the
words would bear the construction, that if the
Government of Boonaparte wer4.! destroyed, They
were not to make peace:with any other that might
succeed to him. What ietcreeoing circumstances
might take place, most be judged according to the
nature of these circumstances, they would act ac,
cording to all the' circumstances, and were not
pledged as to any particular point in these respects.
The article did not appear to theM as pledging
us to the support of Louis the Eighteenth in , the I.
way- that seemed to be supposed ; but 'it bound
theta not to make peace but by common con-
sent.. It was thought advisable to invite Louis
XVIII. Co accede to the Treaty in the way specified,
and it was thought proper that the Treaty should
not he ratified, unaccompanied by smite explana-
tion, or they might be involved in this dilemma,
that they could make peace no other way, except
with the consent of Louis XVIII. They Were
desirous of acting with goOd faith towards him,
as, to all the Allies; and therefore they deemed it
fair and just that the ratifications should be accom-
panied by some 'explanation on our part; that we
may not be precluded
_front the consideration of
whether we should not make peace on other
terms. With respect to other circumstances, it
was the wish to leave the arrangement open.—
The fairest inferenee he thought could be drawn
from a view and connection of the different arti-
cles together. He thought these explanations
amply sufficient, tinder the circumstances of the
case, and was averse to entering into any discus-
sion upon points not before the House, and es-
peciAlly at a time when no discussion whatever
was expected. _

Earl Gnat was of opinion that an 'arrangement
of such iMportance • should be communicated to
Parliament in the usual form of a Message; ac-
companied by a statement of the views upon which
the Prince Regent's Government acted, and not
to leave it with Ministers to give more or less ex-
planation as suited their convenience. He must
agree, however, with the Noble Lord, that the
present was not a convenieut opportunity for dis-
cussing the subject mica red to ; but one or two
observations he deemed it necessary to make. He
certainly felt part of what fell front the Noble
Earl to be of a satisfactory nature ; but he wished
that such explanations should rest upon something
more stable and secure than the passing words of
a Minister. At the same time he agreed with what
fell from his Noble Friend as to the effect of the
engagement formed on the spirit of the declaration
of the 13th of March, as implying the personal
extermination of Buonaparte; though the denial
of his Noble Friends in refutation, so far gave him
satisfaction. There were, however, some proposi-
tions which he heard with alarm, as avowed for the
first time by a Minister : lie meant what the
Noble Lord had said of a principle which he
leged Lad long been -supported by his Noble
Friend, and another Noble Friend then absent, as
well as by himself (the Earl of L.) .the principle
of putting an end to the existing Government of
France, and which must so far 17e regarded as an
unsurmountable obstacle to peace, understanding
the Noble Lard to regard it as a sine:qua non, if
made applicable in the present case. If that
principle had been acted upon in a former war,
he must say that such a priocipl4 was never avowed.
%liac a Member of the other House, he had,
during that war, brought forward a proposition
which brdtight that question to an: issue : he
meant that of the object of the. war being for the
destruction of the existing Government of France,
and which ,proposition, Mr. Pitt, %vial all. his
power, did not tindert;;lte to negative. ,He re-
gretted heating any such proposition now ad-
vanced, that no peace W:!3 to be made with ,the
present Government of France, as involving a
principle every way unjustifiable to commit- the
interests of the 'country to a war. -:Upon the
whole, he deemed the present state of affairs to
be such as to render
.it imperative upon the Prince
"Zegent's Ministers, to make a different and re-
conhounication thereon speedily to Parlia-
ment.

1114rpi1s 117E1,1.F:31.El- spoke shortly in ex-
plzviatian, and expressed himself satisfied with a part of what
hid fallen, from the Noble Earl, especially as it was not in-
tended to act againtit tLc present Ruler of !France or his ad-
herents, in the spirit of the Deela rat ion of the 13th of Maids.
With respect to the alleged, principle upon which he and a
Note Friend then absent was alleged by the Nohle Earl to
hare long acted upon in a former
war with France, be must
Publicly disclaith it; and it was agreed, as welf as upon that
tot the principle which was nviw said to he acted upon with re-
spect to France; upon which he would readify meet the Nohle
Earl in discussion at any time:

The Earl of DARNLEY, in the course of a few
observati=s uroa the "subject, eNpressed op:hiou, that th:

~~~~

• .. . - ir
. '
principle referred to Was one that well merited 3 .i 'istlaa d
• 0
cussion on the part of tlie.flouse. worroo,o,
The Order for 'summoning their Lordships toy'f 05
the Marquis Wellesley'A motiotf respecting SO'
-. •ou ,
Colli
charged. ni the .
The Miens' Regulation Bill was brought up fro—
mous, 'and read a-first tune.—Adjourned. • •

------1--. . •
,
HOUSE OF C 2 MNIONS.
nhe: (It(
Mr. BENSON presented an account of the ,e,,Diot
Bankrupt Petitions that had been received and (W4,l', 1
the oobjeC to
from D
1810
Dlto 1814.
Mr. AN6TON postponed his motion on 10°
-the-Militia Laws till to-morrow (ibis day.) lee°
Leave was given to bring in a Bill to dx the E
Glamorgaushire in a central part of the county.
1
GRAND-JURIES. • iect • It
Mr. COOPER moved for the appointment of a Sde joritS 1.
mittee to enquire into the presentments of Go" O'
Iretmid.- -la -r,ll
Sir JOHN NEWPORT' expressed a wish that a —ritall
portion of the Members of the Counni4tee should he
« blo
'Members. • - . • • " ,„ ri 000"
Mr. FITZGERALD concurred with the Riga- - °
of
Baronet as to the formation of the Committee. 10—.er'0;
The names of the different Members, to the o,eostlto;
twenty-une, were then read; but, after .some e',l till.
the nomination of the Members was postpOne
morrow. -
t SO
The Alien Bill was read a third time and passed'iv Diloitgli
The Iligl.ray Amendment Bill, the Copper Du.'it thtt"
the Scotch Ilawkors and Pedlars Bill, severally ,vl:
COM mittees. RepOrt to-Morrow. • •
•- . PROPERTY TAX. «Of 1'154"
Gen.. GASCKNE rose to give notiee, that i' ‘,,,-- .if Ali
tention to-mortow, in -the Committee On . the l'IN:Loy -
to-move an exemption in favour of Officers of th and
Navy, when eaiNoyed on actual or foreign sery i ice
re' cerli "
• The Report of the Exchequer Bills Bill •was‘ii
Qpla.l''
ordered to betaken into further consideration on
iI
ll
- FALSE MEASURES BILL. ~eoo,bt
The SPEAKER informed the House, thit an ,artoilli'ir
fa,* by the Lords on the False Mexa .res Bill, lik`,!..-the et'
mode of levying the rates, was an infringement oi. fort-v,
leges of that House; but as the amendment was )4!.rhaPs'oC
ante of the object of the Bill, the House might, V,'„aoce
of opinion it ought to be received, if a special oh" ~o•
.made; which was accordingly ordered. • j-,145 ite
A message from the Lords announced - their Lor 0,1/
sent to the Treasury Bills of Ireland Bill, and
striation Bill ; as also a requeSt on the part ochet".o-elotu
ships for the communication of the evidence on :i
. Ill'i
Election Bill. . A °tat to;
On the motion of Mr. -SWAN, it was ordered ration .
Lordships' Message should- be taken into cOosiue-- Alsi
morrow. , e 01055 OP
Sir .1. NEWPORT moved for an Account of to
.r, for
net Resenueof England and Scotland fur the las". t
n'
years.—Ordered. ton ,t,
to I.llt
eir 1,01.0
Lord NUGENT Moved for a return of the col”Pci 001
men on board of all ships that had sailed from thi3i9)l4. , a.
America, from the Ist of April to the 6th of JOY, uel., Sit
...After some conversation on the part of Mr. Cr° .
Hope, and Lord Nugent, the motivu was a4recdt`z
of
. SAXONY. subje4l,lx
Mr. PONSONBY postponed his motion on .thetid 1"
the proceedings of the Congress respecting Saxolly
day se'nuight. ,

GENOA PAPERS. Of
, 'OO,
Sir J. Ali-no NTOSII rose to make the 01-ti o
f It tie
which he had given notice. lie said, e: l i'f
task most arduous and important, and hnrie•o4 o°A'
tquestmn he had to submit to the conskier3-„loper,
he House,-for the roduction of certai" 'floe'
relative‘ to the transactions of this Goverdiecii
by tbeirjogO,
with the people of Genoa, would,
sr], he brought to a final conelusiott• e 5-07
fooowell- known to the House to make itoee a'pel
hits tó say more on the subject
having
been inure than onaerefjused, than "I,.eAli'
to state the fact ; and he hoped his NialestY;,'il'il
nisters would this day disclose to the-14°s"; tte,
of the P 'relf
injury "!.°lO or could, by passibility, Ll° V,
elated to the public service at the dole
viz. th tpti
been 'novel for on a former occasion,
Of the Noble do,
from his
After the return
object vr 5.0,14
his mission to Vienna, the
brought before the House, for the PrlYiticallto'llii:
theYe oit
these papers, and the Noble Lord objee,ie-fg qt.'
motion ; nor were they produced at all"' till
Noble Lord thou rht proper to take the rin",sfied
surprise,l and to bring forward these paPer_,si cop
his genervietoe
he entered upon the defence of
duct during his mission to the Congress at i 0. loc
He, therefore, thought it his duty t°,bir;lilioPe7'
ward the, subject in a regular form; anu j- hi it'll
that On this night every Hon. Member vvet: ;ill
the exercise of his solemn judicial Inbeti,.°.;:,ch t,
into his most serious consideration, the ut lets
the faith and honoin of the country, 5°,51,15°171(
pledged by his Majesty's Ministers, arid' illihill'sea,
jealous of
iniurionslysaerificed. He cooresse c` •ocli'l.
jealous of the slightest act or appearance '',`,l octl
tion towards a breach of the faith of t`tioce 4
try ? and thought that he best shoved 1'1:so 56;
that country by such jealousy; for the '„af orl'i°l,
spicion called forth all the indignation -
01 0 h
0e
his mind was capable, and be should' he_,,r,. can
eel to have it imputed to him as the 10-",.,; rife,:if
racier of his short and insignificant pol),''i' of 'of
excess of indignation wherever the faith of
country was'violated. As to the haterP`' ej Olcef
Parliament in cases of this sort, be -ngr•er,stAll e
the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) that the I- 0001 d
in which it had been called for ii;er nwrercolltck
rens than formerly ; but it. roust bell ' "Cs. tO it
that Parliament advised the Sovereig : thlijoi
terference in war much more after ll° - - {der ',"11
used to do. The House would also eoasow e,',l
lifrerent'the CongreSs in question was'friltri€sll3,4
former diplomatic association': all ecni,.; Itehl'ing
disposed of by the Treaty of Paris, `fe'reilelll7i'
the disposal of the Congress, e°lll'd iOl9
twelve millions of the most. eiviiiic-etst, 00
tants of the globe. He should proVe of f'o'oe
Ministers bad been guilty of a breach of_sit bit.
secondly, that they had been guiltYl, of it,to
of substartial injustice, indepeuden("alii 13'10'
breach of faith ; and thirdly, be srtlie (1.,01'1
some observations on the colic (""f die fie
sure,
_and on the general principles %VI )09
gress at Vienna. lie enonired first, of eelpd
NW. Bentinek had promised to the Pe4i,,critY lie,ii°ll
or Ili.-; mie',„fp
7 ithc/Itt ' COOS idering under ‘vleat
. i test 1 -0" n
so promised ; and this was the soo:- • co' 'O-
- (115 00 i
in the world., antfincapable of serinlll-,,.0eh1n-ficaf
He quoted the last paragraph of the i'' 0 io 7 4 tc ji
of the l•lth March, as it was referre" I Oct./it°
the dispatches, as the ke-, to the
`sere, ' tot°
that proelaniatioo, and thej
words "fc,lo;o;raceed
shall
periods,
se,caor
IsNi,•ilitiaitt
sslit)ea
i4wl-ansoi.:.! li)se.rnl,l,str'sivs,'easo , te:oilri:
sae to understand this in any nt`,Ll-Ithe,ll,6>t
" before the usurpations of Frarsee -I'.(plor' A' '
and as to the Genoese, it Ilitrit tlel'.gSt°l' ir
that the Rep.ibliC of Genoh shoubr" :t oPOIIO 11
If .any other construction could he l'ill'i, tbcott'e
words thin the. status quo ante bell° i r AP011.119
should give !Hunan ingeottity Crealitii:cdt %I)lC',/,
Ql. COuvtirt ing, the nte..ining of the l'i'ic cieloo
of iciness he had uot-befo'r.e believe(j);ll Oct,
It the words did not mean this, uldfillits'T
trite. tc) be zitbject ti; the 4iug of s'`tr

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elate -
, of Genoa before the: war ? The Noble Lord
Had take(' of disentatigling the consideration of
enoa from that of Italy, but the latter coolpre-
rl'ended the former. Ile admitted the exception of
"I'hartly, because that was an Austrian State be-
fore the tear ; and his very.adinission tipon this,
Principle imported a contest that Genoa. shot'!"
bow become a Republic He next adverted to
the proclamation Of the 27th April (this very day.
as Year), for the proviiional government, and
asked whether .it was possible to contend that
that Plnal government was to exist till the
pi6'lstire of the Congress should be known ? Fre
then entered upon the subject Of Lord W. Be"-
it.iaeks. force ; he-had thade enquiries of high aui
narY authorities, and learned that the enterprise
‘l.4s considered as frantic
foanded on a certain- knowledge of the amicable
unless it was entirely
dispoition of people. Lord IV. Bentinck's
P'ef° 4C consisted of 8000 men, 3000 Onlycif Whon.t
1-111"glish, the rest beitig composer) of Sici-
,.l.a'', Italians,
.Germans, and Geeeks, inexpe-
'l"ced troops who had never seen the face of an
t,,tierhY; and there was a body of six thousand
"eftet'alt rench troops in the city and environs
to-
;Iv t.,__'l°l ; and vet they were compelled
I.'tl. -own their arms. It was calculated that
-611.°41d have taken 25,000 men to conquer
1 fel-4' and on this datum he entered into a cairn_f
iilethe of the ritio„,-joeal valne of the friendship o
Genoese. Lord Wellesley's instructions to
le e°ltitkanders of the British army.in Italy
not to ~..
were
wait for
- toeeipitate insurrections, but to
the favourable moment of throwing off the French
frel:te. -Resides the Genoese garrison of 6000 men,
-te'e -was at Alexandria an. army of 50.0 r 60,000
eb. within' a march of the Genoese territory.
e 4nels; that great bodies of the Genoese pea-
3aritry
t rose, and that Lord IV. B. received iinpor-
-4.1t communications front agents in Genoa, as-
cs!".l4l4 him of this friendly disposition' of the
"°e se ; and on the very morning of the in-
esti/lent, there was a revolt among the People,
il4llo destroyed' the statue ot Buonapa rt e tinder the
„et,l)r g'llls of the French. And so much for the
4,oewarintiess of the tieltOese! Ile appealed to
file liouse whether this ' was not an impor-
;t•ht °Cditary co•operation,•- and whether sue-
could have been obtained without t..--
61!' neXt question' waS, whether be was sot-
eletitly aroborised to issue these proclamations ;
tell to prove that he was, he referred to Lord
nurse'diesieyS orders of 1811, recommending asst
lee
t° the people of Italy it, all their insurrec-
-4/- against the 'Prench ; and under these in_
etinos Lord W. B, was sufficiently authorised
()t Prociaina the itidependence of Genoa ; for that
.
loltj.e was in the same situatioo its the Spring of
44_
t•icitaiosnisov,t,ehree Autumn Of-1811, when those in-
gii,en. There were also Lord Ba—
Tilliiiist's instructions of December 1813, authoriz-
t.l!'.,the eon Sent to the annexation of Genoa to
the' if with the Unanimotts co
12
of
12
.in of the former. IVas not this a di-
Ity.ction to take the opinion .1) f the people ? These
,Ile,tse direct instructions : but there were other
F'tltrect ones, which sufficiently justified Lord W.
.leie;•istLeitgl
uarsiathe
irtehfouusatlato recognise the Repub-
attilinient of 'her
the Decla-
ancient
1111)sietidtifieti(f:s, the- re-esta -IV -111 of Frankfort, and the Treaty of Chaumont.
}s,,igici (I It have been hecomingin Lord ll'. B. to
lie it, this fledge of faith was made with a
pronti, .
' l toe mouth, and as a fraud on all people—a
, st comm..
•,:, from an assembly (woold to God
lit•
- "'Il ',s)? !) as unparalleled in their honour as
I:tilthen splendour ; and was there any object
ich Lord W• B. could think equivalent to
,a
et'trnioatioit not to throw a doubt and suspicion
1,qt,11 all the Powers of Europe, and all tht
,faith of
t.Te thristitin world ? As to Lord W. B's nega-
lve ()Niels, he lia:I searched, but found that no in-
stt, ..
.Alt) ettoo had been giyeu publicly to disavow the
tiOne he then comp-wilted upon the letters of
oeareit 30, April 3, and .May ; and said, that tpe
tlti(ilaration its these coutl of these Caine too Jate,
the that if Great Britain wished to escape from
04.iPreVions-act of her agent, it was incumbent
it,i,eir to have taken the earliest moment Of mak-
-1,(7e that intention as ptiblic as the agent's act had
tlo.4tbatle. The Noble Lord said, that we had
4ti'll.e,inotbing since to deceive Genoa ; but it was
that his to have undeceived. But it appeared
qtio'.'s Lordship did use at, argument to deceive
the ciaort
Mr. Pareto, when he said to him, that
" of Genoa might be allowed, like to-
ti
.
thjet?, Towns, to retain her indepeudency, pro-
titorl, she would consent to given, tip her ter-
It ~31)
;that is, to 'be doomed to beggary--
olea.'
'the:B'4 this Way that the Noble Lord con-
titait t,l this
under the loss of their an-
-4,41 fe
ti
ti
e"ti ''oPte)ttttilieenizi
icyl:)ht.epti,:te,',;si'll,:tell he
a:vl.ll?..)llsteo6bt,
,eteh.ne.
Ps luto l'oliy .thent ands of the King of Sardinia.-1 ills
110(1 of have had some meaning at the pe-
Ittri tut! Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, but consi-
., ot tile c..
1,d40,,i, _
Goatacter and resources of the present.
Iltiate,l,4" ernment, it was note rather aim-
, ; b4itTi,i,s'e MicY, therefore, was at least doubt-
iileti, i ”' Would contend, test nothiog short of
'''i(ii)t"thi)e,..cessity cool(' jostify an act whi6ll
l'•:l4tie„'"%i.aitls and honour of this country
'''llt . ' kt att .
1 ore empted to be jus.i
t•fieti on the
into
viti h,ett
c°llottest, was it for thiS that all Europe
4.441itt0n ailed to arms ? Was it for this that the
f';',l 114,1
t'745 formed which interested the hearts
1,,,;..1'11t0ti..."?.. Prayers and good wishes of every
.
t, which Viherties of the world? Thereat means
.'llel ' fire
e6nill'onvy . Ith of Europe was main-
itt 1 In tie .t ' e 4 • -
01, ' prier it n:llatice 'which so happily ex-
it or 4, , It; liols ,vi . the pailition of Poland, was by the
4 It 3 ;in IICII Cal People, however small, had
44(1fronsetTlt laws, its babita, its institutions,
I,ba
gel) It recollections which were transmitted
ti,)4.ers ,::r.iti°ll to generation. The greater
t:t,ttltell:i Ite the guardians of this system) anti
qh. 14,tte. ();ll:ers were the indications of ..its per-
-11,1)Ii fire lite Noble Lord and his colleagues
4 '141) ' - Pilla'rh Oil which the throne of the
~ . orts
rel
1.54,14 them k by compelling the Ft ench "to
tb.iti
at, 414: authority of no weight its the af-
v,,,„,4 ic''',!.°Pe, mild to contrast the Buill'h°rls
tli;'.t'ti thl,,(-;' ``'ll.n..-it he oppressed .thein at home,
hii liitcl.es.ll:ihroad.
. 114 ,„[ e
ver,, Louis XVIII.. tlitttitigtlithiitnsivoitisl
te,
theoe, sia
~ , , monarch to sat eng IL
,
tien i (orni 4 1(1 vvell the power to obtain pardon
4ltieti,ll ell,utual Icing of Saxonr. Ile desired
(lid ' 1110, though they die not go so far
°.
Yet Still tlioniolt that sonic sti.till had

been inflicted on the honour of their beloved
Country, to consider that we were now possibly
on the eve of a new war; the. result of which
. might be, that vast Masses of territory might be
again to be disposed of. \Vas it, then, unfit for
that House to convey to the Allies, by their vote
of thil night, the sense of all considerate men'in
Europe ? What body more fit for such a purpose
than that HonSe; which was now itrthe 7th cen-
tury of its existence, and which had afforded the
best practical proof that liberty •an exist• in a
great empire ? It WaS an assembly that might
speak with authority; and to implore them, as
they valued the blessing of lit'ovidenee on those
new efforts which they might lie called upon, to
make, to banish for ever the counsels of spolia-
tion. The Hon. Member concluded with propos-,
lug a
_string of resolutions, stating the nature `of
the proceedings, as they appeared- to him, with
regard to Genoa, and as in his View calling for
the censure of the House.
Mr. CHARLES GRANT said he had. heard with
great pleasure those sentiments of regard for an-
cient institutions which had been expressed by his
Hon. Friend ; and he had heard them with the
more pleasure, as in their conduct Of. late, such
sentiments hail not been babitual with Gentlemen
on the other -side of the house—.-(1-Lear, hear,
front the Opposition Bench'es).—So much at least
be was led to presume, from their wish to speak
favourably, and to make peace with that man
who had trod under foot all ancient institutions,
and destroyed, as far as lay in his power, the old
land-marks of nations. The Hon. Gentleman
then proceeded to argue that the faith Of the,
country had been in no respect pledged to the
restoration of Genoa, either by the instructions
given to Lord W. Bentinck, or by the conduct of
that Officer. He argued that even if Lord Ben-
tinck's proclamation promised the restimition of
its ancient constitution, the people of Genoa ;lid
not perform theft part of the contract byco-opera-
tion. When a proposition was made during Air.
.Fox's administration for the surrender- of Sicily
to Naples, and for the (r g- ivin an equivalent -in
Albania or Dalmatia. e'Mr.'Fox, who- was not
likely to destroy the independence of nations, said
it was not a question of cession, hut of compen-
sation. It appeared in the genet id system of- Eu-
ropean affairs, that France-and Austria vere most
likely to be brought into contact in Italy, and
thereby means had been devisetrtOr the strenthen-
log of the barriers of Europe against the aggres-
sions of France. Such was the case respecting
the situation of Belgium and Piedmont, 'which
are the. barriers of thd north and south. Ile then
entered into a variety of arguinents in favour of
the arrangements of Congress.
Mr. P. GRANT observed, that there were two
points to be particularly noticed—one as to the
time ending in 1813, and the other its to the time
since. If Lord W. B. lipid exceeded his instruc-
tions, why was -it not so. stated ? He contended
at considerable length that Lord W. Bentinck's
proceedings were -useful,-and that they were in the
first instance sanctioned by the orders of Govern-
ment. It was promised to Genoa to restore her
to her ancient republican splendour ; but she was
diSappointed in all the hopes she 'entertained from
Lord W. Bentinck's proclamation. The honour
and character of the country were deeply concerned
in the transactions respecting Genoa;
Mr. WARD observed, that an Ancient had-said,
that a little good sense was worth more than a
great deal of declamation, and that there were no
grounds laid for accusing 11Intisters. No. argu-
inent or fact had been adduced to support the
opinions of Honourable Gentlemen on the other
side.

Mr. W. SMITit supported the merion, contend-
ing that Lord Wm. Bentinrk,.. by his proclama-
tion, had promised to the Genoese the -entire re-
establishment of their ancient form of government.
Mr. WARD explained.
/ Mr. W. BATHL/R3T defended the conduct of
Ministers. He maintained, that Lord Win. Ben
thick had no right to restore the ancient constitti-
. tion, and that the British Government itself could
not establish the independence of Genoa, without
the consent of the Allies.
Lord A. HAMILTON shortly supported the re-.
solutions.
Lord CASTLEREAGH began by observing, that
after. the length and ability of the discussion, he
should not have thought it necessary to trouble
the House with any observations, were it not for
the reflection, that it might be-considered a duty
irf his situation not to suffer a 'question of this
nature to be passed with a silent vote. The sub-
ject had been properly divided into two branches,
the first of 'which respected the general policy of
the arrangement entered into with regard to Ge-
noa ; and the second of which involved the far
more important question, whether or hot a breach
of faith had been committed by the British Go-
vernment. The Hon. end Learned Mover's argil-
nicht, however eloquently supported, amounted to
' this,- that Congress had no- right to interfere
with, or alter the. frame and constitution .of the
European Commonwealth. If such a principle
bad always been acted on, it was impossible that
the system -Of -European policy could have ad-
vanced in a course of progressive improvement,
the Treaty of Westphalia could never have been
carried into effect, and the very end and being
of a General Congress of different States would be
utterly nugatory and unnecessary. The Congress at
Vienna was not assembled for the discussion of
moral principles, but for great practical purposes,
to carry into effect the Treaty of Parisi and esta-
blish effectual provisions for the general security.
The Powers there assembled felt that they had to
pet form high political duties—duties 'for the dis-
charge of which they were responsible at the tri-
bunal of public opiaion,
have been beneficially discharged,.llad they'divest-
ed themselves of the right attd full discretion of
protecting the true separate interests of every State,
by securing, upon an adequate basis of arrange-
ment, the general interests (Vale whole. One exeat
object wasito provide agamst the remains of that
mi-
litary'system which had existed in France,
and that
military spirit that belonged to the French charac-
ter. What claim had Genoa, then, upon any
particular gratitude or consideration, which had
for a long series of years been intimately con-
nected with, and subservient to, the views of
France, at certain periods, even'ineorporated with
the strengths and resources ethe French Empire,

fnrinii,g a point of Weakness to the King of Sat.;
and rendering Piedihont an itieffeetnal •bar-
,tier between Austria and France ? When Genoa
capitulated to Lord William' Bentitick, it was not
from a desire 9f British alliance, but from a dread
<lt British .conquest, and a knowledge that the
dignity of Buffliaparte was about to be at an
end.--(Liear, hear !) Could any state be thus
allowed to shelter itself against all the conse-
quenCes of legitiniate hostility, to escape from
the:iaw of concpteit, and derive from the enemy
against whom they,had acted the very means of
their own defence and safety ? lie could "appeal
to great authorties in confirmation of the princi..
pies he had laid down to the proposed arrangement
of partition in 1799, sanctioned. by_Mr. Pitt and
Lord GreOville, and, t ) the conduct of Mr. Pox
himself ;nlBO5, with respect to Sicily. He pro-
posed to read to the house a paper drawn up and
-written by Mr. Pitt himself in which, in the year
1805, that great statesman had expressed his ap-
approbation of the principle of annexing Genoa
to Piedmont, and had .framed a plan of settle-
ment, of which the CongresS at Vienna had only
been the servile copyists.
Sir J. NEWPORT spoke to order,.and objected
to the Noble Lord's availing himself of his official
situation to read partial documents which *ere
not accessible to the other side.

Lord CASTLEREAGI; resumed, and observed,
that there could be no objection to his stating the
substance of a document, which, -if moved for,
would be kid on the table. The charge brought
by the Hon. and Learne'd Gentleman was a charge,
in fact, ag,tinst my Lord W. Bentinck, and im-
plied nothing less- than that be had practised a
system of deception upon the Genoese, and now
resided in Genoa in the command of a British

arniy, without having tendered his resignation.
Ile conceived, upon the whole, that the present.
question was nothing but a very lahorious effort
of the Hon. Gentleman to redeem a sort.of.pledge
that he' bad improvidently and indiscreetly given.
Pi•ociamation of the 14th of March could not
is:acd with such an intention as was attributed
to it, because Lord W.'l3entinck was then acting
in conjunction' with an Austrian General ; neither
could the Proclamation published at Genoa hear
the constrAction put upon it, inasmuch- as Lord
Ilentinelc had at that time his positive instruc•
(lons in -his pocket. If. Lord W. amtinck had
snpposcd that the Genoese had been deceived,
could it be 3upposed that his feelings would have
permitted him still to retain the command in that
same city, of Genoa,

Sir .IA3-II':S MACKINTOSH replied at very considerable
length. _

4fter some explanations betwCen Lord Binning and Sir J.
Mackintosh, the latter Gentleman disclaimed having bad the
idea of imjinting any improper intention to the expressions in
General adrymple'l letter.
The House then divided.
For the Motion-of Sir J. Mackintosh
Against it
_

Majority -111
Adjourned at PAST TWO O'CLOCK.

COMMON HALL

Yesterday there was a Comthon Hall; to take
into consideration certain Resolutions respecting
this country being pledged to a war with France.
Mr. WArrittamq came forward to move the Re-
solutiOns. It Was now about, 20 years since he bad
firstcome forward in public) to condemn the prin-
ciple of a war, which'then appeared to be-carried
on for the purpose for which a new war was now
threatened—to interfere in the internal affairs of
a neighbouring country. Such interference he
conceived to be at all times unjustifiable. It was
with shame and indignation he saw the name of a
British Minister signed to the infamous Declara-
tion which the Allies lately published at Vienna.
He considered the principle.of the war that teas
now threatened as absolutely indefensible ; and
as to the probable consepieuces of it, when he con-
sit*red the ehornyths expence which the last.war
of 20 years had brought upon this country, he de-
precated the re-commenetnent of war on a simi-
lar principle. He considered that the charac-
ter of Buonaparte was no. reason for our go-
ing to war with him. Men were, in general, the
creatures of circumstances. There was something
in the nature of power, that, let it IA wherever it
would, it was usually abused. Considering, how-
ever, the present altered circumstances of France,
and its diminished power,. he thought it not impro-
ba.ble that the concha, of the Government would.
in future be altered by,those circumstances, and
that Ouse sentiments of. equity .antt moderation
which taey now professed might be, adhered to.
As to the idea of declaring any Sovereign, or any
human being, out of the pale of the law,.that
ap-
peared to hint to be- most shocking. He really
was astonished to find some Alen of good sense
and conscientious feeling sapportsoinfamoos and
impious a principle--(Llissing prevented a further ;
. bearing.)
The LORD MAYOR then came forward, and re,
minded the Livery, that as they were met for the
Iturpcin of considering and discussing the subject
to be proposed to them., it was their duty to hear
patiently every body who addressed them, wile'
'diet..the sentiments expressed by them were quite
palatable to their own feelings or not. If they
would not allow persons to be heard, but won'd
drown their voice in clamour, he should feel ft
his duty -to put an end to•the present Meeting.—
(Loud applause).
Mr, IVAlTo.7.sime was then suffered to proceed.
He did not think that this Country had any thing
to fear from France. When France had all the
-Powers of Europe allied with her, this Country
was able to stand. against them all. He then
dwelt for spine time ou'lthe little attention that
was paid to the petitions of the people upon the
atinl subjectedvheexcaoutfliioctule Cornisitalet:id Bill.
ti().prl:.)et oppressions
nirso alsoftim
time income atTa x ;
on
several Resolutions..
Mr.,lt'vEt.i. seconded the timsoltttions.
PERUING COnlel not comprehend the Re-
solutions which had been proposed, and which,
instead of appearing in the simple form that. Re-
solution •nsuidly clad, presented au in inns:
of'ilbStraet reaso;tings.ls
to. the purpose for
vi
meeting. was convened, he so far agreed
;Ihiiteshotii(i'scr, that be thought that this country
ohght not to be pledged to war, though it might
be very necessary to be in a state of preparatioo.
It was not that he doubted the right we bad to
go to war with 13139naphrte. tic coincided en,

. .
tirely in the observation of anlost profound States--;
man and eloquent speaker (Alr: Philiett) el that
if tear Was expedient; Buonaparte had gi.vvit
ficient provocation to make it justifiable." He
doubted very touch whether the dements of the
coalition had not been touch weakened since the
last year.

HUNT (of Bristol) then Caine forWar4,
hnd.acidressed the Livery. .at conshtel able length
in
.suppott of the Resolutions. He thought that
the Government of Fratiec had shown every wish
to kelp peace with this country, and that, there-
fore, our Government ought to have met theist
With a corresponding spirit. The people of France
had a 'right to choose iv hat Sovereign they thought
proper. Our aticestorS•had claimed the right of
choosing and dethroning Kings, and in, one
st:ance. dispensing with their heads. He thought
that by the principles of -our revolution, it was
decided that the power of ,choOsing • Sovereigns
remained with the people. Why•should we, then,
endeavour to force upon France a Government
which all the French nation detested and
hared ?-!..--(A mixed tumult of hisses and•,applanse
interrupted Mr. H. for a considerable. time). If
the, Government now plunged the country into
war, it %you'd be a war of the most unjust oppres+
sion—(AnOther tumult of hisses and applause).
Mr. Hunt continued speaking for a considerable
time in the, same strain-.

Mr. Thom estsN spoke at some length on the
stir,e side.

Mr. S. DIXON said, that all the arguments-that
be had heard went on' the mistaken supposition
that this Government wished to interfc:re in the
internal affairs:Of France. This was what our
Government never. bad done, and what, it •now
most- expressly and-. solemnly disclaimed. They
• might naturally hesitate to making a Treaty with
a man who'had violated every Treaty he had ever
made, and every oath that he had ever taken. He
would ask any Man present, whetherin his private'
•transactions he would give credit -to a man wbo.
.had often before deceived him ? He was sure that
there was not a man who had. a grain of cf)inmotx
sense that would do so. Was there any body who.
would give security for Buonaparte's v,ood 4ba-
viour future ? IVould the Gentlenvin who
brought forward the present Resolutions do.so
He begged that the Livery %You'd consider the con-
sequences of what they were now about. What an
important document would they furnish to Buona-
parte, it they should pass the Resolutions now pro-
posed to them? He would doubtless have it priutsd
in the French papers, and show his nation that the
Liverymen of London so far sanctioned his pro-
ceedings as to deprecate a• war with France.—
(The remainder of Mr. Dixon's speech was ren-
dered almost inaudible by the-continued hissings
of the supporters of' the resolutions. The Lord.
Mayor came forward to endeavour to procure hint
a hearing, but the 'latter part of -his speech was
heard very imperfectly.) .
Mr. B. FLOwEa replied to Mr. DtxoN, and supported the
resolutions in-a speech of great length. ; •
The resolutions were then put, and Carried by a small ma •
jority of 'very filthy hands.
A Petition' to' the House of Commons grounded on those
resolutions, was•also agreed to.
Thanks were voted to the Lord Mayor, who returned his
acl n uwledgments.
Thanks were also voted to Mr, Waithmaa and Mr; Farad. •

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, APRIL. 27.
THE SMALL PDX.

Sophia Vantandillo was brought up to receive
the judgment of 'the Court, upon an indictment
which chai-g-ed her with exposing and publicly
going in the streets of Paddington, with her in.-
tant son JOhti Vantandillo, he then being in the
~tnail-Pox, and infectious to the great danger and
common nuisance.of all his Majesty's subjects.
The Counsel said they could be only considet.ed
as eases of examples, but any infectious- diseaSe
fell within the. same principle. The.affidavits were
then put in and read, by which it appeared that
the prisoner had bad the child innuculated for the
small-pox, -add whtii under the "influence of the
disease, she carried it about the court in which

she dwelt at Paddington,. denying to the neigh-
bours thlt it was the. small-pox, but saying. the
disease was a 'tooth rash. Near her house was a
children's school, and eleven persons caught the
disease, of 'whom eight. died—seven children and
one.girl of eighteen.

Mr. for the prosecution, stated, that a
vindictive judgment was not required against the
prisoner, but the great object of the prosecutor
was that the law might be promulgated.

The Court sentenced her to three months'• im.
prisownent in the King's Bench.:

JUDGM ENTS.

THE KING V. THOMAS BURROWS.

The. defendant was brought up for judgment,
having been foinid guilty on two informations
tried before Lord ELLENBOROUGH, the' first for
forging the certificate of Captain Malcolm, and
,making a false affidavit that the: slop-rOom of
the frigate of which he was 'a 'purser had been
broken open, 'and a quantity of slops of the value
of 60/. had been stolen therefrom, with intent to
defraud the 'Navy Board ; and the secOnd for
forging the Captain's-certificate,' of having fur-
tiished to General Mina provisions for ,the supply
of 1000 Spanish Guerilla forces for 30 days, on
the northern coast of Spain', -with intent to de-
fraud the Victualling 'Board, with aNicw of diS-
charging himself in his account of upwards of
.700/. in all. The Court sentenced him to one
year's imprisonment in Newgate, audit° stand. in
the pillory opposite the Admiralty for the first
offence, and to be imprisoned another year for the
second,