The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-30 00:00:00

()/T

could declare the extreme limits to which they meant
to carry their view.. He knew there were yet some
9f their supporters who , declared an adhesion
to the Protestant establishments [of the country,
but that adhesion was given in such a manner, so sleepy
were they in their support, that they were more calculated
to paralyse their energies than to advance the sacred
cause, which they declared their anxiety to struggle
for ;:with regard to the Church, he could not help advert-
ing to the policy which the Government had pursued ;
he thought every effort they made to what they called sub-
mission was nothing more or less than a surrender of those
scrod rights to the enemies of the Church. He knew full
well that the large and thinking portion of the people out-
side that House would not suffer a continuance of
such a Government ; there was also a numerous
and highly respectable party in that House, who were
perfectly free from any kind of bigotry and prejudice,
these, backed by the stronger body outside of these walls,
would form a phalanx so peiverful that it would be im-
possible for the Ministers to retain their places.—(Hear.)
He was ready to admit that they carefully abstained from
all outward expressions of dislike to the Church, but they
also abstained from all expressions in its favour, and
did not hesitate to give the party to which he had al-
luded all the increased weight of their expressive silence.
became if they expressed openly their adhesion to that
Church, they would run the risk of offending that party
by which they were supported, and if they would insert
the word Protestant into any of their state do-
cuments they would offend the ears of that nti;
merous body who, if they were sincere disciples of the
religion which they professed must ardently desire the abo-
lition of Protestantism.---( Hear, hear. ) The voic .i of
public opinion called for men to assume the reins of Go-
vernment who would not be ashamed to announce their
principles of religion, who would truckle not to
any party, but who would manfully assert in a
straight forward manner the principles of their policy—
a party whs would stand not upon the breath of Court
favour alone—not upon party claims alone—but would
rest their claims upon the public confidence on their sound
opinions and principles. This was the policy which they
had pursued with regard to the Church which they
were afraid to attack, but he considered their conduct
in State alleles was even still more culpable. Under the
names of forbearance and generosity they had displayed a
despicable and culpable weakness.—(Hear, hear.) He
would not allude, except in passing to the speech of the
Noble Lord at Liverpool, or to that of the Attorney-General
at Edinburgh, which had been so ably commented upon last
night. He should allude to those subjects if they had not al-
ready been alluded to by Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the
House. He should say, however, that it was unworthy
and undignified on the part of Ministers of the Crown to go
in imitation of an Hon. Gentleman opposite, on an agitating
tour through the country.—( Hear.) There was one part
of the speech of the Noble Lord which he would allude to
—that was, his boast of a paltry economy in the secret ser-
vice money. He wondered whether the Noble Lerd,
when ho made that 'boast, contemplated his coming
to the House with the extravagant demand with
which he came down a few nights ago ? he wondered
whether it ever struck him, when he boasted of that
paltry economy, that a judicious expenditure of that money
might have saved the lives of many of those who fell at
Newport, by obtaining for him a timely notice of the danger
which was intended. There was another matter to which
he should refer, and he begged leave to say, though
Honourable Members opposite might laugh at it,
it was a matter of great importance. The Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland ' had gone over to that
country with the express intention of playing a game of
coneihation. He had hoped to find a temporary cessation
of party rancour, and yet, after having received while over
-there the most generous support from political opponents,
be had turned round on the principles on which he
should have acted.—(Hear, hear.) He invited to his
table the man most opposed to the principles on which he
had himself professed to act. He invited that man who,
a few weeks before that compliment from the repre-
sentative of the Queen had, not in one or two speeches,
but almost every day .of his life, assailed with
the most unfounded and unjustifiable abuse and in the most
unwarrantable manner, not only all that was good and virtuous
in the land, but the most sacred institutions of the country.
These things might be called trifles ; he could not tell
whether they were or not, but he held them as demonstra-
tions of principles on the part of her Majesty's Ministers.
—(Hear.) But he asked what was the reason for this
display of fellow feeling arid approbation on the part of
Lord Ebrington ? It was that the Learned Gentleman, by
means which his own conscience must justify, had attained
a power in the State hitherto unenjo3ed by any other, so
extensive as to be most dangerous to the State, and which
so far from receiving favour from -any Government deserved
the contrary, and ought to have been most seriously and
steadily discountenanced. He was not about to state the
pesition ;of that Learned Gentleman in the House, but
none could doubt it was a very great one. He could look
before him and around him, anti see every where men of the
greatest wealth,the highest talent—aye even of ancient rank
who held their stations in the House at his sovereign will
—( Het r.) He might turn on one side of him and see the
Honourable Gentleman, once the independent Member for
the county of Middlesex—the bugbear of the Treasury
benches—the festering thorn in the side of each succeee'-
ing Chancellor of the Exchequer, and once the head of
a respectable party in the House, reduced to the necessity
of reeeiting rants among his satellites. ( Hear, hear.)
No (Lute, too, the Learned Gentleman might reflect that
there were many in that House whose names, by the force
of his influence, would go down to po;terity, the candi-
dates for'farne, in having supported a Government which,.
but for his upholding hand, must with them have moul-
dered into dust.—(Hear.) It could not be denied that this
was a proud position. But was this a power that should
receive homage from any Government ?---a power which
nearly approached to the abtolutism of the imperial sway
—( A laugh)—a power which exceeded, : nay] almost
superseded the authority of the Crown in one important
and integral part of the empire.—(Hear, hear.) \Vus it
to be borne that the, Learned Member should have sixty seats
in that House so entirely at his disposal as to be able to
Bead these persons:utterly unknown till they arrived there ?
Ana, indeed, if the boast of a priest at an Election for
the ccunty of Meath were to be relied upon, he could as
easily return cabbage stocks to that House.—(Laughter.)
Power such as that must be fatal to the peace of the em-
pire in the hands of any individual, but in the hands of one
who was continually raving at all our best institutions--
who was the sworn foe of the Protestant Church in Ire-
-1 land---( Hear, hear)—who had agitated, and who '
again threatened, the agitation of the repeal of the
Union, which would be the dismemberment of the em-
pire—( Hear, hear)—a man who lost no opportunity of
attacking private character—( Hear, hear)—who to-day
praised the man to the skies, whom to-morrow he loaded
with execrations—in the hands of such a man this power
must be so dangerous that it should be the object of
eve:y Government that wished to maintain order and HOUSE OF COlll.llON' JAN. 29.
peace, and to uphold the dignity of the laver—to ADJOURNED DEBATE.
discountenance and discourage, instead of giving it the Mr. LITTON (in continuated from our Second
apparent sanction of their exalted station. He was not Edition of last night) proceeded to sa y—No doubt
now about to dilate upon any of the other important topics they would hear from the Noble Secretary forlreland of
on which, in his opinion, the present Government was many returns showing a decrease of crime to the amount
open 'to censure. He had already trespassed too of one-half during the last six months in Ireland, and
long upon the time of the House, but he could he supposed they would have the sobriety of the
not sit down without alluding to some of the
people boasted of as a bright feature in the present state of
difficulties of the position in which they were placed.—
Ireland. No doubt the decrease of crime, and the increase
( Hear.) They had, in the first place, an extensive Chartist of sobriety, were words grateful to the ear, but if it were
conspiracy breaking out all over the kingdom ; they bad, in that this present tranquillity were ordered for the
the second plat:, a Ribbon conspiracy of an extensively purpose, and in order to throw the well-disposed and
organised nature, proved to exist in Ireland; and tbey had Peaceable inhabitants of that country off their guard,
also a system of agitation kept alive in that country, which, was it not the more awful for its very stillness; and if
like the effect of unwholesome excitement up
and deca. on the hu- the Government believed those words to be true, he asked
man frame, tending to nothing but exhaustion
them was not that tranquillity an additional feature of regret?
Such, in fact, was their condition, that a state of discontent
Did they believe those were idle boasts ? If they did, he
w
was a state of comparative tranquillity. Some were would ask Hon. Gentleman even differing with him in
discontented only, while some were in an utter opinion, whether that Government deserved the name of a
Government, who, believing those expression be false,
state of disorganization which could only be subdued by
still suffered the excitable and sanguine peasantry
force. If they looked abroad they saw that empire which
and the lower classes of the people to have their feelings
had been the scene of a late military triumph in an equally
precarious state. That was composed of a number of so roused and excited by discussions like those? Was
petty States, partly independent of each other, and
it not to language such as that, that the
proprietary,
only waiting the assistance of some foreign Power the country, and the absence of the landed poverty of
like a string of beads when the string was cut.—(Hear, might be attributed? Was it not to
lauage ie
hear.) They had a war in the cast, and an eminent state that that they owed the exclusion fromn g
IrelandH of
exposed at their own doors, liable to be disturbed :by British capital, maaufacteres, and enterprise, bc-
the introduction of the Russian sword or the French cause no Englishman felt either his person or
bayonet into the scales of their adversary. They his property safe in that country while such lim-
ited what was more than all, a declining financial guage was being constantly used ? Such lan-
system at home, and to crown the whole, it was ridiculous guage as tl-.at was calculated to excite to rebellion,
to deny it, they had a Government which could not pass a and to ruin the miserable victims of agitation. The
of genius,
single measure through Parliament except upon sufferance Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, was asked
—a Government distinguished by no peculiar talent, or last night to explain why he had appointed Mr.
Erest to the Magistracy after the speeches he had I
remarkable ability—uniflumined by one ray
unsupported by the common attributes of straight- made. The answer made to that was that the
forward and dogged and plodding industry.—( Hear) Noble Lord did not know their nature, and that as soon
These efforts were directed not to stem the torrent, but to
was in the per-
keep their heads above the surface, and float listlessly on as he was made acquainted with them, he discountenanced
and discouraged them. It would be seen whether her the troubled troubled waters. The last resource
son and favour of the Sovereign, jesty's Government in Ireland had acted on that principle.
p The attention of the Government and the law officers of
who was so inex e-
rionccd
incapable in
seeing knowing the impending dan within a week after they had been spoken. It was also
g, er.—
(Hear, hear.) They had, however, thepleasure suggested that the Learned Gentleman was a Justice of
of seeing
whatever might be the fate ofthe motion,the Peace, and they were asked whether, when they
a limping mai
pity, dwindling from day to day,
had removed an onoura .e an a ant o one ,
supported by a specious
system of open questions and UT • (Verner) and others professing the saute politics, they
'certain evasions. He said,
then that the fate of the Ministers .justify the continuing of the Hon. and Learned Gen-
Noble
was sealed. could
Lord had c rose and said, that as the t-c
him—(Hear)—and the Noble Lord continued Mr.
tinue
onus to the House for the purpose of
accusing kris
Hon. Friend of delive •what he termed , Frost in the commission. He thought if from the agitation
ring an es
essay, be had expected to hear
an
at
l,
could extemporaneousnu
t reply of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman but five
to what had fallen during that de
bebut
lives were lost, the Government ought to be prepared
remark that many points of the Noble Lord were directed
to answer for it to the country, if they suffered, a single
to an individual whom he expected to zee sitting 'in day after these facts were brought to their notice—if they
his place, but who unfortunately was absent—
(Hear.) suffered that Hon. and Learned Gentleman to continue to
In what he had to state to the House on this question he
hold her Majesty's Commission.—( Hear.) Another fact was
that eight and forty hours after the speech had been must claim their indulgence, because she task would be to
de-
enter into mere matter of detail, and not to dwell upon livered the speaker was the guest at the social table of the
subjects that were more entertaining to the House. The
representative of . Majesty in Ireland. It alight be said
Noble Lord had attacked his Right Hon. Friend for stating that the invitav ons given by the Lord Lieutenant
in •his place in that House as a Minister of the Crown to persons of a certain rank and station
his opinion on the subject of agitation. He could not think were matters of course, but that he utterly
that the Noble Lord had read his Right Honourable denied. lie asserted that it was against all
Friend's speech carefully, for if he had he would have usage and all example that the speaker or writer of
seen that the views taken by bim upon tne subject such language, should have been invited to
of agitation, were not entitled to be described as the the social table of her Majesty's representative,
advice, on the part of a ; Minister of the Crown to as it thereby gave a countenance to these speeches, and
the people; to continue agitation, in his aceptance led the population to believe that they had the sanction
of the term The Noble Lord had made remarks on the and support of the Government. It would be supposed that,
office of Privy Councillor—that was a most delicate sub_ the Government had formed a sort ofJoint.Stock-C•InPrAY
jcct, sitting, as he did, near the Right Hon. Baronet who with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman iu the trade of egi:
last night spoke upon that question. The description • tation, and that if her Majesty did -exercise her pi'ilvl
given. by his Right lion. Friend of the office of Privy 1 lege in calling other men to her Counfils,aorne, million
.1( at his
Councillor was by many degrees worse than the remarks of men would be ready to
.setePi°ra.
'privilege,
i command and coerce . the eecrcis of a
made upon that subject by the Right Honourable Baronet
not merely
With regard to the opinions of the public as to the con-Heasserted that public men werebound