The Sun.
London, England, 1840-05-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 15, 1840.

Ilion the Committee had done their duty, and that it was I
not necessary for them to proceed further, as the matter
would be investigated before another tribunal. On these
grounds he voted with the Hon. Member for Lambeth,
and would remind the Hon. Member for Liverpool (Lord
Sandon) that he (Mr. Aglionby) had never, since he had
the honour of a scat in that House, been guilty of taunting
any party, and he thought the %cry circumstance men-
tioned by the Noble Lord made it imperative upon him to
show that he was not acting in this business from party
motives. As to,the suspending of the writ, and the Com-
mince of Inquiry afterward,, they must take place toge-
ther or not at all. The Noble Lord at the head of the
Government had quoted a variety of precedents;
and when he (Mr. Aglionby) thought he was
going to act upon them, he found he meant
to act directly contrary, and to consent that the writ
should issue 2 • but although the Noble Lord had not con-
vinced himself, he had convinced him ( Mr. Aglionby), and
he should therefore support the amendment of the Hon.
Member for Lambeth.—( Hear, hear.)
Sir THOMAS ACL AND, amidst loud cries of " Di-
vide," and " Question," said a few words in explanation of
the course pursued by the Committee.
Mr. H 0 R. SINI AN rose to explain some observations
which he had made on a former evening, but from the up-
roar and cries of " Divide," was inaudible in the gallery.
Mr. ELL lOT (amidst loud cries of "Divide, divide"
from the Tory benches), rose to order. He said that in
justice and decency the Hon. Member for Cockermouth
ought to be heard.—( Cheers.)
Mr. 110 RSM AN proceeded. The case of Ludlow
was marked by the worst features that ever distinguished
any case. It was understood from the begiuning that the
election was to be carried by money. The public-houses
were all open, but no one knew who was to pay the ex-
penses. No proof could be obtained by any other means
than what was technically called " buying the traitor."
Every one who sat upon the Committee then felt that the
facts proved were such as to excite the utmost disgust.
The question was not whether those traitors were
respectable, but whether the information they gave
was correct. The information could only be ob-
tained from base sources, as none but the basest
instruments were employed. The Committee unseated
Mr. Alcock on the unsupported evidence of Mr. Tillett,
because Mr. Ccppock who could refute, if it were false,
was not called. On the same ground the evidence of Mr.
Revis ought to be received, because not one of the six or
seven persons who could contradict him was called for that
purpose. Evidence was certainly produced to prove that
he had been a bankrupt, and to lower his character in other
respects ; but all the unfavourable facts alleged against
him, took place before he was employed by the Conserva-
tives about the election—indeed, before 1838, when a piece
of plate was presented to him by the Clive party, and as a
testimony of their sense of his high character and worth.
The Honourable Member then read several testimonials
addressed to Mr. Revis in the year 1838, by the leading
Conservatives of Ludlow, expressing for him the highest
esteem, and lamenting his departure from that borough.
One of the testimonials, written by a Director of the Com-
mercial Bank, said that the name of Revis would never be
forgotten whilst it could be lisped by the youngest Con-
servative in Ludlow. —(Great laughter.) He (Mr.
Horsman) did not say that he believed the statements of
Revis, after the contradiction that had been given
by the Honourable Member for Berwick, bnt they
were before the public and were uncontradieted.—(!dear,
hear.) It had been asked why he did not move for an in-
quiry ? Ilis answer was that he did not think that a
Member of the Election Committee ought to take the
initiative in such a case. He had done his duty on that
Committee, and in endeavouring to detect the bribery he
had taken that course.
Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE said, after hearing
the Noble Lord, the Member for Liverpool say that the tes-
timony of Mr Revis was not credited by the Committee,
he felt bound to state that he had this morning received
by post a petition to present to the House from Mr. Revis,
who prayed to be examined at the bar with other
witnesses, in corroboration of the statements which he
had made before the Election Committee. He ( Mr.
Duncombe) had not presented it in the absence of the
Hon. Member for Berwick, but he would do so after the
close of the debate. The Hon. Member then, amidst
great laughter, read several extracts from the evidence,
to show the extent to which treating had prevailed, and
concluded by stating that be would support the amend-
ment, as he thought that in the cases of Cambridge and
Ludlow, the writs ought to be suspended, until the Bill of
the Noble Lord, the Member for Stroud, became law.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw. The House
divided, when there appeared—
For the Motion
Against lO4
Majority for the Motion - 78
WRIT FOR CAMBRIDGE

Sir JOHN WALSH then rose to move a writ for
Cambridge, when
Mr. WARBURTON begged leave to present a peti-
tion from certain electors of the borough of Cambridge,
complaining of the bribery, and praying for full inquiry,
and that no new writ be issued until they were protected
in the -use of the franchise.
Sir JOHN WALSH then moved that Mr. Speaker
issue anew writ for the borough of Cambridge, the late
election having been declared void.
Mr. WARBURTON said although the proof of bribery
in this case was not so strong as in the former ease, still, as
bribery had been clearly proved against one party, he
thought it his duty to make the same motion as had been
done in the last case by his Hon. Friend, the Member for
Lambeth, because of the evidence given before the intimi-
dation Committee, which proved that bribery was systematic
in the borough, and the evidence upon the late inquiry
showed that it was persisted in up to the present moment,
and no doubt would again be practised in a few days. The
Hon. Member read a document published in 1831, after an
election, which was signed by the most eminent of the in-
habitants and professors of Cambridge, deprecating the
bribery and intimidation which had taken place at the
former election. He moved that a Select Committee be
appointed, to inquire to what extent bribery had lately
prevailed, and that the writ be suspended dnring such in-
quiry.
Mr. HUME, after referring to the decision of the Cam.
bridge Election Committee, appealed to the House, if they
would refuse to institute an inquiry into such proceedings
as had taken place at that election.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided, when the numbers were—
For the amendment
Against the amendment 162
Majority —67
The writ was then ordered to be issued.
The Dropped Orders of three previous days were then
read over for the purpose of being replaced on the books.
ABOLITION OF CAPITAL PUNISHMENT.
The SPEAKER having called on Mr. FITZROY
KELLY,
Mr. F. MAUL E hoped the Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber would postpone his motion upon the subject for a few
days, as his Noble Friend, who took a great interest in
the subject, was absent, and recent circumstances had pre-
vented his bestowing any attention upon the subject.
Mr. F. KELLY said it was quite impossible, under
the circumstances, to refuse compliance with the Hon.
ourable Gentleman's request. At the same time as great
ansi:ty existed on the subject, he should give way
with the greatest possible reluctance. He should now,
with the lea is of the House, postpone the motion till that
day week, and he begged to state that it was his intention
to exclude both high trcascn as well as murder from the
operation of the Bill.
AFFIRMATION OF OATHS.
Mr. HUM E postponed the Affirmation of Oaths' all
till that day fortnight.
RELEASE OF STOCKDALE AND HOWARD.
Mr. T. DUNCOM BE said the House had been so ex-
tremely lenient in the case of Ludlow and Cambrilge that
he hoped no objection would be given to the motion he had
to make for the discharge of Stockdale and Howard.
Lord N 0 RR E YS seconded the motion.
Mr. WARBURTON did not object to the discharge cf
these individuals, but for very different reasons, namely,
because the House had placed it out of their power to n-
psat the offence —(llear, hear. )
Mr. HUM E fully concurred in the observations of
the Honourable Member for Bridport, and would
offer no opposition to the motion. He considered this
a night of general gaol delivery—(Laughter)—and
he would include these persons among the culprits of Lud-
low and Cambridge.—( Hear, and cries of " Oh 1")
Mr. PILYME thought the House ought to have peti-
titions from these individuals expressive of their regret for
the offence they had committed. If that was done, he
should not object to their discharge, but until that was
done, he thought they ought not to be liberated by the
House.
Mr. I, ABOUCHERE did not think these individuals
were entitled to any peculiar indulgence from the House,
but having now obtained the means of preventing a repe-
tition of the offence, they ought not to persevere any longer
in so unequal a contest. They would best consult the
public feeling by consenting to the motion of the Hon.
Member for Finsbury.
Mr. BAIN E S hoped the clemency that was about
to be shown towards Stockdale and Howard would be ex-
tended to poor John Thorogood.—(Loud laughter.)
The motion was then agreed to without a division.
Mr. WALLACE moved for a return showing, in
columns, the total number of Civil Bills or causes (includ-
ing ejectments and replevins) heard or tried before the
Chairman of Kilmaiaham, and each assistant barrister
respectively in Ireland, in the year 1839 ; the number of
dismissals and decrees ; the highest and lowest sum for
which a decree was given ; the number of causes in which
recourse was had to a jury ; the largest and smallest num-
ber of persons of whom juries were composed, and the
manner in which, according to the practice of the Court,
juries were constituted; and how and by whom it is deter-
mined whether recourse shall be had to a jury :—also, the
amount or extent of the jurisdiction of the Court in each
form or kind of action ; the periods of the year at which
the Courts were held, with the usual hours of the sitting
and rising of the Court; and whether the Court sits daily
until the whole business is disposed of, or exercises the
power of directing a part to stand over for any and what
time.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Mr.
Revis, respecting the late election for the borough of
Ludlow.

VACCINATION.
Mr. WAKLEY obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
prevent inoculation for small-pox, and to, extend the
practice of vaccination.
The House adjourned at fire minutes past 10

HOUSE OF LORDS, MAY 14.
Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
A message from the House of Commons brought up the
Tunstall Market Bill, the Gravesend Improvement Bill,
and other private Bills.
The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE presented several pe-
titions from congregations of Presbyterians in the North of
Ireland against intrusion of ministers in the Church of
Scotland.
On the motion of Lord DUNCAN NON, the Tithes
Compensation Bill (Ireland) was read a second and third
time and passed; and the insolvent Debtors' Bill (Irelami)
was read a second time.

The Marquis of WE STNIE AT I-I presented a petition I
from the Guild of St. John against the Irish Munic►pal
Reform Bill.

The NOBLE MABQUIS, in reference to the question which
lie hod intended to put to the Noble Marquis, the Secre-
tory for the Home Department, observed that the office of
Master in Chancery in Ireland was filled up, a new
writ having been moved in the House of Commons in the
place of Mr. Sergeant Curry, lately a Member of that
House. Although the question of which he had given no-
tice was rendered unnecessary by that appointment, he
could not help saying that it was a most extraordinary omis-
sion on the part of her Majesty's Government to leave so
important an office vacant for more then two months. He
now begged to ask the Noble Marquis, if there was no ob-
jection, what the salary of the newly appointed Master
was to be ? When Mr. Gould was appointed there was an
understanding that the income should not exceed 2,0001.
yearly.
The Marquis of NORMANBY said that he was not
aware of any arrangement having been entered into with
respect to the salary of the new Master of Chancery in
Ireland. As regarded the inconvenience which the Noble
Marquis had stated to have occurred in the Court of
Chancery in Ireland, he (the Marquis of Normanby) had
not been informed that any such inconvenience had taken
place. He believed, on the contrary, that the business of
the Court in question had of late gone on as usual.
The Earl of HA D DINGTON presented a petition
from the Western Division of 'the County of Ross, against
the Law of Evidence ( Scotland) Bill ; also a petition from
a parish in the county of Edinburgh, praying that nothing
should be granted in the sense in which it had been
demanded by the non-intrusion clergy, until they had
given obedience to the law as it now stood. The Noble
Earl presented a petition to the same effect from Stew-
' arton, in the county of Ayr.
The Earl of RADNOR presented a petition from a
place in the county of York, in favour of a repeal of the
present Corn-laws.
MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS (IRELAND).
On Lord KENYON moving the Order of the Day for
the hearing of Counsel on the Irish Corporation Bill,
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that though he
did not intend to oppose the motion of the Noble Lord, he
wished to call the attention of the House to the subject.
Fie confessed that when he considered how often the prin-
ciple and details of the Bill had been before the House,
he was himself of opinion that it could not be considered
a very harsh proceeding towards the petitioners, if the
House declined to hear counsel in their favour at the bar.
From the importance, however, which some Noble Lords
seemed to attach to the allegations contained in the Report
of the Commissioners on Irish Corporations, he was un-
willing to refuse the petitioners the opportunity of con-
tradicting those allegations. At the same time he hoped it
would be understood that Counsel should not be heard

against the principle of the Bill, but against certain de-
tails which they might consider militated unfairly
against the interests of particular parties. That was the
course which had been followed in the only other
instance in which counsel had been heard on a similar sub-
ject. He alluded to the case of the English Nlunicipal
Bill; and he thought there could now be no objection to
follow the example laid down on that occasion.
Lord KEN YON said that he merely wished that coun-
sel should be heard on the same principle, and in the same
manner as in the case of the English Municipal Corpo-
rations.

The Marquis of WE STM E ATH thought that the ob-
servations of the Noble Marquis would have been more
properly made at the time when her Majesty's Ministers
consented to allow counsel to be heard. The counsel had

by this time prepared themselves as to the points on which
they should speak.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH thought the course which

was followed in respect of the English Corporation Bill
ought to bo adhered to as closely as possible ; but it would
be better and more convenient to instruct the counsel

before hand, than to interrupt them every moment, and
discuss the question whether they were in order or not.
The Marquis of L ANSD 0 WNE thought it would be
sufficient to let Counsel understand to what points they

should confine themselves.,
After some further conversation, Counsel were called in'
Sir CHARLES WETHERELL presented himself at the
bar as Counsel for the City of Dublin. He said he ap.
peered to oppose the Bill as far as related to that city.
He regretted much that the duty had not devolved upon
some gentleman from the four courts in Dublin, who
wouli be better =painted with the local interests and
feelings which the Bill affected. The Corporation of
Dublin contended that whatever principles the Legislature
might be pleased to establish with respect to the altera-
tions of other Corporations, that City ought to be
exempted from the operation of the Bill. He
would confine himself as much as the general import-
ance of the subject, and the interest of all Ireland and
the British Empire, would allow him, to that portion
of the Bill which related to the City of Dublin.

He was here to maintain that the city of Dublin ought
not to be included in the present Bill. The Corporation
of Dublin consisted of the Lord Mayor, two Sheriffs, 24
Aldermen, and 144 Common Councilmen, who are elected
by 25 guilds. These guilds in some measure resemble
those of the City of London ; but in Dublin there is not,
as in London, a separate election of Common Councilmen
by wards. In Dublin these are elected by the guilds.
Again, these guilds are composed of freemen, and make
freemen. The object of this Bill is to take away from

1-1 e freemen the election of the Common Council, and to

give the election to a new body of inhabitants, upun their
qualification, the same as that fixed for the Parliamentary
franchise. The City of London having been left an ex-
ception to the reform of Corporations in England, the
Corporation of Dublin contended that they had—although
he did not like to use Irish words, though sometimes they
were very good—a " precursor"—( A laugh)—in that ex-
emption, and that they had a right to claim that they
should not be included in the Irish Corporation Bill. The
proposed scheme was to reduce the number of Aldermen
to 15, and the Common Council to 90; at the same time
depriving the freeholders of a voice in the nomina-
tion of the representatives and officers of the Cor-
poration—(Hear, hear)--although the Irish Parliamen-
tary Reform Bill left them in possession of their
privilege of voting for the election of Members of Par-
liament. Of some of the clauses of the Bill he must say
that, after a great deal of study, he was unable to decide
whether they were ever intended to have any meaning or
none.--(A laugh.) In the first shedule there were eleven
corporations, amongst which Dublin was included—was
inmated, if he might say so-_(A laugh)—was domiciled,
if he might say so—was householded, if he might say so.
--( Great laughter.) The election was to be taken from
the freemen and given to the 101. householders ; but he
would show that the 101. franchise was not even a 5/.
franchise—was not even a ss. franchise, if even indeed it
was so good as a one shilling franchise. The Learned
Counsel proceeded to say that the great objection made
to the Corporation of Dublin was its exclusiveness. He

doubted, however, whether exclusiveness was necessarily
and under all circumstances an evil. But if the old
Corporations were exclusive, it was clear to him that the

new Corporations could riot be less so, and he believed
that no one who was acquainted with the subject, could
have any doubt upon that head. It was true that there
had been under the eld system no Catholic Mayors in
Dublin, but under the Bill before the House there would be
no Protestant Mayors there. It would, however, be a
mcst extraordinary solecism to abolish existing Corpora-
tions on such grounds, and his first objection to the Bill
was, therefore, that, while it imputed inconveniency and
impropriety, it substituted similar inconvenience and im-
propriety in their stead. The Learned Counsel then
proceeded to state his objections to the rating clauses in
the Bill. The principle of the Bill was rateability, and
that rateability was to be proved by actual payment for the
first three years After that period the qualification was
to extend to persons who paid no rates at all. He protested
that that was the meaning of the 21st clause of the Bill.
A part of his Bill had been to compare the Irish Municipal
Bill with the English Municipal Act, to see whether what
was called equal justice was really so; but he did not in
the Irish Bill see such clauses as were entertained in the
English Bill. The Bill proposed to establish what was
called Household Suffrage, or Universal Suffrage, for the
two were pretty nearly synonymous. The distinction be-
tween Household Suffrage and Universal Suffrage, accord
ing to the principles of the Bill, was a flimsy pi etext, an
ideal distinction. He next begged to call their Lordships
attention to what the powers of the Lord-Mayor of Dublin
were to be. He was to be elected from the Common
Councillors,and was to decide on the rights of the freemen
of Dublin; and under the Bill as it stood' the Lord-Mayor
in certain cases was con,tituted an unappealable judge.
Then the Bill contained clauses with respect to cffices and
salaries. There was a power to remove every officer in tbs
city of Dublin, and to give compensation ; but be wished
particularly to put their Lordships in possession of the
practical machinery of the Bill, as far as it re-
lated to the electionof Common Councillors and the
powers and executive management of the Common Council.
He should now call the attention of their Lordships to the
taxation clause. Their Lordships would find that if any
further sums were required in the Corporation of Dublin,
after the corporate funds were expended, the municipal
body was vested with the power of taxation—a power bor-
rowed from the 9th George IV., called the Paving and
Lighting Act. They could put a tax upon the inhabitants,
in the same way as the Chancellor of the Exchequer might
be supposed to exercise his authority in this country.
Houses under 10/. were liable to be rated to the amount of
9d. in the pound, and houses above that value were liable
to be taxed Is. in the pound, which was equal to 5 per
cent. Such were the provisions of the 135th clause of
the Act That was a tremendous power of taxation ; and
he would show their Lordships what the extent of these
powers was. The rateable property of Dublin, according
to the schedule of the Sheriffs, which was a very low esti-
mate, was 704,000/., and 5 per cent. upon that would
give the large sum of 35,0001. per annum. It might be
asked what was the proportion of that property which was
under 5/. a year? He was unable to state that, but the
amount was so small, that it could scarce be taken
nto account at all. And yet men holding property of
that low estimate, were entitled to exercise the office
of councillor; and the taxing body might be corn-
posed of men who paid nothing, and who
posed heavy taxes, at their own arbitrium, upon the
great bulk of Coe community. That might be called jus-
tice to Ireland, but their Lorships would, he was
satisfied, consider it nothing but the grossest tyranny and
injustice. If Ito looked at the next clause, he found
further absurdity and carelessness. The marginal note
was nothing more than an ignis fatuiss to deceive the
reader. It stated that there was to be an appeal to the
Recorder or Assistant-Barrister; but when he looked at
the ckuse, lie found no such appeal whatever. The only
business the Assistant-Barrister had to do with the Bill
was properly made. The Bill
was to see that the rule
provided that the accounts of the annual expenditure of
the corporation should be laid before the Lord Lieutenant.
That he thought was calculated utterly to destroy the in-
dependence of the corporate bodies; and it was a prin-
ciple which had never been acted upon in the history of
their corporations. He did not understand why the Go-
vernment should exercise any control over that expendi-
ture, because its manifest object must be to render these
corporations subservient to the administration for the time
being. He might suppose the case of a Lord Lieutenant
lending himself in the most Unjustifiable and improper

manner to the party views of a Government, and directing
the levy of a tax of 30 or 40,000/ upon a borough or city,
which had fallen un ler its displeasure. The Bill, with
its sham checks, and pretended protections and sophistica-
tions, then provided that the Lord Lieutenant was to send
an abstract, under general heads, of the annual expendi-
ture, to be laid before both Houses of Par-
ltament. He asked whether it was consistent with
any principle of the British Government to
allow a Bill of tb is sort to pas:, through their
Lordships' House. Ho would now come to the clause
conferring the power of making by-laws, which it ap-
peared were to be submitted for the approval of the Lord-
Lieutenant. The clause to which he had referred gave a
power which no corporation or Court of Law had ever
possessed, and which nothing but motives of the greatest
expediency could justify. No such motives, however, cx.
istcd in the present instance, and those by-laws would be
most dangerous, and it would be most imprudent to pass
them. Having pointed out the defects of the new corpo-
rations, the next question to be discussed was, why were
the existing corporations to be pulled down ? He had
looked through the Reports connected with the subject,
and he could not find any instances of malversation against
the Corporation of Dublin. It had been said it was true
that the corporation was in debt, but that was to be attri-
buted to the failure of their treasurer, about twenty years
ago, to the amount of 30,0001. There was not a word,
however, of peculation alleged against the corporation
itself. He believed that the real objection to

the Dublin corporation was its exclusively Pro-
testant character. But he would repeat that the
result of the Bill would be to establish an exclusively Ca-
:hone corporation in its stead. Let their Lordships look
at the details of the subject. The number of catholic
householders, as compared with Protestant householders,
was as two to one; and the Poor-law Guardians, who
would be the main instruments in carrying the Bill into
effect, as they were the valuators of the rate, were as 25 to
8 in favour of Catholics. The proportion of property,
however, in Dublin, was as 8 out of 9 in favour of Protes-
tants ; so that the result of the Bill would be the swamp.
ing of property by numbers. Not a single Protestant, he
was convinced, would, under the proposed measure, ever
become a Member of the Common Council of Dublin, and
vain and delusive would be the hope of any man who was of
a contrary opinion. Ireland, he believed, would thus be
reduced to the same condition in 1840 in which she was
placed during the rebellion of Tyrconnell in 1687.
It was upon these grounds that he thought proper to call
their Lordships' attention to the principles of the Bill,
with which, as he had stated before, he had no concern,
except for the Corporation of Dublin, by which Bill, if
their Lordships passed it, they would annihilate every

Protestant corporation, and by which, if there were 3,e00
inhabitants in any town, a majority of them might petition
the Queen for a charter of incorporation, and that corpo-
ration would be founded en the principles of a Republican
Government, the religion of the State being excluded,
and all considerations of property disregarded. Any man
ho had watched what had been going on in Ireland
lately, must have seen that every step that had been
taken, and was being taken there, tended to no other
finality but that of the repeal of the Union. He trusted
their Lordships would not act on that principle. There
was one clause, however. in the Bill, which he earnestly
implored their Lordships to expunge, namely, the clause
which did away with the necessity of taking the Catholic
oaths prescribed by the Catholic Emancipation Act for
the protection of the Protestant Church and Protestant
Government. The lay powers conferred by the
Bill would be employed to the subversion of
the constitution of the Church of England.—( Hear. )
Complaints had been made in that House of the conduct
of the Poor-law Commissioners in Ireland, and of the con-
duct of Poor-law Guardians, and yet these persons were
to be employed in the machinery with which it was in-
tended to carry into effect the provisions of the present
Bill. He had stated his principal objections to the Bill.
lie had shown that it was intended to democratize Dublin

o extend the influence of Catholicity, and to abolish

these Corporations so far as their principle of Protestant
exclusiveness went, and thereby they would aim a deadly '
blow at the Protestant faith and worship in Ireland. The
extirpation of the Protestant religion was the avowed ob-
ject of those who advocated and supported the present
measure. Every other Corporation which was to be con-
stituted hereafter, was to be founded upon a solely and ex-
clusively Catholic principle, and by giving their assent to
the present measure, they were binding their hands behind
their own backs, and they were binding the hands of the
Crown behind the back of the Crown in all time to come ;
so long as Ireland existed, and so long as an Act of Par-
liament had any force, they could establish no Cor-
porations in that country on any other principle.
Ever since the Catholic Relief Bill had been passed,
Ireland had been in a continued state of agitation—
every fresh concession only stimulating them to in-
creased demands, and the principal agitator was an indi-
vidual who had only a few years ago been denounced in
the speech from the Throne. If 'their Lordships con-
sented to pass the present measure, they would fall, un-
warily it might be, into the snares of the agitators and
disturbers of the public peace, who had been heard to
ary, " Give us the Corporation Bill, and we will take
care of the rest." It would, he was satisfied, be an engine
of immense and invincible power in the destruceon of the
union between the two countries. If the present Bill
passed, farewell to every Protestant Corporation in Ire-
land. Valete, valete, to all the Protestant Institutions
in Ireland. If the Corporation of Dublin was treated in
that manner, the Irish people, who were famous for
their love of justice, would say, " Now that you have
done justice to Dublin, let justice be done to London,"
and they would insist upon the same principle being ex-
tended to the English metropolis. It was true there
was no parliament at present in Dublin, but let them
once pass the present measure, and they would soon have
it in all its pristine splendour. The Learned Counsel,
after repeating his conviction that the Bill would lead
to the overthrow of Protestantism in Ireland, concluded
by thanking their Lordships for the patient hearing they
had given him.
Lord KEN YON then moved that the further heating
of Counsel should be deferred till tomorrow.
The proposal was agreed to, and the House adjourned.

HER MAJESTY'S DRAWING-

ROOM.

The Queen heldia Drawing ROOM yesterday afternoon
at St. James's Palace.

Her Majesty and Prince Albert, attended by their suite,
arrived from Buckingham Palace, escorted by a party of
the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards, and were received
on their arrival by the Lord Chamberlain, the Master of
the Horse, and the Lord Steward. In attendance on her
Majesty were Lady Portman and the Marchioness of Nor-
manby, Ladies in Waiting, Hon. Miss Cocks and Hon.
Miss Cavendish, Maids of Honour in Waiting, Viscount
Torrington, Lord in Waiting. Major the Hon. George
Keppel, Groom in Waiting, the Hon. Col. Grey, Equerry
in Waiting, Mr. Cowell, Mr. Chichester, and Master Bing,
Pages of Honour in Waiting. Ilcr Majesty was also at-
tended by Lady Barham and the Dowager Lady Lyttelton,
Ladies of the Bedchamber; Hon. Miss Pitt, Hon Miss
Spring Rice, Maids of Honour, and other Ladies and
Women of the Bedchamber, and Maids of Honour. His
Royal Highness Prince Albert was attended by the Groom
of the Stole and the Treasurer of his Household; Earl of
Morley and Mr. Francis Seymour, Gentlemen and
Grooms of the Bedchamber; and Colonel Wylde, Equerry
in Waiting.
In the Foreign circle, Miss de Clamouse Browne, and
Miss Julia de Clamouse Browne, two Portuguese ladies,
were presented to the Queen by Madame Marques Lisboa,
the Lady of the Brazilian Charge d'Affaires.
La Baronne de Pfeil was presented to her Majesty by
Lady Palmerston.
Her Majesty's Hon. Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms were
on duty, commanded by their Standard-bearer, Mr. Henry
Robinson.

The Drawing Room was attended by the French Am-
bassador; Noory Effendi, the Turkish Ambassador, ac-
companied by Mr. Salame, her Majesty's Oriental Inter-
preter; the Prussian Minister, the Swedish Minister and

Countess Van Bjornstjcrna, the Wirtcmburg Minister, the
Belgian Minister and Madame Van de Weyer, the Bava-
rian and Netherlands Ministers; Mrs. Stevenson, the Lady
of the United States Minister; the Hanoverian, Portu-
guese, Grecian, Russian, Spanish, and Saxon Ministers;
Baron de Nieumann, Austrian Minister, on a Special Mis-
sion ; Prince Castelcicala, Neapolitan Minister, on a Special
Mission ; Commandcur M. Lisboa, Brazilian Charge d'Af-
faires, and Madame Marques Lisboa; Mr. Murphy, Mexi-
can Charge d'Affaires, and Madame Murphy; M. de
Hummelauer, Austrian Charge d'Affaires ; G. Capero
Gelesta dei Duchi di Regina, Neapolitan Charge d'Af-
faires ; Count de Rohan Chabot, Secretary, and Messieurs
de Vandeul and Edouard Herbet, Attaches to the French
Embassy; Mr. Benjamin Rush, Secretary to the Ameri-
can Legation ; Lo Baron Odelga, Consciller, and Le
Baron de Lebzeltern, Secretary of the Austrian Embassy;
Chevalier Rebello de Carvalho, Secretary of the Portu-
guese Legation; M. L. A. Pinto de Several, Attache to
the Portuguese Legation ; M. Charles Drouet, Secretary,
and Messieurs Victor Van de Woestync and Theophile
Van de Woestyne, Attaches to the Belgian Legation ;
Monsieur de Savigny Attache to the Prussian Legation;
M. Muriel, Attache to the Mexican Legation; M. Agob,
Secretary of the Turkish Embassy ; M. Gabriel Salame,
Baron Bjornstjcrna, Baron de Pfeil, Secretary of the
Wurtemberg Legation ; Count Bilk Brahe, Secretary of
the Danish Legation, and Countess Bille Braila ; Lc
Chevalier Perez de Castro et Brito, Attache to the
Spanish Legation ; Baron Betide, the Lord Chancellor,

the Lord Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the Master of
the Horse, the Captain of the Honorable Corps of Gen-
tlemen-at-Arms, the Vice-Chamberlain, the Captain of
the Yeomen Guard, Viscount Combermere, Gold Stick in
Waiting, the Treasurer of the Household, the Master
General of the Ordnance, Sir Henry Parnell, Pay-
master-General, Archbishop of Armagh, the Master
of the Ceremonies, Colonel Cavendish, Clerk Mar-
shal, Mr. Henry Robinson, Standard-bearer to the
Ilonourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms, Major Hyde,
Assistant- Master and Marshal of the Ceremonies,
Sir G. tioulton. Ensign of the Yeoman Guard,
Captain Sir A. P. Green Newal, A. D.C. in Waiting,
Colonel Sir Robert Gardiner, and Colonel Baker, Royal
Wilts Yeomanry, A.D. C. to the Queen, Mr. James
Bunce Curling, Clerk of the Cheque of the Hon. Corps
of Gentlemen-at-Arms, Mr. Ellerthorp, Clerk of the
Cheque of the Yeomen Guard, Mr. Samuel Hancock,
Exon in Waiting, Sir Benjamin Smith, Lieutenant-
Colonel Hall, Ist Life Guards, Silver Stick, Captain
Courtenay Boyle, R.N., Groom of the Privy Chamber,
and Mr. Strachan, Gentleman Usher in Waiting to the
Queen, Colonel Lambert, Field-Officer in Waiting, Mr,
Lawrence, Surgeon Extraordinay to her Majesty, and the
following :
DucusssEs.—lnverness, Northumberland, Somerset,
Gordon,chandos, Montrose, Leeds, Argyll, Buckingham and
Dowager Richmond.
MARCHIONESSES—Downshire, Cornwallis, ThOrLIOIId.
COUNTESSES—POWiS, Bandon, Lovelace, Craven, Dowa-
ger Erroll, Manvers, Bruce, Pembroke, De Persano,
Albemarle, Sefton, Grosvenor, Wicklow, Airlie, Bridge.
water, Durham, De Sails, Clanwilliam, Eldon, Cowper,
Hillsborough.
VISCOUNTESSES Bernard, Corry, Beresford, Torring_