The Sun.
London, England, 1871-02-15 00:00:00

SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 15, 1871.

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC. - EXTRAORDI-
NARY and COMBINED ENTERTAINMENT. PRO-
FESSOR PEPPER on THE WAR. Special Edition. Musical
and Pictorial Illustrations.—Mr. GEORGE GROSSMITH, Jun.,
In the Fairy Tale, THE YELLOW DWARF, every Evening ;
GRECIAN STATUARY, by MADAME BOUSFIELD ; and a
thousand and one other Entertainments all for ONE SHILLING,
12 to 5 and 7 to 10.

MADAME TUSSAUD'S EXHIBITION, Baker-
street.—nn view, Portrait Models of the ex-Emperor and
Empress of the French, and Prince Imperial. Also, Marshal
Bazaine, Marshal Canrobert, General Trochu, &c., &c., &c.—
Admission, Is. ; Children under Ten
till Years
10 of age, 6d. Extra
Rooms, 6d. extra. Open from 10 a.m. p.m.

:::----------
MADAME TUSSAUD'S EXHIBITION, Baker-
street.—On view, Portrait Models of the King and
Crown Prince of Prussia, Prince Leopold of. Hohenzollern. Also
Count von Bismarck and Count von Moltke.—Admission, ls. ;
Children under Ten Years of age, ad. Extra Rooms, 6d. extra.
Open irom 10 a.m. till if) p,m.

PARTRIDGE AND COOPER.
'MANUFACTURING STATIONERS,
102, FLEET-STREET (CORNER OF CHANCERY-LANE), LONDON, E.C.
THE PUBLIC SUPPLIED AT 'WHOLESALE PRICES,
AND
CARRIAGE PAID to the COUNTRY ON ORDERS OVER
s.2os.
ream.

Vine Cream Laid Note ; a cheap paper .. .•.• • • • ....• .... 3 0
Superfine Cream Laid Note ; much approved ..... • 4 0
upertitie Thick Cream Laid Note ; especially recommended. 5 6
Extra Superfine Double Thick Cream Laid Note .• 7
Vtruw Paper, "Patent ;" adapted for rapid writing ...... 2 6
Large Commercial Note Paper 5.......... 6d.,
Foolscap Papers, blue or cream .... 10s. 6d., 12s. 6d., and 14 6
6 6
Outsides Foolscap ......... ...... •• • • • ...........
lain, 45.; ruled ditto, 4 6
Letter Paper for scribbling p
Tinted Lined Note.
New Vellum Wove "Club House" Note, five quires for 2s. 6d.
Superfine Cream or Blue Envelopes, 4s 6d, 6s 6d, & 6s 6tl
Large Blue Wove Commercial Envelopes, 4s 6d ...... per 1000
Cheap Buff Colour, for circulars, &c., 35....
COLOUR STAMPING (Relief) reduced to ls. per 100. Polished
steel dies sunk by the best artists to the trade at about half the
prices charged try the retail houses.
Au ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE, conntainingPresses, full desc
Inkstaudsrip-
tions, with prices of Account Books, Copying ,
Stationery, Cabinets, Postage Scales, Despatch Boxes, Travelling
Writing Cases, Desks, post free. Established 1341.

TOHN GOSNELL AND CO.'S CHERRY
C..) TOO 111 PASTE is greatly superior to any tooth powder ;
gives the teeth a pearl whiteness, protects the enamel from
decay, and imparts a pleasant fragrance
to thes breatLoh. Price
ls. ad. —Red Bull Wharf, 93, Uppeet, ndon.

NOTHING IMPOSSIBLE.
A GUA AMARELLA restores the Human Hair
to its pristine hue, no matter at what age.
the aid of one
JOHN GOSNELL and CO. have at length, with
of the most eminent Chemists, succeeded in perfecting this
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Sold in bottles, 3s. each ; also 5s , 7s. 6d., and 15s. each,
including brush.
Red Bull Wharf, Angel-passage, 93, Upper Thames-street,
London, B.C.

THEATRES AND AMUSEMENTS.

DRURY LANE—RuIe Britannia. Dragon of Wantley.
COVENT GARDEN—Lottery Ticket. Sleeping Beauty.
ADELPHI—That Rascal Jack. Deadman's Point. Our
Female American Cousin.
PRINCESS'S—The Happy Man. King o' Scot.. He's a
Lunatic.
HAYMARKET—The Poor Soldier. The Palace of Truth.
Uncle's Will. Family Jars.
VAUDEVILLE -Chiselling. Two Roses. Elizabeth, or the
Invisible Armada.
OPERA CO3IIQUE —The Welsh Girl. Found Drowned.
The Comical Countess.
ST. JAMES'S—TO Oblige Benson. Naval Engagements.
Vesta. An Unhappy Pair.
OLYMPIC —Poppleton's Predicament.
lesque) Paul and Virginia.
ROYALTY— Dora's Device. Whittington Junior and his
Sensation Cat. Diamond Cut Diamond.
GAIETY—A Christmas Story. Alladin 11.
QUEEN'S—A Day After the Wedding. 'Twist Axe and
Crown.
ROYAL COURT THEATRE—Turn Him Out. Randall's
Thumb. Q.E.D .
HOLBORN—Jeza,bel. Ticket-of-Leave Mn.
STRAND—Who Spools First ? Up the World.
Cceur-de-Lion.
PRINCE OF WALES'S—Ours. Locked In.
ASTLEY'S —Englishmen in Paris. Little Tom Tittlemouse.
SURREY—Farce. My Son Jack.
NATIONAL STANDARD—Farce. Ride a Cock Horse to
Banbury Cross.
SADLER'S WELLs—Jeannie Deans.
AMPHITHEARE AND CIRCUS (11.olborn)—Lulu. Scenes
in the Arena.
ST. JAMES'S HALL— Christy Ministoels. Every evening.
ALHAMBRA— Grand Concerts.
POLYTECHNIC—Professor Pepper's War Lecture. After-
noon and evening.
MADAME T USSAUD'S (Baker-street)—From 10 a.m. till 10
p. in. Is. ; extra rooms, 6d.

Nell and (I3ur,

_
THE French electors have plainly expressed their
desire for peace by placing the Red advocates
of war in a hopeless minority. It is clear, however,
that in some of the districts the great question of
the hour has not been the only one that influenced
the choice of the constituencies. Besides determin-
ing whether they are disposed to fight any longer
or not, they have obviously given an eye to
the future in their selection of deputies. In the
Department of the Nord, for example, all the can-
didates pronounced for peace ; no voice throughout
the district was uplifted in favour of war. Yet the
representatives elected are all Monarchists of the
Orleanist type. It is natural to conclude, it is well
known indeed, that the bitterest hostility to the
Republic prevails throughout the Nord depart-
ment. In other districts where the electoral
"ticket " was universally peace, the Moderate
Republicans were preferred. In Paris, where the
cry of " guerre a outrance" has become very faint
since the capitulation, the Reds have won a decisive
victory. The inference is that Paris is Red, or
rather that the Ultras there are so well organised
' and united as to be able easily to beat the scattered
bands of the various hostile sections. It is clear,
then, that though the peace party had the advantage
almost all over the country, the elec-
tions have not been uninfluenced by other
considerations. Two negative deductions are
very obvious. The extreme Republicans have
gained a comparatively small number of seats, partly,
no doubt, because the majority of Frenchmen are not
extreme Republicans, partly because many of those
who do hold ultra views do not ap-
prove of continuing the war. It is
clear, also, that the Imperialist cause has
nothing to hope for from this Assembly. Even the
Legitimists have gained more seats than the sup-
porters of the Empire. Indeed, there was no surer
way of attaining a low place on the poll than to
pronounce beforehand for the virtually deposed
dynasty. The few who ventured upon this display
of loyalty paid the price of their rashness in failure.
The few known Imperialists who will sit in the House
smuggled themselves in on Conservative lists.
It is more difficult to determine what the electors
have done, than what they have left undone. The
most experienced student of French politics may con-
fess without shame that he knows nothing of the crowd
of farmers, notaries, and country mayors, who form the
majority of the deputies. The elections were car-
ried on by lists, not by individual candidatures.
For instance, in a department electing ten or eleven
members there would be . a Red list, and a Moderate
Conservative list, perhaps all three ; and it appears
that the electors have to a great extent voted for
thes6 lists en bloc, with little regard to the individual
opinions of those who composed them. Some of the
lists shew the strangest amalgamation. The Red lion
occasionally lies down with the Monarchist lamb, Mode-
rate Republicans and Orleanists are very often, almost
found on the same list. Between these parties always,
the balance unquestionably lies; but which of the
two has the advantage it is impossible to say. The
moderate Republicans are strong, many fore-
most men, such as M. 'limns, having
given in their adhesion to that party.
The number of deputies who are, and always have
been, Monarchists, is large, but until the still greater
body of representatives who have probably no
special preferences declare themselves, it would
be useless to attempt the division of the
Assembly into parties. There can, however, be no
difficulty in predicting that the establishment of a
Moderate Republic would be more beneficial to

France at the present time than the installation of
any other regime. The reason is not far to seek : any
attempt to set up a throne immediately would, with-
out fail, produce a civil war. The Repu:lie,
as M. THIERS has said, divides Frenchmen
least. If it be afterwards found expedient to
establish the Conite DE Pants as King of France,
all well and good. The difference between a
Moderate Republic and a Constitutional Monarchy
of the British type is not so serious as to be worth
quarrelling about. The essence of the two forms-
-1 liberty with order-,-is the great desideratum.

of a

THE correspondence conducted by the Foreign
Office with respect to the war between France and
Germany proves that the Government have neglected
no just opportunity of employing their good offices
in the interests of peace. The principles which
should guide neutral States during such a terrible
period are clearly enough laid down in some of Earl
GRANVILLE'S own letters. A Government which
desires to keep aloof from a conflict of this kind
should measure its words strictly by the line of
policy it intends to take. It should promise just as
much as, and no more than, it is prepared to perform.
If sympathy with one of the belligerents goes so
far as to produce a desire to lend it active assistance,
the requisite degree of dictation and bullying
ies
of may
soon be attained. But one of the plainest dut
a neutral State which is anxious to do all th t
a is pos-
sible to bring about peace, and yet keep itself out
of the war, is not to interfere beyond certain limits.
None but the small section of politicians who wish
England to defend France can, after reading
this correspon lence, argue that Earl GRAN-
VILLE did not press his interference suf-
ficiently. His first overtures were made
shortly after the battle of Woerth. He offered
France mediation at a time when the Imperial
Government did not think it could with dignity
either ask or accept it. The same willingness
has been sbewn by the English Ministry ever since.
The correspondence proves that the French Govern-
ment of Defence most persistently urged the neutral
Powers to interfere on behalf of France, and that from
this country it never met with a rebuff. The con-
tending parties were more than once brought into
communication, but, unfortunately, their views
were more irreconcilable in October and No-
vember than in July. The Germans wanted
territory. The French would not yield an inch of
their territory, nor a stone of their fortresses. What
could be done, unless England were prepared to
fight for one side or the other—that expedient being
in no way calculated to promote the restoration of
peace ? The Prussians throughout have displayed
very little disposition to invite or tolerate the
interference of auy neutral Power. Earl GRANVILLE
on one occasion expressed the opinion that " the
rigid adherence by M. FAVRE to the conditions of
yielding not an inch of territory nor one stone of a
fortress is a great obstacle to peace." More
recently he has represented, in language as strong
as his position would admit, the duty of Germany to
show moderation as the victor, and thus end the curse
of this great war. Beyond this he could not go,
without risk of spreading the war all over Europe,
instead of confining it to its original boundaries.

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

ELECTORAL DISABILITIES.

Count Bismarck will not offer any objection of a
practical kind to the decree of the French Govern-
ment, excluding from the National Assembly all
members of the families who have reigned over
France. He does think such disabilities contrary
to the spirit of the Versailles Convention, but
they do not interfere with his main object—
the conclusion of peace. The question of this exclu-
sion presents some difficulties. As we have previously
pointed out, the Orleanists were banished from
France by a law of the Second Republic. The veto
has never been repealed, though an attempt to do so
was made during the Ministry of the " light hearted"
Emile 011ivier. It, therefore, the Government of
Defence permitted the election of the princes it would
in effect repeal this law of its own motion.
No doubt the Assembly would readily condone such
an irregularity. No doubt the Assembly itself will
repeal the law, and admit the Orleanists, who have
now an excellent chance of either leading the Re-
public or restoring the Monarchy. But not the less
would the Government, by acting on their own
responsibility, have exceeded their powers. It should
be remembered to their credit that the Republican
Ministry have conducted these elections with a fairness
to which France has been long a stranger. There has
been no interference of any kind. No list of candi-
dates was submitted to the electors with a hint that
such list was preferred by the powers that be. The
exclusion of the Princes does no practical injury to
their cause ; whilst Gambetta's decree excluded from
the Assembly all persons who had held any kind of
office under the Empire—a disqualification which
would have operated against many Orleanists.

by various theorists. At a meeting of the Social
Science Association, under the presidency of Mr.
John Stuart Mill, Mr. Thomas Hare read
a paper on the suggestions afforded by
the application of the cumulative vote, in which he
treated of the conversion of the cumulative into
the single vote, the prevention of uncertainty
and of the waste of electoral power, the abolition
prescribed qualifications for members,
and similar questions. A discussion fol-
lowe,d, at the conclusion of which the
chairman observed that it was satisfactory
to find from the tone of all the speeches that it was
not necessary io defend Mr. Hare's system. The
evil of the present mode of working the
system of cumulative voting was that many votes
were thrown away, being taken for candidates after
they were no longer necessary. Mr. Hare's principle
was that, when any candidate had received enough
votes to return him he should receive no more,
and the electors should give their remaining
votes to some other candidate. Mr. Mill regretted
that some feasible way had not been suggested of
transferring votes. No system but Mr. Hare's was
effective, and his plan of the quota should be com-
bined with the largest possible constituencies. They
had better try it on a small scale in the School
Board or municipal bodies, throwing all London, for
instance, into one constituency.