The Sun.
London, England, 1824-03-15 00:00:00

ROYAL NAVY, &c.

'PORTSMOUTH, Mance, 13.—A Government Messenger,
having dispatches in charge, arrived at Portsmouth on Tues-
day morning, and iairriedia4ely embarked in the Camelion, 10
guns, Capt. Lambert, and sailed, it is said, for South-America.
On Saturday afternoon arrived his Majesty's ship Gloucester,
of 74 guns, Commodore Sir Edward Owen, K.C.8., Captain
Lillicrap, C. 8., from Jamaica, last from the II avannah„ which
latter port he left on the Bth of February, and brings home a
freight of about 600,000 dollars, and a small quantity of cochi-
neal. She has had a tempestuous passage.. No late intelligence
had reached Cuba from the Spanish Main. The Castle of
Ulloa (near Vera Cruz) still, held out, at the latest period. The
islands of the West Indies were universally healthy and quiet.
The Pyramus frigate, Captain F. Newcombe, C. 8., was left at
the Havannah. The Hyperion frigate, Captain Rich, had re-
cently brought silver from Vera Cruz to that place, and after-
wards proceeded to Jamaica. The Icarus and Speedwell were
cruising in the Gulf of Mexico, against the pirates ; as way a
Spanish frigate, and a small American squadron. Convoys
were constantly appointed for the protection of merchant ships
through the Gulf; bat it was believed the necessity for it would
not much longer exist, the pirates having been nearly extirpated.
On Wednesday the Arachne, of 18 guns, fitted for the East
India station ; and the Grasshopper, 10, Captain :Alpin, for the
Newfoundland station, went out of harbour.--The Arcahne is
expected to sail on Monday, for the Cape, Mauritius, Madras,
and Bengal.
Arrived the Brisk, 10, Captain Charles Hope, and sailed
again yesterday, for the Downs ; Calliope, Lieut. P. Justice,
for Plymouth; and the Hasty, Mr. Fiamaurice, Master, to
survey off Dungeness.
Captain Fitz-Clarence is appointed to the Redwing; Captain
Charles Hope, to the Brisk.
The Navel Command at Leith is discontinued. _ _ _

Permission has been granted to the Officers of the Royal
Marine Corps for a limited number of them to sell their Com-
missions. Such as are disposed to avail themselves of this in-
dulgence are to send in their names. before the 6th April.

An awful event took place in 11r. Cnu•rE'i
Hant, at Freefolk Wood, Hants, on Monday. A gentleman,
of the name of SPENCER, after following the hounds a short
distance, fell from his horse in an apoplectic fit ; he was direct-
ly bled in both arms, but without effect, as he died almost im-
mediately.

N D. 1 A.

ON TfIE ESTABLISHMENT OF A FREE PRESS
IN IL\

DEAR hope the following, obser-

vations, on a question interesting to. rte all, may not be alto.
gether unworthy-of your attention. It is not without its diffi-
culties ; an additional reason to the many I have for addressing
them to one who, in successfully analyzing the principles elan
,ibetruse science, has shewn more acumen than is necessary to
the solution of diem. •
If, indeed, politics, considered as a practical, and not as an
abstract science, considered in its practical results, and not in
its theories of speculative perfection, be founded on combina-
tions, formed on a great variety of applications and exceptions,,
according to time, place. and circumstance, the question of
the Liberty of the'Press in India, may certainly be viewed in
very different lights, by men whose opinions on subjects of a
similar coniplexion, have nearly coincided.
Having recently seen a" Statement of Facts relative to the
Removal of Mr. Buckingham," containing the arguments of
those who deprecate its introduction, I shall state, as briefly as
the occasion will admit, the reasons which do not permit me to
consider them conclusive.
It may have been amusing to those who saw not the object
for which such discussion% were encouraged, to ascertain whe-
ther a third visit was or was not paid to .lerash, by the Author
of the Travels in Palestine, whether Messrs. Briggs and Co.
had, or had not, reason to be satisfied with the exertions wide
by Mr. Buckingham to fulfil the terms of his agreement with
there, and whether the latter had in his poesession one, two,
or three compasses.
Of far different importance is it to me; and to every Englishe
man, whether the object aimed at shall be finally attained; and
whether freedom of discusMori publicly., and emphatically, de-
clared by the enlightened Nobleman who has recently left us,
to be the firmest security of good government, shall be checked
by any restraint but those ofthe law.
This is a question-in which all have an interest, more or less
immediate. As Englishmen, who hope to revisit the land
where it ha- long ceased to be a question, it interests us deeply ;
as the instruments of a wise and beneficent Government,
exulting in what has been already effected, but impressed with
the importance of what yet remains to be done, it comes home
to our feelings, to our thoughts, anti to our daily avocations.
In every community, not entirely destitute of the seeds of
improvement, it will be found, that while some of its members
prematurely accelerate, others unnecessarily retard the progress
of its social institutions. Ours is not the community in which
an exception wax to be expected to this observation.
Among the enlightened servants of the Company, there are
many who are indebted for the important situations they fill to
the. sedulous discharge of the arduous duties of inferior sta-
tions. In the honourable pursuit of these distinctions, they have
witnessed the gradual improvement effected under the influence
of mild but uncontrouled authority. ' Accustomed to the slow
and silent procedure of official investigations, often originating
with themselves, conducted and finally decided by them, from
having been so long the efficient instruments of power, they
have, in imagination, associated themselves-with the source
of it. Objections to the measures of the Government,
they feel as an attack on themselves; suspicion of their
motives, they denounce as an attack on the Govern-
ment. In both instances, from feeling and from policy,
identifying themselves with that, from which it is the
very spirit of British rule, to consider them essentially distinct.
Have they forgotten that among the objections to the selection
of a Governor-General from the Servants of the Company, the
one which has been most strongly and effectually dwelt on, is,
that a Governor thus selected, could not easily divest himself
of the partialities and friendships of an Indian life; anti though
it may be contended, and I think be proved, that the objection
is outweighed by the advantages which would often attend such
a selection, yet, admitting the objection, it cannot be unrea-
sonable to ascribe such partialities to public functionaries of
every description ; to consider it probable that they will often
be actuated by them, and to caution their superiors against the
effects which may possibly result from them. Where is the
man, in public or in private life, who, when advice is offered to
him, does not weigh the feelings and partialities of ale adviser?
And, if a body of enlightened Englishmen scrutinise the mo-
tives by which the advisers of this great and powerful Govern-
ment may be actuated, if they point out the abuses, which by,
want of attention or activity may have crept into our Commer-
cial Regulations, the collection of our revenues, or the nth:lints-
tratien of justice ; if motives be sometimes suspected, and con-
duct often canvassed, what evil can arise, but that men, basking
in Fortune's sunshine, will'pay the tax, which a jealous public
always imposes on conspicuous stations? More readily, per-
-I,aPa, they will allow' what pre-supposes some alleviation of" the
evil, that the shadow does not follow the substance with more
certainty than envy and detraction attend on successful merit.
Let us now examine, somewhat in the order in which they
have been recently brought forward, the objections urged to the
expression of public opinion.
To you, who know my habits of ready obedience to autho-
rity, and my deference for its dictates, I need not disclaim any
intention of disrespect towards it, in the'view I take of this in-
teresting subject ; and having, as you know, the good fortune
to be united, by the ties of friendship to two of the Members
of the Government, if I honour their talents, respect their vir-
tues, and appreciate their exertions, as most assuredly 1 do,may I not claim from you, from others, from themselves, the
fell• benefit, in the discussion of such a question, which the in.
thnate friendship of such men, is calculated to confer.
It is admitted that the great body of our countrymen are the
ultimate judges of the conduct of every public functionary in
India; and to this constitutional controul of public opinion, it
is stated, there is no objection. Indeed, I should not think
there could be much. The late Marquess of Londonderry,
hiartelf, who on these points was considered a little fastidious,
would not have objected to the community of India exercising
a salutary contrail over the public mind in England. Thus might
the, community of England express its opinion on the affairs of
India, and the Community of India pronounce at leisure on
the affairs of England, and as both parties would necessarily
have ample time to form their judgreents,they would, no doubt,
avoid the errors, to which they are at present so liable. The uti-
lity of this species of controul is readily acknowledged ; but not
" the exercise of it, by a community constituted as the European
society of India is. It may facilitate the discussion of the
question, to endeavour to state in a few words what the strength
of the Government is, and what are the ingredients of the
society over which it presides. It will not be denied that the
powers entrusted to the Government, though not arbitrary, are
ample. In the administration of public affairs, in all questions
of domestic or foreign policy, it is unshackled in its delibera-
tion ; in the event of war, it fears no check in the prosecution
of hostilities from the intervention of a popular assembly; no
subsidies can be withholden, the public revenue is at its dis-
posal. It has at its command a well-disciplined army devoted
to its officers, and whose officers, if better and more sacred ties
were weakened, would still be devoted to the Government,
from motives of the most powerful self-interest, by all the hopes
of an early and successful terwination to an anxious and ar-
duous service. On the other hand, the European community
in India is composed—tirst, of officers, civil and military, of
his Majesty and the Honourable Company ; secondly, of per-
sone engaged in mercantile pursuits, seldom wholly indepen-
dent of the Government, and in general men of liberal educa-
tion ; thirdly, of a lower but very small class of men of &Isl.
nem, traders and handicraftsmen. Is it from the public
expression of die opinion of such a society, that such a Govern-
ment can entertain reasonable grounds for apprehension ? Is
it from such elements that opposition can arise, or resistance
be offered to its authority ? It is precisely, because the Govern-
ment necessarily controuis the fortunes and prospects of so large
a portion of our Indian society, that its influence can never
cease to be paramount.
Thus it appears, that the reasons for which this freedom of
discussion is called a mere mockery, are among those fe: which
the exercise of it may be considered safe as well as salutary.
If the Government were less strong ; were any popular forms
intermixed with its texture, then indeed there might be dan-
ger, lest freedom of discussion, by " exciting our hearts anti
thoughts to the search and expectation of greatest and ex-
actest things," might lead to the preponderance of those forms,
and as a necessary consequence, cripple the exercise of sa-
lutary authority.
The error lies in supposing that public opinion 'cannot exer-
cise an efficient controul, becauseit cannot legally manifest it-
self in systematic opposition, under constitutional forms. Car.
Englishmen require to be reminded of the certain, though gra-
dual effect produced by the mere' expression of public senti-
ments, by means of the Press. How often has a Minister been
deterred from proposing an insidious measure, by the certainty
that it would be exposed, the moment his intentions were sus-
pected ? How often have such measures been defeated by the
spirit of the nation being roused, and its talents arrayed against
them, not in popular meetings, and tumultuary assemblages,
but by the bold expression of its opinion, in open and free dis-
cussion.

If, then, we have reason to believe that the Government is
strong, both from the nature of its constitution, and in the de-
votion of its supporters, that the public, with reference to the
posiihility of resistance to authority, is weak, from the nature
of its elements, and the influence which the Government ne-
cessarily exercises over it, in addition to the influence that the
expression of its opinion cannot be attended with dancer, may
we not presume that it would be salutary ? The greater the