The Sun.
London, England, 1840-07-14 00:00:00

TO THE WORKING MEN OF LONDON.
PUBLIC IEMING will be held on
CLERKENWELL GREEN, To-lloartow EVEN-
ING, July 15, tor the purpose tf ELECTING an INUIT I-
DUAL to CO-OPERATE with the DELEGATES ab,ut to
ASSEMBLE at 3IANCHESTER.
Chair to be taken at FM is-past Seven.
WORKING MEN, FAIL NOT TO ATTEND !

Tais day is publAed, with two Lithographic Pla•es, price 12e.

_
cloth boards,
FACTS IN MESMERISM ; with Reasons
for a dispassionate Inquiry into it.
By the Rev. CHAUNCEY HARE TOWNSEND, A.M.,

Late of Trinity Rail, Cambridge.
• London : Longman, Orme, and Co.

VON RAUMER'S ITALY.
Just ready, in 2 vols. post Bvo.,
IT AL Y IN 1839.
By FREDERICK VON RAUMER,
Author of
" England in 1835," Illustrations of His' cry," &c.
Henry C Aburn, Publisher, 13. Great Marlboroiigh-street.
Orders received by all Booksellers.

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.
Last Week of the incredible achievements of the celebrated
Van Amburgh, with his incomparahle Collection of Lions,
Leopards, and Tigers, in fierce combat on the open stage,
and in the double den. Nieitly overflows.
THIS EVENING, JULY 14.
Will be acted a New Dratraticjpectacle, entitled

IHUNG.O-PARKE; OR, THE ARAB OF THE NIGER.
Kaifa, the Arab, by Van Amburgh, in which character he
will be attacked by a leopard and a tiger, and finally encounter
and subdue the whole herd in their dens, being h's last week in
England previous to his departure for St. Petersburgh.
To which will be added,
THE WET NURSE.

To conclude with, by desire, Haines' New Drama, entitled
THE FACTORY BOY; OR, THE LOVE SACRIFICE,
Supported by the entire strength of the Company.

ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.

BRILLIANT SUCCESS of the BATTLE SINFONIA !!
FOURTH WEEK ! !
GRAND PROMENADES MUSICALES ET
CHAMPE ORES,
By Godfrey's unrivalled Band.
vast Panorama al Fresco of Iceland and its Volcanoes, by
D.inson—Brea!ting up of the Lie—Melting of the Snows—
PiPlease and Departure of the Discovery Ship.
Carter's astonishing " Koniaphostie,"-or "Lime Light.
Eruption of Mount Hecla, &c.
Every Monday, Tues,iav, and Thursday.
Programe of the Concert for July 13th. 14th. and 16th.
Overtures—Der Frieschutz, Serniramide. Quadrilic,•—La
Tett,. de Bronze, Les Echos. Waltzes—Die Kosenden, cotver
of London (composed expressly), Les Roses. Grand March—
Die Ternp!ar and die Juden. Glee and Chorus—Ti e Chough
aril Cr nv (Guy MannerittO. Fantasia—Sur des .Motifs de
^
" luccia de Lammermoor,,, arranged expressly by Godfrey
(First time). Eelet•tiGn of popular Airs from " Robert le Dia-
ble." A t.id

GRAND BATTLE SINFONIA.
The celebrated chef d'oeuvre of lit011(mm,
Ilcviv;:d with mere than its original ifF.et and grandeur.
ADMISSION ONE SHILLING.
Concert commences of Six.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We mast decline. publishin.: the second letter of a SAtlier

too long, and not of sufficient pubic interest.

ti;,Fi A \TER AT LONDON BRIDGE
41 rninules alter '2. Evetatil, . rte.

The i:l:blication tlf the Evening FAH..on nt IHE Sus corn-

men,e,i at 10 si.inates after Three.

-,0,y15
-`)
7, =
ri Itl-1+

~~~

LONDON:
TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1840.

On the assembling of the Piers last night Lord
F.,TaaNGFORD pr,,sented a pctitien from Norwich against
any red icticn of duty en foreign silks. The hand-loom
weAvers only imitate the bed example of the landlords,
and would be without an excuse were their superiors
honest. It would, however, be much less a public evil
to tax foreign silks than to tax foreign corn, which is
done fur thc lantihrds' advantage.
The Marquis Of LONDONDERRY gave notice that he
will to-night put a question to Viscount MELroriaNE
about Sir DE LACY EVANS' letter, which appeared in
7:be Sun yesterday.
In answer to Lord LYlsrollußsT, Viscount AIEL-
BOURNE stated that he had every reason to believe that
arrangements had been made to do away with the sul-
phur monopoly, and give compensation to English sub-
jects when their losses can be ascertained.
A message was brought down from her Majesty
hir'ing at a contingency which may hereafter occur,
and professing her readiness to concur with their
Lordships in any measures to secure the dignity of
the Crown and the rights of the people. This refers,
though darkly to the necessity of a Regency, and
Vi count MELBOURNE gave notice that he should to-
day move that the message be taken into consi-
deratic.n.
The Report of the Administration of Justice Bill
was hi ought up, and the Bill ordered to be read a
third time on Thursday. Lord BROUGHAM took'
the opportunity of expressing a hope that a more com-
prehensive measure m4ht-yet be passed to regulate
the appellate jurisdiction.
On Viscount MELBOURNE Uloving the third reading
of the Canada Government Bill, the Duke of WEL-
LINGTON said that he continued of the same opinion
with regard to the Bill ; but, on the whole, he recom-
mended that it be sent down to the other House as
amended. The Noble Duke complained of the nor.-
publication of the despatch of 14th October till Iklarcb,
which had been used to influence the determination of
the Assembly of Upper Canada in favour of the union.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH was of the same opinion on
this last point as the Duke.

Lord MELBOURNE d• fended the non-publication of
the despatch as a matter of prudence, and expressed
his rcwret that the Noble Duke should again have an-
nounced his disapprobation of the Bill. Fite trusted
31,4) that the Noble Duke's antic-pat ions would be de-
dt ficient in their usual provide nee and sagae:ty.
After a short ennve•sation, in which tic E:trl of
RIPON and Lord Lirtouottxm took part, the till was
pas-ed with amendments, and sent back to the Commons
Tl,ir Lordships adjourned.
In the Commons, after the presentation of several pe-
titions, Sir H. Vlvt.tx called the attention of the Hous:!
to a petition signed by the Hon. Member for Carnlirt en,
which charAed the Reports of the Commissioners appoint.
ed to inquire into packet pits as the most unfounded
assertions and the most miscl.ievous recommendations.
Mr. R. 0. GORE said it was no; the intention of
the potitisners to c Ist any aspersions on Sir F.
SMITH or Professor BARLOW.

Sir
T. TROWBRIDGE wished to heir the same said of
Sir J. GORDON and Capt4in BEECIIEY, and gave notice
tht he would call the attention of the House to the
induct on Wednesday.
The Carriage of Goods on Canals Bill was put off
sine die.

A similar 'Message from her Ma.esty to that deli-
vered in the Lords, was s,.nt down to the Commons ;
and aA Address in answer to it was immediately agreed
to nem. con. Lord J. RUSSELL stated that the Bill
would be introduced in the House of Peers.
It was agreed to, on tl,e motion of Lord J. RUSSELL,
that henceforward public business should begin in the
House of Commons at a quarter past four o'clock.
On the Order of the Day being moved for a Com-
mittee of Supply,
Mr. lIUME called the attention of the House to a
petition from Prince Edward's Island, but, as he made
no motion, the lion. Member was called to order by
the SPEAKER.

answer to Mr. BARNEBY, Lord J. RUSSELL said
he would propose the third reading of the Constabulary
Bill on Monday, and would also put off the Clergy
Reserves (Canada) Bill till that day.
In answer to Lord G. SOMERSET, the Noble Lord
said be would take the discussion on the Railway Bill
on Thursday or Friday.
Sir E. WILMOT complained of the inconvenience oc-
ca'sioned to the inhabitants of Birmingham by the ques-
tion concerning the Charter not being settled, and asked
whether a decision respecting its te.lidity would be soon
pronounced.

- Mr. F. MAULE regretted that neither the ATTOR-
NEY-GENERAL nor the SOLICITOR•GENERAL was pre-
sent 19 answer the question.

Ccl. SIBTHORP, almost in spite of the SPEAKER, per-
sisted in asking why the ATTORNEY-GENERAL was not
in his place.
Lor•,t J. RI'SSELL said he had not quite as much
leisure as the Gallant Officer.

In reply to Sir R. PEEL, Lord PALMERSTON said
that the blame of delay in presenting the Report of th.!
North American Boundary Commission rested on him •
but it is now printed, and will be laid on the table in
af. .w days, compiete without omission. A proposition
for a tietinit,ve Convention, based on the proposition of
the United States, his Lordship stated, had been sent
to the lioited States. We may hope, therefore, that
the oucstion will be speedily, settled.
Iu answer to Sir F. PURDETT, Mr. F. MAtti.r.
stated that he knew t I no order to prevent Mr. F.
OVONNOR, from sending petitions to that House.
Mr. HOME found an opportunity of calling the at-
tention of the Ministers to the consequence of the
Crown having made large grants of land in past time in
Prince Edward's Island, under certain conditions, winch
not nein; complied tvith, the land was escheated to the
Crown, and had caused great inconvenience.
Lord J. RUS3ELL stated. that the matter would be
attended to, and he hoped, in another Session, to find a
remedy for the grievance.
Sir S. CANNING next called the attention of the
House to the state of affairs at Cracow, and took the
opportunity. to pronounce a censure on the wanner in
wh:ch the foreign affairs of the country are conducted.
The Hon. Gentleman made no motion.
Mr, GALLY KNIGHT hating no motion to second,
supported Sir S. CANNING'S observations, and insisted
that Lord PALMERSTON'S great object was to go to
war with Rona, an object to atta44 which any Fo.

reign Mini..ter who wished it would hardy need

to wait ten years.

Viscount PALMERSTON lOW Sir S. CANNING that
the Nliristers did not pretend to more wi•dom than
their neighbours, but they took care to understand a
subject before they spoke about it, which be showed the
Hon. Baronet did not. The Noble Lord gave. as he
well might, a favourable account of our Foreign
Affairs. He showed the Government had remon-
strated against the occupation of Cracow, but
could not do more'; he showed also that the
Three Powers had acted against Cracow under the
iinfluence of alarm, and now that their alarm had sub-
: sided they would probably attend to our remonstrances.
The fault, however, of the whole matter, let us observe,
lies in tile treaty promising independence to Cracow,
r which has no power of its own, and is surrounded by
three great States. For a State to be independent it
must have the means of keeping its neighbours in awe,
which Cracow has cot, and therefore it is absurd to
talk of ita independence. It is equally foolish to talk
about England going to war on account of that a iolation
of the treaty which destroyed the independence of
Cracow.; tor if Cracow had been sacked and
burned, it would not have warranted, how-
ever much that might have been regretted, a
European war. An interesting debate ensued,
which, having no other object than to enable Hon.
Members to speak, when they were tired, the House
went into Committee of Supply. Colonel SIBTHORP
interposed for a moment with sonic observations on
Dr. .13JWRING, which he afterwards repeated in the
Committee.

In the Committee a lengthened discussion took
place, first on a vote for additional seamen, which
was postponed, and next on the grant to the Brit-
ish Museum, which was assented to, and fin-ally
on the sum asked for by Dr. BOWRING. Oiie
would rattier not have the money than have the
roasting the DocToß received. The grant wcis, in the
end, carried in his favour, by 98 to 66, so that Colonel
SIETHoRp, who h►s long been the Parliamentary per-
secutor of the DOCTOR, did not last night git.n his

point.

The House then resumed, and at a Quarter to Two
adjourned.

A letter, which we have received from 801.
. ton, gives an alarm:ng, description of the state
of trade in Lancashire, and of the • feelings
of the people. The communication of our
Correspondent is confirmed by the remarks
of the &lion chronicle, and we should not
he surprised it the people were to adopt the mea-
sures suggested by our Correspondent, or something
like :t, of refusing to pay taxes. We must say,
with ail due deference to those who make and those
who administer the law, that the patience of the
;Toole has already sorpassed a:1 reasonable -expec-
tat;.ons.

The account of their condition in many of our
large cities, which is contaii:ed in the recent Re-
port of the Public Health Committee, is quite
appaling, and almost makts us dread w bet her they
be not too much debased to be sero4bl-• of then. in •
juries. 'One-fifth of the working classes of Liver-
pool, for example, live in ci.lhirs, " dark, damp,
confined. ill ventilated, and dirty." One•eigh h
of the working population of Manchester live in
similar cellars, and so on of the working pnpulati, n
of other towns. Thus, the men, by whose exer-
tions the wealth of those great cities is created, are
denied as much of the surface of the earth as will
suffice for a habitation.
It results from that report that our wotkink popu-
lation are the prey of disease, and have short but
painful lives. They dwell in the midst of filth and
poisonous exhalations, and are racked with pains for
lack of room and wholesome air. It is impossilde
to cast a glance over that Report, without coming
to the conclusion that the labouring classes of Eng-
land, who are, under Providence, the chief creators
of all the wealth of the country, the bulk of which is
annually created and annually consumed, are as un-
justly treated as any race of men on the face of the
earth.

Most of their evils, the scarcity of food, the de-
ficiency of fresh air, the being crammed into cellars;
or huddled together eight families in a room, may
he traced to a want of space. The surface of Eng-
land is not large enough for the people, and those
who own it levy such exorbitant taxes on those who
e not proprietors, that they cannot pay them and
live. One, large class of reasoners would have
the people run away from their oppressors and
seek new and better homes in the United
States or at the Antipodes. But that would
leave uncorrected and unredressed all the monstrous
evils which now exist, and which would continue to
he inflicted on those who remain behind. With
far mcre reason, others contend that the neigbour-
ing continents should, by our numerous ships and
largely adding to those we now possess, be united
to England.
The surface of the soil is too narrow for us, be-
cause- it is nearly all required, with our present
knowledge of the art of agriculture, to produce food
for_the people. To bring large and abundant sup-
lies of corn from Germany or the United States
would be tantamount to adding a continent to
England. Not then requiring every corner to pro-
duce food, more space could be appropriated to
comfortable dwellings. There would be no nem-
-sity to crowd the population within such narrow and
offensive limits. lite same absurd and clue! laws
which enhance the price of food, enhance the price
of every foot cf land in the empire. The cellars
and the ill-built small houses, of the large towns,
though they breed a pestilence in the land, are a
valuable kiiid of property. Repeal the Corn-laws,
abolish all the restrictions on trade, and not merely
the neighbouring continents, the whole earth, for
all the purposes of feeding and lodging our ucople,
would he added to England. The Great Western,
or the still grea•er President, in bringing flour
from New York, may be said also to bring fresh
air and comfortable dwellings. A people with
plenty of food, and the land reduced in price, will
soon migrate into daylight and cleanliness.
But whatever diff,ieoce of opinion may exist as
to the tEct of the Repeal of the Corn-laws, there
can be none whatever that the landowners are re

spcnsible for the present affi ctino ai!d di,ca,ed con-
dition of our pcpulation. In addition to being the
lords of the soil, dealing with it as they think
proper, they have long been in possession of all
legislative power. One House of Parliament is
composed almost exclusively of landlords, and the
other House consists chiefly of them or their crea-
tures. In conjunction with the clergy they have
long possessed the power of governing the country,
and of teaching the people, and are responsible for
the condition, the manners, the morals, and the
well-being of the whole population.
We are amongst those who think very meanly of
their power to prevent such evils ; but if that be
their opinion, and they endeavour to cast off re-
sponsibility, on the score of the correction of these
evils being beyond their ability, why then
do they assume to govern, control, and teach
the people ? Either they are capable of
benefiting the people, and have not exercised their
power—and are, therefore, responsible—or they are
not, and they are to be condemned as mero quacks
and pretenders. They must admit that they have
either grossly neglected their duty—of which the
condition of the people is the clear, distinct, and
undeniable proof, or they must admit that their
demand of respect and obedience, because they are
able to promote the public welfare, is a piece of
arrant humbug. They may choose which alterna-
tive they please, but from the charge of either mis-
using the power they rightfully possess, or wrong-
fully claiming it, they cannot escape.
Instead of being surprised at public discontent
under gross misgovernment, we are surprised that
the people- should have so long submitted with pa-
tience to such false pretensions, or to such a mis- •
use of just power. Our Correspondent says they
will refuse to pay taxes ; it would be better to re-
fuse obedience to the Corn-law. No landowner
has the hardihood to assert that those laws are mr,de
for the good of the taxed, stinted. and starving
consumers. They are made exclusively to serve
the purposes of the taxing, abounding, and revel-
ling landlords, which gives those laws no claim on
either the respect or the obedience of the consumers.
Men obey laws for their own advantage; not for
the advantage of Others. They Ito not unite in so-
cieiy to !lorify a King, or enrich an aristocracy, but
self-preservation and self-proteetion. Ou that
principle, and that alone, can obedience be de-
fended. To ask the heavers to obey laws
r, loch merely enr,ch the Engh.,,h and Irish aristo-
cracy and starve them, is as absurd as to ask them
to obey laws to add to the wealth of Louts Putt,-
LIPE. When a law is made for the advantage of ;
a caste or sect, and to the injury of the public, it
wants authority ; it is an immoral enactment ; it is I ;
adverse to the principles on which society is founded, •
and no man has any righl to demand that it be

obeyed.
Whatever might be the practical effect of resist-
in a the Corn-laws, theory would supply an ample j us-

tification of the starving spinners and weavers of
Bolton and Manchester, were they, for example, to
assure some merchants at Liverpool, if they imported
from Odessa, Dantzic, or New York, several large
cargoes cf wheat and flour, they would assemble in
multitudes at Liverpool on a given day, and dis-
charge the cargoes and see them transferred into
the hands of the millers and bakers without pay-
ing any duty, and in defiance of those Custom
House regulations which go to prevent the intro-
duction of foreign wheat and flour. By the best
accredited theories of society, such conduct would
be justified, and it should teach those who make
the laws that they ought not to stretch their autho-
rity too far, and certainly ought not to make laws so
palpably unjust and iniquitous, and worthy of re-
sistanee, as the Corn-laws. The whole State
would call on the men of Bolton to pay their taxes,
but only a small part of the State would compel them
to obey the Corn-laws. If, as our Correspondent
say s, they are beginning to despair, it would be
more rational were their desperation to take the
shape of direct resistance to the Corn-laws than
resistance to the tax-gatherer.

Our Contemporary, the Morning Advertiser, is
giving himself airs that sit very awkwardly on him.
An article of ours on the Non-Intrusion que3tion
has, it seems, incurred his displeasure on account
of t'ie coarseness of its style. His refined tas'e
revolts at the word " deceiver," " religious moun-
tebanks" he cannot stomach," " hypocrite" is an
abomination unto him, and Non-Intrusion " hum-
bug" absolutely throws him into fits. If we had
applied all or any of these epithets to him perso-
nally, he could not have exhibited more irritability,
or vented more indignation against us. Our " un-
eharaableness" is almost without precedent, and we
are described as " lost to all sense of right feeling,"
as well as to the " courtesies which are usually ob-
served in controversy as well as in society." His
testiness, too, as we shall show, is fully equalled by
his absurdity.
We hesitate not to acknowledge that we seldom
waste much time in hunting after and balancing
words. When we find a word that expresses what
we mean to say, we use it without much caring
whether it has received the stamp oft classical au-
thority from the Morning Advertiser or not. We
call a spade, a spade. When we see men practis-
ing deception, we call them deceivers ; when
we find them pretending to be whnt they are
nor, and craftily pursuing one object under
die colour of another particularly an inte-
rested object under colour of a disinterested one—
we think ourselves fully justified iu denominaiing
them hypociites ; and when, 'in the course of their
proceedings, they parade themselves and their pre-
tenbions frequently aid offensively before the pub-
lic, we designate them mountebanks or humbugs.
This is our usual method. We have found it an-
swer. and whether offensive or not to our Concern-
porary, we mean to cvntioue it He is at liberty to
use language better adapted to his more delicate or-
,iitization, but until he is fornially installed in the
Lace of Master of the Ceremonies to the newspaper
press, we must protest against his dicating to us
w hat expressions we are to use and what avoid, as
a piece of very unbecoming assumption, not to say
impertineece.

We would at the same time remind our Con-
temporary of what lie seems to be totally utic,in •
scious—the propriety of making his piac-
i tice harmonize with his theory—his example
with his precept, before he• seats himself in
the chair of the monitor, and lectures us on
" charity." To say that we are
," lost to all
sense of right feeling"—a queerish sort of phrase,
by the bye—and "of the courtesies of society,"
sounds somewhat discourteous to our ears, from
the arbiter elegantiarum ; nor "does a charge of
" uncharitableness" come with "an exceeding good
grace from one who, in the same breath, raises a
cry of infidelity against a Northern Journalist be-
cause lie happens to differ from him on the Non-
Intrusion question. How could our Contemporary,
hitherto the advocate of religious freedom, so far com-
mit himself, so far forget his prineiples, as to attempt
to fan the flames of bigotry,. lrly publicly fixing so
odious a brand upon the character of any journal,
or any man ? Could he be ignorant that a charge
of this description, even insinuated, could not fail
to raise a prejudice in the public mind injurious to
the interests of the inculpated party ? There is
the essence of persecution in such a charge.
There lurks in it the germ of that spirit which
consigns JOHN THOROGOOD to a perpetual dun-
geon in our times, and in former days would have
lighted the fires of Smithfield. If this be our
Contemporary's " charity,7-may. it end where it,
began—at home. 11 tb# he his " right feeling,'
long may. it be his alone we, at all events, covet
none of it.

The little that fell from M. TRIERS in the
Chamber of P. era on Friday last, relative to the
occupation of Cracow by Austrian troops, is very
itnporiant, iu passing ia review the foreign policy
of the British Government. The French Presi-
dent of the Council admitted that the independence
of Cracow violated by the three protecting Powers,
had for the last two years occupied the serious attention
of the French and English Cabinets, and that the
violation of the independence of the Republic had
been protested against, which was all that could be
done without taking measures dangerous to the
peace of Europe. M. TIIIERS might have added
that the violation of Cracovian independence and
use prostation of Poland, were natural, and to some
extent, inevitable conseqeenees of that egregious
piece of diplomatic humbug and delusion—the
treaty of Vienna. To entrust the Czar of Mus-
covr with the Crown of Poland, and not feel
assured that he would encircle the necks of her
people with the iron yoke of slavery, was akin to
the lolly of entrusting a fox with the guardianship
of a hen-roost. And as to appointing Russia,
Austria, and Prussia Protectors of the independence
of Cracow, it was but inviting these Powers
to imitate the policy of a former period,
and quietly settle among themselves the terms of a
new partition. To expect that any of the great
Northern Powers could have believed France and
England to be serious with respect to the mainte-
nance of Polish nationality, or Cracovian inde-
pendence, after assenting to the conditions of that
treaty, would be preposterous. Nor, in fact, were
they so in reality, when the treaty was agreed
upon. Neither TALLEYRAND nor CASTLE•
REAGH cared a jot more about the liberties of
Poland and Cracow, than did METTERNICII and
NESSELRODE. But it was necessary to keep
up some show of favouring the cause of liberty on
the Continent, and, therefore, the articles, of whose
violation France and England now complain,
were ostentatiously paraded in the treaty of 1815.
The Liberals of England and France, and the un-
happy Poles and Cracovians, alone failed to see
through this delusion ; and therefore it was that
the destruction of the nationality of Poland created
little or no surprise, and gave rise to no alarm
among continental states, with the bare exception
of revolutionary France.
Had the Congress of Vienna really intended to
establish the independent nationality Of Poland, is
there 'any person so simple as to suppose
that the kingdom would have been placed un-
der the protection of Russia ? We grant that
Poland was in the power of the CZAR ; but when
Great Britain was stripping herself of her vast con-
quests in every part of the world—when the osten-
sible object of all European nations in assembling
such a Congress was to restore the balance of power,
so as to establish the peace of the world on a per-
manent basis—it was surely not too much to exact
one sacrifice from the AUTOCRAT. That was the
time to drive the Northern Bear back to his native
fastnesses. The disconnection of Poland and
Russia was demanded by the very object which the
Congress professed to have in view—namely, the
peace of Europe and of the world ; for we defy the
rankest partisan of Russia to deny that the power
of Russia was not then a serious object of alarm to
the Porte, and privately even to the Cabinets of
Vienna and Berlin—although for obvious reasons
the two latter Governments dreaded nothing so
much as the independence of Poland. When
Poland was annexed by a Congress to the empire
of Russia, by a tie which, in fact, was tantamount
to an unconditional surrender, though not quite so
in words, Russia was menacing the Porte, not
only with a rebellion in Greece, but
throughout all the provinces of Turkey in Europe ;
while her huge arms, stretched across the Caspian,
alreadyNo
rw
threatenedasthe aggressive the
gssie policy of that.
faithless securityßritain in
11ia
fdaiiptiloiliensastiPstos the
Poland Britishto andthe
ttender
Frenchnder
zouAninknan,d7a.nnodyleoirnvited Austria, Russia,
mercies of thewerCh
and Prussia, not by word but by deed, to divide