The Sun.
London, England, 1847-02-02 00:00:00

Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Branch
to Chapeltown and Thurgoland Coal Branch).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Ash-
ton Canal Purchase).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway(Branch
to Bagsworth).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Shef-
field Canal Purchase).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railways, and
Manchester and Lincoln Union Railway, and Chester-
field and Gainsborough Canal Amalgamation.
Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland (Newcastle,
Anniskinnan, and Baltrasna Deviations).
Newbury Cementry.
Norfolk Railway (piss Branch).
Norfolk Railway (Bury St. Edmund's Branch).
Rochdale Canal (Sale to Manchester and Leeds Rail-
way Company.
Scottish Midland Junction Railway (Amendment and
Branch to Laurencekirk).
Sheffield Canal Act Amendment.

Sunderland Markets, Bridge, Ferries, and General tin

provement.
Warrington Gas Light and Coke Company.
Mist, Somerset, and Weymouth Railway Amendmen
(No. 1.)
Windsor Railway.
Yeovil, Bridport, and Exeter Railway, with Branches.
LONDON, OXFORD, AND CHELTENHAM RAIL.

WAY AND BRANCHES.
On the motion that this Bill be read a second time,

Colonel SIBTHORP said, that it was almost impos-
sible to hear what was going on in that House—
(Laughter)—because, what with the noise of Members
passing up and down the House, and the low tonein which
the names were read by the clerk at the table, it
was almost impossible to hear the names of the
several Bills. He knew that it was exceedingly difficult
to take the sense of the House—(Laughter) —or even to
look for anything like a favourable result as regarded
any. opposition to the Bill, but he was determined
to pursue the independent course he had always
adopted, by assenting to none of them.—(Loud
laughter.) He knew that he would be unsuccessful in
opposing the second reading, but he felt bound to do so,
as he had taken very great pains in looking over all the
papers relative to this, and the opposition line (the
Cheltenham and Oxford) which was then before the
examining Committee. He was no friend to railways,
and would rather meet a respectable highwayman than
a railway surveyor at any time.—(Laughter.)
The Bill, despite the Mon. and Gallant Member's
opposition, was read a second time.

SUPPLY OF SEED (IRELAND.)
Sir J. DUKE presented a petition from Clare and its
neighbourhood (as we understood), from a number of
tenant-farmers occupying from 20 to 60 acres each,
praying the Government to render them some assistance
in obtaining the seedinecessary for sowing their landoind
thereby obtaining crops in the ensuing year, and pre-
venting a recurrence of the sad visitation which had
afflicted the country in the present year.
TEN HOURS' BILL.
Mr. PLUMPTRE •presented a petition in favour of
the Ten Hours' Bill.
IRISH DISTESS.
Mr. D. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the
corporation of Dublin, praying the Government to adopt
some speedy measures to meet the prevailing distress in
Ireland.

FOOD FOR IRELAND.
Mr. MACARTHY presented a petition from the
poor-relief committees of Cork, setting forth that there
were 4,757 persons at present in the workhouses con-
nected with that city, and 174 persons in the fever hos-
pital; and that, notwithstanding that the soup
deptits distributed daily 7,000 quarts of soup,
the amount of distress was still most alarmingly
on the increase; that the prices of provisions
were already double the usual price, and they prayed
the Government to adopt some measures to obtain a
supply of food, to keep down the present rising prices
of provisions, and thereby mitigate the existing distress.
LIGHT-HOUSES.
_ _ _

Mr. BELL presented a petition praying for the aboli-
tion of the light-house dues.
THE COLONIES.
Mr. GOULBURN presented a petition, praying that
the measures promised last session with respect to the
introduction of sugar, might not be of a temporary, but
of a permanent nature.

IRELAND.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD presented a petition from Carrie-
mickcross, setting forth that the want of proper security
of tenure and legalised compensation for the improve-
ment of the soil were the causes of all the agrarian dis-
turbances that had taken place, and praying for reme-
dial measures.

TEN HOURS' BILL.
Sir R. H. INGLIS presented a petition from the
clergymen of Huddersfield in favour of the Ten Hours'
Bill.

NOTICES OF MOTION.
Mr. F. FRENCH gave notice that, in Committee on
the Poor Relief Bill, he should move amendments to the
first and second clauses.

Mr. O'CONNELL also gave notice of his intention
to move amendments in Committee.
Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that, to-morrow, he
should move for a Committee of the whole House for the
purpose of extending the Poor-law Act to Ireland.
Dr. BOWRING gave notice that, to morrow, he
should make an inquiry respecting the committal of two
children in the county of Essex, who were said to have
been sent to prison and heavily fined for taking a small
quantity of turnips from a field.
Sir B. HALL gave notice of his intention to move
for certain returns connected with the poor-rates of
Ireland.

Mr. GRATTAN gave notice that, to-morrow, he would
move for returns of the rich absentees from Ireland,
specifying names, numbers, county, and property, as tar
as they could be made up. A return of the poor had
been ordered, and he thought it ought to be accompanied
with a return of the rich.

FOREIGN WINES.
Alderman THOMPSON moved for a return of the.
number of gallons of foreign wine imported into this
country.

HOUSE OF KEYS.
Dr. BOWRING wished to ask the Secretary of State
for the Home Department if any correspondence had
taken place with Government with reference to the sub-
ject of reform in the House of Keys, in the Isle of Man,
and whether any memorials had been presented on the
subject, and if so, whether such would be produced ?
Sir GEORGE GREY—Such correspondence had been
received, and there was no objection to its production.
HAYDOCK LODGE ASYLUM.
Mr. OWEN STANLEY wished to know from the
Right Hon. Gentleman the Home Secretary, if Govern-
ment intended to take any steps with reference to the
disclosures made at this establishment,
Sir GEORGE GREY said that a report had
been received from the Commissioners of Lunacy,
and it' was intended that that report, with
the evidence on which it was founded, should
be laid before the House, till which time he did not think
it expedient to say what steps should be taken in refe-
rence to it.

➢lr. STANLEY wished again to ask if it was pro-
posed to make any amendment v, ith regard to the 8
and 9 Viet., chap. 26, in reference to county asylums. A
very great difficulty had arisen with regard to borrowing
money from the Consolidated Fund.
Sir GEORGE GREY was not prepared to say that
there was any Bill then ready to be brought in on
the subject.

WELLINGTON STATUE.
Captain POLHILL wished to know from the Noble
Lord opposite, whether it was intended to allow the
Wellington statue to remain in its present position?
Lord MORPETH said that Government had inti-
mated to the sub-committee their wish that the statue
should be removed from the place where it now was.
LABOURING POOR (IRELAND) BILL.
On the order of the day for the second reading of this
Bill being Jead,
Mr. WILLIAMS rose to propose the amendment, of
which he had given -notice—" That the second reading
(and all other stages in this House) of the Poor Relief
(Ireland) Bill, shall have precedence of the said Labour-
ing Poor (Ireland) Bill.', The course which the Go-
vernment had adopted was rendered most necessary.
It was called for by OA whole population of Ireland,
and the Government had responded to that call. The
Hon. Member for Limerick had said that the Government
ought to be impeached for their conduct. He hoped that
expreszion escaped from the Honourable Member
in the heat of debate, and was not his deliberate opinion.
He, however, considered that the Poor-law Amendment
Act ought to take precedence over all other measures.
In his opinion it would be the only means by which a
recurrence of those calamities which had occurred
could be averted. All remedial measures with-
out an additional poor-law wuold be useless.
As England had suffered so much from her misgovern-
ment of Ireland, he thought it was time for her to take
some decided step. Had an efficient poor-law—had the
present English one— been introduced last year, instead
of the Labour-rate Act, the country would have been saved
an almost useless expenditure of four millions of money.
The people at this time of the year should be engaged in
the fields preparing the land for the next harvest. in-
stead of which they were all running after this half idle
kind of labour on the public works; there was no security
that the same distress should not recur aguin next year.
To avert this the true course was to introduce an efficient
poor-law. The Bill now proposed was entitled " The
Destitute Persons' (Ireland) Bill," and, on looking it
over, he found that the first clause provided for the ap-
pointment of a vast number of officers; and, further,
the Government was empowered to do what they pleased,
and spend what money they pleased. The measure
was limited to the Ist of October in the present year,
before which time it was calculated that seven millions_
of money would be required. Now he thought that by
this time the eyes of her Majesty's Government ought
to have been opened, and that a measure of p!r-
manent relief would have been introduced, in-
stead of such a temporary scheme as the present.a
No other measure would suffice to meet the existing
'amity and provide a permanent remedy but an
wereefficientriteuc.
i
poor-law. That the resources of Ireland
sufficient to support all its population was well known.
It had been admitted the other evening by the Noble
Lord at the head of the Government, that
Ireland could, if duly cultivated, support seventeen
millions of a population. It
that the people of that country was, therefore, too had
try should be continually
dependent on the funds raised by the distressed and
overtaxed working population of this kingdom.—(Hear.)
He had also received in the cours.e_. of this year a very
extraordinary proof of the capabilities of Ireland. He
moved for, a return of certain imports to this country
last year, and ho found that a quantity of corn,
and swine, L cattle, sheep,
had been imported. He also received
sterling
from Ireland, in the course of last year, an ac-
count of the quantity of butter, cheese, and other
quantity suppled
articles imported, us well M the

to the army and navy, and the whole amount, together
with the seven millions already mentioned, would amount
to ten millions. These were most extraordinary capa-
bilities on the part of a country in a state of starvation—
a country that could send from its shores this quantity
of food. He trusted that her Majesty's Government and
the Right Hon. Secretary fur Ireland would take
means to ascertain what had become of, and
into whose pockets these ten millions had gone,
before they called on the House to vote away this large
sum of money, taken from the hard earnings and labour
of the people of this country. He was aware that out of
98,982 people in the workhouses in Ireland, on the 2d of
January in this year, 18,988 were able bodied persons,
and he would ask the House, were such grants to
be made to keep people who were capable of labour?
He had doubts, too, whether the law could be carried
out while a distinguished member of the Government
(the Marquis of Lansdowne) had stated that it was
almost impossible to carry into effect out-door relief ;
but still there were classes of persons for whom some-
thing ought to be done to secure them relief, such as the
aged, sick, and infirm. After such a declaration
it was highly important that this measure should be
settled first. The Bill did not contain provision for en-
forcing its clauses, and he thought this defect ought to
be remedied. A case occurred only the other day et
the Castlebar union, which fully proved this. The
guardians assembled to consider the bankrupt con-
dition of that union, and Mr. Otway, the chairman, pro-
posed that 600 paupers should be received—the number
for which the house had been erected. Thirteen voted
against the proposition, and but three in its support.
Mr. Otway then proposed to the board an arrangement
by which the 106 paupers in the house—less than the
third part for which it was erected—should be provided
for, but that arrangement was not agreed to, be•.
bause the collector stated that he would not
be able to collect the rate without the aid of the
mili-
tary power. Now, the country must be in a
very dreadful state when such means were necessary.
It appeared, however, that rents could be collected
without any difficulty. In the Conciliation Hall
a Mr. F. Riley, a solicitor of the county of Mayo, in
speaking about the collection of rents, stated that
" amidst the general destruction of the crops in that
district the landlords were enforcing the payment
of their rents." At the last sessions there were no less
than sixteen Bills for the recovery of rent.
In point of fact, Lord Devon's Commission proved his
argument. Workhouses to the number of ninety-nine
thousand two hundred had been built with borrowed
money. The Exchequer advanced one million and forty
thousand pounds.
An Horf. MEMBER—It will be repaid.
Mr. WILLIAMS was exceedingly glad to hear it,
but it would be the first public money lent to Ireland
which would be so.—(Cries of " Oh, - oh.") Tee
Noble Lord had quoted , the statement of Sir
Thomas More the other evening, respecting the condi-
tion of the people of this country upwards of 300 years
ago. But what was the cause of the great change
for the worse which then took place? It arose from a
change of landlords, the property being taken
from the monasteries and religious institutions,
which had maintained the poor, and given to
the parasites and favourites of the Court.
Let them introduce a proper poor-law into Ireland, Se'
as to give proper security to life and property. Let
them pursue the same course that was pursued
when the 43d of Elizabeth was passed. Before
the passing of that Act, executions and other
punishment fur offences against life and pro-
perty were prevalent to an enormous extent, but
on its introduction. These offences at once diminished.
Let the same course be pursued towards Ireland,
where there were at present existing a million of
people who only received 2s to 2s. 6d. per week wages.
Seeing where, in this country, the condition of Ireland
was the subject of conversation, and the cause of all their
wretchedness and suffering was to be traced to their be-
longing to a particular:place. For himself, however, he did
not attribute the distress to this cause, because in Canada
and America there were large
_quantities of Irishmen
competing and successfully too with Scotchmen, Eng-
lishmen, and in fact with persons who had emigrated
from the most distinguished and industrious nations of
the earth. The truth was the idleness of the pet;ple of
Ireland was to be traced to the deficiency of their wages.
What could be expected of a man who only received
2s. 6d. per week ? He had only one more observation
to make before he sat down. He wished to call attention
to a class of gentlemen that he thought ought to bear
the burdens of Ireland much more so than the hard-
working people of this country. Now it had been stated
by an Irish nobleman of high rank, namely, the Earl of
Mountcashel, that the rental of Ireland was thirteen
millions per annum, but that at least ten
lions were paid for incumbrances. The land-
lords should also be taxed. There was another
class who should be considered in reference to this sub-
ject. He would compel the mortgagees of land in Ire-
land to pay their shares, because the interest upon mort-
gages in Ireland bore a higher rate than elsewhere.—
(No, no.) Now that class (the landlords) were very
much favoured with regard to taxation. The taxation
upon articles of consumption in this country was exceed-
ingly heavy, while in Ireland it amounted to only four
millions and a half. There was no country which had
less taxation for her population or ability than Ireland,
He would conclude by moving the resolution.
Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE said that the speech of the
Noble Lord, the First Lord of the Treasury, was so ex-
tensive in its nature, and so important in its conse-
quences, that without making any observation on it, by
way of praise or censure, he was bound to say that it
was drawn up with the greatest care, amid the greatest
difficulties. Whilst he participated in the sentiments of
his Hon. Friend, the Member for Louth, regarding it,
and was of opinion that it was characterised by clear
statement, lucid arrangment, and deep research, he must
also say that he could nut expect, from the plan proposed
by the Noble Lord, any permanent improvement in the
condition of Ireland. It app, ared to him that the scheme
of the Noble Lord was nothing more than what had
been proposed to be done by all preceding Governments,
to go on legislating hit by bit and temporary expedients,
without laying any permanent foundation for the im-
provement of Ireland. Parliament hal not now for
the first time to learn the great amount of distress
which prevailed in Ireland. It was well known to
them that 2,500,000 people of that country were in
more than an ordinary condition b a state of the
greatest destitution, and he could not, therefore, approve
of any measures which would merely have the effect of
temporarily relieving the evil results of the bad legisla-
tion of that House. He thought that the Irish Mem-
bers did their duty in callime; upon the Govern
meat to send over food to the Irish people; and, not-
withstanding the mistakes which had been made in
carrying out their measures, he was of opinion tha
Government was doing its best to second the efforts of
the Irish Members. He would now take a review of
the measures which the Noble Lord proposed to bring
forward. With regard to the Act of the 9th and 10th
Victoria, he thought it difficult for any Member who
had witnessed its operation to speak of it favourably;
.it was the general opinion that it broke up the roads,
impoverished the gentry, demoralised the people, and
burdened the finances of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
It was not his intention to attack the Noble Lord for
passing this Bill. August legislation is apt to be a
hurried affair, especially when there is a chance of
grouse shooting. But the Noble Lord should have
called Parliament together at an earlier period than he
had done. If he wanted a precedent, he had one in the
year 1800, when Parliament was convened in the early
part of November, in consequence of the high price of
provisions. As to the futile excuse that he did not like to
inconvenience the Irish gentry, or to take them away
from their estates, it struck him that thee- could have
been much better spared then than they could now. He
felt persuaded that if the Noble Lord (the Lord Lieute-
nant) had had his own way, they would have had rail-
ways and harbours, and similar productive works, con-
structed, instead of what had been done by the authority
of the Board of Works. He must protest against the prin-
ciple of the Labour Act, which went to charge the real
property of the country with the calamity. He thought
the Government was neither justified by circumstances
nor precedent in throwing the burden on the land. It
was stated that the gentry were to blame for the lavish
waste of money under the operation of the presentment
sessions. To that he would answer that the money in
many instances had been voted under protest, and that
the most of it had been expended under the authority
of the Board of Works, which, with its brilliant
staff of officers, amounting to 11,587, had taken
the whole matter out of the hands of the landed
proprietors. However well qualified generally these
officers might be on local matters and the
business of the various districts, they had shown the
greatest ignorance. It was, therefore, too bad for the
finger of scorn to be pointed at the Irish landlords.
With respect to the change from the present I.) stern of
public works, .he did not see how it was to be done. It
appeared that these parties were in the position of the
dramatis personce in the play of the Critic, who were all
down on their knees, and the author was at a loss how
to effect their exit. The Noble Lord was in the same
predicament. He was at a loss how to effect the change.
He thought himself' that the• Noble Lord would have ex-
ercised a much wiser discretion, if, instead of an addition
to the rates for the purpose of establishing soup-shops,
he had taken into his serious attention the great impor-
Portance of tilling the land for the next harvest. 'there
were 750,000 farms in Ireland, and about one- half of
them were under twenty acres. There was a grant
to these farms of 50,0001. for seed, which would
give about twopence per acre, or would cultivate
25,000 acres, out of all this quantity of land.
If there was any public work to be undertaken
let them give free labour to all farmers under 10 acres,
as that class of farmers had suffered most. The Noble
Lord did not deal justly with the Marquis of Sligo when
the Noble Lord attacked the Noble Marquis of Sligo the
other evening, because the Noble Marquis not only sa-
crificed a large deer park, but expended 701. a-week in
supplying the people of Westbourne with food. The
fact was, the Noble Marquis, last autumn, called upon
the Government to take off the 4s. duty upon the
importation of corn. No doubt the Noble Marquis had
been reading a letter, addressed from Edinburgh, in
November, 1845, and signed "J. Russell ;" but then the
Noble Marquis made his request in November, 1846,
instead of November, 1845. • The Hon. Member for
Winchester, too, towards the close of last session,
warned the Noble Lord that he had better take off the
4s. duty, but the Noble Lord heeded not the warning,
because the corn-law question had just before been set-
tled. The Noble Lord could not be well informed as to
the real condition of the people of Ireland in certain
places. And, to show that this was the case, he would
put the House in possession of the contents of a letter
which he had received from the inspector of the.
mining company of Ireland. The milling company et
Ireland, although they paid wages to 800 men at ls.6d.
a-head, had almost been on the point of closing their
mines, because the people found it almost impossible
obtain food. It was a very good thing for a man t
n_
Ireland to get Is. 901. a day, and yet bad it not been for

! the munificence of the mining company, with which b 8
was connected, these people would have starved, and
they absolutely laid in bed from Saturday night till
Monday morning, with money in their
Pockets, unable
to obtain food. And why 2--because there - was
no food in the country, There was anotherubject to which the Noble Lord had turncd his
attention. The Noble Lord had estimated the WOW
lands of Ireland at 4,600,000 acres, which he proposedit*
reclaim. Mr. Griffiths estimates these lands at 6,290,000
of which he considered 3,725,000 capable of improve..
ment ; bet of these 2,400,000 acres Were only fit tole
reclaimed for coarse pasturage for sheep, leaving 0 I
about 1,425,000 which were fit to be reclaimed for corn
purposes. Then what did the Noble Lord expect 0
gain from these waste lands? What was the evidence
on the subject which hail been laid before the corm:ant.
tee? Why, the Government had had sufficient e.xee
ence of the reclamation of waste lands on their model 'farm
in the county of Cork. They had a model farm at :
place called Cobellowkeith, not a very harmonious nailm d
truly. This farm was taken in King William'S 1 hire
1836 Mr. Griffiths had estimated the returns. s-. .st
account the attempt had been made to reclaim the worst
description of soil. It was called flow bog, and "s'ed,
fact, neither more nor less than a sort of loose ma
The cost of reclaiming this land is 91. 9s. 10d.sbene0
the whole of the value of the returns had f 0
251. 12s. 6d. in four years, giving an average°take
loss of 11. 9s. Bd. per acre. He would nol7.
the next kited of soil. This was a more comp
kind of soil. The cost of reclaiming this soil riff
6/. 3s. per acre, and the returns from it were on ear;
average, and the whole of the produce in four Yore..
was 221. ss. 3d., showing a loss of 1/. 175. 9d. Per rtbe
He was one who thought, that for the good 00,
commonwealth that any man's estate ought to ,bb, ye
tercd upon and taken possession of; but it Incs'ed
extreme case which justified such a step, ,141 the
thought that when this money was to be taken NTT, oat
people of England to reclaim this land, he thought to
it required no little consideration; and if they were-00
iake this model example he &ought they W'iifeS
hesitate to expend it on these waste lands. BY' del
Griffiths's report, the whole of the return from the Whey
farm was, during three years, only 231. 9s. Bd. "A of
the Noble Lord came down to the House and taito
reclaiming these 4,600,000 acres of land did he c°l:l'-tsel
what was the worth of that land. He had calculi
the money to be expended on these 4,600,000 acres,,Tch
found that it would amount to about 4s. an acre, o°o
was to be expended on land worth about half a-creets
an acre ; he never knew a greater bubble, or had
heard a more stupendous attempt on the part olvilih
Government to impose upon the House. Then, dto
respect to another subject, the Noble Lord seercee, to
conceive that small holdings were a great boleo.
Ireland. How many holdings did the Noble Lord his
tend to divide these 6,000,000 acres into. For one
own part he believed the small holdings to hetoet,
of the greatest evils to which Ireland was °e, to
and if the Noble Lord had ever read the blue in the
which he had so often referred, and which eontainel he
evidence taken by Lord Devon's commission ; et 10,511
could take the Noble Lord into the county of Al.";,01
he would show him that the prosperity of a On to
was not in proportion to the ratio of ponulatioo
aped
acreage surface, but in the ratio of the capital efig
on that surface. The Noble Lord seemed to he ties,
unaware of the state of Ireland, and seemed to co°'',-01
that it would be wisest to employ the people in the teo
Ovation of corn. He would tell the Noble Lord that, DI
potato wqs the only produce that could be obtaineeurol
sufficient quantity to feed the people, and that elr
produce sufficient for the purpose never could 1.0 Sit
tained to support the people. And if he could take he
H. Kean and Mr. Kingcade into Ireland, lt 0
would show that it was so. He had Wulf° 1102'
great number of cottier tenantry, and °AT' eblv
been obliged to pay the rates for them all. The
Lord at the head of the Foreign Department, 'we%) bite.
one of the best landlords in Ireland, could have tev",eosti
if they had had any conversation with him in the causto,,,
that on one of his estates of 600 acres, the holden
were divided into only an acre and a half each, on h/v:t
at least a population of 2,000 was located, and tPeteek
never received 1001. from the estate in his life, 6,13‘: elk
on a nominal rental of 4,0001. he did not recell'o
They could not get food of the land, much less paY el eieS
their rent or their rates. In another place 013 ale
of 212 acres, there were 700 people domiciled, an Judi
establishment of the soup kitchens would have as arse
effect in alleviating their conditions as the other roc tea
which had been proposed. This Bill was only tr-iOO%
on the 29th of January last, and there would beiaett ett
objection to it until the people of Ireland had moded
opportunity of considering its provisions. It retelritoel
him of the account given of the cholera by 6 with
of his, who said it was a disease which begat' tclo°-
death ; and if the Noble Lord proposed to givPilee less
relief to the aged, the sick, and the destitute ii if
new poor-law, there would be no objection ; hut vial'
persevered in giving relief to able-bodied labourert by
out the workhouse test, it would be_ bringing IT; /ice,
introducing a system that would commence wit the
violence, and revolution. It would be destrerTsgatrir
last spark of self-respect in the minds of the Pelt,' °f
and depriving them hereafter of any probe° take the
helping themselves. Would the Noble Lord ,- the
consequences of this system ? The vitiate
hlie the
rental in Ireland was estimated at 10,000,0001e2500,00.
number of the destitute poor were estimated relief in the
persons, and as he believed the Irish rate efeonsequoce
poor-houses was rated at Is. 9d. each, the
would be that the cost, as he had h wil°lB
be 11,379,0001. This would not onlY absorb t e
on_i
of the rental in Ireland. but a great portion of the r
of England also ; and he thought a tktronger argeteea__
could not be adduced to the landlords of England the
this was. They wished to put the screw on the hit;
lords of Ireland, and he believed they were right ;
they might put the screw too far, and it should be rece"
lected that the landlord only paid half the rates, and th°
peers
tenant farmer the other. If they were to have the
calculated it, would
law of England in Ireland let them have it altogether;
for the landlords would prefer that to this bit-hre.
system ; but if they did do so let them recollect the null
ber of tenant farmers in England. If they introsiced,
the present poor-law they would have to itild
vance at least four or five millions more—(Bear)--410
of what use was a poor-law in the time of famine.
1547, within three years after the pet favourite ofdt,",
Hon. Member, the 43d of Elizabeth had been passea.ny
in dearth occurred in the country, and it was ever—s of
allowed that the people were starving from the vra-ees
food. Eight years after that another famine had
cur red, and a Committee of that House had WO to do
quire into the causes, and they had unantmouslY '"
a report that it was utterly beyond the power of a mild
law to prevent the sufferings of the people. licvirece°ere
it then obviate the present c damity of Ireland. s"- eble
was another great omission in the plan of Liu? that
Lord. He would not speak of emigration, for who
would be to set the whole country against anY.lcitn for
might have adopted a system of wholesale colonisation
ble
the country, and he was surprised when he saw so
tea
a man as the Lord Advocate among the Govereice- üb.
man who had turned his attention so much to the 00
jest—he was surprised that he had not been consulteuoci. •
this important point. He was not for adopting SO grew
less system of colonisation, for he would place it tiit so
the direction of the minister's religion, and have but
managed that no evil should result to the colonists' toe
:.hat a great berefit should be obtained for the n°lll3/-
There was one other great omission in the speech e. tre.
Noble Lord, for he conceived that no system for thienet
generation of Ireland would be complete which dip', its
altogether obviate the evils of that system.—(Hear')
measure could be successful that did not entirelY; do
the condition of the agricultural classes, and +sir
away with the small holdings in that CO
for it had destroyed the agricultural labourers as aclansid
The Noble Lord Complained that the Irish peasant wife-in
work in London or Liverpool, but would not tvcr'use
iwv
while
hheine hi
n he England
Ireland
trot
ahisintd, whhoeer I
sought
oawusga shbtardei
alqyui
vainpreadi and
d,f.or
employment,
pwe aoesy
Ireland. What was the reason of that ? why, becu-'d,
more able, a more industrious labourer in the world that
the Irish peasant, but in Ireland it was useless to attelf
to work.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member °-
Limerick (Mr. S. O'Brien) complained of the absentee
landlords, but there was a much more mischievous chis'os
than that, and that was the class of nominal ownersiid
rawwaecnsllt,npo,ol:l
property, men who were at the mercy of some agent, sr
who could neither help themselves or be of use to ---p
body else. This was a class which ought to be got rid
for if they really meant to improve the condition of fee;
land, they must go to the root of the evil, do away
with this effete system of granting loans, and The,
the whole system of real property in Ireland. -J•eur;
they must also alter the system of government in
ie
land. They must either do away with their Lord
tenant, or make him a king in reality; and they Ong
take steps also for Parliament' meeting at stated seas°
in the Castle of Dublin. If the Lord Lieutenant "lure
be an efficient agent, he must be made a member e'ie d
ds,_iflirtityci.l.nnegogeb)etlh,i7naldh
Cabinet. It was of no use to have a rson in fre,'-in
alreocoaugnmoh another isnnt og an
edsi.s vehicle,ta
rn' ht in
cdtte;we:s7l Vs:
there mu-
. st be none of that bitterness of disposition, '
acerbity on score of religion, that odium theologialt
that forgets the charity nhieh believeth all things,lle-b
all things, which is first peaceable, thenand ic
pure,
tbe
thinketh re' over eel rrusmot hnbee
no ; for if they did not look4to thig,
union, however binding it might appear to he,
with religious diffsrences, never prove anythinfa more
than a party difference. It was a spirit that wou but.
back the waters of civilisation to the 16th century',
in the words of the poet, he warned them--
" Nor deal damnation round the land
On each he deems his foe."
This country owed a vast debt to Ireland for its centu-
ries of misgovernment, and it was not to be cancelled by
be
a mere pecuniary compensation only. It could only_
cancelled by that House passing a law for the relieff
o f
Ireland in a wise, large, and comprehensive spirit, ree
from sectarian intolerance, and parochial bigotry,—

' (Choc' s.)
and he did not think he
House upon this all-absorbing topic,
Mr. S. O'BRIEN wished to address a few words to the
he had imposed upon himself
could better accomplish the
.
p s dutyinthe order they were adverted to
than by following
at the head of the Government, when be
Loourstdehethe other eveniu„.r. The Noble Lord, in
melancholy statistics with the first place, referredabdYdrtehsesedNtotibeleil.
re-
gard to Ireland which had
latterly been brought under the coat-
lie
occasion, would,
ahnodwev comeer,
the obvious deduction from them that they were the
to draw
cei-Zitirl,i hear.) He to those mel
sicleration of Parliament ; but the Noble Lord did not appear
rgetsoenrve:
‘7l)
that part .
to the question of distress. Now it was not fair to say there
had been a loss of so many acres of potatoes,
which, under ordinary circumstances, amounted to a, certain
result of
quantity ; but it was their duty to calculate what was the
amount of corn which it would be necessary to receive,
misrule.—(Hear,
fi s
theru l e
8.
to replace that loss of potatoes. Proceeding upon such a cal-
culation, it appeared to him that the loss of potatoes could only
be replaced by a certain quantity of corn. Now, the loss sus:
could
not by Ireland, by the destruction of the potato-crop, a
not be computed at less than twenty or thirty millions sterling,
and he asked the House in what way that loss was to be made ..
up, At all iveuts it was quite clear. that ..1 It,
)in order