The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-15 00:00:00

Who, When they saw the country in danger, and the Ce
stitutionjeopardised, changed sides, and arrayed th9rn
selves by the side of the King. The Hon. Memb.m.
Montrose said that the principle of intervention we; un
Wllrrantable, but there were combinations of circum-
litanCea that required statesmen to depart from gen..ra•
tnies and general principles. If they were ent tied t
interfere in a war of succession, were there not circum-
-I.ltalloes which would justify their interference in prevent-
Ig a War of succession? They were as well entitled to
Prevent the evil as to remedy it. Upon these grounds, it
fence
to him that the Government had an ample de
Woe for their interference in the affairs of Portugal.
Yie hoped that henceforth Portueal would be secure Di
that constitutional freedom which had been guaranteed
for it by that Constitution which had been so much
violated.
Lord J. MANNERS said that he rose, with much
Lain, to support the motion of the Hon. Member for
aaontrese. It had been stated on the part of the Go
/ernment, that the interference of this nation had been
necessary, in order to secure the peace of Portugal as
well as that of the adjacent nations. He would ask the
/lotae, in respect of the assertion that the state of Por-
tugal required this intervention, what benefit had the
Peninsula ever derived from their interference in their
domestic concerns? Intestinal discord had been the re-
Stilt of it, and disorganisation had gone on to arch a
degree, that the country had become a by-word to other
cations. He would refer to the opinion which bad been
given by the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreig
Affairs, that the constitutions, both of Spain and Portugal
had been violated, and that those freedoms which had been
guaranteed to the people had been most flagrantly
Violated. It was well known that the very last revolu-
tion which had taken place in Portugal had been suc-
cessful without the slightest danger or injury to the
throne or liberty of the Queen of Portugal, and what
reason was there to suppose that, had the present revo-
lution been carried out, any more disastrous circum-
stances would have occurred than had taken place in the
former instance? The proceedings which had taken
Place in reference to the Pot tuguese Government bad—
,11° far from reconciling it to the people—separated
4 from them, and rendered oppression more
cer•
tain to the people of that unfortunate country.
bane Noble Lord (Palmerston) distinctly reminded Mr.
',aultver that the British forces were sent to Lisbon in
• under the terms of a treaty, in order to prevent a
threatened invasion? Ile reminded him of Mr. Can-
Liine's conduct on that occasion. Very different had
been the conduct of the Noble Lord on the present. Mr.
Canning
deprecated, in 1826, the very course which had
been pursued in 1847 ; he deprecated Britain meddling
tWith the internal concerns of any foreign nation.
ut What was the defence presented? Altogether
,Pothetical ; the possibility of Don Miguel usurping
'uie Throne, and the necessity of preventing an event
Laieh, whensoever it should happen, was certain, it was
11,d, to be unpopular. Unpopular ! then how he (Lord
-eun Manners) asked, what distant prospect could there
lie of the event taking place ? He would leave the
bad
Lord, or any other gentleman, to explain that.
bloodshed,
been argued that they had interfered to prevent
raoodshed, or if they had actually interfered to prevent
this there might have been a show of reason. But no,
Ira' allowed the Queen's troops to engage, and to
breher the peasants, and to drench the country with
be •i°od•It was, however, justified on the ground of its
leeng necessary for the interests of Great Britain. It
-au been said that Spain would interfere, whatever
nurse might be adopted by Britain, and Government
4 acted only in defence of the interests of Britain
kid of Europe. He denied that Spain would haveinterfered
:,ithout the countenance of Great Britain, and if she
d, that was no reason to justify Great Britain pursu-
v, a course which in itself was unjustifiable. Look
there this principle led? Let them suppose a revolu-
deb in Spain. Then France and Portugal would no
01114 feel themselves called upon to interfere. What
1.
"ettld be the course of Great Britain, would she de-
ttate intervention in these circumstances? How could
hn after the course she was at present pursuing! She
47' committed herself to intervention in the affairs or
wbe Peninsula. He agreed with the Hon. Member for
lewsbury in thinking that this could not be the course
mill they ought to pursue on this occasion. Well
tieDas Antes assure Colonel Wylde that it was ne
ii.BB,er, the insurgents should have some guarantee that
(tiflust demands should be secured equally with those
"ue Queen, for they had but too true a presentiment
°fat the conditions entered into on the part of the Queer
•13°rtugal would be violated. lie (Lord J. Manners)
Ili% therefore, that it s ibent on England to se
that tile conditions laidwa
down asncum the grounds of its inter-
vention
-
Queen should
should be ob'erved, and that the party of the
should not be allowed to act in the despotic and
el manner they had hitherto done. The Noble Lord
~au attempted to justify this intervention by an appeal
Precedents, and he had referred to the revolution which
banners)
occurred in this country in 1688. He (Lord John
maintained, however, that a revolution which
:!I,Uired to be supported and carried on by foreign in-
i7e terenee ought not to be supported at all.—(Bear.)
ja did not think that a case had been made out for their
eoeterference on this occasion.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing
out" be more unjust; also, nothing could be more cruel
esle-n the Queen's troops in quelling the insurrection, and
troops of the Junta presented in this respect a marked
contrast to such revolting proceedings. This was
h,ltlfied by an English resident in Oporto, who wrote to
that a single thoroughfare in London was more
Zat,rtised and excited than the whole of Oporto.—(llear.)
str an attentive view, therefore, of all the circum-
aces connected with the revolution, he thought the
tl'iladtiet of the Portuguese Governm, et justified. if any-
}, nt Could justify, the rising of the pople.—(Hear.
eat')
kb,.Their acts had been of the most despotic and
th..'Ltary nature, and he placed no reliance whatever on
te.7 promises which had been made by them, or the in-
be of the English Government—(Bear, hear.)
adieved that this interference would not produce the
;;s.a;ta anticip ited, and he considered that the result
Ctal,!:l_ be most disastrous not only to those on whose
i:" If they interfered, but also to British interests.
mops B"sorireEpossible to undo the past, but the Corn-
place the stnagnaland could repudiate the precedent, and
ceedinge wb• P of their reprobation on the whole pro-
Would leh had taken place. He trusted the House
lee pronouncehowever
that opinion, and would let the world
••9that nowever the Government might be disposed to
Ibterneeddl •
of h. ein the affairs of foreign countries, the people
opinion
country did not concur with them, and were or
atit„,?n that the present intervention was unjust, uncen-
eican'etaohai, and contrary to the principles of interna
API law. —(lmmense cheering.)
etu-14.91`. DUNCONIBE said, in rising to move the
endment, of which he had given notice in the early
I,t of the evening, he could not help expressing his
ii,T,et that the House was not treated earlier in the
tee-ft with seine of those expressions of attachment to
4-matitutional freedom which had just been heard from
if tie Gentlemen on the other side of the House, because
1ee6,8 memory did not fail him, he thought he recol-
tOLP some time ago, these same lion. Gentlemen pro-
ee-u that the public thanks should be offered to the
iflpePerroor of Prussia, Emperor of Russia, the Emperor of Austria, and the
for extinguishing the liberties and
notePendenee of Craeow.—(Hear, hear.) Now he could
11,4"e1P thinking, recollecting these things, that there
the sumo secret, something more than met the eye, in
kive-lIPPort, Hon. Gentlemen opposite. were about to
a,aotbu,!o the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for
ee He could not help thinking, relying, of
tjn^jstc)n
the well-known consistency of the protee-
tip fo 3"--(A laugh)—that they were new going to stand
the cause of absolutism. Whatever might be the
okti of this House with regard to the motion of his
atie there Would
the Member for Montrose, he thought no
Itilltd Would deny that the (pies ion his Hon. Friend
-es "ght under their consideration was one which
048ved the calm deliberation of the House, and the
trite would have neglected its duty had it made light
mi ht (bear, hear.) And, in discussing it, whatever
it be the views of those who opposed or supported
1i1111.15,_ thought there was one principle and one object
irate 'a ought to be kept before them. Now that this
it oert'ention had taken place, whether they approved of'
aith: sot, they ought now to have but one object in view,
viaZel7, to secure to the Portuguese people who had
tlielestly in defence of their constitutional rights, all
efth- vantages and all the benefits that the intervention
1,4?, Possibly afford to them.—(Hear, hear.) It was
oeu that view that he proposed to move the amendment
Which he had given notice. He confessed, after
perusing the papers that had been laid before that House
after having heard the speech of the Noble Lord at
the head of the Government in explanation of these
I;kpers—that be had come to a very different conclusion
11°01 that which he had originally intended when he first
of this interference with the rights and domestic
iciteerns of the Portuguese people. In these papers and
that explanation he found a determination and a
yes led wish on the part of the Government to
Peet and protect the rights and liberties of the Porta-
teele People. He thought there was sufficient evidence
°p that
documents that bad been laid before them to
to,:jne that Government had had a difficult task to per-
elks and even now they steed abused by both parties—
It :tltby the Queen's party, and abused by the Junta.
than been urged, in justification of this interference,
Vtouiled her Majesty's Government not interposed Spain
srep:7 Now he thought that was no justification what-
% teleoc ho maintained that every claim to intervention
rneri,.Part of this country ought to stand upon its own
Wtoh" They ought not to be induced to commit a
was g,pecause it was anticipated that another country
ntepf.:°Mit to do the same ; but when they did
°F the r®, they ought always to stand upon the justice
educeo teae calling for the interference. Such was the
C tof g.
anbi„ the British Government in 1826, when Mr.
atteeeaq Was at the head of affairs. What was the lan-
tithrtZten°ef_, Mr. Canning in 1826, when Portugal was
°arse to Pa With a foreign invasion. Mr. Canning came
en_rarliament and asked for its approbation and eon-
41t, etr tn the course he was about to take. The speech
pie of iti:Ping made on that occasion was almost the only
414%12 which he (Mr. Duneombe) had ever heard in
then peen% and he confessed he recollected it even now
rptiniett.t an impression impression did it make upon his mind at
41011 Q r• Canning, in concluding his address, told
eien • of
It,. (lard
of Commons that he was going to plant the
etileete that England on the heights of Lisbon, and
to --e•-...ree was planted foreign dominion should, never
d
0 ,„„ -ear.
) Depend upon it then that they ought not
eel e b
Rot r ecause others were about to do it; but they
11%044e:a
~.fttotrile only
to interfere where reason and justice
Now, with regard to the motion of his
Ptopoiredriend the Member for Montreee, to which he
Fa heto
~ ean amendment after reading the
eeriend'hadd'u not agree with the conclusion his Hon.
ou tab, jot_ceme to. He did not think that the result
dif; th:rviention will prove mischievous, or danger
th etsities berties of Portugal. He appreciated the
ha ever, 1.3. at Government had had to contend with,
ba,,_brot4l,"osed by the Cabralist party, whose conduct
" about the revolution and disaffection of the
ware not promoting the cause of absolutism, and
eO4 411 elueu.llsecl by the Junta and the people for op-
qttittort;inerests. Now, had her Majesty's Govern-
kineeel view the principle of protecting the
Nitta and freedom of the Portuguese

people? That was just the question for them to con•
eider, and it was the grand aim and object her
Majesty's Government ought to have in view. The
people had been off: red terms it was true, but ther3 was
no guarantee given that these terms should be strictly
carried out. The people did not object to the term and
therefore, he fir one said let the offer be repeated by the
two powers who had interfered in conjunction
with the expression of opinion in declaration of the
House of C immons, to see them strictly and faith'idly
performed. It was with that view that he should move
the amendment he was about to bring forward. It was
done to the people who had risen in defence of their
constitutional rights ; and who was that people, let him
ask ? They were not persons who delighted in getting
up revolutions, because they served their own interests
—they were not Sans-culottes, but the nobles and
wealthy landed proprietors of the country.—(Hear.)
These parties being now the prisoners of war to this
country, it was the duty of the House and of the country
cordially to accede to the resolution which he was about
to propose, and thereby obtain for itself the gratitude
and thanks of the Portuguese nation. He would, there-
fore, move the amendment of which he had previously
given notice.—" That Great Britain having become a
party to foreign armed interference with a view of ter-
minating the civil war now unhappily existing in Por-
tugal, it is the opinion of this House that on tranquillity
being restored it will be the duty of the British Govern-
ment to endeavour by all just means in its power to se-
cure to the people of Portugal the full enjoyment of their
constitutional rights and privileges."—(Hear, hear).
Mr. MACAULAY, in rising to second the motion,
said—Sir, I have beard with great pleasure the amend-
ment proposed by my Hon. Friend—(Loud and pro-
tracted cheering)—and I beg to assure my Hon. Friend
that in that amendment is set forth the principles which
have guided, and which will continue to guide the con •
duct of her Majesty's Ministers. They feel, Sir, that
whenever a Government is unfortunately compelled
to depart from the general rule which prescribes
the abstinence of all interference with the
internal concerns of foreign nations, that it
takes upon itself a duty, of which it cannot afterwards
divest itself, until the principles of the amendment of
my HDn. Friend have been fully carried out. It is with
the full conviction of these circumstances that her Ma-
jesty's Ministers determined to interfere in the affairs of
Portugal, and they will continue to act upon those
principles which have hitherto guided their conduct,
and I see with the greatest pleasure that my
Honourable Friend and other Honourable Mem-
bers who, like him, looked on at first with
jealousy upon the course pursued by the Govern-
ment have since upon an examination of the whole of
the circumstances found reason to change their opinions
upon the subject. lam not surprised, Sir, that such
jealousy was entertained by Hon. Members.—(Hear,
hear.) There can be no doubt that the rule which con-
demns interference in the affairs of foreign nations
is a sound general principle, and that upon the
Minister who shall depart from such a rule
must rest the burden and the proof of his case. There
can be no doubt that the Minister, be he who he may,
who shall so depart from this general principle, is
bound to make cut his case to the satisfaction of the
House and the country. In the present case, it must
be acknowledged, (and there are circumstances which
must be taken into consideration,) that there can be
no doubt, and it was what, so far from wishing
to conceal, the Government thought it an impor-
tant part of their case—(Hear, hear)—there can
be no doubt that the throne of Portugal had long
been surrounded by evil councillors. There can be no
doubt that most violent and unconstitutional measures
had been resorted to by the existing Government. There
can be no doubt that there were many acts committed,
which I feel compelled to designate as a disgrace to the
Government. There can be no doubt that the people of
Portugal were justified in resting upon the distinct as-
surances of the Government, and I cannot wonder
that persons looking on with dislike on the
interference in the internal concerns of foreign nations,
should look with peculiar jealousy upon the first inter-
ference in the affairs of Portugal, more especially when,
at the first sigh', the object seems to be to rescue the
Government which had committed great faults, and from
the peril which was the natural consequence.—(Cheers.)
All this I admit ; yet, in admitting all this, I am con-
vinced that the Government, in acting as they have
done, have chosen the lesser of the two evils ; and in
such a case as this, it was absolutely necessary that
a choice should be made between two existing evils.
Considering, Sir, the relations of Portugal with this
country—considering that Portugal was disturbed by a
civil war—and considering that other persons felt a
strong inclination to interfere in its internal concerns, I
hold it to be clear that no course whatever could be abso.

lutely and entirely free from risk and danger to the
British Government. But eases similar in principle

. .
to this frequently occur, both in public and private life;
the experience of the trader, the merchant, and, above
all, the medical man, will tell them that they are often
placed in positions and situations in which they must act,
and in which every course has its risks and its inconve-
niences. It is, I contend, no fair way of reasoning to
dwell upon, or to exaggerate, the risks and inconve-
niences of the rarticular course which has been taken.
No argument against such a course, under those circum-
stances, can be sound, except the person who condemns
that course gives also his own line of conduct, and shows
you also some good reasons for believing that his line of
conduct would have been less hazardous, and attended
with less inconvenience than the one which he re-
probates. Remember, too, that in defending what
has been done, the speaker always speaks at a great

vantage, 'because he has to compare inconve-
niences which have been felt against a course which has
not been taken, and the consequences of which you did
not feel. Your line of conduct is a mere matter of dis-
quisition and speculation, and its advocates may even
deny that any risk at all attaches to it. Under these
circumstances, I think that the Government is fully en-
titled to call upon every Honourable Member—
not to lay merely before the House, or dwell
at length upon those inconveniences which are admitted
by ourselves, and which are inseparable, from the course
which has been adopted, but also to lay before the
House the plan and the policy which should entirely and
distinctly avoid these risks and inconveniences. My
argument rests upon the particular relations between
England and Portugal. With any other powers no such
qu"stion as the present could possibly recur. There are
other States to which we wish well, but supposing a
similar state of internal confusion to arise, for in
stance in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies
or in the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, we
might probably send a force to the Bay of Naples, or to
Leghorn, in order to protect the lives and property of
English subjects, but interference like that which has
taken place in Portugal would have been a matter of
discussion to Ministers or to this House. Our relation
with Portugal is one without a parallel in the history of
European politics, nay, without a parallel in the
history of the whole worl 1, I do not know any-
thing which ever struck me more than when
we called for the collection of the treaties
between this country and Portugal, for, seeing them
begin with the days of the Black Prince, and bearing
date in the year 1373, not produced for the mere pur-
pose of gratifying an antiquarian curiosity, but for the
purpose of ascertaining the nature of their treaties;
looking to the earliest of them dated in the 14th cen-
tury, there is one thing which it seems almost
impossible not to be struck with. It seems
that those who framed these early treaties had some
sanguine presentiment of the relations which they would
continue to maintain with this country. One of the
stipulations was, that England was to furnish " archers,
good roeri and true," 'o Portugal. It is rather singular
that a similar chaise is still in existence in the present
treaty to that which existed in the fourteenth century.
There is an analogy between the manner in which the
treaties were observed in the fourteenth century, and
in which they are observed down even to the nineteenth
ntury. It is the most singular thing I ever saw.
I dare say that the Noble Lord opposite, who has made
it his delight to study the records of mediaeval times,
and the history of chivalry, will remember that Froissart
gives an account of the embassy who, in the year 1441,
ratted on the King of this country for assistance against
the Castillians. The description which he gives of John
of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster, standing beside
the throne of King Richard the Second, while
the Ambassadors in their robes stated the case
of their master the King of Portugal, and
craved the assistance of the King of England, whom he
makes reply—" He is our friend, and the foe of our foes,
he asks what is just, and he shall have what he asks;"
and then 500 archers and 500 men at arms were sent of
to Portugal, just in the same manner as in the present case.
Then again, in the year 1826, a requisition was sent
from Portugal in our own day, praying us to protect the
same country from the same risks, and from
the same enemy. Such an unbroken alliance
for a period of 500 years is unparalleled in the
history of the world. It was a strong remark
made by Canning, " that all treaties made between this
country and Portugal had a character not exactly dip-
lomatic, that there was a force and fervour belonging to
them which made them appear almost romantic in com-
parison with the treaties of other States." By virtue of
these treaties we found ourselves compelled "to defend
Portugal against all men." In the year 1661, the treaty
set forth " that we should take the interest
of Portugal to heart as the interest of England."
In the year 1703 all the former arrangements were
confirmed, and there is a stipulation in the present
contract to the same effect. There may be some
persons who may think it inexpedient for this country
to force circumstances of this sort. Upon that subject,
however, I think very differently. I think that the
services we have rendered to Portugal, have been de-
served on her part throughout the whole of that fearful
struggle. In the reign of Queen Anne, Portugal continued
trne to her engagements. When we had France and
Spain against us, when they joined in insisting upon
Portugal that she should join them for the purpose of
resisting " the Tyrant of the Sea," Portugal constantly
refused—its capital was lying in ruins—its King had
scarcely a place upon which to lay his head—a Sp inish
army was invading his territory, and spreading abroad
the ravages and horrors of war ; vet Portugal remained
steadfast to her ally, and true to the spirit of her treaties.
In the last war, the noble house of Braganca preferred
exile across the Atlantic to breaking faith with her
ancient ally. In the last great European conflict, Por-
tugal was the spot where you took your stand, where you
fought the battles of your own country. Never was any-
thing more true than the statement of that treat Gene-
ral, in one of those remarkable papers which, even
more than his battles, will hand down his glories
to posterity, "that the question was between
the defence of Portugal and the invasion of England."—
(Cheers.) Portugal suffered for us, and it wal the de•
vsstation of that country which enabled us to cultivate
our fields, and our manufactures to supply the markets of
the world. It was the lines of Torres Vedras that protected
against spoliation and massacre a larger, a richer, and a
prouder capital than Lisbon -itself. itself. When the great
struggle ended you find those two nations still more en..
cleared to each other, sad you have the old engagements