The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-20 00:00:00

away, that the money deposited with this Society aver-
aged about 800/. ; but that for the last two years it had
not averaged more than 25C1., thus proving that the
very parties who are anxious to economise and pro-
vide, are in a fearful state of distress, that they have no
thing to lay by for the time of necessity. I have in-
quired into the state of things in the public hospitals,
and I find that, in the plentiful years to which I have
alluded the average number of cases received into the
house of recovery or the fever hospital, was about 680 ;
for the last two years the average has been 1,200; thus
showing that want of food be nerates disease and termi-
nates in death.—(Cheers.) I have inquired into the
state of things in respect to the public cemeteries. I
have found there, that a large class of people, who are
wont to gratify the most sacred, the holiest, and the
best feelings of their nature, in : electing a family
grave, in which to deposit the body of some be-
loved object, are now unable to gratify such feel-
ings, and are compelled to bury their dead out of
sight in the public receptacle. I have found cases, too,
where parties have laid, in some cold silent resting-place,
in a particular grave-yard, some father, mother, brother,
or sister, and have wished when some trying dispensa-
tion again occurred, in the providence of God, to place
another member of their family in the same long silent
home; but because they could not pay for the opening of
the grave, they were obliged to permit the ashes of their
beloved relative to be deposited in some common grave,
there to mingle with the dust of the stranger. These are
affecting cases, and they show the destitution of the poor;
the destitution of the -honest and industrious working
classes. I hold in my hand, Sir, and this is the last docu-
ment with which I will trouble you, a statement of the
earnings and expenditure of seven industrious, sober, and
respectable families. I believe, Sir, connected with your
own manufacturing establishment. From this statement
I see, Sir, that some person, I suppose a principal clerk,
or trustworthy servant, has about 2001. a year ; and he
is able to save a little out of that sum for food, clothing,
and the support of religious institutions. I find, how-
ever, that the man who has only a pound a week (and
oh ! how many thousands of families are there in .5- an-
chester who have not half that sum !)—I find that it is
utterly impossible for him, if he has a family of six or
eight children, to save a farthing for clothes, a farthing.
for education, or a farthing for the extension of the
knowledge of the Gospel. .I cannot place my finger
upon a single item of extravagance in this paper.
I find that if such a man provides his family with fuel,
and giveS them a little coffee and sugar, and deprives
himself even of butchers' meat, that he has nothing to
expend upon clothing, education, and religion.—(llear,
heir.) And the sum of the whole matter is this, Sir,
that while the man who has 2001. a year has only to ex-
pend one-fifth of his income in order that he may obtain
the necessaries of life for his family, the poor operative,
who has only a pound a week, has to expend one-
half his income before he can obtain the necessaries
of life.—(Applause.) Ought this state of things to
continue ? I have found that there is the greatest
state of distress, not only in Manchester, for I could
read or bring before you accounts equally affecting from
nearly every manufacturing district in the country.
But I have been told that the distress is denied. Mr.
Cobden told me he verily believed that, in the circles of
splendour and affluence our distress was not believed.
Very well, then, in the presence of our townsmen, and
before the eyes of God, we assert that that distress exists.
—(Hear, hear.) Who can attend to the assertions of in-
dividuals, who have never invest ;gated the subject ? If
they wish for information, let them send down here,
and we will present them with abundance of it.—(Ap-
plause.) Surely our legislators would be better employed
in visiting the cellars of the sorrowful than in enjoying
the sports of the field—(Applause)—and Ido not con-
sider that it would be unbecoming the dignitaries of the
church, those who rear their mitred fronts in courts and
Parliamedts, to come down and show that they are
truly apostolically descended—(Applause)—that they are
the followers of him who was the friend of the poor, and
who went about continually doing good ; and if they
would but accept of our company, 1 pledge myself that I
would conduct them to many a family who are unable to
dig, to beg are ashamed, who cannot find employment,
and who are perishing beneath the pressure of want and
disease. There can be no question, then, in regard to
the matter of distress. Let us inquire, then—but I fear
I am occupying too much of your attention—(No, no)—
let us investigate the cause of it. Why, some people
will tell us that the banking system is the root
of all the evil. I have no doubt, indeed, that the
banking system has been productive of much local
evil, and that to some degree mischief has arisen from
the extension of the accommodation that has been
\afforded by joint-stock banks. But I ask if these
banks are the cause of the agricultural distress—if
they arc the means of restricting commerce —if
they are the means of generally high prices for food ?
Others, again tell us, that it is over-production which has
occasioned the distress. Over-production ! there can be
no over-production so long as our population at home
are so miserably, so scantily clad—there can be no
over-production so long as there is a naked savage in
the wilds anxious to be invested with the comfort--
able clothing which our looms provide. No ; there
is sometning else than the joint-stock banking system
or over-production which we must contemplate as the
mainspring of our distress. Now, Sir, I will go at
once to the root of the matter ; I have paid some at-
tendon to the subject, and I will give you the conviction
at which I have arrived. I believe, whatever collateral
causes may be in operation, that the Corn-law is the
source of the evil.—(Cheers.) Yes, the Corn-law is the
source of the evil.—(Applause, and cries of "The b—dy
Coen-law I") Call it what you please. I employ no harsh
epithets ; but I have stated my opinions with regard to
it frankly. But I have done with the matter. My wish
I is that our legislators and ministers would attend to wis-
dom and learn righteousness. We seek nothing but in-
vestigation ; we are persuaded that the country is suf-
fering— that multitudes of our fellow-creatures are dying
of want ; and we merely present our humble prayer to
the Queen of these realms, that she would_ prevent those
who are our Senators, and who hold in their hands our
destinies, from going to enjoy their own pleasures, and
leaving us to pass through a winter of starvation with our
distresses unrelieved and our complaints unnoticed.
The MAYOR then put the resolution, and declared it
carried, only one hand being held up against it.
Sir THOMAS POTTER, who was received with loud
cheering, said—Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, I have a
resolution put into my hands to the following effect :
" That, in the opinion of this meeting, the corn and
provision taxes amount, according to the evidence of
two of the Secretaries of her Majesty's Board of Trade,
to upwards of fifty millions per annum upon the first
necessaries of life, exacted not for the purposes of re-
venue, but for the exclusive advantage of one class of
the community, compelling, as they do, the consumers of
food to purchase it at nearly double the price for which
it was sold in foreign markets, and denying the right of
the people to exchange the produce of their industry
for the • food and the provisions of other countries
11 —are in themselves the chief causes of the present
unparalleled depression in trade, and of the intense
and aggravated sufferings of the poor." I think,
Gentlemen, we shall be pretty unanimous in passing
this resolution.—(Applause.) In addition to the various
distresses that have been enumerated, and the causes of '
these unjust laws, I sent down to the New Bailey—for I
did not know the exact number—to ascertain the number
of felons that were tried at the last sessions, and of mis-
demeanants. However, I know that there were 300, if
not all out, within a very few of that number. Now, I
think, gentlemen, this is a most appalling circumstance—
I think it is most appalling; and .1 have had the horror
to receive the observation from prisoners who have been
brought up at the Court, that they would prefer going to
the New Bailey, that they wished to go to the New
Bailey, for there they were better fed than they could be
at home.—(Hear, hear, and " That's true."). Now this
is a shocking state of things.—(Applause, and " We
want to go.") No, no, you don't deserve to go.
And I do say that there is not a population in the world
who are hearing their sufferings with such fortitude
and such resignation as you are bearing them. They
cannot be endured long, gentlemen ; it is impossible.
And I have stated frequently that I deal in
as many articles as most people, and there is not an
article but what is to be had for less than it can pos-
sibly be made for. But I do consider that the reduc-
tion of wages is dreadful, most dreadful, and at such a
rate as will merely keep body and soul together, sup-
posing families to be fully employed. But we all know
the number that are out of work, and the number that
are working only short time. Gentlemen, let me urge
you—it is hard, it is unreasonable—but let me urge you
to endure a little longer -the pressure of the times ; but
I hope there will be some means adopted to ameliorate
your situation. But let me conjure you to be peace-
able, and your voice- must be heard—you must be ;
your wrongs must be redressed. As to the assertion of
the Duke of Wellington, that there is employment for
every man; now really it is astonishing that he should
make such an assertion.—(Applause, and " He never
said so.") I think he is tarnishing his glory by mak-
ing such an assertion. I know, Gentlemen, that you
are willing to work, and you are willing to work hard, for
a very little, for a trifle, for much less than you ought
tee receive ; but it cannot be endured long, it must not
be endured long.—(Applause.) We are not met here
for any political purpose, but we are met here for the
purpose of praying our Queen not to allow her Parlia-
ment to be prorogued till our grievances are taken into
consideration. Surely this is not unreasonable. As to
the extent of our grievances nobody can deny ; and
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sent distress. It cannot be endured : only be patient a
little longer, and your voice will be heard, and must be
heard.—(Applause.)

Mr. JOHN Baooxs, in seconding the motion, said the
meeting was called to petition the Queen, but he should
like to know how they were to get to the Queen? He
trusted the resolutions would be read to her. He never
seconded'one so much to his mind, for it was the truth,
and when she heard the truth, being a mother, she would
feel it, and would not allow her people to starve. The re-
solution was based on the declaration of two Secretaries of
the Board of Trade, that we were paying 50 millions a
year for the circumscription of our freedom. When her
Majesty saw that statement, she wouki bring to account
not only her present Ministers, but her past ones.—
(Applause.) They all knew that, the aristocracy,
both Whig and Tory-, were robbing the country.
On this account, he had given up politics,—he
cared not for Whig, Tory, or Chartist ; he wanted
nothing but free trade, that which Lord Stanley hated
so much. He hoped the day would come when he would
as abominably hate the name of bread-taxer. He never
met with any upholders of the Corn-laws, whom he called
bread-taxers, who were willing .to accept that title.
When Mr. Cobden made his maiden speech in the House
and showed the oppressive operation of the Corn-laws on
the poor, no one had contradicted him ; Sir Robert Peel.
and Lord Stanley had the chance of doing so, had they
[been able. If the people at large would but unite and