The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-07 00:00:00

UNE 7, 1841

1,1, OVAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITU-
TION._La)
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Lectures, and Experiments.
Opens at Half-past Ten o'clock. Admission, One Shilling.

NATIONAL LOAN FUND SOCIETY,
I I FOR GRANTING
LIFE A`4SURANCES, DEFERRED ANNUITIES, &c.
No. 28, CORNHILL.
Capital £500,000.
Empowered by Act of Pars.ament.
BIRECTORII.
T. LAMIE MURRAY, Esq., Chairman.
J. Elliotson, M.D.,'F.R.S. I John Rawson, Esq.
John Griffith Frith, Esq. Jehn Riddell Stoclart, Esq.
Hunter Gordon Esq. Clement Tabor, Esq.
George Lungley, Esq. Joseph Thompson, Esq.

FOR LIFE.
A. B.
Age. Without with For One For Five
Pratfits. Profits. Year only.' Years only
X. s. d. X. 9. d. I X. s. d. X. s. d.
20 113 7 1 17 4 1 017 0 017 6
30 2 4 4 2 9 3 1 019 6 1 0 0
40 218 8 , 3 5 3 1 310 1 5 0
50 4 4 2 4 13 6 1 13 0 1 16 6
60 613 0 I 78 4 30 0 39 6
- - - -

Two-thirds afProfits divided annually amongst the Assured.
DEFERRED -ANNUITIES DEPARTMENT.
By the plan exclusively developed by this Society, a single
Deferred Annuity is made, nit only to answer the same object,
int to far exceed in amount the entire benefit of all the ad-
vantages heretofore only obtained by the middle and industrious
classes through separate investments in Savings' Banks, Be-
nefit Societies, ,ind Loan Banks.

1. A small yearly or weekly contribution will secure the
gost ample return for after life; thus-2/. l 2s. per annum (Is.
week) at the age of 20, will give the policy holder the fol-
lowing option. at the age of 65 .
Atinuity for remainder of life £l7 16 6

Cash
Policy, without further contributions, of 466 0 oat death.
Other periods of life (of 50, 55, and 60) may be also taken
with similar advantages.

2. Two-thirds at any time lent on deposit of policy, being a
tuncl always available during sickness or want of employment.
3. Two-thirds of all payments returned to representatives in
rase of premature death.

N. R. Policies, as collateral money-security, for periods of
one to five years. effected at lower rates than are charged by
any other Office, (Sce Tables A. and B.), with option of con-
tinuance for Life at the u.m.l rates.

F. FERGUSON CAMROUX, Sec.

THE METHODIST.
770 THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
SlR—The Watchman newspaper has just declai ed in
favour of the monopolists and monopoly, which is what
was to be expected ever since Lord Sandon's hypocrilic ul
motion. The reason is the Watchmen must do the 1)1(7-
ding of Doctor Bunting, the Dictator Francia of Wes-
loyanism, though John Wesley, were he alive, would
be one of the last men to uphold the bread tax, and op-
press the poor; he was too clear-sighted not to see how
greatly want and starvation .damage religion, and
he was not the man to damage . religion for
any consideration on earth. I said the Watch-
man must do the bidding of Doctor Bunting,
and he has long been an instrument of Lord Sandon,
ever since his Lordship cajoled him in Liverpool, where
the Doctor, a strenuous anti-slavery advocate, voted for
the then pro-slavery Lord Sandon, scandalising his
friends, and astonishing the whole anti-slavery body,
as well as all the Methodists. But while I talk
of the Doctor, I beg to ask where he got
his degree ?—not in England. The Colleges and tho
Church he adulates despise him as a Sectarian. He is
Apposed to Republics and Republican America, without
a Church establishment, and yet he condescends to
accept a diploma from Republican America rather than
go without the title of Doctor, which, as a skilful and
able divine, I admit he is well entitled` to, and it is cre-
ditable to the Republican College which sent him the
title. P. W.

CURIOUS INSTANCES 01.' LON-

GEVITY.
(From the Polytechnic Journal.)
In the "Philosophical Transactions" the singular case
of Henry Jenkins is recorded. This man died at the
very advanced age of 169. A few years before his death
he apptared in a Court of Justice, and gave evidence in
a cause. The celebrated case of Thomas Parr, of Wen-
nington, Shropshire, is also detailed in the same publi-
cation. He died in the year 1638, at the age of 152.
Dr. Harvey, who opened the body after death, states
that he found it to be in a most perfect state. His death
was caused by plethora, brought on by more luxurious;
living in London than he had been accustomed to in his,
native country, where his food was very plain and homely.
Parr lived durirg the reigns of ten Kings and Queens,
and was buried in Westminster Abbey. He married a
widow after he was 120 years of age. He is said to have been
a man of a very different stamina from mankind in
general. When he was 151 years of age he was brought
to London by Thomas Earl of Arundel, and carried to
Court. The King said to him, " You have lived longer
than other men, what have you done more than other
men ?" Parr replied, " I did penance when I was 100
years old." His chief rules for longevity were well
Inown :—" Keep your head cool by temperance ; your
feet warm by exercise ; rise early and go soon to bed ;
and if you are inclined to get fat, keep your eyes open
and your mouth shut ;" or. in other wards, "be mode-
rate In your sleep and diet."
Maffeus, a Portuguese author, who wrote a history of
the East Indies, mentions a man of the name of Nuinus
de Cugna, a native of Bengal, who died in the year 1566,
ut the almost incredible age of three hundred and seventy '
years.

Maffeus represents him to have been a person of great
simplicity and quite illiterate ; but of so retentive a
memory that he was a kind of living chronicle, relating:,
distinctly and exactly, what had happened within his
knowledge in the compass of his very long life, together
with all the circumstances attending it. He had four
new sets of teeth • and the colour of his hair and beard
had very frequently changed from black to grey, and from
grey to black. He asserted that in the course of his
life, he had seven hundred wives, some of whom had
died, and others he had put away. The first century of
his life was passed in idolatry, from which he was con-
verted to Mahometanism, which he continued to profess
until his death.

J. Jacobs, a peasant on the estate of the Prince de
Beautremont, lived to the age of 120. He travelled at
that age from the Jura mountains to Versailles, to thank
the National Assembly for having released him from the
feudal yoke. He was received by all the Members stand-
ing and uncovered, was allowed a chair, and to sit with
his hat on. A collection was made for him among the
Members, which amounted to 5001.
The tables of longevity published for the year 1817, in
the Russian empire, give the following results :—Amongst
828,561 persons who died, all belonging to the Greek
church, there appear to have been as follows :-1 above
140 years of age, 1 above 135, 7 above 130, 21 above 125,
51 above 120, 83 above 115, and 783 above 100.

On the subject of longevity And mortality in Prussia,
Dr.'Hoffinan states (11fedicinische Zeitung, No. IV.,
1839), that during the 18 years, commencing lat of
January, 1820, and ending 31st of December, 1837, the
mortality in 12,626,379, being the average population
of Prussia during that period, amounted to 6,653,167 ;
of this number, 149,058 attained the age of from 80 to
83 years ; 67,754 that of from 85 to 90 years ; and
31,516 attained the age beyond 90. Thus 248,328 indi-
viduals, or 3,732 per cent. 6f the population, attained an
age beyond 80.

.
rADVERTISEMENT. j
INTERESTING TO LADIES.—The influence of
the sun on the skin and complexion at the present season is
frequently subversive of comfort to persons of delicate skin, by
producing sun.bnrns, freckles, tanned skin, and lips parched
and 'swollen. To oppose these innovations, the most infallible
specific is Rowland's Kaly dor, a preparation from the most de-
lightful exotics, which not only by its use ensures the skin from
the effects of summer's scorching heat, but never fails of re-
storing the skin to its pristine delicacy and whiteness. It is
invaluable as a renovating and refreshing wash during travel-
ling, or exposure to sun anti dust ; and, from its extraordinary
efficacy in allaying all incidental inflammation, deserves a place
among the household treasures of every family.
LAUNCH OF THE TRAFALGAR MAN-OF
WAR.—Great and hasty preparations are being made in Wool-
wich dock-yard for the completion of the hulk of that huge
leviathan of the deep, the Trafalgar, of 130 guns. It was
originally the intention of the Queen that the ceremony of
launching the magnificent " wooden wall" into her native
element should be performed on the anniversary of her Ma-
jesty's accession to the throne, the 20th of June, anti cards of
admission to the imposing scene were actually in progress for
that purpose. The 20th, however, happening to fal on a
Sunday, the mistake was discovered in time, and her Majesty
rnd Prince Albert have now positively fixed Mcinday, the 21st
of the present month, at three o'clock, p.m., for the perform-
anceso, andwhiitc his her
rum3oluarjeetlttyhat was proclaimed
Queen s,
in honour of
of the interesting and nationally-gratifying ceremony. It
will fall o
llofnttheesedraeyalumpn
rents the " "anima,
the memory_of the immortal hero who achieved the glorious
of St. Martin in the
victory of Trafalgar, her Majesty intends, in propria persona,
his own rental
to officiate in a sponsal character at the baptismal font.
How THE TORIES GET PROPERTY.---The
appear:, rents
equitable ar-
rangement,Fl‘l - linaeurl diss'a tboe2CLoSniagitlisns. Salisbury,
r;
from ',them is 10,000 L a year I The parish is, how-
tahintenaumPpPea7
ever, on the look-Out to obtain a snore

CORN-LAWS.
DEMONSTRATION OF THE WORKING-CLASSES.
( Abridged from the Liverpool Vercurv.)
On Wednesday evening last, at half-past six o'clock, a pubic
meeting of the working-classes, convened by the Committee of
the Operative Anti-Corn-law Assecia° inn,
was held in Clayton-
svare, to express their opinions. and petition Parliament on
the subject of the bread-tax. A little before the hour ap-
pointed, the anti-bread-tax-cart of the Association was placed
a few yards in front of the Clayton Arms Hotel, furnished with
a seat for the Chairman and a desk for the reporters, and on
each side of it a lorry, for the better accommodation of the
speakers and Commitee. The cart had several texts of Scrip-
ture, denouncieg the oppression of the poor, painted on its
sides. Two handsome silk flags were sported, one on each
lorry, and besides these there were numerous flags and ban-
nerets of smaller size, pink and green, red arid blue,—the
hostile colour at our election contests, symptomatic, we sup-
pose, that the que;tion for discussion was one apart from mere
party politics, and involving the best interests of all classes of
the community. But what excited most attention were a large
loaf stuck upon a pole, and a piece of beef similarly exalted.
Under the first was this inscription :

s. d.
This loaf, if we had no bread-tax, would co#*. 1 0
Landlords' tax ......... - 0 6

The price paid for this loaf to-day ... 1 6
Under the beef was written, " Hamburgh beef, 3IAd. per lb."
There was also a substantial rib of Buenos Ayrean beef exhi-
bited. The meeting was one of the most numerous ever as-
sembled in that place, the square being filled on all sides, with
exception of the space behind the Chair, and the condemnation
of the bread tax was unanimous, for the slight interruption
noticed in the report could hardly be called an exception.
Besides the members of the Operative Anti-Cnrn-law Com-
mittee, we noticed the following gentlemen on the platform :
William Rat hbone, Esq., Lawrence Hey-worth. Esq., Christo-
pher Rawdon, Esq., Mr. Alderman Shei!. James Mulleneux,
Esq., Robert Harvey, Esq., James Harvey, jun., Esq., &c.
F.mn after the hour appointed, it sras piespoesel, seconded, and
carried unanimously, that Mr. Kelly, a working man, should
take the Chair.
The CHAIRMAN, in opening the business of the evening, said
this was a meeting of the working classes more especially to
take into consideration how they could most effectually obtain
the object they had in view by a unanimous effort of their own,
to procure the abolition of the abominable Corn- laws.—
(Cheers. ) The major part of the speakers would belong to
the working classes; and, in his humble opinion, the question
was one which required very little consideration, because
the question of the Corn-laws was one which came home to the
feelings and interests of every poor-man.—( Hear, hear.) As
a working man he had no objection to state in that large as-
sembly that he could not afford to give his children sufficient
food.—(Hear.) If he could procure it cheaper he could in-
crease the consumption of food in his family by at least a third
more.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He appeared there in another
capacity also. He was not one of those to whom their
opponents could say " Lay out your money to the
best advantage and you will have enough for your family to
eat." He had done so ; for the last five years and a half he
had not spent .a
farthing. in intoxicating drink, and yet with all
his exertions; and notwithstanding his total abstinence for five
years and a half, he had not one shilling to spare.—( Hear,
hear.) If the working classes could obtain more food at a
cheaper rate, they would be enabled materially to encourage
the home trade; if they could save to the amount of 2s. a
week, and that was laid out in encouraging their fellow-
tradesmen, would not that increase the home trade of the coun-
try very considerably? He contended that it would.—( Hear,
hear.) If their resolutions denounced the Corn-laws as unjust
and anti-Christian, and if any one thought that they were not
unjust and anti-Christian, let him come forward and move as
an amendment that they were just and righteous, aed then
they would give him a fair hearing; but let him not attempt
to meet them by any side-wind resolutions.—( Hear, hear. )
He had authority, however, for saying, that a deputation from
the Chartist committee had waited on the Operative Corn-law
Committee for the purpose of coming to a fair understanding
and setting themselves right with the public, and they declared
that they had no hand whatever in the factious opposition
offered of late by an individual at the Amphitheatre meetings,
and that they not only discountenanced that opposition, but
were decidedly opposed in principle to the Corn:laws.—
( Cheers.) After a few further observations, the Chairman
concluded by introducing to the meeting
Mr. AMBLER, another operative. He conceived that by the
repeal of the orn-laws the interests of all classes in the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland would be most
materially benefited.—( Cheers.) First; because the prin-
ciple of monopoly was an evil in itself.—( Hear, hear.) Mo-
nopoly meant, •imply and plainly, that one man or a class of
men possessed that to which they had no right, and, con-
sequently, it followed that they • had robbed some other
portion of the community of what they possessed.—( Hear,
hear.) They might say that they were protected or sanc-
tioned by the law in holding those possessions which they did
hold, but this, instead of decreasing the guilt, increased that
guilt, and also attached some guilt to the people at large for
suffering, for one single moment, any part of the population
of any commonwealth to retain any such privilege. He then
read the resolution, of which the following is a copy :—" That
the misery at present existing among the masses of the people
in this country is clearly traceable to the operations of the Corn-
laws, the effects of which are to lessen the demand for labour,
and increase the price of food." It might be objected, that
because the Corn-law was not the only monopoly existing in
this country, all the misery, all the evil and destitution could
not be clearly traced to the Corn-laws ; but let them examine
a little. Now ha contended that this Corn-law was the sove-
reign of all monopolies, and if opce.that_great monopoly, which
was full of evil of all descriptions,. tiecisfQ it 'detracted from
human happiness, and especially from that of the great
mass of the people—if once that monopoly were de-
stroyed, a great many more would follow.—( Loud cheers.)
He was himself a Radical or Chartist; he was one in heart
and mind ; he himself was on the bloody field of Peterloo, and
had a bullet shot through his hat when °the people were assem-
bled to petition for the repeal of this very law.—( Hear, hear.)
Yet he was told by individuals who were with him on that
field, that because the middle classes who had now come fors
ward to support them in obtaining a repeal of this law did
not support them then, he was now to vend against that right
for which he contended on that day.—( Hear, hear.) Now,
if they were right then in petitioning for the repeal of the Corn-
laws, were they not right in doing so now ?—( Hear.) He
was not surprised to find the Ministers of the Gospel, and
especially those of the Established Church, absent from their
ranks—because it was a Minister of the Gospel, the late vicar
of Rochdale, who led on the yeomanry at Peterloo ; he was not
surprised at the inconsistency between their practice and
their professions, because in nine cases out of ten these men
had their livings presented to them by the aristocracy,
and the best of the church livings were in the girt of sonic
great landowner.—( Hear, hear.) They had indeed a duty to
God and to their flocks to perform, but their duty and their
interest were two different things, and they had an easy way of
satisfying their consciences. They said "We have stone those
things which we ought not to have done, and we have left un-
done those things which we ought to have done, and there is
no help in us," and then they were out of the scrape.—
(Laughter and cheers.) Though many charges were made
against the present Government for not bringing forward mea-
sures to ameliorate the condition of the people, yet they had
brought forward many measures which had been destroyed by
those who were now bent on setting the people against the
middle classes.---( Hear.) Nothing had been done because the
balance of power was equal; and why was it so? Because
the working classes were divided amongst themselves.—( Hear. )
Mr. 3.IICHAEL &maroon, in seconding the resolution, said
he was called out that night as a working man to do his duty—
he was called out by the voices of his children crying for bread
—he was called out by the conviction of what he had suffered,
of what he saw and heard, that the Corn-laws were, to all
intents and purposes, grinding him down to the face of the
earth—he was called out for the purpose of trying all that lay
in his power to bring the working men, who were the back
bone and marrow of the nation, to join in one solid and
Lilted effort to get the Corn-laws repealed.—( Loud applause.)
lie had never yet seen in Liverpool any system brought for-
ward for the benefit of the working men that the working men
themselves were not. the first to cry out aeainst it. It was a
belly question, and there was no contending against hungry
men —( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Let them be united in
this cause. As long as they were divided one against
another they could not do away with this tax, but let
them unite in one great effort, and it must be repealed.
He did not look to his wages in the bulk—he did not look at a
piece of money because it weighed heavy—he wanted it to fetch
a large weight out of that brick building (pointing towards the
market). What was twenty-five shillings a week if he only
got employment for three days in the week ? Or, as his friend
Robert Jones said, what was the use of having W. a week if it
would not fill the cupboard?—( Hear. hear.) That was the
way he looked at it, and all working men should look at it in tl.e
same way. If his bread now co•t him 6s. a week, and he could
get the same quantity for 4s. it the Corn-law was rep-ale& be
should have 2s. a week to go to the shoemaker or the tailor
that he never had before. That was the way he looked at it,
and in this way he would have 2s. a week more to throw into
the labour market than he ever had before.

WILLIAM RATIIBONE, Esq., came forward to support the
resolution, and was received with great applause. He said it
was always a pride and a pleasure to him to come amongst them
in support of anything that was right and just,—yes' in sup-
port of the rights and liberties of the people. But there was
no fighting for liberty unless a man had a full belly. Starva-
tion was the destruction of allliberty, for who could fight when
ha was at death's door? No one ; and this was the question,
a question of the grave, that was now before them.—(Hear,
hear.) He (Mr. Rathbone I was suffering from the Corn-
laws, but he was in the parlour. He might be crushed
down ; he might get into the kitchen and the cellar ;
but the man who was in the cellar already, where was he
to go to ? The grave alone could receive him and his wife
and children.—(Hear.) That was the receptacle where the
weary would rest from his labour; but was that a state
for happy England to be in? Was that the state the people
of Liverpool wished to be in ?—( Hear, hear, and " No, no.")
Let him call on the people then to exert themselves for their own
salvation. A former speaker had said, that the middle classes
were behindhand • to that he (Mr. Rathbone) said No; he
said that the middle classes of Liverpool, at least the reform-
ing classes of Liverpool, had been urging on the people for the
last fifty years to know their own interests; that they had en-
deavoured to educate them, and to give them principles, so that
knowing chat was right, they might do it ; but had they done
it ? If Liverpool had been polled within two years from that
time for the repeal of the Corn-laws, the majority would have
been against it. He said that deliberately and without fear
of contradiction from any man who knew what he was speak-
ing about.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The people had had a
fallacy before them ; they had been told that cheap bread
meant low wages; ihey had been misled by the Tories, and
like fools—he b gged their pardon—but he must Fay, that
like fools they had believed it. Now one word for the Li-
berals; had the people of Liverpool enabled the Liberals to
do their dill ? Had they sent Representatives who were
friendly to cheap bread, cheap sugar, and free trade in tim-
ber ? Let them answer that, and tell him whether they had
done their duty?_(,, No.") Robert Jones, who spoke from
hie heart, and, therefore, what he said came to their hearts—
Robert Jones had asked them whether a man in the Mersey,
swimming for his life, would not exert himself more than one
who was
werein merely
the
s seeking for
would he ask one of the middler a casket of riches ; but if Robert
Janes
class to come forward and assist him without trying to save
furnished me witlL goods
himself. Did they want a man in broad cloth, and with a few
coins in his pocket, to ask them to do their duty to their wives
and families? If they did—if they required him (Mr. Rath-
bone) to call them forth because he had a few shillings more
in his pocket than they had—before they would be true to
themselves and to their wives and families, they did not deserve
to be saved. Let them come forward and do their duty ;
,let
them spurn the bribe and those who dealt in bribes, -and if
any man said to them, ~ you have
honestly, and I have paid you faithfully, and therefore I mist
have yourvote," it would ill become biro Mr. Rulabolie), u

a Magistrate, to say, " Kick him out of doors," but if such a
case did come before him, he should say, " The provocation
was great, and the fine ought to be small," if they did serve
such a fellow in such a manner. ..4 Laughter and applause.)
One word in favour of the present Ministry. They bad not
shown on all occasions that sympathy with the people which
they ought to have shown. That was their fault and the
people's misfortune. But they had now come forward ; they
had said, " There shall be no class interests in future—all
classes shall be fairly represented ;" and the people ought to
give them power to do that which they had promised to per-
form. If the people did 'mot give them that power, the fault
was the people's ; if they did, and the Government-failed to
avail themselves of that power, he hoped that they might
suffer for it, and that the country might be convulsed if they
were not true.—( Hear, hear.) Yes, he said it advisedly. If
the Ministers were not true to the declarations they had made,
may a revolution be the consequence. He (Mr. Rathbone)
had something to lose, but he would be in the ranks if they
forfeited the pledge they had given.—( Hear, hear.) They
were all now in a drowning condition. Let. them require no
influence to induce them to do their duty to themselves and to
their wives and children, and the God of heaven would prosper
their undertakings.—( Cheers. )
The resolution was carried unanimously.
The CHAIRMAN said that the next speaker, Robert Jones,
though a man well able to express his views on this great ques-
tion, was unable to read, and he (the Chairman) would, there-
fore, move the resolution for him. Before doing so, he ob-
served that had former Governments done their duty, the great
mass of the population would not have been kept in ignorance,
and that if the people did theirs, the parties who were willing
to vote 70,0001. to build stables for the Queen, would not dare
to refuse 30,0001. for the education of the people.—( Ap-
plause. ) He then read -the second resolution, which was as
follows :—" That these laws, which wring from the wants of
the poor, in order to support a monopoly to the wealthy, are
cruel, unchristian, and unjust; alike opposed to the Word of
God, and the happiness of man."
ROBERT JONES, in moving the adoption of the resolution,
said that, like some hundreds, if not thousands of them, al
the property that he had in the world he had with him—all
the estate that God and his father had left him on the earth,
and that English landlords would allow him, he held up to
them (holding up his hands.) These were all his property,
and he found that, in consequence of the Corn-laws and other
wicked laws, he was robbed of so mueh of the produce of his
estate, that he and his children had to rise many a time from
the table with half-filled bellies.—( Hear, hear.) This was
not a cause of party or faction—i t was the cause of the whole
human family—it was the cause of justice and truth—and the
cause of God and of humanity.—( Applause. ) As to those
who had votes, he neither asked them to vote for Whig, Radi-
cal, or Tory ; he asked them to give their votes to that man
that would take the tax off the bread of the working men of
Liverpool ; he asked them not to support the man that by his
votes would rob the poor. When they heard the sigh of the
widow or the voice of the orphan crying for bread, and when
they knew that there was a law in existence, supported by a
miserable minority of monopolist landowners, which robbed the
widow and the orphan of their ford, was not that enough to
make every man possessing the feelings of humanity come for-
ward and endeavour to repeal that law? A tax upon bread ! A
tax upon life itself—a tax on the very existence of the working
man—a tax on eternal justice, and on the providence of God.
—( Hear.) God sent untaxed rain to water the earth ; God
brought untaxed corn out of the earth ; God had spread a
bountiful table for the whole family of man on the face of the
earth, but man put his avaricious hand on the bread, and
snatched it from the hungry lips of the people of England
( Hear, hear.) And would they give their votes to men who
told them to their very faces that they would never vote for the
repeal of the Corn-laws ?—(No, no.) He called upon them
as fathers, he called upon them as citizens, he called upon them
as men and as Christians, never to give a vote to any man un-
less he would pledge himself to vote for the repeal of the Corn.
laws, and all other taxes on the food of the hard working men
of England.—(Loud cheering.) In the first place let the
Members of the Church of England mind to whom they gave
their votes. The Church established by law taught them to
pray for their daily bread, and yet these fellows said, " If thou
gets thy daily bread the Church will tumble to the earth."
What a Church that must be which was supported on the
starvation of millions.—(Hear, hear.) He called upon the
Wesleyan Methodists to remember that when their Divine Alas. •
ter saw the multitude hungry, he had compassion on them, and
worked a miracle to fill their bellies with bread ; and would
the Wesleyan Methodists, who professed to be the strictest of
his followers, give their votes to men who gave their votes
in support of a law which took away the bread of the widow
and the orphan?—( Hear, hear.) And as to the Catholics, he
would ask them, in the name of four millions of Iri,h Catho-
lics, who were scattered about to the lour winds of heaven
sent from their own homes through hunger—in the name of
three millions more, who were common beggars in their native
land, and knew not in the morning where they would lie at
night—in the name of two or three millions more, who were
working at fivepence ' a day, and paying for the taxed bread of
the British landowner—he asked them, in the name of millions
of their fellow-countrymen, would they give their votes to men
who told them that they would support such a system as that?
—( Hear.) They were told, and they believed it too, and it
just showed their ignorance, that if they got free trade they
would all fall to ruin directly.—(Laughter.) Many of these
fellows said, " Let them read the Bible." It would be a great
blessing to the working men of England if they all had a Bible,
and if they would act by the Bible. Now, the first movement
toward free trade in tngland was abolishing the monopoly of
the Honourable East India Company ; and what were the con-
sequences? They were told that the ladies would•not get their
tea if the monopoly was abolished, but what were the conse-
quences? According to their own return in the last year of
-their-monopoly the exports from England to China and the
East Indies were only 1,872,000/., and five years alter the
monopoly was done away with the exports from England
amounted to 4,600,0001.—( Heir, hear.) And this was just
the system that was to ruin them. Why, if one man was em-
ployed before in the China trade, it was as plain as the sun
that shone that day, that instead of one man there would be
four ; and this was the way to increase employment, though
these wiseacres of fellows said it would ruin them. (Mr. Jones
alluded to other similar cases.) He looked upon all monopolies
as the most foolish things in the world. They reminded lem
of the monkeys in Exeter 'Change. Every one of them had his
own share in his own dish, but like fools, instead of eating out
of their own dishes, each set about stealing from his neighbour,
never dreaming of the slopping and waste that they were mak-
ing.—( Much laughter.) It was just so with the monopolists.
" rob one,—thou shall rob another," and so they went on
stealing from one another.—(Much applause.) Then they
had the monopoly of the coffee and sugar,—a most tremendous
monopoly, and he looked upon it in little better light than the
monopoly of corn. Last year they sent a petition to Lord
Sandon, for the repeal of the Corn laws, and he said, " Here's
a petition from Liverpool,—the place that I represent. It is
signed by about 40,000 people, but I really cannot agree with it.
I know better than they do. They are a parcel of . ignorant,
stupid fellows, and I am sure that I'm a Lord.—(Laughter.)
I was born a lord, by the mere accident of birth, and I must be
wiser than they are. I know very well if these Corn-laws were
repealed it would be their ruin, and I must speak against their
wishes to be their salvation."—( Laughter.) It was the same
thing with sugar.--(" We won't send him again.") If they got
the Corn-laws and the Sugar-laws repealed he did not care if
they sent a donkey up. A man might have a skull as this kas
a Jackass and yet be born in a palace ; he might be born a Lord
and yet have a skull as thick as that cart shaft. Men
ought to raise themselves by their own merit, and such men
ought to go into the House of Commons. Now, as to the
sugar laws, hundreds, if not thousands, of those present,
knew what their effect was. There was sugar at that moment
in Liverpool which could be bought at IL 4s. per cwt if the
monopolists would let them buy it ; but they had to give
7d. a pound for their sugar though they could buy it at 24d.
—( Hear, hear.) But what did Lord Sandon say; ? 0, they
were all fools, and it would be the ruin of them to have their
sugar at 20. a pound.—( Cheers and laughter.) Then came
the West Indian monopolists, and they were a very grand set
of men to prey upon :he working sous of toil in England.
He was one of those who sail that all the wealth of the country
came out of the hands of the working men, that labour was
the foundation of all the riches in the world.— ( Hear, hear.)
Therefore he said, that the working' met) of England had to
give to those fellows—Gladstone and co.-2.5/.a head for
every man, woman, and child, to set. them at liberty, just to
make them knock off a pair of chains from the legs of the
black man and his family—( Hear, hear)—and now these
fellows said, " If you don't give us 565. a cwt. for our sugar,
instead of giving the Brazilians 245. for theirs, it will be a
robbery of us, and only look to the destruction of your trade."
—(Laughter.) Now the highest value of the exports to
the West Indies was three millions worth of goods in a year
—and the Brazilian, had taken, year after year, seven
millions worth of goods more than the West Indies
—( Hear, hear.) They were told that they must not take the
sugar of the Brazilians, because it was the -produce of slave
labour-'-and yet Lord Sandon and his friends were smoking
cigars, and putting snuff up their noses every day, though it
was grown by the slaves of the United States—and because
the poor man wanted cheap sugar, they said, " Oh, no ; that
would be horrid in the sight of God, and in the sight of human
nature. You mustn't encourage slave labour."—(Much
laughter.) Oh, the hypocrites! Need he ask them again if
they would vote for such a man ?—(" No, no.") The landl gds
told them the repeal of the Corn-laws would lower their wages,
but the landlords knew very well that it would raise their
wages. The year 1835-6 was a year of prosperity to the
manufacturers, and they imported 30,000 men out of the agri-
cultural districts into the manufacturing districts of Lanca-
shire and Yorkshire to supply the labour market, and they
knew that if the manufactures of England must he increased
they would not get a man in England to work for them (the
agriculturists) at Is. 2d. a day. They knew this :as well as he
did. Mr. Alderman Ross, of Carlisle, had taken the trouble to
calculate the whole amount of wages paid in that city at three
different periods. He found that in 1836, when wheat was 4os. a
quarter, the wages paid in that city amounted to 127,000/. ; in
the year 1838, when corn was up to 70s. (and when it was so
thousands of the working-classes were hurried into eternity by
typhus fever and other diseases, consequent upon want, before
their time,) in the year 1838, when corn was 70s. a quarter,
the wages paid in Carlisle amounted to 109,000/. ; and in le4o,
when corn was 78s. a quarter, the sum total of the wages paid
in that city was 70,000/.—( Hear, hear.) Thus, when corn
was dearest, the working-men received upwards of 40,000/.
less to buy it with. —( Hear, hear.) When corn was dear they
could not buy a suit of clothes ; they could not buy a hat, or a
pair of shoes ; they could give no work to their fellow-work-
men. All their money was absorbed in food ; and the difference
in the price all went into the pockets of the landlords. —( Hear.
Look at the state of the country under the operation of this
law. In Manchester, in the years 1834, 1835, and 1836, the
sum total of the cases taken into the Fever Hospital averaged
400 a year,
_and in those years wheat averaged 40s. a quarter.
In 1838, 1639, and 1840, when wheat averaged 755. a quarter,
the average of fever cases taken into that hospital was 1,309
every year for three years.--(Hear, hear.) It was as plain
as could be that they had to live upon potatoes, and that
thousands of men, women, and children had been hurried into
their graves before their time in consequence of nothing but
the operation of the Corn-laers.—( Hear, hear.) It was as
plain and simple a thing as could be to account for men being
thrown out of work by dear food. In cheap years working men
could lay by something, say 2s. a week, for manufactures ; hut
when corn was at 80s. all the wages of the working men were
absorbed in food; they could find no work for the spinners, and
hence it was that thousands of persons were thrown out of em-
ployment.—(Hear, hear.) They dare not lay such a tax at
the mill, or the oven, or the baker's shop ; but they managed
by their Corn-law to extract fifty millions a year out of the
packets of the working classes for the support of about 20,000
landowners. There was not another nation in the world where
such a thing was done—and would they give a vote to those
who supported such a system ? He was a working man him-
stlf, and he called tiepin them, as working men, never to let
this siltation fad to the ground until this alieminable law was
taottetiont of the statute book.--( Loh cheers. )
Mr. WENTY.ra, in seconding the resolution, urged the disc-
i tors to do their duty, and rerainded the nen.elector3 tilas they

PRICE 5d

also, women as well as men, had an influence which they ought
to exert at the coming election. They would be false to them-
selves, and false to their country, if they did not mark as an
ebnreeamdythe
tax. Inlan who
hey wevseuppot
en
supported
ebvy
e word,ofo
ag enreraded
leef oeertiernot;e,ththeye
should remember the agitation and popular enthusiasm that
made men ashamed to be such base and sordid wretches as to
sell their birthright for a mess of pottage, and they should re-
fleet that the power which carried the Reform Bill could Carry
a mightier Bill than that—the fool ) The
present Parliament had sate for nearly fire years. Supposing
that a man had got 901. for his vote at the last election, and
that he Ear! a wife and six children to support. On a calm-
lation, which he believed to be very accurate, such a man
would have to pay lOs. 6d. a week more for food than he would
have to pay but for the present corn and provision laws. 'I hat
was what he and his family suffered from the present system.
It was equivalent to about 26/. a-year, and this would mount to
con•iderably more than 100/. from the time Parliament had sat;
so that in reality when amen got 201. for his vote the landowner
robbed him of 1001., to say nothing of short and uncertain em-
ployment.—(Hear, hear.) Those who were determined to
traffic in their votes ought, at all events, to consider what they
lost by the system, and each of them demand to be paid 1001.
or 1201. instead of 10/. or 201. for his vote.—( Hear, hear. )
This was not the last meeting they would have. It was in-
tended to invite the working classes to bring their wives and
children out in a great and mighty procession, to show the feel-
ing of the working classes of this great town on the subject,
and he hoped that the demonstration would strike terror to the
hearts of the enemies of the people, and make them quail be-
fore the public voice which once before wrung from the oli-
garchy of England the Charter of the Reform Bill.—( Loud
cheers.)
LAWRENCE HEYWOR TH. Esq., spoke at some length in
support of the resolution, which was carried unanimously.
Mr. JAMES HARVEY moved the following resolution:—
" That a petition grounded on the foregoing resolutions be for-
warded to Thomas Thornely, Esq., in the House of Commons,
and Earl Fitzwilliaro, in the House of Lords." He said there
was one plait, question which he wished to put ; he should like
to ask the landowners of England by what tenure they held
their lands ? They held them of the Queen, as the repre-
sentative of the State, and what was the State ? There was
only one answer to that question—the people were the State.
and the State was the people. The landowners originally held
their lands, and every lawyer would tell them so, upon condi-
tion of their defending the State.—( Hear, hear.) They had
now overthrown the condition, and yet they kept the land. Let
them be cautious ; they were stimulating the people to in-
quiry, and that inquiry was more dangerous to them than to
any other class of the community. They- were putting them-
selves in opposition to the large towns of London, Liverpool,
Bristol, Manchester, Birmingham, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and
Dublin, but let them beware.—( Hear, hear.) In the history
of Europe there was an account of a great league, called the
Hanseatic League, which was a combination of the arge towns
to stop the depredations of the surrounding Barons.—( Hear,
hear.) Let them beware. Between those barons of old and
the landlords this difference draw,--they robbed by fire and
rapine,—these by law.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He believed that
those laws, unless they were repealed, and repealed soon and
totally, would lead to this,—they would make every street a
battle-ground ; they would make every house a castle,—they
would bring father against son and son against father,—they
would make every lane into an ambush,—for the people were
getting into that state of mind that they believed a short and
sharp struggle better than the continual fever of agitation, dis-
content, arid privation. —(Hear, hear. )
WILLIAM Hien, a working man, in seconding the resolu-
tion, said that he was one of the white-faced slaves of Lan-
cashire. He had bread enough, and his family had enough,
but he had come that morning by the railway from a place
where they had not half nor a quarter enough.—(Hear, hear. )
The article which he manufactured now, and sold at 6id. or
7d. per lb., in 1814 cost 6d. per lb. in wages alone, and the
beautiful protection of the Corn-law had protected it down to
31 per lb. There was protection for them? He was amused
the other night at the Amphitheatre by a man who cried out
for a tax upon machinery. Now, in the article of which he was
speaking, he could tell Mr. Dix, if he were present, that neither
needles, bodkirs, nor goose had been added to the machinery,
it all ran through the fingers yet, just as it did when it cost
sixpence a pound net workman's wages.—(Hear, hear.) In
Lamentations, fourth chapter, ninth verse, they read,—" Better
is he that dies by the sword than he that is clammed to death ,"
and he could tell them that in Bolton, at the present day,
there were people gathering potato peelings eut of the streets,
and washing them and eating them.—(Cries of " Hear, hear,"
and" :Shaine.") That was a fact, as true as that hand be •
longed to his body. And he had seen people running after the
carts as they came from the breweries, and stealing the grains
out of them and eating them.—(Cheers.) Let them remember
that dod helped those who helped themselves.—( Hear, hear. )
What, then, must they do? They must make a determined
effort to help themselves, and then God would help them out.
--(Loud cheers.) They must clap their own shoulders to the
wheel, and then it was sure to go forward. Some of their op-
ponents said it was too late; but it was never too late to do
well.—( Hear, hear.) If it was too late for those who had
come to years of maturity, it would come in well for their
children.—( Great cheering. )
The CHAIRMAN having put the motion, which was carried
unanimously, said that' the petition would not be sent to Lord
Sandon for presentation.—(Cries of " God forbid.") This
meeting would strike terror to the hearts of their opponents.
Mr. Rathbone, who had been in the habit of attending pub-
lic meetings in that square for thirty years, assured him that he
never saw so large an assemblage there before.

Mr. Alderman Slum then came forward to move a vote of
thanks to the Chairman, and was received with much applause.
He said that he had been in the habit of attending meetings in
that square, and he never saw so many people assembled there
on any previous occasion.--( Cheers.) Re had heard them ad-
dressed by working men in terms which it was impossible for
any men in the community to surpass. Sound doctrines, just
principles, and the most correct views of the true interests of
society had been laid down, and if they followed the advice
of the intelligent and honest working men who had addressed
them they could not fail to succeed. When the people were deter-
mined on gaining any point—and that point was founded on
justice and equity—no power in this or any other county was
capable of withholding it.—( Loud cheers.) If they did not
achieve what they wished to achieve, the fault rested with them-
selves and with nobody else. It was not the fault of the Legis-
lature, or of the middle classes, but their own, for they alone
by the power of numbers, and by the force of their voices,
could make the tnembcrs of the Legislature who insisted on
this detested monopoly give it up. Tha middle claises might
petition and pray to them and endeavour to carry conviction
to their minds, and it was their duty to do so; but they would
never accomplish their object until the working classes achiev-
ed justice by the force and loudness of their remonstrances.—
( Hear, bear.) He had great pleasure in moving a vote of
thanks to the Chairman who had so ably presided over them,
and who must feel it a great honour and happiness to have pre-
sided over one of the greatest meetings ever assembled in
the town.
The motion was carried by acclamation, and the Chsirman
having briefly returned thanks, three tremendous cheers were
given fOr the repeal of the Corn-laws, and, at about half-past
nine o'clock, the immense assemblage quietly dispersed.

CORN AND POPULATION.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sir—lt is placed beyond doubt that since the period
the " food monopoly" was created, the population of the
empire has increased at the ratio of 36 per cent. at the
least. Making all allowances for improvements in the
agricultural processes, has the-native production of food
increased five per cent. ? I think not ; but he must be
a bold " Buckinghamite," who would attempt to prove
that the increase of native ',food has been one-fourth as
great as the increase of mouths to eat it.
Now, Mr. Editor, will you oblige a simple " bagman,"
by telling him, though these laws might have been equi-
table when they were enacted, how in the altered rela-
tion of supply and demand can they be otherwise than
intolerably unjust now ?
I am, Sir. your obedient servant,
A COMMERCIAL TRAVELLER.
Salisbury, May 28.