The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-31 00:00:00

OPERATIONS OF THE ARMY, &c.

The rapid and brilliant successes of our arms, and
the vast extent of the enemy's territory, which had
been overrun and conquered, before the close of the
last session of Congress, were fully known to that
body. Since that time the war had been prosecuted
with increased energy, and I am gratified to state,
with a success which commands universal admiration.
History presents no parallel of so many glorious
victories achieved by any nation within so short a
Period. Oar army, regulars and volunteers. have
covered themselves with imperishable honours. When-
ever and wherever our forces hive encountered the
enemy, though he was in vastly superior numbers,
and often entrenched in fortified positions of his own
selection, and of great strength, he has been defeated.
Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon our officers
an dmr, regulars and volunteers, for their gallantry,
discipline, indomitable courage, and perseverance, all
seeking the post of danger, id vieing with each
other in deeds of noble daring.
'While every patriot's heart must exult, and a just
national pride animate every bolo
in beholding the
high proofs of courage, consummate military skill,'
steady discipline, and humanity to the vanquished
enemy, exhibited by our gallant army, the nation is
called to mourn over the loss of many brave officers
incheatrtahienigr
and soldiers who have fallen in defence of their coun-
try's honour and interests. The braved
discharging
their fate in a foreign land,' nobly
their duty, and with their country s flag waving tri-
umphantly in the face of the foe. Their patriotic
deeds are justly appreciated, and will long be remem-
bered by their grateful countrymen. The parental
care of the Government they loved and served should
be extended to their surviving families.
Shortly after the adjourrfment of the last session of
Congress, the gratifying intelligence was received of
the signal victory of Buena Vista, and of the fall of
th,s city of Vera Cruz, and with it the strong castle
of San Juan de Ulloa, by which it was defended.
Believing that after these and other successes, so
honourable to our arms, and so disastrous to Mexico,
the:period was propitious to afford her another oppor-
tunity, if she thought proper to embrace it, to enter
into negotiations for peace, a Commissioner was ap-
pointed to proceed to the head-quarters of our army,

with full powers to enter upon negotiations, and to
conclude a just and honourable treaty of peace.
Ile was not directed to make any new overtures
'f peace, but was the bearer of a dispatch from the
Secretary of State of the United States to the Minis-
ter of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, in reply to one
received from the later of the 22d of February, 1847,
in which the Mexican Government was informed of
his appointment, and of his presence at the head-
quarters of our army, and that he was invested with full
power to conclude a definite treaty of peace, when-
ever the Mexican Government might signify a desire
to do so. While I was unwilling to subject the
United States to another indignant refusal, I was
yet resolved that the evils of the war should not be
protracted a day longer than might be rendered ab-
sulutely necessary by the Mexican Government.
Care was taken to give no instructions to the Com-
missioner which could in any way interfere with our
military operations, or relax our energies in the pro-
secution of the war. He possessed no authority in
any manner to control these operations. He was
Authorised to exhibit his instructions to the General
in command of the army, and in the event of a treaty
being concluded and ratified on the part of Mexico,
he %5 as directed to give him notice of that fact. On
the happening of such contingency, and on receiving
notice thereof, the General in command was instructed
by the Secretary of War to suspend further active
military operations until further orders. These in-
structions were given with a view to intermit hos-
tilities, until the treaty thus ratified by Mexico could
he transmitted to Washington, and receive the
sanction of the Government of the United States.

The Commissioner was also direcl-ed, on reaching
the army, to deliver to the General in command the
dispatch which he bore from the Secretary of State
to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, and
on receiving it, the General was instructed by the
Secretary of War to cause it to be transmitted to the
Commander of the Mexican forces, with a request
that it might be communicated to his Government.
The Commissioner did not reach the head-quarters
of the army until after another brilliant victory had
crowned our arms at Cerro Gordo.

The dispatch which he bore from the Secretary of
War to the General in command of the army was
received by that officer, then at Jalapa, on the 7th
day of May, 1847, together with the dispatch from
he Secretary of State to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Mexico, having been transmitted to him
from Vera Cruz. The Commissioner arrived at the
head-quarters of the army a few days afterwards
His presence with the army, and his diplomatic
ch aracter, were made known to the Mexican Go•
vernment, from Puebla, on the 12th of June, 1847,
V the transmission of the dispatch from the Secretary
State to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Mexico.

Many week 3 elapsed after its receipt, and no over-
i.tres were made, nor was any desire expressed by the
Mexican Government to enter into negotiations for
peace.

Our army pursued its march upon the capital, and,
its it approached it, was met by formidable resistance.
Our forces first encountered the enemy, and achieved
signal victories, in the severely contested battles of
Contreras and Churubusco. It was not until after
rhese actions had resulted in decisive victories, and the
capital of the enemy was within our power, that the
Mexican Government manifested any disposition to
enter into negotiations for peace ; and even then, as
events have proved, there is to) much reason to believe
they were insincere, and that in agreeing to go through
the forms of negotiation, the object was to gain time
to strengthen the defences of their capital, and to pre-
pare for fresh resistance.

The General in command of the army deemed it
expedient to' suspend hostilities temporarily, by enter-
ing into an armistice with a view to the opening of
negotiations. Commissioners were appointed on the
Part of Mexico to meet the Commissioners, on the part
of the United States. The result of the conferences
which took place between these functionaries of the
two Governments was a failure to conclude a treaty
of peace.

THEORY UPON TREATIES AND INDEM-
NITIES.

The Commissioner of the United States took with
him the project of a treaty already prepared, by the
terms of which the indemnity required by the United
States was a cession of territory.
It is well known that the only indemnity which it
is in the power of Mexico to make in satisfaction of
the just and long-deferred claims of our citizens
against her, and the only means by which she can
reimburse the United States for the expenses of the
war, is a cession to the United States of a portion of
her territory. Mexico has no money to pay, and no
other means of making the required indemnity. If
tine refuse this, we can obtain nothing else. To reject
indemnity, by refusing to accept a cession of terri-
tory, would be to abandon all our just demands, and
to wage the war, bearing all its expenses, without a
purpose or a definite object.
A state of war abrogates treaties previously exist-
ing between the belligerents, and a treaty of peace
puts an end to all claims for indemnity—for tor-
tuous acts committed, under the authority of one
Government against the citizens or subjects of an-
other, unless they are provided for in its stipulations.
A treaty of peace, which would terminate the existing
war, without providing for indemnity, would enable
Mexico, the acknowledged debtor, and herself the
aggressor in the war—to relieve herself from her just
liabilities. By such a treaty, our citizens who hold
just demands against her, would have no remedy
either against Mexico or their own Government. Our
duty to these citizens must for ever prevent such a
peace, and no treaty which does not provide ample
means of discharging these demands can receive my
sanction.

A treaty of peace should settle all existing differ-
ences between the two countries. If an adequate
cession of territory should be made by such a treaty,
the United States should release Mexico from all her
liabilities, and assume their payment to our own
citizens. If, instead of this the United States were
to consent to a treaty by which Mexico should again
engage to pay the heavy amount of our indebtedness
which a just indemnity to our Government and our
citizens would impose on her, it is notorious that
she does not possess the means to meet such an un-
dertaking. From such a treaty no result could be
anticipated, but the same irritating disappointments
which have heretofore attended the violations of
similar treaty stipulations on the part of Mexico.
Such a treaty would be but a temporary cessation of
hostilities, without the restoration of the friendship
and good understanding which should characterise the
future intercourse between the two countries.

That Congress contemplated the acquisition of ter-
ritorial indemnity when that body made provision for
the prosecution of the war, is obvious. Congress
could not have meant—when in May, 1846, they
appropriated ten millions of dollars, and authori,ed
the President to employ the militia and naval and
military forces of the United SVE es, to accept the
services of fifty thousand volunteers, to enable him
to prosecute the war; and when, at their last session,
and after our army had invaded Mexico, they made
additional appropriations, and authorised the raising
of additional troops for the same purpose—that no
indemnity was to be obtained from Mexico at the
conclusion of the war; and yet it was certain that, if no
Mexican territory was acquired, no indemnity could
he obtained. _ _

It is further. manifest that Congress contemplated
territorial indemnity, from the fact that, at their last
session, an Act was passed, upon the Executive re-
commendation, appropriating thrill" millions of dol-
lars with that express object. This appropriation
was made " to enable the President to conclude a
treaty of peace, limits, and boundaries, with the
Republic of Mexico, to be used by him in the event
that said treaty, when signed by the authorised agents
of the two Governments, and duly ratified by Mexico,
shall call for the expenditure of the same, or any part
thereof." The object of asking this appropriation was
distinctly stated in the several messages on the subject
which I communicated to Congress. Similar appro-
priations, made in 1803 and 1806, which were re-
ferred to, were intended to be applied in part con-
sideration for the cession of Louisiana and the
Floridas.

In like manner it was anticipated that, in settling
the terms of " limits and boundaries" with Mexico, a
cession of territory, estimated to be of greater value
than the amount of our demands against her, might
be obtained ; and that the prompt payment of this
sum—in part consideration for the territory ceded—
on the conclusion of a treaty, and its ratification on
her part, might be an inducement with her to make
such a cession of territory as would be satisfactory to
the United States. And, although the failure to
conclude such a treaty has rendered it unnecessary to
use any part of the three millions of dollars appro-
priated by that act, and the entire sum remains in
the Treasury, it is still applicable to that object,
should the contingency occur making such appli-
cation proper.
The doctrine of no territory is the doctrine of no
indemnity ; and, if sactioned, would be a public ac-
knowledgment that our country was wrong, and that
the war declared by Congress, with extraordinary
unanimity, was unjust, and should be abandoned; an
admission unfounded in fact, and degrading to the
national character.
The terms of the treaty proposed by the United
States were not only just to Mexico, but, considering
the character and amount of our claims, the unjusti-
fiable and unprovoked commencement of hostilities
by her, the expenses of the war to which we have
been subjected, and the success which has attended
our arms, were deemed to be of a most liberal cha-
racter.