The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1841.

been poured so thickly around me, that as a stranger I
appear before you no longer.—(Loud cheers.) At the
period to which I have adverted, comparatively unknown
and inexperienced, I must have been indebted for the
distinction then accorded to me wholly to the cir-
cumstance that I shared the sentimnnts upon the
great subjects of civil and national rights which you
yourselves considered as peculiarly , consecrated, and
that I was disposed in any sphere which might open
to me to act honestly upon my convictions.—(Cheers.)
But I am here to-night, Gentlemen, having filled for a
longer period than any of my predecessors the office of
Chief Secretary oflreland—(l-lear)—and knowing now,by
my personal experience, the responsible difficulties and de-
licate duties which it involves, remembering the feelings
of anxiety and even of misgiving with which I first en-
tered upon their discharge, and conscious above all of
the many errors and imperfections which a retrospect of 1
the whole intervening period cannot fail to conjure up
before my mind, I own that I cannot fully suppress the
thrill of pleasure and exultation with which I look at
this brilliant scene before me, and say as I look at it,
" this my rich reward."—(Loud cheers.) It would, in-
deed; argue a strong degree both of injustice and in-
sensibility if I could either forget myself, or pass over
in silence the assistance and co-operation which I have
received, and which have mainly led to my being placed
upon the level by which you, Gentlemen, have effec-
tively prevented me from ranking as a low or as a mean
one.—(Cheers.) I need not to be reminded, without paus-
ing now to dwell upon upon the acts of my colleagues in
the immediate Councils of the Crown, of whose views of
policy with respect to this country I.have been the part-
ner and the interpreter, that it has' been my especial
pleasure and pride to act here in Ireland in Adirn
nistrations headed by the gallant and chivalrth
bearing of the Marquis of Normanby—(Loud cheers)—
and by the steady and deep-rooted patriotism of Earl
ortescue.—(Continued cheering.) I will not descant
here, becaus.: the subject is too copious, upon the ser-
vices of the successive advisers with which it as been the
good fortune of the Government, within the period of
my experience, to be connected, and who have brought
to its service, with their distinguished natural endow-
ments and professional attainments, that keen sense of
justice and that high pursuit of truth which has outshone
even these. There are, Gentlemen, recollections of ser-
vices and attachments to earth not yielding to any of

these, but which, amidst such gay and glittering accom-
paniments, would be too painful and too tender to dwell
upon.—(Cheers.) But as the image of the absent Brutus
impressed itself most strongly upon the minds of the spec-
tators at the pageant of the living Emperor, you would have
as sensibly felt the void if I had withheld the allusion.—
(Cheers.) But that which has been the main source of
spirit and strength—which has given confidence in the
struggle, a rallying point amidst discouragement, an ani-
mation to victory—has been the generous and unswerv-
ing fidelity of the Irish people.—(Cheers.) I have the
gratification of seeing around this board many of the
ancient nobility of the land. I see many of its popular
representatives, many of whose voices have been wont to
give eloquent utterance to its feelings, all of whose votes
have been given in furtherance of its just and legitimate
pretensions.—(Loud cheers.) The support which the Go-
vernment has received from them has been an honour-
able and unfailing one, because it has been responsive
to the people's feelings and true to the people's cause.—
(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I must not forget that I
come before you to-night as the Membernot of a stand-
ing but a beaten Ministry ; and although I have happily
proved to-day that I am not yet excluded from your
streets, from your places of public concourse, from your
halls of pleasure, from the warm grasp and the friendly
greeting—(Loud cheering)—from the social board and
the flowing wine cup, yet into the guarded precincts of
the Castle of Dublin I am no longer privileged to go.
Into the general causes of the defeat and downfal of the
Government to which my colleagues and I belonged I do
not think this would be the appropriate time or place to
. enter. It is gratifying for me to reflect that, whatever
may have been the. other contributing causes, the imme-
diate occasion of this overthrow has been an endeaVour
to do what we conceived was justice—perhaps to the
prejudicecertainly in despite of partial and particular
interests—to the struggles of industry in all its branches,
and to the wants of the entire people.—(Cheers.) If
we have acted wrongfully we have probably sealed
• our doom ; but if otherwise I most firmly believe that
' time will work out our vindication--(Loud cheers)—and
that too in as full a measure as the utmost ardour of
party can desire.—(Continued cheering.) But in this
place, before the present auditory, and upon this precise
occasion, I feel that whatever further remarks I have to
oiler ought to have reference to the connection of pass-
ing events with the fortunes of Ireland.—(dear, hear.)
And upon this subject I hope that you will bear with me,
or rather that you will take the blame to yourselves, if I
feel a less modest estimate than I ought of past transac-
tions; but now that our day of office is closed, and that
we have to transfer the reins of government to other
hands, I have no hesitation to come forward and say that,
backed and supported as I have described ourselves to
have been by the Irish representatives and the Irish peo-
ple, our time of stewardship has not been unfaithfully or
unprofitably spent.—(Cheers.) We come not empty-
handed to the reckoning, and some of our sheaves are
with us.—(Continued cheers.) I might remind you that
with a Sovereign—(Cheers)—who has more than shared
every benevolent and kindly feeling towards every class
of her subjects, and every portion of her dominions—
(Cheers)—with a majority in the House of Commons—
of slender limit, indeed, but which, up to the last hour,
may have been pronounced to have been firm and true—
we have yet sufficient power in the Legislature to enable
us to effect all that we wished, or all that we attempted.
Still I think that any excuse for non-performance of ser-
vices sounds somewhat lamely, and therefore it would
be my with to claim any credit that may be thought due
to us, not upon the score of our wishes, our intentions, or
our attempts, but for our acts.—(Cheers.) And I must
first of all advert to that which has been sometimes re-
presented as "the very head and front of our offend-
ing." I mean our conduct with respect to the Tithe ques-
tion—(Hear, hear)—and the Appropriation clause. Upon
our accession to power we found the country disturbed—
convulsed would hardly be too strong a term—by the
collision between the Church, the law, and the people—
(Hear, hear)—which arose from the endeavour to collect
the legal impost of tithe. Before our Administration
blood had flowed at Rathcormac ; during it blood flowed
at Inniscarra. We thought—whether the opinion was
right or wrong—that the people had an essential griev-
ance to complain of connected with this subject, and we
endeavoured to embody in an Act of the Legislature a
a principle which we thought calculated to counteract
and remedy those grievances. We made the attempt ;
we renewed it with the same result ; we renewed it a
third time, and a third time failed. What ought our
course to have been ? We might have retired from of-
fice, but that was not sought for by those upon whose
behalf we made the endeavour, and such a resignation
would have been looked upon by them as an aggravation
of the evil—(Hear, hear, hear)—to persevere in the at-
tempt would have been manifestly futile and fruitless—
to leave the whole question of tithe perfectly untouched
and unsettled would have been to bequeath to Ireland a
legacy of strife and mischief, which we thought no empty
praise for consistency, no fancied point of honour, should
be allowed to balance. And who are the parties that
blame us ? Are they the opponents of the Protestant
system established in Ireland ?—(Hear, hear.) Without
stopping to discuss how far I go with, or fall short of,
the extent of their opposition, yet I would pint out to
them that bloodshed and riot, and even litigation, are at
this time perfectly at an end.—(Cheers.) With respect
to the question of tithes, and apart from all abstract
considerations, I for one will not repent of my share in
the work of peace.—(Cheers.) Are we blamed by the
supporters of the present Administration ? I leave them
to be rebuked by the Prime Minister of England—by
Sir 11. Peel himself. What did he say upon the 10th of
July, 1838 ? Why, he thus expressed himself—" lam
not about to censure the course which Lord J. Russell
has so manfully taken—a course which I think the best
that could be adopted. Looking at the difficulties with
which this great question is surrounded in Ireland, I
believe, really and conscientiously, that he and his col-
leagues have taken the best course for the general inte-
rests of the country, and the peace of Ireland."—(Hear,
hear.) The only quarter from which I could conceive
blame could be consistently or appropriately alleged,
would be from those thorough-paced party politicians,
who might affirm that as long as we left the tithe ques-
tion unsettled, it would have been morally impossible for
a Conservative Administration to have assumed the go-
vernment of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) I do not know
that I am inclined to dispute the truth of this proposi-
tion ; but I submit, with perfect unconcern, to any
censure which may be founded upon it.—(Hear, hear.)
Surpassing in real and paramount importance the
question of tithe itself, was that which related to the
introduction of the Poor-laws into Ireland.—(Hear,
hear)—and I think that no one could have made him-
self acquainted with the wretchedness—the chilling and
horrifying amount of wretchedness—exhibited in
many dark hovels and many a squalid suburb in our
country, without coming to the conviction that the time
had arrivied for lookingfairly in the face the dark linea-
ments of Irish destitution—(Loud cheers)—and I may
say that we were the first Government who encountered
in earnest, and grappled with, the appalling difficulties of
that great question.—(Cheers.) With respect to our
precise mode of dealing with it, I do not conceal from
myself that much difference of opinion prevail. ; and I
am further quite ready to admit that the measure we in-
troduced could hardly have been considered to have
emerged from its existence as an experiment ; neverthe-
less, from all I know of the principle upon which it is
founded, and the progress and development hitherto ex-
hibited by it, I would be content to book my place in the
diary of posterity for my full share of the responsibility
of the introduction of the Irish Poor-law.---(Cheers.)
With respect to the Act for the regulation of Irish Cor-
porations, no one can be more sensible than myself of
the extent to which it was docked of its fair and suitable
proportion;.—(Bear, hear.) I still, however, hope that
it will be found to be a measure capable of practically
carrying into effect the principal of popular control in a
field where some such corrective process was most
urgently wanted ; and I trust that you are prepared to
apply that principle in a 'spirit which will combine
efficacy with discretion—the assertion of long-slighted
rights with enlightened toleration, even in the most
impenetrable haunt of time old exclusiveness, the Cor-
poration of the city in which I have the honour to
be addressing this assembly. These are the prin-
cipal steps in legislation—the discussion and enactment
of which signalised the annals of the late Administra-
tion. There were, I will own, many other measures which
I would most earnestly have wished to have seen adopted
at some period less occupied with disputed opinions or
with party politics, because they in no degree partake of
those elements of irritation, and might have fairly been
regarded by all parties as neutral and uncontested
ground. I allude to the plans for the regulation of
fisheries, the promotion of drainage, the constrnction of
railways—(" Hear," and loud cheers)—under competent
authority.—(Hear, hear.) Bills upon all these mea-
sures were introduced into Parliament; and I am least
willing to place confidence so far In our immediate suc-

cessors to give them credit for a willingness to promote
any such work of internal material improvement, which
I shall not grudge to them the credit of completing, while
we can only claim the credit of contemplating.—(Cheers.)
But there is a piece of legislation which I do not wish
to bequeath to them, and that is Lord Stanley's Bill.—
(Groans and hisses.) I perceis a, that this is almost too
grave and peppery a subject to intro-duce, and I fear the
very mention of it may have infused some acidity even
into the generous vintage of to-night.—(Cheers.) I
shall only say I think I could give them very good ad-
vice upon the subject ; how far they would be disposed
to act upon it I don't know; but it is my sincere opinion
that on their mode of dealing with that subject mainly
depends the question whether they will have any very
serious present difficulty in carrying on the Government
of this country.—(Hear, hear,) Having said thus much
with respect to what we did, or what we attempted,
in the way of legislation, I pass on fur a few moments,
if I may so far tresspass upon your time—(Hear,
hear)—to some of the points connected with our Govern-
ment. With regard to the administration of the law,
I believe I may say, without any degree of over-boast-
fulness, that we leave the administration of justice,
haying been exercised without partiality to class or creed,
and with no lack of efficacy and vigour, far more
deeply seated in the respect and affection of the people
than we found it.—(Loud cheers.) We leave the police,
both in this metropolis and in the country, dis-
charging the difficult and sometimes unwelcome duties
allotted to them with far less irritatation to public feeling
and less suspision of partizanship than we found it.—
,(Cheers.) We found a portion of the Coercion Act in
operation ; we first mitigated it, and afterwards dis-
pensed with it without detriment to public repose or
safety.—(Ceeers.) We found the army with an amount
of military force consisting of 23,000 men in 1834—we
leave it in 1841 at the amount of only 15,000 men.—
(Cheers.) We have done what in us lay to give
encouragement and development to the system of
national' education—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—
which we found established here, upon which point, not-
withstanding my conviction of its surpassing importance,
I would not attempt to dilate further, because I would
shrink from giving to it even the appearance of a party
complexion, and because I feel that much of the credit
due to the principle upon which it was founded, and
by which it has been invariably recognised, ought to be
allotted to my predecessor in office, Lord Stanley, who, as
I have already coupled him with an unpopular measure, I
now the more readily associate with one which I am per-
suaded has done, and which I believe every day in a rapid
increase to be doing, more solid and permanent good to
this country than almost any other measure I could name.
—(Hear, hear.) And I therefirre most unfeignedly_
cherish the hope, that by the Noble Lord to whom it
owes its auspicious birth, and his colleagues in office, it
will be adequately encouraged and enforced ; being fully
satisfied that from whatever quarter any hostile blow or
obstruction to the system shall proceed, a more serious
or dangerous responsibility could not have been assumed
by any one. But the most satisfactory test of the ad-
ministratsve merits of the Government must be found in
the condition of the people, with respect to internal
tranquillity, to habits of industry and order, and to the
prevailing amount of crime.—(Hear, hear.) Ido not of
course seek to conceal from myself, or from others, that
during the period of our administration we have witnessed
and deplored several instances of shameful and (heedful
outrage; even now it is present to my recollection; and
to perform the part assigned to the slave in the Roman
triumph, to repress sudden exultation, and check un-
seemly boasting, I admit the fact that outrage has been
committed; but still, gentlemen, I venture to affirm that,
taken as a whole, the state of society in Ireland, giving
every consideration to the causes which stir its depths
and trouble its springs, has exhibited a mostencouraging
and charming contrast with almost any other period,
choose it • when you may, or under whatever circum
stances you will.—(Cheers.) I find from the return of
outrages which are reported to the Constabulary
office, and which are made up under the direction of that
admirable and most impartially conducted department,
that the gross number of outrages committed in Ireland
in 1837, amounted to 6,775; in 1838, to 4,945 ; in 1839,
to 5,009; in 1840, to 4,629 ; presenting a dimiution of
one-third—(Cheers)—and of the heaviest offences, such as
homicides, outrages upon the person, assaults with in-
tent to murder, aggravated assaults, cutting and maim-
ing, there were in 1837. 12,096 ; in 1838, 11,058 ; in
1339, 1,077 ; in 1840, 773.—(Loud cheers.) I need nut
remind you that the charges of the Judges upon their
respective circuits brought down this gratifying progress
of tranquillity to the latest moment.—(Hear.) Indeed,
I might trouble you with many testimonies to this effect;
but I know that after-dinner speeches should not be too
statistical; and I believe I owe you some apology already
upon that score.—(No, no.) Well, then, in having to
transfer our high trust to other hands, I feel that look-
ing upon the past, certainly not with blindness to our
errors—those errors against which no human feeling or
perspicuity can at all times guard, I am entitled to say
to our successors—" Improve upon our management by
all means, in whatever way you can—avoid the errors
and imperfections against which we have not been able
to guard—carry the fortunes of the Irish people still
further and still higher, but do not suffer the sacred de-
posit to be tarnished in your hands.—(Loud cheers.)
Keep it clear. Above all—knowing some of -the cotnpa-
nionship by which you must be surrounded, and some of
the excitements by-which you must be solicited—keep
it clear of the blighting breath of bigotry—(Loud
cheers)—foster the seeds of religious peace, which, al-
though they may how be sown at rare intervals through
the land, are capable, under friendly and prudent culture,
of filling all its furrows with increase, and crowning all
its heights with gladness, and may make a united people
great, virtuous, and happy."—(Continued cheers.) I have
not glossed over the occurrence of past outrages and
crimes, so I do not •either keep out of view that there may
be causes of difficulty. and sources of difference which
may lower upon the advancing horizon. You will easily
believe that I would consider it as much beyond my pro-
vince as it is beyond my intention, to dream of offer-
ing even to either the Irish Representatives, or the Irish
people, anything in the way of advice or admonition with
respect to the course which it may be expedient and right
to pursue upon political operations of magnitude. To
remind you that the observance of moderation and pati-
ence—of an unqualified adherence to the law—of strict
adherence to the neutrality, of the violation of which you
would be the foremost to complain, are both the surest
road to general success, and the noblest dicta of indivi-
dual duty, if not impertinent, would be at least superflu-
ous. As little would Ibe disposed to counsel acquies-
ence in any positive wrong, or any flagging in the most
dauntless or determined resistance to arbitrary proce-
dures, or paltry obnoxious measures ; but amidst all the
difficulty and uncertainty that may rest upon the future,
and the elements of difference by which we may be sur-
rounded, I place, I own, my chief reliance upon the
ultimate prevalence of good under the Supreme bless-
ing, upon the manifest tendency and advance towards
improvement, which have of late been exhibited by the
Irish people themselves —(Cheers.) I have already
adverted to the gradual dimiuution in the amount
of crime ; but when I look for the source of the most
striking development in this ameliorating process, I own
that I am rather pleased- not to have to refer for it to the
acts or policies of any Government of the day. It was
my lot in my place in the House of Commons to bear
an humble but sincere tribute to the wonderful efficacy
that attended the exertions of Father Mathew—(Loud
cheers)—and although I fear at this moment we present
rather too convivial an aspect for his entire approval, yet
I two glad to speak in the presence of so many who, from
their personal observation, can confirm the marvellous
effect his mission has had in extending—nay, increasing
—habits of temperance throughout the land.—(Cheers.)
He looks not for our praise—higher motives impel him.
I will not go into the details of this mighty transforma-
tion; but I will ask, considering this pure and lofty re-
novation of a nation's virtue, is there anythin which
seems too large to hope for or too bright to realise ?
(Loud cheers.) This change which has passed over the
people seems to have been anticipated by the poet of a
former day, who is never so much at home as when he
celebrates heroic or holy actions :
"The wretch who once loudlylmghed and sung,
And drank in dizzy madness—in his draught
Has wept a silent flood—retraced his ways—
Is sober, meek, benevolent—and prays."
—(Loud cheers.) These are things which make me
hopeful, and justify the belief that good will ultimately
emerge and prevail. -Upon the occasion to which I ad-
verted in the opening of my address, no gentleman
professing the Roman Catholic religion, when I was a
guest in Dublin in the year 1828, could obtain a seat in
the councils of his Sovereign or in the Senate of his
country. By how many Roman Catholic Members of
Parliament am I now surrounded ?—(Cheers.) There
are still amongst them some who are wont eloquently to
descant upon the imperfect measure of; justice as yet
accorded to their beloved country ; but at the time to
which he alluded the Members for the counties of Cork
and Meath—(Cheers)—could not have crossed the
threshold of the House of Commons.—(Hear, hear.) I
don't mention these things as reasons for an acquies-
cence in any admitted wrong ; I don't mention them as
motives for inaction, but as beacons against despair.
And when I look back upon the past history of this
country and upon her present capabilities—upon all that
she has suffered, and all that she has done, and all that
she may become—when I perceive how much she con-
tributed in some ways to the weakness, and in others to
the strength of England—bow her own exhaustion and
throes have rolled back upon that country with fearful
retribution, how she has shed upon every page of their
blended history the traces of her prowess and intellect—
the light that still flashes from the sword of a Welling-
ton, or that plays upon the lyre of Moore—l can form
no wish but that two such nations should enter into the
fullest and frankest pakicipation of every civil right
and every national privilege—(Loud cheers)—that they
should repose in the same liberties, and flourish from
the same sources, and that they should be more and
more encouraged and adapted to essay the task of ho-
nour and the way to greatness.—(Cheers.) And, Gen-
tlemen, whatever may be the object—and whatever
may be the spot upon which the energies of the em-
pire may be called into action—whether it is to plant our
standards upon the walls of Canclahar, or under the bat-
teries of Pekin, or above the ruins of Acre—(Cheers)—
whether it is to open the Euphrates to our merchants,
and the Niger to our missionaries—whether it is to cote-
solidate dependencies like Canada, or to stem the south-
ern seas, in order to plant its islands with free in-
stitutions and with Christian worship—(Cheers)—
as Ireland has through all past records shared in
every high achievement with England, and has let blood
freely mingle upon the crest of the billow and- upon the
bayonet of the fooman, so I trust that she is determined
through many an age to share those brighter triumphs
which will impart to the haunts of barbarism all the
benefits of civilization, and which will establish in the
abodes of the Heathen the religion of the cross.—
(ts
thus much
itn taapkpiblna):
thesele .s)ve circumstancesoAfn 3d,
o nowu
a t havinghoefnt heer n
tbibmeerees naonfl
de
adt
the
etool
political
party, of those amongst whom I have acted, and by whom
I have been supported, I can only express my unshaken

reliance in the strength and endurance of the
many links which unite and cement our sympathies. I
believe that may best be resolved into an ardent attach-
ment to the cause of civil and religious freedom—not in
the cold letter, but in the living spirit—not in the formal
language of the lips, but in the deep devotion of the
heart.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Viewed as such our
cause is grounded upon an immortal principle, and you
may all rest assured that it will bring to its adherents no,!
shame.—(Cheers.) As for myself individually, it is my •
painful, although at the same time gratifying office, to
bid farewell to associates whose prompt and active zeal
has lightened the load of business and shared and
smoothed the responsibilities of office—to friends whose
warm and steady kindness has gladdened for years the
recreations, and enriched the store-house of kindly and
pleasant recollections—and to the people, who must ever
command my respectful and affectionate attachment,
sympathy, and gratitude, whenever I have the means to
ser ie—as long as I have the power to remember.—(Loud
an I long-continued cheering.)
• Lord MORPETU, shortly:after the cheering subsided,
ros again and said—Gentlemen, you will not think,
aft •r my lengthened trespaSs upon your kindness, that I
am about to intrude again upon you at any length; but I
flatter myself that I am at liberty to propose to you a
toast that will find its way to your willing and pleased
acceptance. ;My own debt of gratitude to our Noble
Chairman for coming here upon this occasion, and for the
flattering manner in which he has proposed my health to
you, may be attributable to the feelings which I know
have subsisted between us ; but I cannot think that in

any meeting of Irishmen it will be deemed an intrusion
to do justice to the merits of the Marquis of Clanricarde.
—(" Hear, hear," and loud cheers.) Born of one of the
noble families of the land—descended from a family
who have illustrated almost every page of Irish
history with their deeds—the Marquis of Clanri-
carde has derived from them a sincere attachment for
the land of his forefathers ; and upon every occasion

,
. .
when he had been called upon to come forward he en-
deavoured to the utmost to assert the liberties of the

people of Ireland, and promote their interests.—(Hear,
hear.) lle has of late been witdrawn from a residence
in this country so constantly as he would have otherwise
enjoyed, and from that home which he loves so well, by
his services at a foreign Court, where he had been in
obedience to her Majesty's command—where I can bear
testimony to the amount of skill and ability with which
he performed the important duties of his office.—(Hear,
hear.) lie has served his country amongst alien institu-
tions with the same zeal and efficiency which he has ever

evinced in its cause.—(Cheers.) I therefore call upon
you to do justice to the name of our Noble Chairman
the Marquis of Clanricarde.—(Loud cheers.)
The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm.
The CHAIRMAN' rose and said—Gentlemen, I rise to
return you my sincere thanks for the honour which you
have (lc ne me in drinking my health in so flattering a
manner. I am quite sensible of my inability to preside
properly over this great entertainment. At the same
time I must say, that I was qualified more than most
people would be for the task, as I believe there is scarcely
any person at this table who has enjoyed so long an ac-
quaintance with our Noble Guest as I have. We were
at school and at college together, and I have had the
happiness of meeting him constantly in society ever
since, and I need not therefore tell you what my feelings
for him must be.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend has
been pleased to allude to my family.—(Hear, hear.)
The topic is rather a dangerous one, fur, as it has been

justly sti id by the poet—
Man should look forward in life's noble chase,
Nobles look backwards, and so lose the race."
I only hope that such will not be my case. I hope tha
I will continue to be received for the sentiments which I
have always entertained, and which I have ever warmly,
though feebly advocated. I hope I shall always main-
tain the same sentiments ; and, should I ever conscien-
tiously alter them, I shall, at the same time, change my
heart.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot but feel an apprehen-
sion that, after giving credit for good intentions, I can-
not still have much confidence in the men who support
all the abuses and grievances to which these principles
are opposed.—(Hear, hear.) I shall not be sorry to see
them act fairly and liberally at any time ; but this I am
sure of, that if any attempt be made by them to revert
to the vile bigotry of former times, I am sure the people
of Ireland will be able to repel it.—(Loud cheers.)
The Noble CHAIRMAN again rose and said—l will-at
once give you the next toast, which is—
" Civil and Religious Liberty all over the world."
There were here loud calls for Mr. Sheil, when
The Noble CHAIRMAN said he did not wonder at the
anxiety displayed by the vast assemblage to hear Mr.
Shiel ; but lie would then give them an opportunity of
hearing one whom they seldom heard without pleasure—
a man with whom he (the Noble Lord) differed on some
points, but who was unquestionably the friend of the
Irish people. He would give them—
" Ireland, good Government, and prosperity to her."
Mr. O'CONNELL then rose to speak to the toast, and
was received with the most enthusiastic acclamation we
ever witnessed. When silence was in some measure re-
stored, he said—My Lord, I say it without the least
affection, that my conviction is, that there is
net a man in this assembly less suited to speak
to that toast than I am.—(Cheers and laughter.)
For my own part, my Lord, I do not despair.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) How are those who are now in power
to govern Ireland?—(Hear, hear.) I know how they
did it before—(Cheers)—and although I may be told
that the Orange flag will no longer wave over that box
(pointing to the spot where it was displayed during Lord
Haddington's Administration), who shall tell me that
the Orange spirit will not inhabit the Castle of Dublin—
(Cheers)—that the Orange bigotry will no longer show
itself in the streets—that Orange counsels will be less
virulent or less malignant in its exertions to promote
those interests which that faction have so deeply at heart,
by trampling on the rights and liberties of the Irish
people?—(Loud cheers.) They may throw over the san-
guinary Orange rag—the robe of expediency—they may
conceal it beneath their surtout. as they did before, and
assume an apparent conciliation. But we cannot shut
our eyes, or banish from our remembrance this
question—What are we to expect from the present
Administration ?—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Are we
to look for anything at their hands but hypocri-
tical pretences, and mischievous performances? It is
impossible it can be otherwise.—(Hear, hear.) How can
the many unrepentent sinners of ancient atrocities among
that Administration go otherwise than still follow the
same course which has characterised them through life ?
—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord (Morpeth) talked of mis-
sionaries. Who, let me ask, is to be sent as a missioner
up the Niger of the soul of Lord Lyndhurst ? —(Loud
cheers and laughter.) Who is to convert him ? Ac-
cording to him, for I heard him proclaim it—and I was
not the only witness—(Hear, hear)—we Irish are aliens
in blood, aliens in language, and aliens in religion.—
(Cheers.) And would we not be the most inconsistent
of human beings if we consented to give a government
of fraternal amity to those aliens who were, according
to him, in every sense, aliens in blood, in language, and
religion 2—ls he not now Lord Chancellor? But, my Lord,
perhaps he stands alone. I want to know whether the
Duke of Buckingham—who remained in opposition to
the Catholic Relief Bill, even when that opposition was
hopeless, and who, therefore, showed the malignity, of
his principles when he had not the power of carrying
them into effect—(Hear, hear)—he clung to those prin-
ciples of exclusion with a desperate tenacity, even when
the Cabinet was obliged to grant a reluctant concession
—whether he is the man from whom we are to expect
justice ?—(Cheers.) Who is. the next ? The Right
Hon. Henry Goulburn.—(Groans.) What has Ireland,
may I ask, to expect from him ?—(Hear.) He has at
all times avowed his bitter hostility to Liberal principles,
and be was candid, at least, in doing so.—(Hear.) He
has never thrown the cloak of expediency over those
principles, nor will he do so on this occasion.—(Hear.)
But, perhaps, Sir Edward Knatchbull, who came di-
rectly from the locality where the eloquent apostle of
Canterbury preached—(A laugh)—not as of old in haughty
defiance to a tyrant King, who attempted to trample on
the political liberties of his subjects, but to preach up fa-
naticism, and set himself up as the Redeemer.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) It is true, they make some selection?
for office here ; they may draw in men to join with their
Administration here, who hitherto, almost exclusively
occupied with their own affairs, had not leisure to exhibit
their hostility to the people of Ireland, otherwise than
by signing every petition calculated to retard and injure
her interests. Does any man in his senses believe for a
moment that Peel will do anything for Ireland ? They,
to be sure, ask for a trial ? But what do we want of a
trial ? Do we not know their past history ? They de-
mand a trial—for what ?—one would suppose for the pur-
pose of carrying out some promise made by them to do
something for the good of Ireland. But did they ever
make any promise to Ireland ? Never.—(Hear.) Oh,
but they have promised you something there. Yes, they
have certainly promised to give you Scorpion Stanley's
Bill.—(Hissing.) Oh, try them on that ; you will find
that they will not fail in their promise of giving you the
Scorpion's Bill. Try them there. They are sure of a
majority in one House, while the measure will have an
easy passage through the other. Easy, did I say ? No,
it shall be a death struggle.—(Tremendous cheering.)
Yes, I do say it here, that we would not be men if we
did not struggle to the last, to the death, against that
atrocious Bill. In doing so, to be sure, we shall confine
ourselves within the strict limits of the law and the Con-
stitution. We shall die on the floor of the House of
Commons before we suffer our rights and our liberties
to be trampled on and utterly degraded by so foul
and monstrous an enactment. Ireland has much to
hope for still, but certainly for nothing unless whatever
she may win by the exertions of her own sons. It is said
that political gratitude is a lively sense of future favours;
but ours is not so—it is the sincere and honest tribute of
hearts teeming with the highest and the purest gratitude
for past kindness, mingled with enthusiastic loyalty to the
Throne, enhanced still more by ardent affection. Al-
though we are separated for a time, Ireland, with her
characteristic ardour, will cherish his merits long in her
bosom, and hope soon once more to see them devoted
as they have been to her interests.—(Loud cheers.)
You, my Lord, however you may blame the details of
our proceedings, must respect our feelings, and the pure
and divine motives from which our acts proceed ; but
this I say, and say it solemnly, that come what will—
come weal or woe—come prosperity on the one hand,
or death in its worst of shapes on the other—let the Lynd-
hurst faction know that Ireland will never again bear
the yoke of tyranny and oppression.—(Hear, hear, and
enthusiastic cheers.) Oh ! the attachment to a country
which has suffered wrong is infinitely more heart-binding
than that which is felt fur a country surrounded by the
full tide of prosperity—
' " More dear in thy suffeaings, thy tears, and thy
showers,
Than the rest of the world in its sunniest hours."
When Sarsfield fell at Salsfield, a ball entered the cavity
of his chest, and feeling that his last moments were ap-
proaching, he filled his hand with his heart's blood, ex-
claiming—" Oh ! that this had been shed for Ireland"
(Cheers.) My Lord, bear home with you the belief that
the heart of many a soldier for liberty beats here—that
Ireland is grateful—that she hates hypocrisy—that slue
.„...

loves constitutional freedom— and that the last of her
sons will perish ere she consent. to national degradation.
(The lion. and Learned Gentleman resumed his scat
amid loud and long-continued cheering.)
Mr. O'CONNELL again rose and said—l fear you will
(kern me guilty of presumption in rising to propose the
next toast, but I hope I address those who will not think
there is any overweening vanity in my requesting to be
allowed to propose the health of Earl Fortescue.—(Loud
cheers.) For many reasons lam of opinion that Ireland
has sustained a heavy loss in that Nobleman.—(Hear,
hear.) I recognise in him the descendant of a family
which has ever been the consistent enemy of oppression
in every soil. In the House of Commons there was not
a more steady friend of the freedom of the Constitution
and of human liberty.—(Hear, hear.) Ireland will long
regret him, and we shall not require the contrast of his
successor to make us recollect with esteem the Noble-
man who had the manliness to work out his own will as
far as possible.—(Cheers.) I give you—
" The health of Earl Fortescue, with a wish of every
prosperity and blessing to himself and to his family."—
(Cheers.)
Viscount EBRINGTON returned thanks. . .

The Noble CHAIRMAN said, the next toast was that of
a body to whom he himself had the honour to belong.
He alluded to " the Liberal Peers in Parliament."—
(Cheers.)
Lord LURGAN returned thanks.
" The Liberal Members of the House of Commons."
Sir Wm. SOMERVILLE returned thanks.
" Lord Melbourne and the late Administration."
Mr. SHELL said—The people of Ireland were grateful
to the Government over which Lord Melbourne pre-
sided, and felt that, if measures of imperfect justice were
dealt out to them, that deficiency arose from a dispro-
portion between the means and the solicitude to assert
the rights and promote the substantial interests of the
country. The people of this country felt convinced that
the late Ministers looked to the happiness of the greatest
number, that they preferred the welfare of the commu-
nity to the sustainment of class interests ; and to mono-
poly in every form, civil, ecclesiastical, and commercial,
they were the antagonists. These propositions were re-
jected by the county constituencies of England ; but the
English people would speedily be furnished with matter
of repentance.—(Hear, hear.) While Sir R Peel was
lavish of professions to the Irish people, he placed the
conscience of the Sovereign in the keeping of that con-
spicuous person by whom an offence was offered to mil-
lions of her Majesty's subjects, which was indelibly im-
pressed on the resentful recollections of the country.—
(Hear, hear.). Sir Robert Peel had not ventured to en-
trust the Foreign Department to a Member of the House
of Commons ; there was not a single member of his
party to whom he could confide the task of encounter-
ing Lord Palmerston in debate, and he accordingly re-
sorted to Lord Aberdeen, by whom, in 1829, Turkey
was ignominiously abandoned, and the honour and inter-
ests of England were scandalously sacrificed.—(Loud
cheers.) Sir Robert Peel had given seats in the
Cabinet to two of the most conspicuous converts who
had deserted the standard of Reform. He had given
the Home-office to Sir James Graham, who was one of the
Committee of five, by whom, in 1831, the Ballot had
been recommended as an incident to the Reform Bill,
and who, in 1835, had declared that it would be utterly
discreditable to him to unite himself with a party to
which he had been all his life opposed, while the Go-
vernment of Canada, where peculiar wisdom and mo-
deration were required, was confided to Lord Stanley.
" The health of Lord John John Russell, and free
trade"—the toast was drank amidst loud applause.
Mr. Ross, of Rosstrever, returned thanks.
" The health of Mr. Norman Macdonald."—(Cheers.)
Mr. NORMAN MACDONALD returned thanks in a clever
speech.
The Noble Chairman and distinguished guest, as well
as the principal portion of the company then retired, it
I being half-past one O'clock.
0

IRE ',AND.

ARRIVAL OF THE LORI) LIEUTENANT.

...... _
DUBLIN, SEPT. 15.—At six o'clock this morning Earl
De Grey, the new Viceroy, arrived in Kingston har-
bour, on board the Admiralty steamer Medina, which
left Liverpool last evening. His Excellency did not land
until eleven o'clock, when he took his place in a proces-
sion, consisting of a long line of carriages, and pro-
ceeded towards town. His Excellency travelled in his
carriage until he reached Ball's-bridge, about a mile
from town, where he got upon horseback, and was re-
ceived in the usual form by the corporate officers.
All along the line there was a total absence of
any popular demonstration, until the Rev. Tres-
ham Gregg and some Orange Corporators made
their appearance, when the persons casually assembled
hooted, and uttered repeated groans "for the dead Cor-
poration." Through the streets of Dublin the proces-
sion, chiefly composed of the Tory gentry, several of
whom had come up from distant parts of the country,
passed on as coldly as a funeral, except at intervals a
solitary " hurra" might be heard, but not meeting with
any response from the populace, this faint attempt at
applause only served to render the otherwise silent pas-
sage
of the cavalcade still more remarkable. Earl de
Grey, who seemed to have expected a very different re-
ception, looked, I thought, impatient and disappointed.
There was not, however, the slightest indication of per-
sonal disrespect towards his Excellency. As the pro-
cession neared the Castle gates some cheers were given.
At twelve o'clock the procession reached the Castle,
when his Excellency proceeded to the presence-cham-
ber, vi here he was received by two of the Lords Justices,
Lieutenant-General Sir Edward Blakeney, and Chief
Justice Doherty, both of whom wore their hats, while
his Excellency was uncovered. Accompanied by the
Lords Justices, his Excollency went to the Privy Council
chamber, where the following members of the Council
were assembled :—The Duke of Leinster, Mr. F. Shaw,
Mr. A. R. Blake, Chief Remembrancer, the Bishop of
Kildare, Mr. Pigot, late Attorney-General, Mr. Black-
hurne, present Attorney-General, the Chief Baron, and
Dr. Radcliffe. _ _

As soon as the Queen's letter had been read, and the
usual oaths administered, his Excellency, wearing his
hat, took his place at the head of the Council-board.
Soon after a procession was formed, and his Excellency
returned to the presence-chamber, where he held a levee.
The following were amongst the presentations :
His Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge, the
Duke of Leinster, the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs, Chief
Justice Doherty, Bishop of Kildare, Marquis of West-
meath, Earl of Clonmel, Lord Gort, Lord Powerscourt,
Earl of Rathdowne, Lord Kilmaine, the Chief Baron, Sir
Robert Shaw, Mr. Pigott, Lieut.-Col. Shaw, Sir Roger
Palmer, Mr. F. Shaw (who bowed twice to his Excel-
lency), Hon. F. Needham, Mr. B!ackburne, Sir H. Lees,
Hon. Captain Bruce, Hon. Walter O'Grady, Sir Parker
Catroll, Colonel D'Aguilar, Sir M. C. Smith, Hon. H.
Browne, Mr. Lucas (the new Under Secretary), Alder.
man Drummond, and five other Aldermen, Mr. James
Dwyer, barrister, Sir E. Borough, the Rev. Tighe Gre-
gory, &c. Upon the presentation of Mr. Gregory, there
was a burst of laughterin the Chamber, which seemed to
astonish his Excellency.
It is stated that the Lord Lieutenant will return to
England on Saturday or Monday next, to bring over his
family. His excellency is reputed to be very wealthy,
and to be popular in his habits. The shopkeepers are
calculating upon a busy season during the winter.

THE RE-ELECTIONS.
SUNDERLAND.-
.
SUNDERLAND, WEDNESDAY, SEPT. 15.—The nomina-
tion look place this day. The Mayor, Rowland White,
Esq., acted as returning officer.
WALKER FEATHERSTONHAUGH, Esq., proposed Lord
Howick, and the nomination was seconded by M. H.
CLAYTON, Esq.
Dr. MILLER proposed Wolverley Attwood, Esq.. and
his nomination was seconded by R. SCARFIELD, Esq.,
one of the shipowners in the borough. The speeches of
the proposers and seconders were inaudible, in conse-
quence of the tumult which prevailed.
Mr. WILLIAM MOWATT, a Chartist, and Mr. ALFRED
CARLISLE, another Chartist, proposed and seconded Co-
lonel Peyronnet Thompson.
Lord Howicx. then stepped to the front of the hust-
ings. His Lordship proceeded to say that the great dif-
ference of political opinions between Mr. Attwood and
himself might be resolved into two points. They dif-
fered, first, as regarded the commercial policy of the em-
pire ; and, next, as to the degree of confidence which
it was necessary to repose in those who had recently as-
sumed the reins of power. With respect to commercial
policy, Mr. Attwood had avowed himself what he called
the friend of protection, to home industry. He (Lord
Howick), on the contrary, appeared before them as
the advocate for the removal of restrictions on trade.—
(Hear, and cheers.) He appeared before them to con-
tend that, what was termed protection to British in-
dustry was, in the sense in which it was used, a great
delusion. There was one protection, and one only,
which British industry required. Britain required that
every man should be protected in the produce of his own
labour—(hear, and cheers)—that he should not be
liable to be deprived of the fruits of his industry by open
violence or secret fraud, and that he should not be
liable to extremes of any description, and that was the
true and only protection which British industry required.
All the duties said to be for the protection of British
industry were neither more nor less than taxes in dis-
guise. They were taxes not the 1. ss onerous because
they did not bring money into the Exchequer. These
duties were all bad in principle, and he thought that Cus-
tom-house duties ought not to be imposed for the purpose
of-raising revenue, and that there was no justification for
refusing to the people of England the liberty to
purchase what they required wherever they could get it.
But although he was the advocate of the general prin-
ciple, he would, as he had always wished to do, proceed
with cautious steps.— (Hear, and cheers.) Mr. At:wood
had told them that their views were theoretical. Now,
lie (Lord Howick) said, that instead of having anything
to do with theory, they were founded in the simple
dictates of common sense and experience. He had had
proofs of the distress which existed in Sunderland ; and
the same distress existed in all the great commercial and
manufacturing towns. He asked them, what remedy
was to be provided for this state of things ? The only
and obvious remedy was to give increased facilities for
exchanging the produce of this country for the pro-
duce of' other countries. With America our trade
was languishing, because they- could not pay for our
produce unless in produce of their own. The French
market was also shut to British industry, because
both nations had foolish protection tariffs. Were pro-
per steps taken, the exports from this country to France
in iron and coals alone would more than equal the whole
of the present exports. But more than this—the treaty
with the Brazils was about expiring, and the market in
that country would be destroyed if relaxations were not
' made in our restrictive sstem. Unless, then, they were
• allowed to send goods in return, our trade with fo-
• reigners must cease. All indirect taxes were naturally
af!ected by the price of bread.—(Hear, hear.) They
were aware that of late years they had had a falling re-
; venue, and that was owing, in a great measure, to the
ef-
_ feet of the present Corn-laws.--(Hear.) During the pre-