The Sun.
London, England, 1823-01-03 00:00:00

[MORNI NG HERALD.]

The Paris Papers of the 31st ult. contain but I
little intelligence, and rather provoke speculation
upon the vertiginous politics of the French Ca-
binet, than throw any light upon the subject.—
The Duke de Fitzjames, an ultra Royalist Peer,
and descended, we suppose, de la main gauche,
from James 11. is mentioned as the successor of M.
de Chateaubriand, to the Embassy of London. The
Chambers are to be convoked on the 28th. It is in-
timated in the Journals as probable, that the
public mind and the money markets will continue
'more or less unsettled until then. There is an
article in the Journal des Dbhats, the supposed
—indeed admitted, organ of the Villele party,
to which some importance will probably be given.
Its main object is to convince the world that
the difference between the retired Minister and
Iris successful rival in the Cabinet was trilling.—
" All," says this Journal, 64 that is permitted to
conclude from the retirement of this Minister is,
that on an. important point of discussion, his
manner of viewing it was not completely in ac-
cord with the result of the Council, and that, as
we said ut the time, by a sentiment, the very
exaggeration of which is a virtue worthy of the
highest praise, he has yielded to his personal
feelings, without ceasing to be united id heart,
views, and principles, with those from whom
he separated himself." The shallow vagueness
and ambiguity of expression in the first part of this
sentence must strike the reader. It must be predi-
cated, with indisputable, though rather Jesuitical
truth, of persons separated from each other by
a very wide chasm of opinion, that they did not
44 completely" agree. The remaining part of the
period is the best commentary upon what goes
before. The more ardent Ultra-Royalists, who
wished an immediate invasion of Spain, are en•
raged at the retirement of M. de Montmorency,
and the attendant disappointment of their hopes.
Their opposition in the Journals, from the state
of the French Press, is not openly or angrily
expressed. It is 44 not loud but deep." Their
animosity is not time less violent, but rather the
more so from their both being recently but of one
party. Now, the purpose of the Journal des
bats is evidently to disarm and conciliate this party.
Conciliation is the great tactic of M. de Villele. In
this instance we doubt his success. He would
44 throw out the tub to the whale," by giving
them hopes of war. But these hopes are not
likely to satisfy them" after the substance has
been snatched from their ►rasp.

PROVINCIAL JOURNALS.

( Prom The Dublin Correspondent, Dec. 28.)

Addresses to his Excellency the Lard Lieute-
nant are pouring in from all parts of the kingdom. Men who
never felt or thought alike upon any public occurrence, on
this occasion boast a common feeling of horror united with in-
dignation—perfectly uniform, general, and national.--Nor is
this concord limited merely to the feelings alluded to—it is
just as general resPecting the admiration which has been pro-
&teed by. the conduct of the illustrious person at the head of
the Government. Every day seems to increase the national
interest in the character of this distinguished Nobleman, and

what has been approbation with some has warmed into applause
and panegyric intensely indulged has matured into expressions
of affectionate attachment.- Whey who looked coldly at the
measures of the Government a short time ago, because this
was a variance distinguishable in them from what bad been I
usual, are beginning to relax in the penury of their commends.
tion ; for at last they have discovered that the state and con.
dition of nations have their mutability like other things...
that times and circumstances exact their compliances like other
more simple necessities—that the diffusion of propertyc and
the extension of education, produce great though very
silent changes in the very substance of society—and that
what may have been endurable as a custom or an observance,
or as one of those civil rituals which are sometimes prac-
tised in a certain stage of civilization, becomes unsuitable,
and often injurious in another and a more generally improved
state of things. With this impression spreading and deepening
in men's minds, many have been led to agree with us in
opinion, that Ireland has long left that period behind, when
any purpose conducive tQ interest or advantageous to national
character could be effected, by periodical celebrations of the
triumphs of one portion of the people, or the discomfitures of
another—that, as a nation, we now touch a period of intelli-
gence and liberality, when we are bound to lay out our schemes
of national prosperity and honour upon very different principles
from riotous remembrances of civil wars, or puerile comme-
morations of intestine feuds. Those injurious and offensive
habits have had their day ; but the present times disavow them
—and all suture times must disown them ; until it shall be
established as a fundamental maxim, that the more anger, strife,
discord, and repulsion which prevail among a pestle, the
greater and the happier they must become. It has been
foreseen by many, that the practices to which we have been
alluding must have an end—that they could not co-exist
with the spirit of the present times ; and perhaps no
better season could be selected for a mild and decisive disap-
probation of them, than the commencement of the reign of one
of the most accomplished, as well as the most paternal Sove-
reigns that ever wore the triple Crown of the United Kingdoms
—and, during the Lieutenancy in Ireland of one of the greatest
Statesmen that ever shed a lustre upon high rank, and the
greatest stations under the Royal. authority. • The first step has
been taken in this important and necessary interference of the
Executive-=and it will be persevered in with vigour and deter-
mination ;—and all silly evasion of its design, or absurd oppo-
sition to its operatiop, can only involve prejudice in difficulties,
and obstinacy in perplexities. Policy and justice have pro-
nounced judgment upon this case—and from that judgment
there is no appeal. While we have always contended for
the neceeeity of suppressing all public manifestations of party
spirit, which keep. alive heart-burnings among the people,
and revive dissensions that trouble the public quiet, and retard.
the progress of morals and civilization, we are tar from approv-
ing of a vindictive species of policy which several of our
contemporaries think proper to recommend. We desire it
public quiet and public order; and, for the particular enor-
mity which has arisen out of the measures taken to preserve
both, we shall see without sympathy the malefactors suffer the
severest award of criminal justice ;—but many of our contem-
poraries are not satisfied with those matters, but call aloud for
the suppression of Ortiner. Societies, mistaking, perhaps, their
own habitual prejudices for a sense of public policy—just as the
w off, went sent to school, could only learn the letters which
for med the word agnas—Orangeisms forms the invariable sub-
ject of their reciamatious. But the history of Ireland :thews how
little can be don e by the power of the most tremendous laws,
when opposed to religious feelings and principles—and it is the
purpose of the vleilosophy of history to go a little beyond dry
facts, and to ex tract from them the honey of their wisdoM.—
They who have our national fate in their keeping, know how to
read aright the lore of history, and our counsel upon the sub-
ject is nut wanting. The grace with which Alderman Nugent
was received by his Excellency on a very recent occasion, ap-
pears to have surprised a few, but we apprehend it is because
they have listened too much to party tales, and exerted too in-
dolently their own understandings, that they are to attribute
their wonder, and not to the circumstance itself. The Lord
Lieutenant recognizes no distinctions of party—neither the
flashy Protestantism of the Anti-Union Alderman, eor the
calculating Catholicism of the most interested declaimer : with
those extremes or with the softer distinctions peculiar to reli-
gious politics,liis Encellency does not meddle; for, as we have
repeatedly affirmed, he does not attempt to set up any party, or
to put down any party—his object manifestly is, to govern
all parties with an even and impartial hand—to prevent
any one from troubling or injuring the other—to compel,
if necessary, a cessation front all provocatives to -pub-
lic disturbance—and 'to enjoin, as fur as the force of
of precept and example can hope to effect so happy a purpose,
conciliatory habits among the great divisions into which differ.
ent religious creeds have cast the people—mild, and generous,
and placable conduct to each other—such as the general interest
specially calls for—such as real religion, under all its modifi-
cations, inculcates and commands. The fanatic, in one case,
may • snarl, because he thinks the King's Representative is
going too far—and in another because he is not going far
enough. Both are in error, because their prejudices are the
guides to their understanding. Every other description of per-
sons, who haVe besets touched with a true sense of what is for
the honour and interest of' this suffering country, are ready to
do homage to a policy which avoids such irreconcilable ex-
tremes.