The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

PROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—The " time to cry out" against taxation
upon the public for the thirteen new colonial bishoprics which
are projected, will come, says the Times, " when the call is
made." A previous warning may not, however, be thrown
away. It is not much too soon, for those whom it is intended
to tax, to look about them, when the taxers (in purpose) begin
to broach their speculation. The subscribers to this scheme
for accomplishing a factious object under spiritual pretences,
ought also to be considered. Many who have contributed, or
who may be solicited to contribute, are doubtless under the in-
fluence of purely religious motives. They wish, and very laud-
ably, to extend the influence of their own faith and worship.
But they may not wish to render that extension subservient to
the creation of a body of Tory Church patronage, to be exer-
cised independently of the legal and constitutional head of the
Church. The project, moreover, is worth notice, were it only
to illustrate the principles, in Church and State, which have
regained the semblance of their old and pestiferous ascendancy
over the rights and interests of the people. The claim of her
Majesty, the head of the Church of England, acting by her
constitutional advisers, to nominate any of the proposed thirteen
colonial Bishops, " must," says the Times, " necessarily be
fatal to the whole design." We thought as much from the first
announcement. This fact is quite sufficient to settle the spi .
rituality of the speculation. The desire is not for religious
Bishops, appointed by the same authority that suffices for the
Established Church at home, but for nominees of an episcopal
corporation, in which a political faction is pretty sure to predo-
minate. The souls of the colonists, it seems, may go to perdi-
tion, if they can only be supplied with Bishops in the old, legal
constitutional mode ; a mode never yet contested since the
Church of England was the Church of England. The scheme
does not turn upon the wants of the colonists, nor upon the dic-
tates of piety, but exclusively upon the possession of the
patronage. To be without that, although the preten-
sion to it be an unprecedented invasion of both the
Church and State of England, " must cecessarily be fatal to
the whole design." In support of this pretension, it is affirmed
that " in all ages of the Church it has been a settled maxim
that the patronage follows the endowment." However settled
the maxim may be, the limitations are very material, sad are
quite as settled. here are many cases in which the endowing
parties have a permanent right of presentation ; but none in
which they have an absolute right of appointment; none in
which they nominate, not merely to the incumbency of a liv-
ing, but to spiritual functions of a dignified order ; none in
which there is anything analogous to the creation of bishoprics
and bishops. In these loiter cases there is no exception to the
practical supremacy of the Sovereign over the Church, exer-
cised through the great officers of State. To refuse these ap-
pointments would, we are told, " abridge the spiritual liberty
of Churchmen," anti be " a preposterous tyranny." No such
" liberty" having ever existed, we cannot see how it can be
" abridged." All alliances abridge the liberty of acting as if
there were no compact; nor is the alliance of Church and State
any exception. If the Church needs the liberty of makine.
Bishops otherwise than by the head of the State, who is its'
own head, it must forego the advantages of being an Esta-
blishment—it must cease to be the Church of the State. To
combine the emoluments of alliance with the freedom of inde-
pendence would be monstrous. Those who think the lat-
ter worth the price, pay far it by the disadvantages of dis-
sent. Those who do not, let it alone, and stick to the bene-
fits of Establishment. There is no other alternative ; nor
can there be, consistently with common justice. "Is the
Morning Chronicle prepared to contend that the Crown has a
right to name the Bishops of the Anglo-Catholic Church in
Scotland, or of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland ?" We
answer, no; nor of any other Catholic Church whatever. We
eased its right as to the Church of England—the Church which
it made, the Church which it pays, the Church of which it is
the sslemnly recognised head. 'Neither of the Churches re-.
ferred to is in any such predicament. Both of them are dis-
senting bodies. The Church of England is neither dissenting
nor Catholic; it is an institution of the State, localised within
certain boundaries. No possible amount of truly religious zeal.
and liberality in the Church of England can call forth any ob-
jective feeling. But when the design is avowed of turning
those qualities to account in a mode which would render the
Church a tool of a political faction, and erect a power capable
of commanding the Government of the country, and of enthrall-
ing both Sovereign and people, it is time to protest. The an-
nouncement is probably only experimental ; Toryism is putting
out its feelers in various directions, to ascertain how much the
people will bear without that military coercion to which
(should its new ly-gained power continue) it must come at last;
and therefore it is but fair to our opponents that we should at
once say that, in our opinion, thirteen new bishoprics, inde-
Trident of the Crown and Legislature, will be something of a
choker.
lalES.—Dublin, as our readers are happy to know, is one
if the places in which, after all their intimidation, the Liberals
have been unsuccessful. Such was their ferocity under the
disappointment, that when, on the Saturday night, the elec-
tion had terminated in favour of Mr. West and Mr. Grogan
(the former of whom was confined by indisposition to his
nouse), it became necessary that Mr. Grogan should return to
his residence under an escort ; and accordingly he went home
through the streets of that civilised metropolis guarded by a
party of the 10th Hussara! The same spirit which hail so
.avagely overawed the constituency of Dublin city, continued
to exercise its terrors upon that of Dublin county. The coal-
portei s, as befot e, were the most conspicuous of the ruffians.
On the night of Sunday, the 11th, the night immediately pre-
ceding the first day of the poll, they set fire to a dwelling-
louse near Santry, and forcibly carried off and secured
twelve of the Roman Catholic tenants of Mr. Woods, of
Alilvertown, who were desirous to vote with their landlord
for the Conservatives. When the poll began, armed parties
d these coal. porters paraded the streets leading to Kilmain-
ham and the avenues around the hustings. On Tuesday and
Wednesday, indeed, when the advantage appeared to be with
'he Popish candidates, the polling went on more quietly, but
on the night between the Wednesday and the Thursday, the
priests' party seem to have thought that an example was be-
come needful, and consequently a lamer, named Macalister, who
had voted for the Conservatives, was on that night waylaid on
his road home, near the village of Rathcoole, and treated with
such violence that his life was not only endangered, but would
in all probability have been sacrificed on the spot, but for the
timely arrival of one of the mailcoaches from Dublin. In the
course of Thursday, however, it became obvious that all these
murderous means would be unavaling ; and early (in
the Friday morning the Radical candidates resigned.
It is probably to the near attendance of an ade.
quote military force that the discomfiture of the intimidation,
both in the city and in the county of Dublin, must mainly be
attributed. It will be seen as we proceed with these notices,
'hat in other districts, where the same assistance was not avail-
able, the violence and terror reached a height yet more b ir-
barous, and succeeded in storming a bloody victory. We are
often told that there is no difference between the English and
the Irish people, and that therefore there ought to be no dis-
tinction between English and Irish institutions or franchises.
this difference, at least, between the English and the Irish
constituencies, we think, is tolerably perceptible—that in order
to prevent intimidation at an English election, the military
must be marched out; in order to prevent it at an Irish elec-
don, the military must be marched in.
POST.—We collect from the Whig-Radical journals of
Edinburgh, that Ministers are endeavouring to force Lord
Jeffrey to retire from the Bench of Justice in Scotland, as
they forced Lord Plunket to retire from the Chancellorship of
Ireland, and for the similar purpose of providing a place for a
hungry and importunate partisan. The Edinburgh Observer
says Considerable excitement at present prevails in Leith,
in consequence of apparently well-founded reports that her
Majesty's Advocate, Mr. Rutherford, is about to retire from
the representation of these burghs, in expectation of being ele-
vated to the Bench, as it is understood great efforts have,
within the last few days, been made to obtain Lord Jeffrey's
resignation, on account of his recent serious inelispssi-
tion." It further appears that, in anticipation of the suc-
cess of this Scotch job, the Whig-Radical electors of
Leith have split into two hostile cabals, the one in favour of
Mr. Robert Steuart and the other in favour of Mr. Joseph
Hume, both in the unfortunate predicament of having been re-
jected by other and more judicious constituencies. '1 he Minis-
terial journal above quoted is decidedly of the Hume faction.
It says that, " Although Mr. Steuart's exertions in the cause
of reform are thoroughly appreciated by a considerable num-
ber of the electors, it is understood that the great zeal
and unwearied labours of Mr. Joseph Hume have endeared
him to a large majority of the constituency. We
have no doubt that Mr. Hume will be peculiarly ac-
ceptable to the whole body of Dissenters. His career
as a public man has been devoted to the diffusion of Liberal
opinions. To a mercantile community, no man can come be-
fore it with greater claims than Mr. Hume. He is profoundly
versed in finance; and as a thorough Reformer of abuses in
every department Mr. Hume stands unrivalled." It may, turn
out, however, that " the great efforts which have been made
within the last few days to obtain Lord Jeffrey's resignation,"
may not Le successful. In which case there will be no vacancy
for Leith, and the hopes of every member of the Ministerial
triumvirate, Mr. Rutherford, Mr. R. M. Steuart, and Mr.
Joseph Hume, will be equally blighted. -
GLOBE.—The programmes of the new Tory Minis-
try, prematurely put forth by the Tory journals, and
their ludicrous contentions with each other as to the su-
perior fitness and more powerful claims of their respec-
tive favourites to consideration in the formation of the
new Cabinet, and in the distribution of the patronage
cocnected with the highest offices in the Government,
introduce us behind the scenes, and place before us the
secret intrigues and open discord which are going on,
in propria persona, among the actual aspirants to office.
The Herald yesterday drew up the curtain, not merely
before the stage manager had given the necessary direc-
tions, but before the actors were dressed for the charac-
ters, and even before the drama was, as the play-folk
say, " cast." For this breach of decorum, the imperti-
nent blunderer is severely rated by the arbiter eleyantia-
rum of the 'press. The Herald is reproved for med-
dling with matters beyond her province. The Stan-
dard's " West-End. Correspondent" had furnished no
" early and exclusive information " on the subject ;
and, in the absence of a communication from that
confidential and veritable eaves-dropper, it was ob-
viously highly indecorous to disclose anything respect-
ing the existing 'or the embryo Ministry. " The in-
genious persons,"
pains to the Standard, " who have
been at theains to provide a Ministry, are begin-
ning rather too soon.' And then the inconvenience
of letting the public know what is passing in the " green-
room "—the numerous applications to the manager to
be permitted to recite the part to which the pertinacious
applicants aspire, and the polite refusals, or the rude re-
pulses with which they were met—the wounded pride and
disappointed hopes, ill-concealed under an affected scorn
for what was so earnestly coveted, and so unceremo-
niously denied—all this is compressed within the space
nmdairodvoislveyisioolusta
of a single sentence. The effect is perfectly graphic
" Noblemen and gentlemen do not like to be advertised
for offices which they may not have, or
in this way " h S
shocked at this violationd:cortau
perhaps would not acceßt. ofT
monstrous familiarity with high personages Such
things cause great annoyance, and may be productive of
worse inconvenience. Indeed, we are assured, that the
"
manager has not yet been able to form a company, much
less to assign their parts to those who are to constitute
convinced, it sir B. Peel, we are does not know
who form
whe 512.111 be his colleagues whenh
e incited
a Ministry."—We will venture to add—or whether
he will be the entrusted with the formation. The
ia as spi-
Cabinet-maker insists that
the mater d
ls, h
ester ay, s ou dec be
fied in her State drawing of y .
nailed together ; as to their
clove-tailing- with anything
like neatness or strength • , that is of little consequence
"Is this a time," exclaims the Herald, "to be con-
sidering whether noblemen and gentlemen' like or
dislike to be advertised for offices' which they may
of _
an
or may not accept ? No.. The commands
im-
perial state—the desires of a peoplehallowed by
the sanction of the Constitution,—are to be consulted
and obeyed. It is no time to consult the flikee
The
or of noblemen and gentlemen. _
serio-comic piece, The Manager in Distress,
evidently in course of preparation, thought it may not be
publicly performed. The privileged few who have been
permitted to be present at the rehearsal, have evidently
not had the discretion to refrain from babbling of what
was designed to be kept secret from the public. Such