The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-27 00:00:00

EVENING EDI .1710 - ''',,,

House what he considered to be the proper pacific policy
whicu ought to have been pursued. It seemed to be the
opinion cf the Hon. Member that the preservation
of the peace of Europe would be best attained
by this country interfering as little as possible, except
upon very special occasions. Now he must differ from
him. Ho could not conceive that a country like th,s,
with so many possessions in different quarters of the globe,
connected as it was with all the Powers of Europe so in-
terested in maintaining the balance of power, and pre-
* rving the peace of Europe, could maintain that balance
of power and preserve that peace without continually in-
tetttring in affairs which might arise calculated to destroy
the; balance of power and to prevent the preservation of
Teeace.—( Cheers.) If they appealed to authority on this
subject, he would look to the course which had been pur-
sued by the most pacific Minister that ever guided the des-
tinies of this country, he meant Sir Robert Walpole. So
far from adopting the line of policy laid down by the
Hun. Gentlemen that great man was constantly, and
every wb ere, interfering with his counsel and with his
advice, throwing the weight of England alternately into
the erre scale or the other, as the preservation of the
balav ee of power might require; and not only did he
ask,: a part in negotiations, but he interfered with the
de et, insomuch, that in one Session he demanded a supply
for the equipment of a fleet of thirty sail, and all this
for the purpose of maintaining the peace of Europe :
and who during the whole period of his power never en-
gaged this country in war except upon one occasion,
when he suffered his own better judgment to be over-ruled
by the judgment of others. With regard to the particular
case now under their consideration, he doubted whether the
policy recommended by the Hon. Member wa3 the one
most likely to conduce to the preservation of peace. He
understood the Hon. Member to say that in his view there
was no necessity whatever for interfering between the
Porte and Mehemet Ali, but that in case Russia should
advance into Turkey and establish herself at Constantino-
ple, that their own fleet and own army should be put in
motion, and we should declare to Russia that the integrity
and independence of the Ottoman empire must be pre-
served. But let them suppose a case—let them suppose
that Turkey should say to England, here is a rebellious
Pacha who i 3 interfering with and undermining my autho-
rity, and I feel it impossible to maintain my independence
against him without your assistance, and that England
should decline to interfere, or to express an opinion
on that subject. Suppose, then, that Turkey should
say ago must then look to Russia and to
Russia alone for assistance, and Russia were to take
Tur'atey under her own exclusive protection—(Cheers)—
er.d Russia yieldieg to the temptation, which it would be
-almost impossible far a Power possessed of her vast armies
to resist, should take the opportunity of gratifying that an .
bition which must necessarily arise in her in consequence
of our inertness—(Cheers)—and her ambition would be
increased just in proportion to your want of energy and
vigour. Would it be sufficient that you should say no ?
Would she retreat at your summoning when her armies
had been ordered into the positions which she had assigned
to them, and when she was proceeding to execute those
intentions which perhaps she might have already declared
in the face of Europe ? Would not the peace of Europe
bo in greater danger in this latter case from the pacific
line of policy advocated by the lion. Gentleman, than
from the course which her Majesty's Government had
adopted?—(Cheers.) Ile would admit to the lion. Gen-
tleman that the interference of this country was not called
for in every case of a difference between the head of the
Ottoman empire and one of his rebellious Pachas ; that if
the Pacha of Albania, or any other Pacha should be dis-
obedient arid rebellious to the sultan, or that if the Sultan
should find that his power in Syria was not sufficiently
strong to put down any mountaineers who might be inclined
to disobey him, that that would be no eerie calling for our
interference. The fault of the argument of the Hon.
Member was, that he considered these cases to be all alike
—that he made no distinction—that he considered it ne-
cessary to lay down a mathematical rule to regulate all
C tars of interference between the Sultan and his vassals
—that we were bound either never to interfere at all
or to interfere in every case that might arise. But he
utterly denied that it was possible to lay down any rule
with such exactness. Human affairs were not of such a
nature as to admit of the application of such invariable
rules.—( Cheers.) They must judge of the circumstances
of each case as it might arise, whether those circumstances
were likely to interfere with the preservation of the peace
of Europe. Now what was the case with regard to
Turkey ? A war had been ended by the Treaty of Ad-
rianople, following other wars, the result of which had
been greatly to weaken Turkey. The Sultan, whose in•
dependence we had always professed our intention rigidly
to maintain, constantly urged on the English Ambas-
sador the danger to which he was exposed from the
Egyptian Peelle ; and he certainly said that it was
tn.cessary for hirn to have the protection of England,
if England would give it to him, or the protection
of Russia if Russia were ready to give it to him
against the encroachments of his rebellious vassal, who
was every day endangering his safety and independence.
A conflict at length took place between the troops of the
Pacha and these of his Sovereign, the result of which
threatened still snore deeply the Turkish Empire. The
Sultan, after the defeat at Neeib, certainly asked the as-
astence of this county against the Paella. It was not
giver. to him for reasons which his Nuble Friend had at
that time explained to the Hcuse. The u#sult had been
that Russia had afforded to Turkey the assistance, and
Russia had, as he thought, most imprudently, but certainly
not unnaturally, considering her position, secured cer-
tain peculiar advantages to herself by the Treaty
of •thiltiar Skolessi —(Cries of " Hear.") He thought
Russia had acted imprudently, because, without securing
t r herself any substantial increase of power, Russia had
given warning to Europe that if that Treaty should be
loilOued by uher acts, the result would be to establish the
exclusive protectorate of Russia over Turkey. Such were
the views which the Government of this country had taken
of that Treaty, and official representations had been made
to Russia that the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi would not
bo recognised by this country as an European Treaty, that
it would not be considered as part of the public law of
Europe, and that this country should consider itself at
liberty to act as if no such Treaty had ever existed.
( Hear.) The same course had been pursued by the Go-
vernment of France. He did not know what course the
Government of Austria had pursued, but there could bo
no doubt but that the Treaty of Unkiar Skclessi must be
displeasing to that Government, whose great object was
the maintenance of the integrity of the Ottoman empire.
It was sot a safe condition for Russia ; the truce between
the Sultan and Mehemet Ali remained for some time un•
broken ; but still there were dangers, and it could not be
said that the peace of Europe was safe so long as this
state of things continued. Such was the state of
affairs, when Mahmoud died ; his successor was very young,
and not capable of exhibiting and assuming the same
vigour which the late Sultan had exhibited. The empire
was threatened with imminent dangers. The relative posi-
tion of Mehemet Ali and the Turkish empire had been so
clearly laid down, and the reason which had influenced the
conduct of the Government in the negotiations between
Mehemet Ali and the Sultan had been so clearly stated in
his Noble Friend's note of the 31st of August, that he
would refer the House to that note. Not only was Mehe-
met An in possession of Egypt and Syria, but he had au
immense disposable army and a naval force far beyond
what he ought to have, or what the resources of his coun-
try could maintain. His army occupied a position threaten-
ing Constantinople on one side, and Bagdad on the other.
He was menacing the Sultan. He would not state from
the note of his Noble Friend what had been the conduct
pursued by Mehemet Ali, but he would appeal to the
authority of a French Minister, one of the Ministry
of the 12th of May as it was called, which was at that
period in power in France, and was supposed
to be favourable to the cause of Mehemet Ali—
he would sppeal to the authority of M. Passy. The
statement of M. Patsy to the French Chamber was, tha
propositions had been made and had been rejected. Me-
hemet Ali not only demanded that he should keep posses•
lion of all which ho had then acquired, but he demanded
the displacement of the Grand Vizier. He also addressed
letters to the other Paellas of the empire, urging them to
declare their independence of the Sultan, while at the
same time he maintained a correspondence in Constanti-
nople itself. M. Passy said that there were other facts
relating to Mehemet Ali, to which he would not further
allude in his present humiliating position. Such was the
statement of the French Minister, from which it appeared
that Mehemet Ali not only from his position was threaten-
ing the Sultan, not only excited all the other Pachas to
rebellion, but that he maintained most dangerous corre_
spondences in Constantinople itself, so as to acquire a
power in the heart of the Government. But the Honour.
able Geatleman might say that that was no con-
cern of ours, that Mehemet Ali might be as good a
Sovereign as the Sultan.—(" Hear, hear," from Sir Wil-
liam Molesworth.) The lion. Member for Leeds seemed
to be of that opinion, hut there was one little cireumltance
which appeared to have escaped his consideration alto-
gether. The. Emperor of Russia might- take no such
views of the nature of his treaties'with the Sultan. The
Emperor of Austria might be of the same opinion—those
Powers might say, werare not going to abandon our treaties
with the Sultan—it is our interest, as well as our duty, to
maintain them, and Constantinople, occupied by the
troops of Russia or Austria, would become the arena of a
conflict of which no man could foresee the event. It was
impossible for Great Brit* to look on and be forgetful
of all her declarations in favour of the integrity and inde-
pendence of the Ottoman empire, or, if she could be so
forgetful of her obligations, and so unmindful of her duty,
lest she should be involved in war, he thought
he had proved, that so far from war being
avoided, war would be a necessary consequence of
pursuing that course of pacific policy which had
been recommended by the Hon. Member for London.
Neither England nor the ether powers of Europe could
omit taking part with regard to this question. The Am-
bassadors of the Great Powers declared at Constantinople
that it wag the wish of the Sovereigns whom they repre-
sented that the Sultan should not conclude a
separate
and abrupt arrangement with Mehemet Ali, but that he
should wait the effect of the interest they took in his be-
half. The Noble Lord then read a letter, dated the 21st
September, 1839, from the Foreign Minister in France to
the Governor of Austria, and which had been quoted in
the late debate in the Chamber of Deputies, to show that
at that time the Government of France thought as the
Government of England did ; that the first object to be
considered was the general preservation of the Turkish
empire. About the same time that that communication
was made by France to Austria, the present Russian
Anibassador, Baron de Brunow, arrived in this
country with propositions on the same subject, which were
communicated to the French Ambassador, who esonveyed
it to France, and an answer was made by France, which
had also been quoted in the discussions in the French
Chamber. Ile must say the sonduct of the Emperor of
Russia throughout had been that of ono most sincerely
desirous to co-operate with the other Powers of Europe in
establishing peace in the Levant. The Noble Lord then
observed that if a war had justified them in demanding of
the House, and advising the Sovereign, to increase the
army and navy to an enormous extent, they would not
have hesitated in doing so. He agreed with the Hon.
Member for London, that it was a misfortune there should
be an estrangement with France, but the blame rested
upon the Government of Franco in the conduct it pursued