The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-27 00:00:00

TILE SUN. LONDON, THURSD A Y, MAY 27, 1811

down at Sunderland. Shortly after, the sliding scale
slided the other way ;it went up, and trade in cotton
and everything else was injured. Vessels might now go
to America or to Egypt for cotton, but their owners, in-
stead of getting, as before, lid. or lid. per lb. freight,
were glad to get id. And what was the effect of
this on the shipbuilder and the carpenter ? When the
thousands of ships which had been built, in consequence
of the sudden rise of freights in 1838 and 1839 came
into the market, there was a stagnation of trade. The
corn carrying trade had ceased, and the vessels might
now go about to the four quarters of the world
seeking for freights, and be unable to find them.
It was asserted that the manufacturers wished for a
repeal of the Corn-laws, in order to enable them to com-
pete with foreign manufacturers. He should say that
they wanted a repeal of the Corn-laws, in order that
they might enjoy the right—for it was a right—of ex-
changing their fabrics for the corn and food of other
countries. He cared not for foreign competition.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Give the English manufac-
turers the wide world for a market ; do not confine them
to one limited spot of the great earth, and they would
not complain ; they would not speak of foreign rivals,
for the good God of all had given enough for all.—
(Much applause.) He concluded by 'seriously and
earnestly exhorting the electors to ponder the subject
well, and said that on their decision depended the com-
fort or the misery, the health or the disease, the life or
the death of millions of their fellow countrymen.—
(Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering.)
Mr. HARDY stepped to the front of the stage and
said, as an elector of Liverpool he claimed the liberty of
saying a few words. Some little disapprobation was
heard amongst the assembly, and cries of " Name, name,"
were general Mr. Hardy said a few words which did
not reach the reporters' table.
The CHAIRMAN—Mr. Hardy, the gentleman who
wishes to address you, says he goes further than the
speakers who have already addressed this assembly. I
really do not know how far he goes, for the gentlemen
who have spoken go for a total repeal of the Corn-laws.
—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) I am of opinion that it
will not be in order to allow Mr. Hardy, who is not a
member of the deputation, to speak on the same side. It
will be, therefore, my duty to request him to sit down.
A Mr. Dix, who is, we understand a journeyman tailor,
here advanced to the front of the stage. Mr. Hardy still
stood on the opposite, or what is technically called the
O.P. side, Mr. Dix being on the prompter's side, and both
claimed to be heard. At length Mr. Hardy sat down,
when the assembly turned their disapprobation entirely
against Mr. Dix.
The CHAIRMAN said the gentlemen from Manchester
had come at a great expense to Liverpool ; they had
stated their opinions fully, fearlessly, and truly ; and they
invited discussion.—(A voice from Mr. Hardy's friends,
" You refuse it.") They invite full discussion from any
who wish to oppose them by argument. He would merely
ask that when Mr. Dix had spoken Mr. Cobden should
be allowed to reply.
Mr. Dix said, Mr. Cobden would not take it amiss if
he asked him at the outset one simple question, and re-
quired an answer. Would he inform them what was the
exact rental paid by the tenant to the landlord for one
quarter of corn ? Oh, oh, that's the old thing."
Mr. CODDEN—I do not profess to answer that question,
but if I did, it would not answer any purpose for that
gentleman. It is of no consequence to that which I advo-
cate. I ask but for justice.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN said Mr. Dix was the only man who
had come forward boldly directly to oppose them. He
was satisfied that he (Mr. Dix) would be answered both
to his own satisfaction and that of the meeting.
Mr. Dix proceeded. He had a right to put that ques-
tion, because it was only proper that they should know
the amount of which they were plundered. Mr. Cobden
had not thought proper to answer, because it would have
shown upon what sort of foundation his arguments were
based. The average price of land in this country was
three guineas an acre, and each acre would produce
about six quarters of corn. The rental was about
IS. 6d. per bushel, which, if reduced one-half, would
be only ninepence, of which the consumer would be
benefited merely fourpence-halfpenny. They had been
told to believe that the landed interest had a protection,
while trade had none. He could show them by docu-
mentary evidence that trade was protected to the amount
of 42 per cent., while land was protected only 22i per
cent.—(Oh, oh, and laughter.) The real evil was that
they had no protection against machinery. The protec-
tion on land was far less than the protection to trade.
It was the duty of the State to give protection to each
interest in proportion to the amount of its taxation.
How did Mr. Cobden reply to this assertion ? Nay, he
said he granted it.—(" No. no," from Mr. Cobden, and
some confusion.) Had, then, the Government a right
to tax us, and then to allow other countries that were
untaxed to come in and undersell us ?—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) He had asked Mr. Cobden how the principles
of free trade, as applied to silk, had operated. He had
shown that they had not operated well, and Mr. Cobden
was unable to deny it.—(No, no, that is wrong.) He
then asked him if the people in that trade received the
same amount as before Mr. Huskisson's interference.
How did he reply ? He could not deny the fact that
they received considerably less wages.—(lnterruption.)
How did he reply ? He said simply that the Tories
had done it.—(" So they have," and imerruption.)
That was no argument. Mr. Cobden said—" Give
us free trade, a fair field, and no favour."
He asked him now if he could produce as cheap
as foreigners, and why we could not now keep the
foreigners out of our markets.—(Cries of " Because we
have dear bread," " We want bread as cheap as they have
it," " The answer is easy," followed by loud cheers.) If
that were the case, how could we keep the foreigners out
of our markets unless we worked at the same rate of
wages ?—(" Try us," and interruption.) If cheap bread
would lowa wages, how would we be better able to corn-
ptte with the foreigner ? Would it make any difference ?
--(Considerable confusion hero arose, which compelled
the Chairman to make another appeal to the assembly to
hear Mr. Dix patiently for ten minutes more. A person
who appeared to be creating great disturbance was
Ordered out by the Chairman.)
Mr. Dix said, if the Anti-Corn-law League would
furnish any man of sufficient ability, he was prepared to
meet him to discuss this question, where he should not be
put down by brute force. Mr. Dix here resumed his seat.
Mr. COBDEN asked the meeting to hear him patiently,
and without interruption, for ten minuted,
Mr. Dix proceeded► tie asked them if they were not
able to make any alteration in the money price of wages,
how they would be better able to compete with the
foreigner ? He asked them if they would compare a
copy of the evidence on the Import Duties with the ab-
stract of the Anti-Corn-law League, and they would find
that the League had holstered up their report by 'natty
important omissions. If any one could furnish him with
an abstract of the League and a copy of the evidence he
would show them.' [Mr. Dix produced the abstract.]
Ile looked at the evidence of Mr. Walker, of
hampton who said the difference must collie Old of' the
wages oilabour, for they- had the raw Material as cheap
as in any part of the world. This was altogether sup-
pressed in the abstract, and its place filled up with other
matter.—(" No, no," and interruption.) A passage in
the evidence of Mr. Hume eprearetio.--(Cries of " Ex-
plain the other first") II referred them to the Re-
port. If they would compare them at home they would
find it sth Mr. Dix next read a paper in the abstract
which he said was attributed to Mr. Herne, while there
was no such passage in the evidence Of Mr. flume. Any
gentleman who doubted his word might read the pas-
sage in the abstract when he got home.
- A copy of the evidence was here thrown over to Mr.
fix, and Mr. Cobden requested him to substantiate his
assertions. Mr. Dix offered to show that there was
matter in the report of the evidence which did not ap-
pear in the ebstrett, To this it was replied that the ab-
stract waa, from its very nature, an abridgment. Much
entiksion ensued, and it appeared ultimately that Mr.
Dix was unable to make good his assertion respecting the
introduced matter into the abstract. He at length sat
down, without making any further observation.
Mr. COttlitN replied—As the Americans were wont tad
say, he thought Mr. Dix was in afix,--(Lattghter.) He
had told them that the average price Of land was three
guineas an acre,. and that Mit% had a rental of is. 6d. per
bushel, which) if reduced to one half; would be 9d., so that
the labourer would only gain 41d. In fact, he wished to
shoWliA, what the landlords had laboured very hard to show,
that the benefit would be a mere trifle. Why did they
not give it up then ?—(Protracted cheers.) It appeared
the manufacturers had a great deal of protection,and knew
nothing at all about it all this dine. It seemed that they
were protected 42 per cent., while the landed interest was
protected only 221 per cent. Such being the case, was it
not strange, when the manufacturers asked them to give
up their trifling protection, and offered in return to give
up their large one, that they should call them revolu-
tionists?—(Loud and continued cheers.) It had been
said that if this demand were not conceded, there
would be a revolution. He had heard many sensible
people scy so. Was it not strange that the landlords
should risk revolution for this question, when Mr. Dix
could prove that there was no benefit in it?—(Ohl he's
well paid for it.) Somebody said Mr. Dix was well paid,
He (Mr. Cobden) hoped not, for if he were he got
greatly too high a price for his commodity.—(Laughter
and cheers.) They came to talk of the painful bread.
tat, and Mr. Dix proposed to mend the matter by tax-
ing machinery also.—(Laughter--" Tax his goose l —Re,
newed laughter.). It seemed he was not content with dear
bread, but he wished us to have dear clothes too,—e
(Laughter.) Suppose Mr. Dix went with his week's
wages in his pocket, and purchased a barrel of
flour for 225. It would be his by purchase ; but
he could not eat it till he had paid fourteen shillings
for taxes, which Mr. Dix said ought to be paid by the
foreigner, for the protection of the home grower. Now
comes the great trump card, " What do yon want foreign
corn for, except to reduce wages ?" They were one-
eyed people who talked in this way. They wanted to
have a repeal of the Corn-laws, in order that they might
exchange productions. If they had a free ingress for
the productions of other nations, there were 250 millions
of people all over the world wanting to trade with us ;
to wear our clothes, and to give us corn for them. We
country.
0:1
leairvrtee.rryr
could not trade with them at present. The question,
however, stood on the ground of inherent justice, and
lis.ved.oniotuthAroaTitthaundeti3hroedNwyicad:yandoowtfa right to the trade in corn.
cheers, moved the first reshogrol
sat down amid loud cheers.] benefitingresolution,
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was seconded
TAYLOR,
by Mr. ROSSON.
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proposed the secondutbt
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eoxrTaylortt dtah ye
question at the hustings.th seconded by Mr. JOHN
he said a
Sir Joshuage NnVtriael
cheers were
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Threeand three cheers for hergi candidate,
The ;meeting separated. rated at half.past eleven o'clock.

horns, and the fat of cattle away, and leave the carcase
to rot ; but now beef was sold there for Id. per lb., and
some of it was sent to Cuba and the Brazils, and he
was quite sure the people of England could eat it. It
might be, from the great demand that would ensue, raised
to about aid. per lb.; but they could not grumble at that,
for if the Corn-laws were repealed, they would have
more money to buy beef with.—(Applause.) With re-
gard to the sugar monopoly, Mr. Gladstone had told
them the reduction would only be Is. 6d. per cwt., and
that was not worth dividing ; but in October last the
price of sugar was 9d. per lb., and when the question was
agitated in Parliament it forced the sugar down to 7d.
At that time (October) there was a difference of 3s. per
cwt. ; but Mr. Gladstone had only calculated from the
time the sugar was forced down. When monopoly was
done away with they would have sugar down to sd. per
lb. The consumption of sugar was only three-fourths
of an ounce per head in the United Kingdom. He
thought he got more than his share, for he was very
fond of sugar, and, therefore, some .of them must go
without. He said they had thrown politics overboard,,
for they found they had only about 50 representatives
out of the 658 for the manufacturing interest ; and,
therefore, they must exert themselves to get the Corn-
laws repealed.—(Applause.)
Mr. GanstErr, of Clitheroe, sag he had for a great
many years been a spinner and manufacturer, and there-
fore had had some experience in the trade ; but during
the whole course of that time he had never known the
trade to be in so paralysed and distressed a state. lie
believed sincerely that the misery which the Corn-laws
inflicted in this country was to a fax greater amount than
many people were aware.
Mr. COBDEN, of Manchester, was introduced amidst
the most vehement applause. He' said it had been his
lot to address a great number of meetings on this
subject, yet never before such an assemblage, such a
multitudinous assemblage as he then saw around him.
They came there to protest, in the name of justice,
against the most iniquitous law that ever was enacted in
the world's history—a law purposely designed to starve
annually thousands and tens of thousands of the poor
people of this country—a law which was intended to in-
flict the perpetual curse of scarcity on the land—
(Shame)—a law which could have no other result than
the producing of a perpetual scarcity. It was a law
so gigantic in its iniquity that it had the design of
imprisoning a nation on a spot of earth not capable of
feeding them, and which was designed to keep the country
wretched—(Applause)—a law which violated the most
obvious principle of nature. He quoted for them the Word
of God, in condemnation of the Corn-laws. In the first chap-
ter of Genesis, at the 29th verse, in the very first injunction
delivered by the Creator to our first parents, he found it said,
"I have given you every herb bearing seed which is upon
the face of all the earth, and every tree on which is thefruit ;
every treeyielding seed; to youit shall be for your meat."
Every herb bearing seed which is on the face of the earth !
That was the splendid patrimony given to our first pa-
rents at the hands of God himself—and what had they
done to fulfil that mighty gift?—(Applause.) There is
nothing said in Scripture about the Duke of Buckingham's
estate.—(Hisses.) He found nothing said there which
would inculcate or sanction a statute which denies the
people of this country being fed on the corn which is
grown on the face of all the earth. No. That law is re-
served for the law-makers of this country, and he had no
hesitation in saying that the Corn-laws were opposed to
the most obvious disseminations of divine truth. But the
law of nature, which has given to various climes and vari-
ous soils different capacities, in order that the interchange
of one with another might beget kindly feeling, perpetual
peace and amity with each other, had been violated in the
article of food, whilst the law-makers had taken advan-
tage of it in everything which was to their own interest.
He found no sliding scale to preclude the importation of
their port or sherry, their silks or their mahogany. No •
go down to their own quays, and see ships arrive freighted
with every luxury that could minister to the excesses of
the rich ; but they would see a sliding scale step in
prevent the poor man from receiving his food. If they had
patience with him he would read a statement made by Mr.
Hearne, a Catholic priest, at a tea-party lately held
in Manchester, a man who rarely went to public meet-
ings. Mr. Cobden here read Mr. Hearne's speech,
which went to prove the great distress which prevails in
Manchester, and attributed one half of the deaths
among the poorer classes to starvation. A note had
just been put into his hand which seemed to urge that
they, in Liverpool, were not all lying on a bed of roses.
The note seemed to point out a rather darker state of
things than he had' vainly hoped existed. He was told
there were something like thirteen thousand families
claiming parish relief in this town. Could it be possible
then, that the people of this town were aware that they
were paying fourpence out of every shilling they spent
as a tax for the landowner? Was it possible that the electors
of that borough were aware of it, and still sent men to the
House of Commons to uphold that monopoly ? There
was, at the present time, a most sympathizing expression,
by certain of the bread-taxing gentlemen, for the paupers,
forsooth ! Oh, nobody was so great a friend of the
pauper as the bread-taxer.—(Laughter and cheers.) But
a man must become a pauper before he could obtain the
sympathy of the bread-taxer.--(Great cheering.) Who
ever heard from him (the bread-taxer) a cry of sympathy
for the hardy, industrious, honest, struggling working-
man, who was determined, in spite of all obstacles, in de-
fiance of all aristocratic oppression, to maintain his fa-
mily in independence, without recourse to parish relief ?
—(Bear, hear.) No one; there was not a spark of sym-
pathy in the minds of the noble bread-taxer for honest
and independent working-men. Oh, no ! Ile would
give encouragement to the paupers; he would make
paupers first, and then tax honest, hard-working
men to keep them. Such was the sympathy of the bread-
taxer with the people of England. Let the paupers, and
let every man in England possess the right, the inalien-
able right of exchanging the fruits of his industry for
the fruits of the soil throughout the whole earth, and
then the union workhouses might be left to stand empty
and tenantless, as a nionument of the faulty legislation of
past times.—(Three distinct rounds of most animated
applause.) Although while the tide ran high he never
had joined in the attempts thus to gain the favour of the
poor, he had no hesitation in telling the audience that
he looked on the imposition of the new Poor-law,
whilst the Corn-law was in existence, as an aggrava-
tion of the injuries inflicted upon the people.—
(Cheers.) -It had imposed fresh restraints, heavier tests,
severe ordeals on the men who had been made pau-
pers by that law which the landlords had enacted for
their own benefit. The new Poor-law was passed be-
cause, under the operation of the old law, the landlords
saw that their estates were becoming valueless in their
hands. He knew, as an inhabitant of the south of Eng-
land, that previous to the passing of this law, when a man
came to take a farm in Hampshire or Sussex, the inquiry
was not " what is the rent ? ' but " what are the Poor-
rates ?" In one parish, that of Cholesbury, the poor had
actually got possession of the whole of the lands of the
parish. The owners refused to have anything to do
with it. The fields were lying waste, the gates were
pulled down, the hedges were broken and decaying ;
even the minister of the gospel deserted the village, after
having vainly endeavoured, by means of alms collected
in the neighbouring parishes, to keep the poor. The
scene, however, was after a time changed. Under the
advice and assistance of a society sitting in London, the
agricultural population set to work to till the lands
of the parish themselves, and for themselves, and in the
course of two years and a half tlee poor men, who had
previously been hopeless paupers, became poasested
of cows, and pigs, and horses. A man, with three
acres of land cultivated by his own spade, was enabled
to maintain his family in comfort, and to send his children
to school.—(Cheers.) Ho should now leave the subject
of the Poor-laws, but he should wish to impress Upon
their attention the grand argument used by the bread
taxers : " Oh, if you repeal the Corn-laws, you will bring
in great quantities of foreign corn, and what, then, will
become of your labourers ?Re would answer this by
asking what became of the labourers in Cholesburr ?
(Great cheering.) What, indeed, could deprive la-
bourers of their subsistence unless they were deprived
of their land ? How did they subsist now ? They sub-
sisted on the land, and paid a rent upon it in addition,
at least their employers paid a rent. A little time ago one
of the lecturers of the Anti-Corn-law League was urging
this argument to a crowd of the peasantry assembled
around him, when a farmer came up Out of the midst of
them, and said, " What would you do with these men if
you throw our lands out of cultivation ?" The lecturer
was not necessitated to answer the question, for the pea-
sants shouted out, " Oh, never mind, we will cultivate
them ourselves."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The other
day, one of the Anti-Corn-law lecturers, who was tra-
velling in Dorsetshire, hired it peasant whom he met, to
mw thavehim. ainioop(tpohertulencittory
eorf)enhtaderinbgeonintoaddeorensyseirnsgattiohne
carry his carpet-bag for five miles, in order that he
people in a neighbouring town. He said to the man,
" You have some Anti-Corn-law, lecturers here, sent
among you from the manufacturers of Manchester ; do
you know what those manufacturers are going to do ? I
will tell you. They are going t
and then there will be so mucothhrfeoPereaignl telioernCiomrnp-olratweds,
that all your lands will be
the speaker with a
tion." The man looked up to the
out of cultiva-
tion."
knowing cock of his eye, and " They beant
going to carry away the land, be theysai Great laugh-
read-tax under
ter, followed by enthusiastic a -1
say that the man who voted for the
aslinot prac-
) He should
the present circumstances of this countryScriflteures*would would
en on
tically a believer in the Holy
claim their raseltii
not descend from this ground,
their higher feelings • he would
sympathies, and demand from them as a duty that religious
should vote for a repeal of this iniquitous law. Pro-
perty in manufactures and mills had been depreciated
within the last three years fifty pef'cent. in value. How
long would this state of things last There was one
class in Liverpool which hiul not hitherto suffered amidst
the general distress. The merchants had suffered. Those,
for instance, who sent out goods to America, and
brought back cotton, which was sold at a loss of 1/.
per bale, had suffered. Importers of allkinds of goods had
suffered; but still there was a numerous body in this town,
the brokers, who had 'not yet suffered to any great
extent, because all goods, whether outward or inward
bound, must pay toll to their exchequer, whether sold to
a profit or not. But he would ask, how long would this
state of things continue ? how long would the brokers
be prosperous, if the trade of the principals continued to
be carried on to a loss ?—(Hear.) He believed that
there was another class of industrious men beginning to
find out that all was not right. He alluded to the ship-
owners, ship-builders, and carpenters, who, he was in-
formed, were not so prosperous as they had been.—
(Hear, hear.) Yes, and he must tell them that unlesi
the cause of this progressing mischief was removed, the
same distress which was pressing so heavily upon other
classes must reach, and speedily reach, the ship-builders
and carpenters. In 1838 and 1839, when there was im-
portation.of foreign corn, all unemployed vessels were
taken 4nd-despatched to the four quarters of the
world in search of grain. Ships became scarce, freights
for tea, sugar,' coffee, and cotton rose ; and then the ship-
OwnerS, who did not perceive the cause of this sudden • expansion-of trade, laid down fresh keels.—(Hear, hear.) • The Duchess of Kent visited the Duchess of
As many as seven hundred or-eight- hundred were laid- yesterday, at Cambridge ling%