The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-22 00:00:00

tracts from various letters to show that the Government
had left nothing undone to provide food for the Itish
people by the establishment of soup-kitchens and the
opening of stores. Eighty •five tons of wheat had been
distributed in Skibbereen in a very short time.
He believed that the same statement might be
made in reference to other pieces ; and when the
statement of the Government was laid before
the House they would find that the Noble Lord
was quite inaccurate in the statements, and that food
was given to the poor to a considerable extent in the
very district to which allusion had oeen made.--(Hear,
hear.) He hoped the landlords of Ireland would
now exert themselves in their own localities without
depending upon the exertions of Government
at the present most momentous crisis, for it
was impossible for Government to meet efficiently
all the distress which unfortunately prevailed in
that country. They were ready to give liberal
support and assistance towards meeting the present
disastrous circumstances of the country; but he must
repeat again that the whole onus should not be thrown
upon them. That it would be possible to preserve
the whole population of Ireland from starvation, he
was sorry to say that he was not very sanguine.
But by due exertion on the part of the landlords
they might in a great measure avert future distress, as
well as that which existed at present in Ireland.
Mr. HUME must say that a great deal of time
htd been wasted by not having produced these
papers at first—he must say that there was
great neglect in their not having produced them before.
Ile must also say that he had seldom been more disap-
pointed by what had taken place, but he hoped that
they were to have the trade thrown open. The country
expected this from the Noble Lord, and that he would
not permit the past state of things to continue, and no
longer adhere to that absurd system of opening the trade
when the ports of Europe were closed against then.
He would remind the Noble Lord that, if he refused to
maintain those navigation laws, he would immediately
deprive the colonies, unless he at the same time gave
them free trade, of the only protection which they enjoyed.
An American now enjoyed the advantage of one dollar
per load, so that it was better for a West Indian colonist
to buy for four dollars in New York than three at Mon-
treal. So that, unless they took off the duty on ships,
they could never carry out the principle of free trade,
and it would be a high injustice to the colonists,
unless they allowed them to trade freely with all the
world, unless they gave them free trade. If the Noble
Lord was wise he would take off the duty from timber
and all the other articles, on the commerce in which
restrictions were laid. If the Noble Lord would grant
him a Committee he would engage to prove that
this was a national benefit. If the Noble Lord
would refer to the evidence taken before the
Committee in 1840, and would look at Mr. John Young's
evidence, he would find that that gentleman there
showed what a disadvantage it was to impose a duty on
timber. He proved that at Rio Janeiro there were 150
ships, and that out of those 100 were British vessels
overloaded with the expense at which they had been built,
and yet struggling to obtain a share of the trade,
in order that they might remunerate their owners.
He, therefore, came to the conclusion, that if the
duty on timber had not existed the whole of
the carrying business of that port would have fallen
into the hands of British subjects. It; again, in the
evidence taken in 1840, the Noble Lord refers to Mr.
Mitchell's testimony, he would find that that gentleman
stated himself to be a shipowner, an importer
of timber, and a builder of ships ; but so great
were the Impediments thrown in his way that
he had to pay 40 to 50 per cent. for the timber imported
into this country, and for that which he could
get elsewhere. He had consequently built a num-
ber of ships in Sweden. The ships were British
ships although they bore Swedish names, and
traded to British ports, were owned by British
subjects, and commanded by British captains. The fact
was, that Mr. Mitchell paid only eight pounds a ton
abroad for his timber, whereas in England he had to
pay twelve pounds. He trusted, therefore, that the Noble
Lord would take this subject into consideration, for if he
did, and relieved the trade of the duty which was now
imposed upon it, he (Mr. Hume) felt assured that Eng-
land weuld become the manufactory of ships for all the
world, as it was for other articles, and thus the principles
of free trade would be carried out in the comprehensive
manner which they deserved, and which would prove a
lasting benefit to the country. If they had this,
they should have no longer to hear the com-
plaints of famine, of which, during the present
week, so much had been said in that House.
They had only to look at the state of the colonies to see
the injurious operation of the navigation laws. He had
no hesitation in saying, that had these laws been repealed
five months ago, they would have had very large
supplies of food. These were the grounds on
which he considered the Government had not proved
themselves equal to the emergency. In order to effect a
proper settlement of all these difficulties, they ought to
have gone to the root of the evil at once.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—Sir, the Hon. Gentleman
expresses himself dissatisfied with the policy of
the Government. In the explanation of that policy
which I have made I stated my desire that,
in the present circumstances of the country and the
dearth of provisions, the measures which her Ma-
jesty's Government were desirous of undertaking to
relieve the evil should be such as would command, if
possible, the general support of the House.—(Hear,
hear.) But the Hon. Gentleman objects to the course
we have taken, because we are not prepared
to introduce three separate measures of legislation.
The first is, the total and unconditional repeal of the
corn-lea's. He finds fault with us because we are not
prepared to rescind the arrangement of last year—a
course which, if undertaken by the Government, would,
no doubt, excite the opposition of the Noble Lord oppo-
site (Lord G. Bentinck), and we should have to fight the
battle of last year over again. The Hon. Gentleman,
in the second place, complains that we do not propose
the entire abrogation of the navigation laws—a course
which if taken by us would most likely induce the oppo-
sition of the Hon. Member for the University of Ox-
ford (Sir it. H. Inglis). —(Hear, hear.) And then be
states that these would be of no use unless they were
accompanied by a repeal of the timber duties.—(Hear.)
Our ships, he tells us, are at present, compared with
foreign vessels, placed at a disadvantage of 50 per cent.,
and that the timber duties should be repealed in order
to enable them to compete freely with other nations in
commercial transactions. It may be right policy
to repeal these duties, but to do so the
Honourable Gentleman must be prepared for
a considerable reduction of revenue, and
the substitution of another tax in order to meet the
deficiency. In undertaking measures of relief to meet
the present emergency, therefore, I am not prepared to
propose three great measures, every one of which
would, no doubt, meet with violent opposition from
Honourable Members in this House.—(Loud cheers.)
Colonel CONNOLLY was sorry to find the Chancellor
of the Exchequer labouring under the impression to
which he had given utterance with respect to Ireland.
A great portion of the county he represented was in a
most awful state of destitution. Language could not
describe it. He himself sent 3,0001. to Liverpool, to
purchase food for Donegal, and though he did not wish to
say anything derogatory to the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, he was bound to say that the information he
received was strangely at variance with the facts. He
could not describe the destitution which prevailed from
the bay of Donegal to Derry, and it was absurd
to talk of relieving it by the ordinary operations of
trade. There were neither mills nor factories, nor great
traders nor small traders, throughout the whole extent
of the country, and the other night he adduced that as
a proof of the ignorance of the Commissary-General.
The intensity of the destitution was such that the seller
could obtain any prices he pleased for pro
visions, and, under such circumstances, to talk of
the ordinary operations of trade was absurd. Knowing
these facts, and seeing with his own eyes the horrible
wretchedness which prevailed, he could not con-
sider himself as acting justly by his constituents
if he did not state them to the House.
lie hoped the House would do him the honour of be-
lieving him, for he only stated that to which he was a
witness. The principle of providence was carried so
far, that numbers of the people would starve before
they were permitted to enjoy the provisions which the
Government had stored up.—(Hear, hear.) He
could not help praising the foresight of the
Government, but he did consider that this principle
might be carried too far. He said these things with
very great pain, for he would not by any means desire
to embarrass the Government. But these things were
facts these were truths ; and it would be cul-
pable in him to go forth from that House
without stating them, particularly after hearing
the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He
gave the Government credit for the best intentions, but
, ' their officers had been always in the habit of repre-
senting that the destitution was not really
so extensive as it was represented to be. Why,
it had increased to an amazing degree since
it first began. The people had now to pa) three times
the price which they had before. Ile would beg leave
to refer the House to the statement of Mr. Foster, a
Quaker, who resided in Norwich, for the truth of his
allegation. He had instituted the most generous system
of relief that had been devised.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was at
a loss to know to what portion of his speech -the lion.
and Gallant Member had referred. He had stated in
his speech that the Government had established a num-
ber of depots, and that their exertions had been greater
than was generally supposed to have been taken.
4 (Colonel CONNOLLY said it was quite true that the
depots had been established, but no distribution of food
had taken place up to this very date. There was a
depot in Sligo, upon his own estate at Killabegs,
but not a morsel of corn had found its way into the
mouths of the people.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER could
. only repeat what he had said before—that the depot at
;Sligo had been open since the latter end of the autumn.
Colonel CONNOLLY—The depot had been open, it
'was true, but only for the purpose of sending corn to
, other depots. Corn was sent traotmhe beforethe depot at Sligo
Ito that
Donegal; but he repeated what
'not a morsel of it had been consumed by the poor of
.Sligo or its neighbourhcod.
Mr. GRA.TTAN—If the Chancellorofhtehe(CEoxlcohnee-1
Aver were right in his assertion, hen
sConnolly) would have a right of
action agaeienkst
thattlte
. Honourable Member, for it was only last
y week
;he was induced to subscribe a sum of money
`for the relief of the distress, in consequence of his
being informed that no corn had been issued from the
ch.pot at Sligo. The Chancellor_ of the Exchequer
seemed to have taken considerable pains in quoting
from a large number of documents, which seemed to him
ought to have fallen to the province of the Right lion.
the Secretary of State for the Home Department,
or at least notice should have been given to the
House that such a course was about to be adopted.
' They were told that 3,700,000 quarters of wheat had
I;,been brought into England up to the 31st December ;