The Sun.
London, England, 1840-11-09 00:00:00

PEACE OR WAR.

acquired a high degree of wealth and
seriously commence the conquest of civilized Europe.
All these, and many other suppositions equally absurd,
the
I will take for granted as being prosperity, it shall
inevitable conse-
quences of the acquisition of Constantinople by Russia.
I will take them for granted in order to justify
the
fears of those who dread such 'an event, and who con-
sider that it is necessary to avert it by every possible
means. I now ask, have we adopted the wiseet course
to defeat the views of Russia ?—( Hear, hear.) On
the contrary, is not our policy the absurdest that human
ingenuity could have imagined? We have formed an
alliance with Russia, whose interests are hostile to our
own. \Ve have lost the alliance of France, the only
European power who has an interest equally strong,
and a desire equally urgent with ourselves to prevent
the occupation of Constantinople by
Rusia.—(Hear,
hear.) Who does not perceive that every wound in-
flicted on France by England, or on England by France,
must be a source of secret rejoicing and exultation to
the northern barbarian, an obstacle removed from his
path to Constantinople! As the fox in the feble,
when the lions had disabled one another, seized the.
prey for which they had been contending, so Russia,
more vvily than the fox, urges us on to mutual de-
struction, in the hope that when Our fortes are ex-
neosted she may carry off the
prey we would save from
her grasp.—(Cheers.) Oh, miserable folly ! It is said
ilea we interfere in the affairs of Turkey in order to
avert the remote possibility of a European war, and the'
immediate consequence of our actions is a European
war. Can there be a more pungent satire on modeling
diplomacy than this ?—(lleer, hear.) The question
may be asked me, are then, the affairs of Turkey of no
importance to England
; and is the Russian to be per-
witted quietly to occupy Constantinople ? I answer,
by no ineaus. I answer that the true policy of Eng-
land is to abstain from interfering in the affairs
of other nations, and to insist that a similar policy
shall be adopted by the other Powers of Europe. This
policy is in accordance with reason aud justiee. For
what right have we, or any other nation, to interfere in
the internal concerns of a foreign people ? It can only
be on the pretext that it is for their advantage, or for
our own ; it cannot be for their advantage, because it is
utterly impossible for us to possess that local and inti-
mate acquaintance with the affairs of another people
which would make us competent judges of what is most
for their benefit.—( Hear.) A nation filly he a bad judge
of its own interests, but it must be a far:better, judge of
those interests than any other nation can he- If they
choose to be ill governed, can we improve their condi-
tion by misgoverning them from a distance ? if they
pi efer a despotism. can we compel them to live under a
constitution ? If they are fit only for slavery, can we
force them to be free ? Nor, let me add, is it for our
advantage to interfere in the domestic concerns of other
nations. All history, and especially of the last half cen-
tury, abundantly confirms this position. But omitting.
from my consideration the disastrous wars, the lavish.
expenditure, and the °enormous debt, which have been
occasioned by our fruitless meddling with the concerns
of other nations—l will take higher grounds, and ob-
serve that in the relations of nations, as in those of indi-
viduals, the best practical precept is "do unto others
as you would be done by."—(Cheers.) Now, I ask you,
how would you like Russia or Prussia, France or Au-s-
-tria, to interfere in our internal affairs, arid by a congress
of diplomatists assembled in London to decide on our
domestic concerns ?—( Hear, hear)—and, for instance,
on the plea that it is possible that the peace of Europe
might be endanghred by the dismemberment of the Bris •
fish empire, to insist upon putting down O'Connell
and the Repeal agitation in Ireland ?—( Hear, hear,
and laughter.) • If once the eight of interfering in the
domestic concerns of another nation be admitted, there
is no limit to the application of that doctrine ; there is
no domestic question which might not become the sub-
ject of foreign interference. The feetful consequences
of such a doctrine are so self-evident and striking, that
no nriornentary or se'ereing expediency steeuld induce us
to adopt it for an instant, or to consent to violate the
all-iinportant principle of the • independence of every
nation in the management of its internal affairs. Nor
even does temporary expediency require- at the present
moment that this principle should be violated in order
to preserve Constantinople from the Russians. On
the contrary as I have already partly shown, and toil;still further prove, the best means of averting that
danger is by strenuously insisting upon the principle of
not interfering in the concerns of other nations. In my
judgment the language which England should hold to
Russia with regard to Turkey should be to this effect.
England should say—" We will not, either with or
without your assistance, take upon ourselves to manage
the affairs of the Ottoman empire. \Ve confess, that
we are necessarily unacquainted with the interests,
wants, and habits of the Musselman people. They
may be bad judges of their own interests, but they must
be infinitely better judges of those interests than either
you or we can be, who are so distant from them, and
who are strangers to them in language, manners, race,
religion, and institutions. We cannot pretend to set-
tle their internal disputes—to decide by whom they
ought to be governed—by whom they would be less
oppressed, whether by the niche of Eeyet or the
Sultan of Turkey. It is no concern of ours, nor of
yours, whether the territories of the Pacha of Egypt
are bounded by the Desert or embrace a portion
or the whole of Syria, or extended beyond the
'fawns, even to Constantinople. It is no matter
to us, oor to you, whether Acre or Beyrout, or Aleppo
or Damascus, or the Holy Cities, or whether Constan-
tinople itself be misgoverned by the Porte or its rebel vas-
sal. These are strictly domestic contemns of the Otto-
man empire, in which we have no business to interfere.
Our interference will only prevent the settlement of
these questions, which must be accomplished by the in- I
habitants themselves of that empire, in order to be per-
manent. If they be merely settled by an interference,
with the cessation of that interference they will arise
again, either in the same or another shape. Therefore I
our interference in order to be useful must be lasting, or
in other words, we must assume to ourselves the virtual
sovereignty of the Ottoman empire, and for ever. This
we are not prepared to do, or so foolish as to
attempt. Nor !Ala us say to Russia) will we
permit you to make such an attempt. If you
presume to interfere in affairs ehich are not
your own and menace Constantinople, France uni'ed
with England will compel you to desist." By holding
this language, the peace of the world would be pre-
served, Constantinople would be saved from the domi-
nion of the Russian, and France and England would
again be closely allied. For all that France demands
at the present moment is that the Sultan and the Pacha
ust be
you
fol-
lowed
Europeano
of Egypt should be left to settle their disputes by
themselves. lf, therefore, England were to proclaim
the great principle of not interfering in the domestic
concerns of other nations, that principle would be re-
cognised
by
by
my lit:tr:tn,ree'and
our
examples m
powers. ientreat
again not to consider this subject as a party question,
or as tending to place one or other party in power—
(Hear, hear)—but as involving far greater and more im-
portantinterests than any connected with the name of
Whig or Tory.—( Hear, hear.) Ido not arraign the
personal conduct of Lord Palmerston in his negotia-
tions, but I call into question the propriety of inter-
fering at all, in the; internal affairs of the Ottoman
empire,--( Hear, hear, hear.) Ido not ask whether
Lord Palmerston or M. Thiers have rightly determined
what ought to be the limits of the dominions of the
Pacha of Fgypt, but I contend that neither of them has
any business to attempt to settle such a question.
en
reading their despatches, I have been struck with the
ingenuity displayed in their statements and counter-
statements ; I have found it difficult to decide between
their arguments, and impossible to attach any great
importance to those arguments ; but my mindhas
been
filled with time deepest sorrow and amazement, when I
have reflected that on these verbal and trifling contro-
versies depends the friendship or enmity of• the two
mightiest nations in the Universe , and that in the hands
of these two men was placed the great question of
war
or peace.—(Hear, hear.) Surely there must be
some-
thing wrong in the arrangement which, in two
Countries
possessing representative government, and where the
people are said to be not an insignificant portion of the
ruling power, intrust% such vast anti uncontrolled power
for evil to a single individual.—( Hear hear, hear.)
Hitherto the question of peace and war, and of diplo-.
niacv in general, has been considered to be almost a
personal affair of the Monarch, and said to be a part of d
the prerogative. Can this octrtne, which has already
still
cost the people so much, bemaintained in the nine-
teenth century ? And will the representatives of France
and England permit it to he maintained? I hope not.
I appeal from the Ministers to the_em to people of this coun-
I call upon them try and of France.disregard the
blunders of their respective Governments, and to inter-
fere for the pure use of wiping out all misunderstanding,
between two nations who ought to be friends.
(Cheers.) Words cannot express
y horror of a war
with France, or the importance which 1 attach to the
preservation of friendly relations
with that country. In
saying this, do not misunderstand
I have tl Inc ; do not suppose
that, as an Englishman,the slightest apprehen-
sion for the honour and success of my country in any
(Cheers.) Never was
struggle, in which we may be compelled to embark.—
England better able to carry
on
a war than at the present moment. Never were the
resources of the people greater. Never WAS victory
more certain. Some persons indeed have attempted to
deny our strength, and have represented our naval
forces as weak and feeble. Those representations
know are utterly false, and that the persons who have
made them arc animated by the worst motives. I de-
nounce them to you as miserable and contemptible
wretches, who have forgotten they are Englishmen in
their base eagerness to further party objects.
—(..ear,
hear.) 1 hold them up to public execration and scorn,
as the vilest detractors of their country,—(Cheers.)
repeat that both by sea and land we arc powerful
enough to bid defiacce to any one, and to maintain our
position as one of the greatest of the European nations.
War is not to-be dreaded by us for any fear of defeat,
but triumphs and victory are to be deplored in so un-
happy and useless a struggle. Consider, I intreat you,
some few of the consequences of such a war. Let us
look at it in the narrowest and most selfish point of
view, as a question of mere expenditure, omitting all

GREAT MEETING AT LEEDS.

On Saturday a very large meeting of the inhabitants
of Leeds took place in the Cloth Hall-yard, for the
purpose of hearing the sentiments of Sir William Moles-
worth, one of their representatives, upon the policy of
maintaining peace with France.
The following is a copy of the placard put fo-th
the Hon. Baronet, summoning the meeting
To the inhabitants of Leeds.—Fellow•citizens, on
an occasion like the present, when there is immediate
danger of a war, which threatens the best interests of
yourselves and of the community to which you belong,
you ought to be acquainted with the opinions of your
representatives with regard to such an event, and by the
expression of your sentiments, to manifestlyour appro-
bation or disapprobation of those opinions. In a re-
presentative government, where the people posses; a
portion of the sovereign power, it is their duty to make
their voices heat d and respected, on a matter so deeply
important. Your opinions solemnly proclaimed, will be
listened to with respect throughout the manufacturing
districts of England.
" As one of your representatives, I therefore ear-
nestly and respectfully call upon you to meet me, in the
Cloth Hall-yard, on Saturday, at twelve o'clock
at noon.—Your faithful and obedient servant,
" WILLIAM MOLES WORTH.
" Leeds, 4th November, 1840."
It was at first expected, in consequence of the un-
favourable state of the weather, and the excitement
which had been created throughout the borough within
the last week, by the municipal elections, that there
would not be so great a number of persons as those
who felt the importance to the inhabitants of a manu-
facturing district especially, of maintaining and preserv-
ing a feeling of amity and friendship with our continen-
tal neighbours, wished to see assembled. However, as
the hour fixed for the meeting approached, all ground
for apprehension on that score was removed, and by 12
o'clock there could not have been less than 6,000 per-
sons assembled in the spacious yard of the Cloth-hall.
The number was greatly increased on the entrance of
Sir William Molesworth, he being accompanied by an
immense number of individuals ; and at the time the
business of the meeting commenced (20 minutes past
12 o'clock), there must have beau' 7,000 or 8,000 per-
sons assembled. The address of the Hon. Baronet
was listened to with the profoundest attention, and the I
rain, which descended pretty briskly at intervals, had no
effect in diminishing the number.
On the motion of Mr. John Heap, seconded by Dr.
Smiles,
Mr. Council'or BITTTIZEY was called to the chair,
and observed that that was not a partisan meeting, but
a meeting of those who were favourable to peace. The
worthy Councillor then introduced .
Sir WILLIAM MOLESWOIITII, who was greeted with
loud and long-continued cheering. The Hon. Baronet
spoke as follows :—Fellow-citizens,--I am delighted
to see so many persons met together on the present oc-
casion. 1 address you under feelings of the strongest
excitement and emotion. I wish to speak to you, not
as a politician, not as belonging to any particular sect
or party, not as a Radical, which you know me to be
be—(Loud cheering)—not, I say, as being a Radical,
Whig, or Tory, but as an Englishman—(Cheers)—
and more than an Englishman, a citizen of civilized
Europe. I implore you to listen to me with similar
feelings, to cast aside all passion and prejudice, and as
men of common sense and plain understandings, to re-
flect on the present critical state of our foreig❑ rela-
tions. There is immediate danger of a European war,
and of the most disastrous kind, namely, with France.
The mere thought of such an event fills my mind with

horror, when I reflect on the massacre of thousands of
n•:y fellow-beings—(Hear, hear)—the destruction of
trade and industry—the vast expenditure of treasure—
the increased burthen of taxation—( Hear, hear)—the
augmented misery of the working classes—the vile feel-
ings of national antipathy—the stop to all improvement,
which must ensue from such a war.—(.Tear, bear.)
Vou will readily acknowledge that, when a great and
civilized nation like this is about to embark in a con-
test which threatens to convulse the whole of European
society, it ought to be able to assign some good and
valid reason for so'doing —(Hear, hear.) It ought io
have some great and noble object •in view, of which
history may approve, and which may afford ample
compensation for the evil incurred. It ought to show,
that not only the interests of its own people,
but those of the • human race, are clearly
concerned ; and that it only unsheaths the sword in the
sacred cause of Justice and Truth, and when no other
alternative can be adopted.—(Cheers.) On the other
hand I will assert without hesitation, that to rush into
such a quarrel merely for the sake of some miserable or
petty interest, or under the influence of vain glory, jea-
lousy, national prejudice, or any other disgraceful pas-
sion, is the greatest crime which a nation can commit,
and for which it would deserve the curses and dexecra-
tions of mankind.—(Loud cries of Hear, hear.) There
have been great and noble wars, in which liberty of con-
science, independence of thought, and free institutions
have been successfully defended by whole nations ; and
these wars have done honour to humanity. On the
contrary, however, too often the personal disputes of
irresponsible rulers, the vanities, intrigues, and jealousies
of their ministers, courtiers, or caurtezans, the tricks and
intrigues of factions, and the lies and deceits of dip!o-
have covered the earth with havoc and desolation.
These wars have been the reproach of our species, and
almost degraded it below the brute creation.--(Hear,
hear, hear.) Now, let me ask you, what is the character
of the impending contest? I put the question to every
man in this great meeting—what are we going to war'
about ? Half a year ago such an event would have
been considered impossible. What mighty and sudden
chaise then has taken place in Europe Let any one
answer me who can. Not one in ten thousand, I be-
lieve, can give me an answer, or has a conception of
what arc the grounds of dispute.—(Hear, hear.) I will
state them to you as briefly as I can. In a country, dis-
tant some three thousand miles from this, inhabited by
a half-civilised people, strangers to us in language, race,
and religion, and more than that for centuries the
fiercest enemies of our race and religion, with whom we
have comparatively but little intercourse and trade; in
that country a rebellion has taken place. The leader of
the rebellion, a man of superior energy and understand-
ing, and attached to European civilization, has wrested
from his sovereign certain provinces. By so doing he
does no wrong to us, he injures none of our fellow-citi-
zens, he does not diminish our trade ; on the contrary,
he has the strongest desire to cultivate our fricndship,to
cherish our commerce, and to facilitate our communica-

tions with India. Why then should we interfere with
him ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) Why take part against
him ?—( Hear, hear.) Those who would justify such
an interference say, that it is to be feared lest in this
contest between the Sultan and the Pacha of Egypt,
(the two parties to whom I referring) Russia should in-
terfere, and sieze Constantinople ; and that the conse-
quences would he a European war. In order, it is
said, to avert the calamities of such a war, England has
formed an alliance with Russia and other powers ; and
the object of that alliance is to determine what portion
of the Ottoman Empire shall belong to the Sultan, and
what portion to the Pacha of Egypt. Thus, in fact,
we have assumed the sovereignty of that empire, and
the right of managing its internal affairs. A most mon-
strous assumption, a most unnecessary meddling with
matters that do not concern us.—( Loud cheers.) Have
we not enough to do at home without involving our-
selves in the broils of other people ?—(Continued
cheers.) Are our finances in so flourishing a condition—
(Hear, hear)—are our working classes so happy and
so contented—(Hear, hear,)—are our agricultural po-
pulation so highly educated—(Hear, hear, hear)—are
our laws so excellent and so well administered—(Hear,
hear)—are trade, and commerce, and manufactures in
so prosperous a state ; in short, have we attained that
point of unsurpassable excellence both physical and,
moral, that we have really nothing to do at home, and
in order to avoid idleness, must undertake the govern-
ment of the Ottoman empire, subdue its rebels, and de-
fine its boundaries?—(Cheers.) 0 most absurd attempt!
Would that it was only absurd! By acting in this
manner, we have offended France,' who is not included
in the alliance which I have mentioned : and who
considers that she is as well acquainted as we are with
the affairs of the Mussulman—has an equal right with
ourselves to determine the boundaries of the Ottoman
empire—an equal interest in concerns which are not
her own—an equal obligation to preserve the peace of
Europe by going to war—in short, in every respect an
equal claim to be equally absurd with ourselves.—
(Lsughter.) We cannot deny her right. Every thing
we can allege in favour of ours, she can allege in fa-
vour of hers. Reason cannot decide between the two
parties, because both are equally irrational.—(Hear,
hear.). The consequence is that we are on the
eve of a war with that country. For what ?—(A voice
in the crowd—" Aye, there's the rub.") The only
pretext that has ever been assigned, or that can be as-
signed, to justify our interference in the affairs of
Turkey, is, lest Russia should interfere alone, and take
possession of Constantinople. I will assume that the
possession of Constantinople by Russia would be as
great a calamity as some persons suppose—that it would
destroy our commerce in the Black Sea, and endanger
the safety of civilized Europe—that the vast extent of
its territories would contribute to its strength instead of
being a source of weakness, and that its power and
resources would augment in proportion—that its scanty
i
population scattered over nterminabl.e wastes, would
suddenly become as dense aid wealthy as that of
England or France—that its wild hordes, differing from
one another in language, race, and religion, would cor-
dially unite together as a civilized community, and
readily obey a central authority, distant some thousands
of miles—that all its internal dissensions shall cease for
ever—that its Government, which was on the brink of
dissolution at the death of Alexander, shall be esta-
blished on a solid and urdisturbable basis. I will sup-
, pose, in addition to all this, that despising every law, of
harm interest, Russia shall prohibit our corn-
' r 'll -- Al •intes'change et commodities with us,
aria exe;uue us Irian the ports of the Black Sea ;
' i and that when by these 'strani-e means it has rapidly

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 9. 1810.

the higher and nobler considerations which ought to in- think well on this, and forgive one another if in aught
fluency us, but which perhaps would produce less lin- they have mutually offended.—(Hear, hear.) We are
pression on our practical understandings. Passing by , but men, and so are they, subject to all the weaknesses
the injury which would be done to our commerce and and infirmities of human nature, liable to be led away
manufactures, I ask you to remember what was the by passion and prejudice, and in a moment of anger and
cost of the last European war ?—(Loud cries of" Hear, excitement to say and do many things of which cool
hear.) It frequently exceeded forty millions a year. I reflection would repent. Let there be no false pride
Now calculate, I beseech you, the great and excellent between us to keep us apart. Nations, unlike indivi-
objects which might be obtained for such a sum of duals, snay make proffers of friendship without any sus-
money.—(Cheers, and a person exclaimed " The Go- picion of meanness. The noblest and wisest is the one
vernment might build hastiles with it.") I have no who takes the first step in the path of conciliation—the
wish my friends to build bastiles—(Hear, hear)--but worthiest of the name of a great and civilized people.—
for less than forty mill.ons we might have the best (Tremendous cheering.) Gentlemen, I thank you for
system of national educat.on in the world—a school in the kind manner in which you have listened to me, and,
every village—a schoolmaster permanently endowed— in conclusion, I will only ask you to express your
every child in the country taught to read and write, aversion or agreement to a war with Prance.—(The
and carefully instructed in his moral and religious du- most enthusiastic applause followed the conclusion of the
ties.—( Hear, hear.) Consider what en extraordinary ' Hon. Baronet's address and was • continued for some
and beneficent change this would make in our social mieutes.)
and political state. How much better, how much hap- Mr. CUMMINS then proposed the following resolution,
pier we should be, if instead of throwing away forty amidst hearty cheering :—" That this meeting fully and
millions on swords, soldiers, guns, gunpowder, and the cordially sympathises with Sir William Molesworth in
other instruments of war, we were to put a school- his denunciation of war, and most earnestly desires to
master in every hamlet. and a schoolbook in the hands co-operate with him in any means for the maintenance
of every child.—(Hear, hear.) Again, for the same of a firm and honourable peace."
sum applied to the material improvement of the coon- Mr. J. HEAPS seconded the resolution. He cordially
try, what magnificent and useful buildings might we acquiesced with almost every thing that Sir William
not erect ? What noble docks ! What excellent har- Molesworth had said ; but there was one thing he wished
hours ! What. extensive 1 nes of railroads, connecting to notice, and that was, that the lion. Baronet had
together the remotest portions of our kingdom ; every- said though we might be prepared for war, yet he
where spreading 'commerce and industry, and augment- dreaded the consequences, Now he (Mr. Heaps) denied
ing wealth and happiness! Or, suppose that the cost that we were prepared for war. He did not think tie
of a single year's war were directed to the relief of the had the means ; for England was too much in debt al-
surplus population—(Heae, hear)—to the diminution ready, to think of rushing into another European war.—
of competition in this densely-peopled country—were ( Hear, hear.) If Sir William Molesworth, or any one
applied, for instance, to emigration—to the sending out else, could prove to him that they could get out of
of a portion of our suffering population to the colonies debt by going into a war, he thought that would be the
of the Southern Seas? With the sum I have men• best justification of war.—(Hear, and laughter.)
tioned, two millions of our fellow-stibjects might be Sir W. MouswoßTH—l think youmisunderstood me.
conveyed to Australia. In a few years a mighty em- Mr. HEAPS continued.—However he was an enemy
Aire would sprit-, up, inhabited by a prosperous and to all war ; and he never heard yet of a war that could
industrious people, from whom we might derive by corn- he justified. He hoped the tiete was come, when na-
'Tierce an. incalculable tribute of wealth, far greater than Lions Would be so wise that war would be a game that
we ever haves received from the East or West Indies. neither kings nor ministers would dare play at.—
E tch and every one of these great objects, and innu- (Cheers.) Let them be at peace among themselves,
merable others of eqUal importance, might be accom- and cultivate a spirit of kindness and charity, and ex-
plished with the expenditure of a single year's war; tend it throughout the world.—(Cheers.) He most
and all of them together for the cost of a war of a few cordially seconded the resolution.
years' duration.—( Hear; hear.) But if, instead of ap- The resolution was then put to the meeting by the
l•plying it to these' noble purposes; we were to take the Chohnan, and unanimously' carried with acclamation.
Whole of the vast wealth that we' should lavish in such Mr. CHRISTOPHER HEAPS proposed the next i'esolu-
a contesti'rand were to- cast ft into the profoundest tion—" That it is the decided opinion of this meeting
depths of the ocean, or were to collect it into one enor- that the people of England might to be more closely allied ,
mous funereal pile, and were to consume it before the with the people of France titan with any other European
lace of astounded nations, it 'would be better far than nation ; and that this meeting would deeply deplore and
to devote it to the purposes of execrable war.—(Hear, condemn any course of policy which in any way would
hear.) Gracious God ! are we rational beings ? Do tend to sow dissension between France and England,
we vaunt our superiority over the brute creation, and and Would behold a war between the two nations with hor-
attribute that superiority to our intelligence and power rot, as being one of the greatest; calamities which could
of calculating consequences? And yet do we only em- betal. Europe. That a humble address be presented to
ploy the prerogative of reason to live in a more bestial her Majesty deploring the contest in which her Majes-
manner than any beast ? For they combat not, save ty's forces are engaged on the coast of Syria, and be-
for food, shelter, and protection, and meddle not with seething her Majesty to make use of ad honourable
others when not interfered with themselves ; whilst we means to bring that unhappy quarrel to a speedy termi-
go about scekin; causes of dispute in the remotest cor- natidn." He hated war and war-makers of all sides
tiers of the earth, and cannot behold a quarrel without and sorts.--(Cheers.) They might depend on it if they
thrusting ourselves into the midst of it, and longing to were engaged in another war it was not those who got
partake in its attendant misery.—(Hear, hear.) Gen- up the war who would have the piper to pay, but the
tlemen, being most deeply convinced of the correctness expense would fall on the industrious classes.—(Cheers.)
of the views which I have just stated to you, I have Those who got up the last war pledged their lives and
been anxious to ascertain whether they meet with your fortunes on the cause, but they managed to save their
approbation—( Hear, hear)—and I have felt it my duty lives to increase their fortunes and treble their rents.—
to call you together, in order that 1 might know whether, Laughter.) It was upon the industrious classes of society
as your representative, I might with your consent pro- that all the cost of the last war fell.—(Hear, hear.)
test against war with France.—(Hear, hear.) The Whatever they did, therefore, they should avoid and
manner is which you have listened to me, and the ap-- detest war, and exclaim against it. War brought misery
probation which you have expressed,' induce me to hope of all forts, and the misery was not over when the contest
that 3ou are as averse to War as I amea--(Cheers.) lam was over. It deprived the poorer classes of cheap bread,
delighted, therefore, that this meeting has taken place, it deprived them of a great part of the necessaries and
and feel confident that it will produce the most useful comforts of life, and therefore he would say to the
effects.—(Hear, hear.) Some few persons were op-. industrious classes; " Whatever you do, protest
posed to a meeting, on the grounds that it might do against war." But whether the. war was commenced
'more harm tnangood. I have listened with respect to the by one class of governors or another, the people ought
arguments of those gentlemen, but I have been unable to to set their faces against it in every way.—( Hear,
see any force in those arguments. According to them the' hear.) He regretted to see a warlike disposition mani-
expression of a wish on the part of the people of England tested among the people of France, but rejoiced that no
fur peace, would encourage the French to make greater such feeling actuated Englishmen. He trusted, how-
demands than they do at present.: This I'utterly dis- ever, they would be brought to a better feeling, and the
believe. I ask you, if, on a similar occasion, the only way to bring them to a better feeling was to show
French were to hold out to you the hand of peace them that the people of England wished to evince a
and friendship, would you take a mean and ungene• conciliatory spirit, and were anxious to cultivate
rous advantage of their friendly feelings ?—(Cries of the arts of peace rather than the bloody and the brutal
No, no) You answer .you would not. 'Nor will -the arts of war.—(Cheers.) He concluded by moving the
-French, for they are as high-minded and generous a resolution, and expressing a hope that the meeting
people as we are.—(Hear, hear.) The best mode of would support those views Sir William Molesworth
dealing with the French, is by showing that time people had so ably brought forward.—(Cheers.)
of England have a strong feeling of regard for the The resolution having been seconded by Mr. Robin-
people of France. The French complain, and not un- son, it was put from the chair, and carried unanimously.
justly, of our apparent indifference to them. They Dr. SMILES; who was received with great applause,
say, that for the last ten years France and England next addressed the meeting. He said—There is a cer-
have been closely allied ; that to their last revolution tain phrase which has been in general use during the
we are indebted for the Reform Bill ; that without last two or three years—" base, bloody, and brutal."
that revolution some of our most important cities, —(Cries of " the Whigs.") It is very unpleasant to use I
Leeds amongst the number—( Hear, hear)—wouid hard words. We came not here to use hard words,
neither have had representatives in the House of Coin- but to use soft words, and, by so doing, to " turn
mons, nor local self.government ; that we ow' them a away wrath."—(Loud cheers.) But if there be any
debt olgratitude, which our Ministers have ill-repaid policy which is more "base, bloody, and brutal" than
by suddenly quitting their alliance, and uniting England another, it is that which will plunge us into a war with
with Russia and therest of the Holy Alliance in opposition one of the most civilised nations on the face of the
to France. This conduct has angered and mortified them; earth—(Cheers)—base, because it makes us break faith
and when they "found the people of Eughod were silent, with a noble and civilised people, in order to take part
and sceminglrearelese•ef their alliance, they became •I with a people who ore ; bloody, because it
doubly itidignarreand angry. Hence the fierce outbreak- ' will force us into a war, during wi.ieb there must be
of passion which has lately taken place in France. The expended oceans of blood and millions of treasure ; and 1
best means, I repeat, of calming these feelings of irrita- brutal, because it, obstructs everything like progressive I
tion on the part of the French, is by the people of Eng- reform, freedom, economy, and retrenchment.—
land assembling and declaring their desire for a strict al- (Cheers.) We have been told—and lam sorry to see
hence with that country. It is under the influence of so few of the leaders of what arc called Liberal opinions
these views, that I have presumed to call you together, in Leeds—but we have been told that the expression of
to exhort you to declare your wish for friendship with our opinion might damage the Ministry. Now, the I
France, and to advice the other great towns of England question is, not what Ministry will be damaged, but i
to follow your example.—(Cheers.) It is also said that what is the truth, and what will most conduce to the
such meetings as the present one might embarrass the promotion of peace, and, accordingly, to express an
Government in their negotiations. Is not this the bits- opinion boldly and fearlessly, because lam convinced
guage of despotism and hatred to popular control 'l that that course only will be adopted which the people
(Hear, hear.) Undoubtedly, whenever the people in- of England consider to be right, just, honest, noble, and
terfere and call their rulers to account, it is excessively generous.—(Cheers.) The question involves not so much
embarrassing for them.—(Laughter.) But then arc we the interests of the Ministry as the interests of the
to permit our rulers to involve us in a disastrous war, people. And, therefore, let the people speak
without raising our voices against it ?—( Hear, hear.) out. (Hear, hear.) We have come here to
We assemble and express our opinions when we disap- speak out not from factious or party motives, but in or-
prove
of laws or taxes, or when we desire a change in der that the sound sentiments of the people of Leeds
our institutions ; are we then only to remain silent when and of the people of England may be expressed on this
the greatest interests, when the destinies, I may say, of most momentous and vital question.—(Hear, beer.)
our country, are at stake ? Surely not. Then, more It is lull time that the people should take up this
than at any other lime, it behoves us to be energetic question, involving, as it does, the lives and properties
and stirring.—(Hear, hear.) What is the use of a of our fellow-creatures. These lives and properties have
constitutional government, what is the use of represen- too long been committed to the hands of those who have
tatives, except to give utterance to the opinions of the no sympathies with the people, and whose interests arc
people ?—(Cheers.) And how can a representative opposed to the interests of the people ; and, therefore,
know the opinions of his constituents on an extraordi- it becomes us to speak out and demand that the Go-
nary occasion like the present if they remain silent ? vernment should go on progressively—that we should
( Hear, hear.) I ask you to inform your representatives claim a union with the people of France, in order to
of your wishes. I ask you, are you or are you not perpetuate peace, harmony, commerce, and civilization.
averse to a European war ?—(Cries of " Hear")—the —(Cheers.) We are told, forsooth, that by so doing
duration of which no one can foresee. Foi a European we shall " let in the Tories."—(Laughter.) What are
war once commenced, as there is no reason for its com- we now doing, but actually letting in the Tories.—
mencement, so there will be none for its termination.— (Hear, hear.) Hare we not returned to the policy of
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") With the continuance 1792—t0 the old Holy Alliance policy of the despots
of war national jealousies will be excited, national an- of Europe—(Hear hear)—when they armed themselves
tipathies will be aroused. In the numerous contests to crush the rising liberties' of the people ?—( Hear.)
which will take place, the alternate victories will only have we not gone back at least to the point from
excite the combatants to redoubled exertions. The which we started ten years ago, when, by so unanimous
defeated will desire to revenge himself—the victor to a movement, we drove the Tories from power, and car-
maintain his superiority. The English will swear that rind the Reform Bill ?—(Hear, and loud cheering.)
one Briton is equal to three Frenchmen ; and the ig- We are letting in the Tories because we are permitting
nor ant and infuriated and stupid multitude, wild with our Ministers to get us into a war of which the Tories
passion and prejudice, will respond to the cry, hy ex- are certain ere long to assume the management.—
claiming, " War, war, war !"—(Vehement cheering, (Hear, hear.) It is only by the unscrupulous policy of
and cries of " Bravo, bravo!") On the other hand, the Tories and their superior tactics in conducting the
the French will appeal to their national glory, honour,and reins of a physiCal force Government that any
ed h
European
renown ; they will count over every battle they gained war can be carriedst oana.lauTlahteedpolitocybnrioawg atdhoop t'Toriesorieys
against allied Europe, forgetful how noble was that Nlinistew .in
Any expression of opinion, therefore, which I
rsm a
struggle in behalf of national independence,freedom from into power.
tyranny,and of self-regeneration; theywill lash themselves shall have the effect of checking Government in its
into fury by calling to mind every contest with England, present course, is the duty of the friends of freedom, '
every injury done to them by England from the time progression,aante present occasion.—(Cheers.) The
and
henfranchisement, and this duty we are
of the Norman to the ever to be lamented restoration performing a
of the 13ourbon—( Hear, hear)--,-from the battles of question is
between enfranchisement and not what political party shall be in power,
Cressy and Poictiers to the fatal field of Waterloo.— but it is a question
non-
(Hear, hear.) Who can foretell the termination of such enfranchisement—between retrenchment and lavish ex-
a war? When the hell-hounds of strife are once let penchture—b etween national waste and national economy
loose, who will undertake to enchain them again in —between bloodshed and peacefulness—between edu-
their infernal abode, till they .are sated and glutted cation and ignorance—between religion and cavagery—
with slaughter ?—(Cheers.) Are these not harrowing- between morality and civilisation and the arts and
and dreadful thoughts ? Consider, I entreat you, who sciences, and all the powers of destruction, rapine, and
they are with whom we are about to commence this plunder. (Cheers.)You may perhaps haveheardthe
hateful and abominable conflict. A noble and generous story of a certain eloquent recruiting sergeant who, on
people—our equals in the arts and sciences—equally a certain occasion.a was holding forth to a crowd of sim-
attached with ourselves to liberty and free institutions plc and ad min
g rustics around him, what a glorioui and
war ; when a witty and wise old soldier
—desirous of good government—longing for self-itne noble thing
thing
near exclaimed,
excla;med, holding up his wooden leg,
improvement—unsurpassed by any nation in.power ; and, standing
when united with .us, capable of resisting the world in "Arid behold the end of it !"—(Laughter.) Now, na_
arms.—(Much cheering.) They are at the bead "of tious who go to war should recollect there is also a na-
European civilization—the best type of that civilization
tionalwooden leg.—(Cheers and laughter.) The people
—our equals in all respects—in some, perhaps, our
dearest of this country are now peeing upwards of twenty-three.
periors. Does not nature point them out as our su
millions per annum, as the cost !of their last conti-
and nearest allies ? Ought not similar interests and? nental batatlesd; we are now overloaded with taxes, we
wants to link us together in indissoluble friendship . are burth nc wirh an iniquitous corn-tax—(Loud ries
Have we not the same great 'task to accomplish—to of" Hear, hear")
—every measure of improvement has
obstructed, in 'consequence of that war,the
human the progress of civilization, and to improve the
Inimao race ?—(Hear, hear.)- Is it. not a miserable, an lbitem.endsooofdethheochnuermtlileesoosfolfibtehretypehoapylee
are
eend strengthened
What a miserable and lamentableH national
execrable, and accursed policy which would sow dissen- by rt,.
tion and discord between us, and strain our energies to creadmanag.
leg is this to stand u on —( ear,ayhebayr,
day
ahye airn.
--t--he(Lphahupgileitehrf
mutual destruCtion and massaere?—(Hear, hear.) woo
One of the greatest of our statesmen has foretold that, Morehatahrlang)—'thaant,d itit
is
as
iampPraosst.tihelne
tohnaet
awthianho remote period a war must arrive in Europe, and e
'would be a war of opinion, in which liberty would this' country will be disposed to stand on that leg any
have to contend against tyranny,and free institutions must longer.—(Cheers,) It is not enough that the people and
enter the field of battle against despotism. Now, if the press of England. declaim against what we
such a struggle were to take place, on which side I call the furious and intemperate language of our French
ask you, ought England to be found ? With neighbours—our duty is to offer them the right hand
Russia and the despotic Powers of Europe, with of fellowship, and thereby endeavour. if we cans to
;the Tartar, the Hun; and the barbarian, or with France, throw oil upon the troubled waters.—(Loud cheers.)
freedom, and•nivilizatin" ?—( Vehement cheering.) I put Gentlemen, in that spirit I have come forward to pro-
the question to -you, and await your answer.—(Loud pose that an address should issue from this meeting to
the people
is of
,a s France,
which address I will notv.read to
and .generals cries of " With France, with FranCea.a").
you.he
" With France," This I expected of
you. You reply,
Then is not every injury that we do to France, or that
" TO THE PEOPLE OF -FRANCE.
Franci does to us, a gain. to the cause of the despot--
" People of France L»-For the last ten years our re-
a source of rejoicing and exultation to him and his spective nations have been closely allied in friendship,
minions?—(Hear, bear.) Let Eogiand and France and that friendship so advantageous to both countries,