The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON. SATURIAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1841.

An HON. MEMBER on the Opposition benches, whose
name we could not learn, said that the country would
willingly extend its indulgenet, to the Right lion. Baro-
net, by granting the time for considering his measures
which he demanded, because it placed confidence in his
Administration. The new Ministry was, besides, sup-
ported by a large majority of that House.
Mr. COBDEN was surprised to hear the Honourable
Member allude to the majority which his party had ob-
tained; That was an attempt to justify their proceedings,
by a mere appeal to physical force. He believed that
Hon. Gentlemen in pursuing the course they had taken
on that occasion were unconscious of the state of public
opinion. That was admitted upon all sides. It was ad-
mitted by the great organ of the .party opposite. The
triumph at the late elections was not the triumph of prin-
ciple, it was the triumph of the purse.—(Cries of " Oh,
oh," from the Ministerial benches.) He was only stating
what had been admitted by their own organ of that morn-
ing. They were there by the force of their pockets, and
not by the force of principle. He was not therefore sur-
prised to find them ignorant of the real state of public
feeling. -Bribery had been resorted to at•the late elections
to an unprecedented extent, and nom Members, he would
repeat, had gone to the hustings with their constituents in
their pockets.—(Laughter from the Ministerial benches )
He believed it difficult to exaggerate the distress now
prevailing in the manufacturing districts. If that
House was prorogued without taking the subject into
its consideration, the responsibility should not rest with
those who represented real constituencies, and not pur-
chased ones, but with those who were now in possession
of the reins of Government. They had heard of the
distress in Salford and other places, and he (Mr. Cob-
den) represented a borough which transcended all others
in the fearful sufferings of its inhabitants. One of every
five houses in Stockport was untenanted, and he could
tell them, moreover, that one-half of the occupiers were
not paying rent. One half of the mills and manufac-
tures were closed, and thousands of labourers, who
would be considered a treasure in any other land,
and looked upon as its most valuable possession,
were wandering about seeking for employment
but unable to obtain it. They were to have a delay of
five months before they considered the subject. God
knew, however, whether he (Mr. Cobden) should have
a constituency in five months if the tide of emigration
and the growth of distress should progress in the same
proportion as of late years. He expected at the end of the
winter to find very few of the operatives whom he re-
presented in the streets of Stockport. If the discus-
sion were to be postponed, he wished to place on the
right shoulders the responsibility and the consequences,
particularly the consequences to the labouring popula-
tion. Hon. Gentlemen opposite had fraternised with
the working class'es to some purpose during . the last
twelve months. 'The coalition had taken place, but he
(Mr. Cobden) believed it was now about to be 'brought
to a close. Let them remember that they were now
_about to return to a population deprived of work
and suffering from the want of every comfort,
and consequently deeply dissatisfied. Let the true
source of the grievances of the working classes he ascer-
ta;ned. That was due to the capitalists and the employers
of the poor. They have before them Six months of pri-
vation
and suffering, such as he would be loth to witness,
and such as Hon. Gentlemen opposite would not witness,
because they would be shooting in their preserves.—
(Cries of " Hear," and " Oh," on the Ministerial
benches.) Let him tell Hon. Gentlemen opposite that
their monopolies were the known cause of the distress of
our operatives ; and that if wages were reduced, it was i
to them it would be owing. The wages of labour were
the rations of the poor ; but the majority of that House,
by diminishing the market for labour, were lessening
those rations. The labouring classses should know who
it was that robbed them.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
It was not the capitalists. He said solemnly that he
believed no calamity would be more deeply felt
by the manufacturers of Lancashire and Yorkshire,
than that they should be driven to the necessity of di-
minishing wages. He believed that capitalists were
aware that the worst thing for them was to have a
badly-remunerated population ; for, as Mr. Burke had
said, " we are all the pensioners of the working classes."
They were the great consumers and customers of the
country, and therefore self-interest alone would induce
the manufacturer to maintain, if possible, the rate of
wages. He said without fear of contradiction, that the
capitalists of the North of England had for the last
three years carried on their business at a positive loss.
He would say more, that during the last five years the
capital of Lancashire had decreased fifty per cent.
Capital had been depreciated, and it had gone, in a great
measure, to pay labourers who by short-work and occa-
sional cessation of work, had still continued
nominally to receive the same rate of wages
as before. But the funds of the Union Association
had in the meantime been drained. During the last
twelve months he believed there had been more paid out
of union funds than had been contributed out of the poor-
rates to paupers. But these funds were now exhausted ;
and what had they to expect next. Why, in the unfor-
tunate borough which he represented, they were threat-
ened with a conflict between the masterand the. labourer.
Wages must now be reduced some 20 or 30 per cent.,
and if wee-es were reduced in one place they would
soon be reduced every where. When these things were
stated to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, they were told the
operatives might be sent to the poor-house. He believed
the Right Hon. Baronet had stated the other night that
those who administered the poor-law must have been
sadly neglectful of their duty. But was that all that the
hard-working and skilful operative had to console him ?
Was he to be deprived of work, and then to he reduced
to the condition of a pauper ?—(Hear from the Ministerial
benches.) He (Mr. C.), as the representative of the opera-
tives of Stockport, would tell Hon. Members who cried
" Hear," that they would not be paupers, that they ab-
hored pauperism as much as the Right Hon. Baronet
himself; and that they would resist a law -which was re-
ducing them to pauperism ; or, if they could not resist
it, they would submit to the secondary punishment of
our penal code—they would transport themselves to dis-
tant lands, where they would be placed in a condition
less humiliating than at home. What were the argu-
ments advanced by the Gentlemen opposite that even-
ing ? They had not a word of consolation for our suffer-
ing mechanics. He had heard from them nothing like
condolence or commiseration—(lronical cheers from the
Ministerial benches)--and that, he believed, was owing
to an ignorance of the constituencies whom the Gentle-
men represented. They were told by the Right Hon.
Baronet that he would have a controversy with the Noble
Lord opposed to him. The Right Hon. Baronet be-
gan his speech by telling them he was inclined to have
a party contest on the occasion. The Right Honourable
Gentleman had jointly. entered into that contest. , But
he (Mr. Cobden) protested against that House being
made a mere debating club.—(Loud cheers from the
Ministerial benches, again and again renewed.) Hon.
Gentlemen should remember that he (M. Cobden) was
tolerably seasoned in physical force, and that he was
not easily to be put down. • But he was going to protest
against the Right Hon. Baronet's considering that they
were sent there to. listen to party controversies between
him and the Noble Lord. He (Mr. Cobden) had come
there for a different purpose. It was their duty to con-
sider the interests of the country at large, irrespective
of party and of faction. When the Right Hon. Baronet
had announced his determination to postpone discussion,
he (Mr. Cobden) had expected he should have some argu-
ments to justify the delay, and that something would be
said which might give hope for the future. But
no : the Right Honourable Gentleman wished for
time—and for what ? In order that he might
consult those functionaries connected with the
Government, who might have some important com-
munications to make. But had not the Right
Honourable Baronet, in common with the rest of his
fellow-subjects, an opportunity of reading the evidence
taken before the Import Duties Committee ? He might
there have met with the evidence, not only of those con-
nected with the Board of Trade, but of one who was now
in the service of the Government, who had retired from
his duty full of honour, and whose last act was the most
glorious of his life. He alluded to Mr. Deacon Hume.
The Right Hon. Baronet could consult Mr. Hume and
Mr. Porter on the subject of the Corn-laws. Their
evidence had been reprinted in America, and was known
to every one. The Right Hon. Baronet, however, wished
to consult his own functionary. But was that a reason
why they should. have the question deferred for five
months ? He (Mr. Cobden) certainly thought not. The
Right Hon. Gentleman also alleged, in his own
justification, that the late Government had delayed their
measures during a space of five years, and they could not
quarrel with him for a delay of five months. But that
would only show that the Right Hon. Baronet was fol-
loaing in the track of those from whose policy he dif-
fered. Again, the Right Hon. Baronet asked the Mem-
bersgtt)ltil Administration.yeseui,cesralfit:ineiitseishin.atepiniotlii:drionttnaeibs:tt.c.oett.itoitle:fetsBchts:oet.
rudcvnniotnutr ygyn.t
r?
But
‘lulirs
rteatwshaei
should
tsr?
i_ _ .
(tntthrhateehHat yattethawa
e question
were
way pre-
paredt 0a
hear.)
thata r.
The Right Hon Baronet afterwards mliosny.sent into elaborate
into thattll a that
ni e the,e hadry Rightn
minute criticism of the
eima(r.Ameasures,grurßm. cuent.
tspharenorode.f
calculations for the purpose of showing the of
the measures of the late Government. Beall futility
et:
te,
hl
timeat
httoca
tondou•
preceded
:abkereeeodennaeedlptl
Reidlhis commencedmind,Really,
h he had
con-
sideringhbaydestnatteirnegd
thewas Administration
nothing
in all
thatwh
aseen within the
nothing that could satisfy theegceodu.nHtreyb.
tested therefore against all discussion beine deferred) up m
intelligent men, capable of
fastl ie groundsfor
tfortnight
tthatin hadma
Manchester
tael
rl
forming an opinion, apprehensive of disturbances in
Manchester during the winter. They said that men
himself declare
might die, but men and Englishmen would never see their
children starve around them. He could
to t;;"
House that
to fill the office of Mayor,
lie knew a borough in which there was
a difficui.:' in finding a person there would ben convulsion
during the next wir,
e it was feared f
and that because it
gahve,themftleiotssenevaecrtsth;etlhessey.
He would tell them
on whom they,
DI
e in the manufacturing dis-
tricts, t smile if they pleaseodr,
eb_ut
that they stvheoresea
relied for keeping the pee
had very few motiyea left for keeping the peace
th r
ei
at all.—(Hear.) They had
in that House, b'chile cy lasses,
Legislature injured the fortunes of the 41
they had ruined manufacturers, and they
had torn flown
the buttresses by which the aristocracy
supported.
in the
They had nothing in the shape of public opinion
was ' '
north of England upon which they could rely. They
must endeavour to keep the peace by bayonets, but_ the,
effort would prove ineffectual, unless they carried bread
with those bayonets. He warned them against the com-
ing winter. He would say the times were perillous ;
and he would remind them of the circumstances under
which the Corn-law was passed. It svgs pgssed in that
House while surrounded by soldiers, horse arai fgoP—i,,
t
ass passed at the point of the bayonet.—(" No, no,'
from Lard Bandon and other Members en the Ministe-
rial bsmches.) The Noble Lord the Member for Liver-
pool deoied the assertion ; but he (Mr. Cobden) would
repeat that the House was at the Oro Surrounded with
soldiers. He did not mean the peesepft law, but the
law of no 5. And between the two laws tip eg4i4 tell
I
the Noble
Lord the Member for Liverpool that there was
but very little
s:,hoice. The law had passed at the point

of the bayonet. There was an example for a constitu-
tional country. It had been baptised in blood. It
begotten in Violence and injustice. It ha:6 been per!):,-
tuated at the expense of the tears and groans of tht
people ; and he (Mr. Cobden) prayed to God it might
not end in violence, which their conduct in refusing all
discussion and all amelioration of existing evils, was but
too apt to provoke.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord SANDON said he should have thought that a
sense of prudence, if not of decency, would have deterred
the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down from charging
that (the Ministerial) party with having obtained their
majority by unfair means at the late elections.—(Hear,
hear.) What they had seen in that House should have
silenced the Hon. Gentleman upon that. head. For his
(Lord Sandon's) part he believed that Hon. Members on
his side had been chosen with remarkable purity.—
(Hear, hear, and Oh, oh.) Let them look to Lon-
don, where two Conservatives had not been returned
through corruption.—(Hear, hear.) Let them look to
Liverpool, not carried by corruption. Let them look to
the majorities they had obtained in the great towns of
Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Middlesex—to the majorities
in the English Counties, and he did think they would
admit that it was not to corruption these majorities were
owing.—(Hear, hear.) Let the Honourable Gen-
tleman look next to the other side—let him look
to Bridport—(Hear,lear, from the Ministerial benches)—
to Shrewsbury, to. Nottingham, and to various other
places ; and,l in his (Lord Sandon's) opinion, prudence,
if not decency, would prevent him from repeating his
observations on the subject. The Hon. • Gentleman who
had just sat down was very anxious to divest himself of
the awful responsibility hanging.over him in respect to
manufacturing distress. He apprehended that the storm
he •had himself raised would lead to bloodshed, and he
was anxious to throw the burden of the responsibility
he had so largely contributed to create—(Cheers
from the Ministerial benches)—upon her Majesty's Mi-
nisters because they refused to enter upon the
subject of the Corn-laws. If the language which
the Honourable Member had used in the House
that evening was to be taken as a specimen of that
which he was accustomed to address to the peo:-,le
in the North of England, it might well be said that

..„
the people were under the guidance of those who .were
calculated to mislead them. What had the Hon. Gentle-
man said ? • He had said that the existing Corn-law had
been carried at the point of the bayonet.—(Cries of
" No, no.") The Hon. Gentleman had said so, and it
was not until the negative had been put throe times
from his (Lord Sandon's) side of the House that the
Hon Gentleman had reluctantly admitted that he
did not intend to allude to the present Corn-
law—(Hear)—not to the Corn-law which had
immediately preceded it, but to the Corn-law before that
—to the Corn-law of 1815. That Corn-law absolutely
prohibited the importation of foreign corn until the price
in this country should have reached 80s. a quarter. Was
that the same as the present Corn-law, the merits of
which, however, he would not then go into ?—(lronical
cheers from the Opposition.) Honourable Gentlemen
must be perfectly aware that under the present Corn-
law there had been a much greater increase in the im-
portation of corn from foreign countries than could have
taken place under that Corn-law which he had attempted
to identify with it. He (Lord (Sandon) was not
more insensible than those Gentlemen who claimed to
themselves a monopoly of humanity, to the hardships,
the sufferings, and the distress endured by the inhabi-
tants of the manufacturing districts. He believed Hon.
Gentlemen on his side of the House had shown them-
selves as actively alive to those sufferings as the mill-
owners of Lancashire, and the present was a vain attempt
on the part of the mill-owners to draw the attention of
the people from themselves, as the cause of much of the
distress, and to direct it against the land-owners. The
mill-owners had no right to come forward with these
exclusive claims to humanity—they had no right to stig-
matiSe those who differed from them on an abstruse
point of political economy, on which even many Mem-
bers on the other side differed in opinion. Why, Lord
Congleton had at one time been of opinion that no im-
portation of foreign corn should be permitted until the
price in this country should amount to 120 s. a quarter.
They should recollect that this was a question as to the
sliding scale or a fixed duty, and those who were of
opinion that a fixed duty was preferable 'had no right on
that account to hold the language they had held, and
to speak of those who differed from them in opinion as
if they were deficient in feelings of humanity.—(Cheers.)
I If her Majesty's Ministers had had any specific nostrum
like Hon. Gentlemen opposite for the relief of' this dis-
tress, then they would certainly be culpable if they did
not propound it at once ; but he believed that there
could be no doubt but that her Majesty's Ministers did
not attribute the present distress of the country to the
Corn-laws, and that no alteration which they might
bring forward with regard to those laws would
be brought forward under the pretence of remedying the pre-
sent distress.—( Hear, hear.) He did not attribute that dis-'
tress to the Corn-laws, and not very long since the Manches-
ter Chamber of Commerce had not attributed it to the Corn-
laws.—( Hear, hear.) The Chamber of Commerce of Man-
chester had attributed that distress to the Bank of England and
the Joint. Stock Banks, and if a merchant or a manufacturer
were asked in private at the present moment if he attributed
that distress to the state of the Corn-laws, he would answer
no, but would say it was owing to trading being carried be-
yond its legitimate bounds by capital artificially applied, a
state of things which must sooner or later terminate in dis-
tress, and that they were now suffering the breaking of the
bubble. These were the eauses to which, in their country
houses and in private, they attributed the distress at the pre-
sent moment. While in public they were harranging multitudes
and talking of Corn-laws, of blood, of bayonets, of monopoly,
and of oppression, they would in private say that, although
they attributed to the Corn-laws a part of the mischief, yet
those laws were not the exclusive or the 'stain cause of the
distress. If her Majesty's Ministers had any remedy for that
distress and did not come-down with it, they would be highly
culpable ; but he believed that her Majesty's Ministers said
they did not pretend to remedy that distress by any sudden
measure.—( ironical cheers from the Opposition.) lie would
I.ke to ask Hon. Gentlemen on the other side whether they
considered it their measure, fur if an Bs. fixed duty had been
carried four months ago, the present state of distress would
thereby have been sensibly alleviated. If the present price of
bread would have been lowered thereby he could not say ; but he
would say that there could be no doubt but that the present
state of distress of the commercial classes would have been :he
same. He thought it his duty to come forward on the pre.
sent occasion, representing, as he did, a large commercial con-
stituency, to reply to the taunts of the Hon. Gentleman who
had lost spoken, and who seemed to consider that on his (Lord
Sandon's) side of the House, there were only to be found re-
presentatives of such places as Sudbury—(Cheers)—and Brid.
port.—( Loud cheers.) He had stated those sentiments to his
constituents before his election. He did not believe that any al-
teration in the Corn-laws would materially affect the condition
of the labouring classes, and it was a great question whether
any advantages which that alteration might produce would not
be more than counterbalanced even to those who might be sup-
posed most to profit by that alteration by the accompanying
disadvantages. He had expressed those sentiments before a
large mercantile constituency, and he could state that the ex-
pression of them had not appeared to draw on him any unpopu-
larity.

Sir RORERT PEEL wished to say one word in explana-
tion as to a part of the speech of the Hon. Member for Stock-
port, in which that Hon. Member had brought a charge
against him (Sir R. Peel) founded on the grossest and most
extraordinary misrepresentation. The Hon. Gentleman,
working himself up to a high pitch of indignation, had accused
him ( Sir Robert Peel) of stating that the working classes
ought to be satisfied with the condition of paupers. Now this
was the foundation of that statement. He ( Sir R. Peel) had
some months ago, heard the Hon. Gentleman (the Member for
Boston) mention in that House a case of the most appalling
distress. He had listened to the relation of that case by the
Hon. Member with most painful feelings. The Hon. Member
had mentioned the case of a weaver who, surrounded by
his family, had expired in a state of the deepest distress, and
his body had been found extended on the hearth. His death
had been attributed to actual starvation. When he ( Sir R.
Peel) had heard that statement, after expressing the deepest
sympathy for the sufferings of that poor man and of his family,
he had said that a statement so appalling ought to lead to the
inquify: if it were possible that the Poor-law could be pro-
perly administered where such a state of things was suffered to
exist, and from that the Hon. Gentleman took occasion to
accuse him (Sir R. Peel) of saying that the working classes
ought to be satisfied with the condition of paupers. Now the
first thing that lie (Sir R. Peel) had done after his appoint-
ment to the Government, was to write to his tight lion.
Friend the Secretary of State for the Home department, tell
ing him that that story was still dwelling on his mind, and
that if such a state of things could by possibility exist, it was a
reflection upon the state of society in general—(Cheers)—and
advising him instantly to send an assistant Poor-law Commis-
sioner to Bolton to institute an immediate inquiry.—
( Cheers.) That advice was taken, and the assistant
Commissioner was at the present moment at Bolton
making inquiries into that statement, which had been made two
or three months ago.—( Cheers.) That was the foundation of
the charge which had been brought against him, and because
he had expressed his horror at the statement made by the Hon.
Member for Bolton, the Hon. Gentleman opposite had charged
him with stating that: the working classes ought to be satisfied
with the condition of paupers.—(Loud cheering.)
Mr. HAWES would say one word with respect to the expla-
nation of the Right Hon. Baronet. In Justice to his Hon.
Friend, the l'Slember for Stockport, he must say that the speech
of the Right Hon. Baronet had been reported in a very dif-
ferent manner from that which the Right Hon. Baronet had
just explained it. He thought the House greatly indebted to
the Honourable Member for Stockport for having elicited the
speech of [the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool. At
length they had a speech from the other side, calculated to
throw some light on the future intentions of the Government.
—( Cries of " No, no.") He said " Yes, yes," for the Noble
Lord had taken upon himself to say that her Majesty's 3finis-
ters did not attribute the present distress to the existing state
of the Coin-laws.—(Loud cheers.) And he had also said that
if they were of opinion that they possessed any remedy for that
distress they would be bound immediately to propose it. But
that, as they entertained no such opinion they would not em-
bark in any discussion.—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.)
He gave the Noble Lord credit for having a considerable know-
ledge of works on political economy, and yet the Noble Lord
said that all the leading authorities on that subject were divided
in opinion on the question of the Corn-laws. He (Mr. Hawes)
contended that there was a most singular concurrence of opi-
nion among all the leading authorities as to the disastrous ef-
fects of those laws, and he would challenge the Noble Lord to
refer to any single authority in support of his (Lord Sandon's)
view of the question.
L SANDON—Mr. Huskisson. •
Mr. HAWES would refer the Noble Lord to the last speech
that Mr. Euskisson had ever made in that House, and which
was evidently in favour of a free trade in corn. Every one
who had read the speeches of Mr. Huskisson, must have re-
marked that there was a gradual change in his opinion, always
progressing towards a free trade in corn. He (Mr. Hawes)
did not claim any superiority in humanity over Hon. Gentle-
men opposite, but he was entitled to consider their policy
apart from their personal feelings; and in speaking of that
policy, lie felt bound to denounce it as pregnant with evil, and
as one to which might mainly be attributed the suffering exist-
ing in the country. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in the
amended address, had adopted that portion of her Majesty's
Speech in which she expressed her sympathy for the distresses
of the people. and her anxiety that those distresses should be
alleviated. Now, what were they to think of the Right Hon.
paronet's sympathy for those distresses, and of his desire to
apeeiate them, whop they found that he proposed to post-
pone all consideration of them foe five months? Aft. e express.
ing his feeling for their distresses, the first act that he did
was to shut the doors of that House, and postpone all conside.
ration of them till next spring.—(Hear, hear.) The Right
Hon. Baronet, in that part of his speech which, judging from
the applause which it received, might be considered the most
ewecoe, had taunted the Noble Lord by saying that if he
blamed Wm (Sir 4, Ppel) fop delay, whit blare ivy Rot

justly clue to him (Lord John Russell), who had held office for
five years, and had yet done nothing. That might ,or might
not be the case, but with that the people had nothing to do.
Because the Noble Lord had neglected his duty, that was no
reason why.the present Government should neglect theirs.--
(Loud cheers.) But the Noble Lord had proposed measures,
of which the Right Hon. Brronet had disapproved, and having
refused to adopt them he now refused to propose any of his own
in their place.—( Cheers.) if the Right Hon. Gentleman
would apply himself to the consideration of those measures he
believed he would come to the conclusion that some
change in our commercial policy was
necessary, but the
Right Honouroble Gentleman refused discussion. He
asked for a supply, and-• Aoki them that they must
wait until next year before they cdeld hope for any alteration
in those laws. And what was that alteration to be ? Why
the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Dorchreater.,-in
address to his constituents, had said that he considered a fixed
duty an impossibility, and that the only improvement that
could be made in the present Corn. laws would be by improving
the system of taking the averages, so as to make them more
stringent. That was then the only alteration they could hope
for • for the Government, it appeared, were still determined to
adhere to the principles of the sliding scale. Now that scale
had not justified any one of the grounds on which it had been
originally introduced. It had not induced steadiness of price
—it hsd note afforded effectual protection to the British
fume: —it had not afforded security that the home
growth should he equal to the home consumption—those were
the grounds on which it had been first proposed—and on every
one of those grounds the sliding scale hid failed. They had
been taunted with being asked if they could maintain a fixed
duty. Now what right had Hon. Gentlemen opposite to ask
them to maintain a fixed duty when their own scheme did not
maintain it ? (Hear, hear.) But nothing could be clearer
than that under a fixed duty there would be a fixed supply.
The merchant would then be able to make his calculations.
It was the sliding scale that was the cause of all the uncer-
tainty.—(Cheers) A peat deal had been said of what had
fallen from the Hon. Member from Stockport relative to the
state of the feelings of the working classes. Now nothing had
been said on that subject that night that had not been said
months before. Every one had said that when the question of the
Corn-laws should be thoroughly understood by the people, if
some measures were not adopted to repeal or alter them, the
peace of the country would be endangered, and yet Right Hen.
Gentlemen refit ed all discussion. That night they had had a
signal example in the speech of one county Member, who had
addressed the House without aiding one single observation to
what had been uttered previously, and who had even expressed
himself as rejoicing that there was to be no discussion. The
Noble Lord had taunted them with particitiating in a gronso
and infamous system of bribery. He (Mr. Hawes) knew no-
thing of that personally.—(Hear.) -I-le represented no free-
men—( Cheers)—and he had never in his elections incurred
one farihing of expense that he should-be ashamed to state in
his place in
,that House.—( Loud cheers.) He admitted that
in many places gross and shameful .bribery had taken place,
and he would say that all those wile had been guilty of it had
dune much toshake the confidence of the people in that House,
and to undermine the foundations of the Constitution.—.(Loud
cheers.) The Right Honourable Gentleinan had called for
a vote of confidence, without stating what he meant to
do.—( Hear, hear.) Corn-laws, Sugar-laws, Timber-laws,
finances, taxes—all were left in obscurity, and on these grounds
the Right Hon. Baronet asked for the confidence of the House
and the country. Whatever might be said of the late Govern-
ment, they had at least propounded practical measures for re-
lieving the distress of the country, and had brought them
tangibly before the House—measures calculated to relieve the
trade, and to lighten the burden of taxation—while the Right
Hon. Baronet, having refused even to discuss those measures,
asked for a vote of supply, stating, as his ground for asking it,
that he intended to postpone until next winter the bringing
forward any measures to relieve the distresses of the people.
Mr. LITTON said he was sorry to hear from Hon. Gentle-
men opposite, observations calculated to create discontent and
excitement, but he vies desirous of rising, as the representative
of an Irish constituency, to pray her Majesty's Government
would take time to deliberate on such an important question.
He thought he expressed the opinion of that country, when he
said that if the Corn-law as proposed by the late Administration
passed into a law, it would involve Ireland in immediate and
irremediable ruin.—( Hear, hear, hear, and laughter.) If no
petitions from Ireland were presented against that law, the
reason was because the people knew such a measure could
never pass that House. It was very well to describe the
miseries and sufferings of the manufacturers of England, hut
were the four or five millions of the Irish people, %shorn the
proposed alteration would ruin, to be altogether forgoten ?
—( Hear, hear.) He would assert that misery, penury, want,
and actual deprivation of the necessaries of life would
follow the measure of the late Administration if passed into a
law. The Irish people had not the resources of manufacturers
to fly to, like the people of England, if the benefits they de-
rived from the present Corn-laws were to be taken from them.
Any person that knew Ireland must know that her prosperity
depended on agriculture, and if that support was withdrawn,
four or five millions would be destitute of the means of living.
She had only three or four sea-ports that w ere prosperous, and
had not, I.ke England, numerous and flourishing towns. The
greater number of the towns in Ireland derived their support
from the agricultural population, and if the agriculturists were
ruined, ruin would soon overtake the inhabitants of the towns.
He had not heard, during the debate, any Irish Member as-
sert that Ireland would not be ruined by the proposition of
the late Government. He would say a few words with respect
to the beering of the question on the Irish franchises. The
Conservatives wished to leave to Ireland a full, fair, and bona
fide franchise ; and he would tell the Hon. Gentleman oppo-
site the measure of the late Administration would materially di-
minish those franchises. Many who could now swear to a profit-
able interest of 101. above the rent, would not be able to do so
if the Corn-law was changed. He would say, and he knew
Ireland, that one-half the Irish franchises would be cut up by
a change of the Corn-law. He (Mr. Litton) wondered that
that House, who professed themselves the only friends of Ire-
land, should be so forgetful of her franchisee, though
they may care very little for the destruction of her
towns—(Hear)—the ruin of her agricultute, and the
distress of her people.—(Hear, hear, anti laughter.) Then
he could say of the lower classes of the people of Ireland that
they rejoiced in having an Administration which would obtain
for them a freedom from agitation, and would allow them to
pursue industry without agitation—(Hear and laughter)
and he would say that the Irish appointments had not only
given satisfaction as respected the executive portion of them,
as was admitted by all parties, but even the law appointments
were liked, and had given great satisfaction.---( Hear and
laughter.) They were a guarantee that the law would be
'firmly and impartially administered, and those could only regret
those appointments who were habitually violating the law.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD said, that although lie was not an
Isish Member, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just
sat down knew he had a stake in the country—(Hear, hear)—
and that it was entirely connected with agriculture. Yet he
would say that the improvement of Ireland would advance upon
a repeal of the Corn-law.—(Cheers and laughter.) He
(Mr. C.) did not advocate the proposition of the late Govern-
ment, but he advocated the measure of a total repeal.—( Hear,
hear.) There was no part of Ireland more prosperous or im-
proving than that in which manufactures were in connection
with agriculture—( Hear, hear)—and, in fact, greater com-
fort did not exist in any part of the British empire. It was by
other means than that of rent, the population in the north of
Ireland paid their rent. What, then, had agriculture done for
the people of Ireland ? \Vas it a proof of the value of agri.
culture that 2,300,000 of her population had no more than 6d.
or 4d. a-day as wages, and that not always?—
(Hear.) The Honourable and Learned Gentleman said that an
unanimous feeling prevailed in Ireland as to the bad effects
of the late Government's proposition of a fixed duly; but there
was no evidence of any such feelings.—( Hear, hear.) There
had been no petitions on the subject. Neither could he (Mr.
C.) agree with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that her
Majesty's present advisers had given universal satisfaction in
Ireland.—(Cheers.) No doubt the people there were luke-
warm in supporting the late Government, because they had
not gone far enough in advocating Liberal measures ; but, to
compare their feelings with regard to the present Government,
and those they entertained towards their predecessors, was
perfectly absurd.—( Hear, hear.) •On the contrary, the people
there were apprehensive of the present Administration ; but
he hoped the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet would re-
move all grounds for such teelings. He would say a few
words upon the general question, and he begged to vouch for
the present distress, and absolute necessity for speedy mea-
sures.—( Cheers.) He would not say what ought to be done,
but he would say, whatever was to be done, ought to be done
at once. The great question, apart from all party views, was.
whether the Corn-laws should be upheld or not. He thought
the question should be pressed to a division, and that the de-
bate should not be one of mere words. 'flat was Are only
way to have the opinion of the Hotise'ascertained. He wished
to make one remark to the Right I-lon. Baronet with respect
to the Poor-law, and that was, whether be would force on the
people the Poor-1 tw, where unions had not been yet esta-
blished? He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would consider
such a suggestion.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL begged to say one word before
the debate closed. He was willing, as an Irish Member, to
take upon himself the obloquy of entirely disagreeing and dis-
senting from the confidence which the Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman (Mr. Litton) represented as attached to the Irish ap-
pointments, and to protect himself from agreeing with the
conclusions derived from the Noble Lord's speech by the Right
Hon. Baronet, which speech he thought conceded much more
than tine Noble Lord was warranted in conceding. Though
he lia.l personally a high respect for Lord Eliot, he
thought lie would want the power or the inclination,
or perhaps both, to carry his benevolent intentions
into p-actical effect. He could not forget the extreme violence
of his ( Lord Eliot's) party, upon his conduct with respect to
the Irish Municipal Act, and how he had been taunted in the
House, and abused elsewhere, because he wished to do away
with all religious and local distinctions—.(Hear, hear)—and he
much feared if his vote upon that occasion would not be re-
membered by his own party in Ireland. He had no confidence
in the Secretary for the Home Department, but if they really
wished to do away with the inequality which subsisted in the
Municipal Acts of England, Ireland, and Scotland, they could
exhibit their disposition to do justice to Ireland by placing them
on an equality with regard to that Act. He entirely dissented
from the Cassandra-like predictions of the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman as to the benefit that was likely to flow from the
new Administration to Ireland; and he should be allowed at
least to express his doubts of the advantages to be derived from
the Government of the Right Hon. Baronet.
Mr. HARDY said he had felt considerable surprise that
Hon. Gentlemen opposite should have attributed all the distress
which existed in Lancashire, and in other parts of tile country,
to the operation of the Corn-laws ; since it must be recol-
lectel that distress had prevailed even when those laws were
not in operation. He (Mr. Hardy) was not in the least sur-
prised at the existence of distress, when he recolleeted the in-
formation which had been given to the House by the Hon.
Member for Oldham. The Hon. Gentleman had told the
House that in the year 1820 there were manufactured four dif-
ferent articles which produced a sum of 96a., and that that
year there were 18000,0001bs. of cotton manufactured,
whereas at present the quantity was 400,000,000, and the
sum was reduced from 965. to 275. After such a statement no
one could wonder at the distress. Men borrowed money
from joint-stock banks to build large works because they had
seen others prosper ; the market was soon glutted ; and they
were then glad to obtain any price for their manufac-
tures. The Honourable Member referred to the number of
houses in Manchester and Salford which was without tenants,
as a proof of destitution. He would mention one fact in an-
swer to that statement. In travelling on the Manchester and
Leeds Railway be had observed a number of persons waiting,
with Inge packs on their backs, to go by the railway. Being
struek with so singular an appearance, he had inquired into the
cause, and he was told that in consequence of the cheap con-
veyance by railway many persons who formerly lived in Man-
rotecti
alseser and Salford had taken cottages at a distance, for which
they were paying a rent of 21., w e formerly tilt), had paid
10/. He believed that the only remedy for distress was to
tre-
duce the manufactures to the demand. There was upon the
mallusionan
of the protection en corn. Wh
introduction of y was such protection afforded
unless to prevent the foreign manu'actures ?
ufacthuar,ei s
been of England
made
ed a
o by thdse who hail ccinplained
protection of ten per cent. ; but no
The Noble Lord the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs said that
the Right Honourable Baronet did but technically represent
the people of this country. Ile was greatly surprised that a
Noble Lord, who had been a Member of the Government
which framed the Reform Bill, should have given utterance to
such a sentiment.—( Hear, hear.) Much had been said with
respect to the influence of bribery ande.:',rr opt icni,at the lass
election. Now, there were many ways of committing bribery,
and many ways of treating.—(Hear, hear ) Yo u might treat
and you might premise to VOL He thought there never was

an election at which there was a greater promise of treating
than that which had Just terminated—it was a national promise.
The Ministers, in appealing to the people, promised every man
in the kingdom a big loaf for a little penny. That was the cry
with which they went forth to all the popular constituencies in
the country; and, in spite of that cry, in defiance of that
bribe, these popular constituencies had returned that maj miry
which was called technical. Even at the nominations, which
were another species of election—for there all had a vo:ce—
the msjority was generally in favour of the policy of the present
Government. Why had the Noble Lord postponed the con-
sideration of the Poor-law until after the election ? Was it
not because he thought the people would not swallo..v that as
they would swallow the big loaf? Yet, although they appealed
to the country, and in the most favourable aspect, the result•
had been the dissolution of the Government.
HINDLEY said he had not intended to utter a .ingle
word in the course of that debate, but after the extraordinary

speech of the Hon. Member who had just sat down;and who
represented a commercial district, he could not maintain a per-
fect silence. He did not know whether the constituents of
the Hon. Member were leaving their former houses to go and

enjoy the country air, but he could tell the Hon. Member that
his (Mr. Hindley's) were far from being in such a condition.
If the statements of the Hon. Member for Bradford, with re-
ference to the number of untenanted houses were true, the real
cause of it was that four or five families were compelled to oc-
cupy one house. The Hon. Gentleman had taunted the ma-
nufacturers with making too many articles. Was it not a fact
that hundreds and thousands of persons who were employed in
manufactures were not able to purchase them ? The com-
plaint was nut that they had too many calicos or too many
coats, but that. they had too little froi.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) There was not a more industrious crass
of people in the world than the labouring' population of Eng-
land, nor was there any in which they were so ill paid. He wished
to address one or two words to the Right,Hon. Baronet at the
head of the Government. In the course of his speech upon
the want of. confidence in her Majesty's late Ministers, the
Hon. Baronet had asked, " Why have we all these s:atements
of distress from the manufacturing districts? How is it that the
overseers have been so remiss in their duty ?" During his late
visit to th- country he had been called upon for private charity
by a person who had been thrown out of employment in conic-
quance of the adoption of machinery, and this persal had told
him, that en applying to the overseers of the township or Roy-
ton—a parish in the neighbourhood of Oldham—all that was
allowed for the support of himself, his wife, and three children,
was ls. 6d. per week. Was that just to the people of Eng-
land ?—( Hear, hear.) They ought to view the Poor. law and
the Corn-law in connection. The labouring classes must not
any longer be prevented from exchanging their laboar for
toad. The great body of the people were full of suffering fur
the presen', and of apprehension for the future ; and he implored
the House and the Hon. Baronet opposite to adopt such mea-
sures as were necessary to relieve their distress.
Mr. MILNES perfectly agreed with the Hon. Gentleman
who had just addressed the House, that the Poor-law and the
Caen-law should be discussed together; but he claimed for
the Hon. Baronet sufficient time to prepare his measures for
the relief of the country. The Corn-law was a law which
bore upon every interest in the country, and it must be deli-
berately discussed. The great difference between the Right
Hon. Baronet and the late Government was, that the former
proposed no particular panacea as a remedy for all the evils
which pressed upon the country.—( Hear, hear.) He had
been much struck with the speech of the Noble Lord the
late Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who had, he thought,
treated-the representatives of the people with great diare-
pect. An opposition might be conducted in two ways—either
in a corrective and critical character, or by assuming that the
majority of the House did not truly represent the people.
Taking the latter view, he would put it to the Noble Lo .d who
had opened the debate, whether after his doctrines of finality he
could head such an opposition which was so conducted without
acting in opposition to his own principles ? (Hear, heat. )
The Noble Lord opposite had spoken of free trade as good in
itself. It mattered not, said he, how our diplomatic relations
were conducted ; under all circumstances our best
policy was to lay down large principles of free trade.
It had been laid dawn by a great moralist that adultery was a
great crime, because it could only be committed by two per-
sons.—( Great laughter.) He would change the application,
and say that the principles of free trade as laid down by the
Noble Lord, could only be a great anti abso:ute good when
there were two consenting parties.—(lncreased laughter.) It
was his belief that the Administration of his Right [lon.
Friend would do all that could be done to propagate—( Great
laughter)—those principles without resorting to any of thcise
illegal—(Continued laughter)—he might say immoral, pro.
ceedings, by which her Majesty's late Government attempted
to bring about the came object.
Mr. V. SMITH said that his only object in rising to address
the House, was not to find fault with any of the future mea-
sures of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, but to advert to an
indiscretion which he had committed in the debate that
evening, he alluded to what the Right Hon. Baronet had
stated with respect to the colonies of New South Wales and
New Zealand. The Right Hon. Baronet had alluded to a dis-
patch from the Governor of New South Wales, ard from that
he had inferred that the colonies of New South Wales and New
Zealand were approaching to national bankruptcy, because
orders had been issued for bounties upon healthy emigrants.
Those orders were only of a temporary nature, and the Right
lion. Baronet had been greatly mistaken in suppoSing that
those orders would make any considerable call upon the Treamry
He believed that the colonies of New South Wales and New
Zealand were some of the most prosperous in her Majesty's
dominions, andhe felt bound to make the statement he had done,
in order to remove any erroneous impressions which the state-
ments of the Right. Hon. Baronet might have produced
with respect to those who felt inclined to emigrate to those
colonies.

Sir R. PEEL thought he need only read the despatch of the
Noble Lord opposite in July of the present year, to the Go-
vernor, Sir G. Gipps, to justify himself w►th the House for the
statements he had made. The Right Hon. Baronet then read
the despatch, and observed that he agreed with the Noble Lord
in viewing with the deepest anxiety the statements a the Go-
vernor of New South Wales.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he certainly did view
the statements 'of Sir G. Gipps with great anxiety in the
first instance, but he now believed that the land sales in the
two colonies to which allu3ion had been made would amply
supply the an.ount that had been required for bounties foe
emigrants.

Air. FIELDEN said that the manufacturing districts were
in a most desperate- state, and under such circumstances
were they, he would ask, to be told that they had only met to
vote. supplies, and to extend a measure for six months, which
hail been desecrated throughout the country ? He contended
tha' when distress existed in the country it was the duty of the
House to inquire into the causes of it, and do ~.11 in its
power to afford a remedy. Let the House remove taxation,
and within a month they would bring about a better state of
things; and believing that Parliament would do so, he thought
•it was their duty to enter upon the subject at once. He wished
to place his opinions upon record. He would therefore move
" That the distrt ss of the working people, at the present time,
is so great throughout the country, but particularly in the man-
nufacturing districts, that it is the duty of the House to make
instant inquiry into the causes and extent of that distress—to
devise the means of remedy ; but, at all events, to vote no
supplies of money until such inquiries are made," and if he
found any one to second his motion he would divide the House.
Dr. BOWRING seconded the motion. The Right Hon.
Baronet the Member for Tamworth said to the starving multi-
tudes wait, and he was afraid the House would respond, and
say we will wait; but it would be very difficult for the poor,
who were without bread, to wait for five months without hope.
He knew there was much humanity and kindness on the other
side of the House, and if they would only consent to inquire
into the distress existing in the country, it would be proved to
them in such colours as would oblige them instantly to con-
sider some means of remedying it. There were thou-
sands and tens of thousands of suffering people whose
distress never was found out by the Commissioners or their
s,gents—.who suffered in secret, and whose eases never were
heard of, until application was made for a coffin. The Noble
Le. the Member for Liverpool (Lord Sandon) said the
Poor-laws were not the primary cause of that distress. He
did not deny the distress. It was confessed it existed, and he

(Dr. Bowri-ng) thought it was connected with so much politi-
cal discontent as to betoken much danger.
Strangers were ordered to withdraw. The House divided,
when there appeared-
-

• .
For the motion ........
For the Amendment..
Majority ..

149

- 103

On the questicn, that the Speaker do leave the Chair—

Mr. W. WILLIAMS hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman
would not press the consideration of the Supplies that nigh!.
It never was the practice of the late Government to go on
with votes at so lwe an hour. Many of the items were of con-
siderable importance, and the House ought to have a fair op-
portunity of inquiring into them.

Sir R. PEEL hid no wish to press any votes that might be
objected to. He would have no objection to postpone them
until Monday. However, he hoped there would be no objec-
tion to the Speaker leaving the Ckair, in older that it might
be known who the gentleman was who had been selected as
Chairman.

Air. WILLIAMS had no objection whatever to such an ar-
rangement.

The question was then agreed to.
Sir R. PEEL said it ►would, in his opinion, be advise:►ble
to adhere to the arrangement of former years, and which had
been recommended by a Committee of the House, viz., that the
charge of attending to unopposed Private Bills should be given
to the Chairman of Committees of the House. With a view of
adding influence and authority, he thought those duties should
be united. Ile was anxious to name a gentleman who had
paid much attention to the private business, and he trusted his
selection would meet the approbation of the House. Ile had
been anxious to remedy an evil which had been complained of,
and he proposed that the Chairman of Ways and Means should
preside over all Committees. He would propose that Mr.
Greene take the chair.

Mr. GREENE having taken his place at the table, trusted he
might be allowed to return his thanks for the very flattering
manner in which he had been called upon by the Committee
to preside over them. He hoped he should receive the indul-
gence and assistance of the House in discharging his duty, and
preserving order, and he was the more desirous to claim that
indulgence fiorn the recollection of the very able manner in
which the chair had been filled by his predecessor. —( Hear,
hear.) He should be at all times most anxious to discharge
his duty in the fairest and most impartial manner.—( hear.
Sir R. PEEL said he proposed to take the first estimate, and
then that the Chairman should report progress. He hoped
there would be no objection to that cause.
Sir G. CLERK then moved that a sum of 106,0001. be voted
for the service of her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary
for the service of the Commissariat Department for the
year 1841.

Mr. WILLIAMS thought it was time to make some reduc-
tion in those estimates, and he would recommend the Right
Hon. Baronet to return to the estimates which he bad pro-
posed to the House when he was last in office. The miscella-
neous estimates for the last year amounted to 2,693,1120/.,
while, in the year IS3O, they had only amounted to
1,945,000/. He hoped, under the present circumstances of
the country, that the subject would bo taken into the serious
consideration of the Government.

Mr. JElt VIS understood the present vote to be merely a
portion of the estimates which had been previously voted, and
to which the Government was pledged. He did not think there
would be any objection to that vote.
The vote was then agreed to-
The next rote was a sum of 25,000/. for the half-pay allow-
ances and contingencies of the Commissariat. Department.
The next vote as a sum of 54,0001. to complete the sum re-
quired to defray the expenses of the insurrection in Canab.
Mr. J. JERVIS suggested that the consideration of the vote
be postponed to Monday next.
Sir R. PEEL did not object to the vote being postponed.
He did not think it unreasonable that any Hon. Gentleman
should, at that late hour of the night, and after the lengthened
diseu,sion which had taken place, propose the postponing the
vote to Monday.
The vote was accordingly postponed.
The CHAIRMAN then reported progress, and asked leave
to sit again, and the House resumed.

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE BILL.
On the second reading of this Bill being proposed,
The SPEAKER said that it contained money clauses, which
would require attentive consideration.
Sir R. PEEL said that such being the case he would with-
draw the Bill, with a view to the introduction of another.
The Bill was then withdrawn.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Half-past Eleven o'Clock to Monday.

FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE.

At the Court at Windsor, the 14th day of September, 1841,
present the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in Council,
This day the Most Noble t3rownlowe Cecil Marquis of Ex-
eter ; the Most Noble John William Robert Marquis of
Lothian ; the Right Hoc. George John Earl Delawarr,
Lord Chamberlain of her Majesty's Household ; the Right Hon.
James Alexander Earl of Rossiya ; the Right Hon. John
George Lord Forester ; the Right Hon. George Lionel Daw-
son Darner; and the Right Hon. John Nicholl, Doctor of the
Civil Law, were, by her Majesty's command, sworn of her
Majesty's Most Hon. Privy Council, and took their respective
places at the Board accordingly.
Her Majesty having been pleased to appoint the Right Hon.
John William Earl of Sandwich to be Lord Lieutenant of the
county of Huntingdon, his T.ordship this day took the oaths
appointed to be taken thereupon, instead of the oaths of alle-
giance and supremacy.

ST. JAMES'S PALACE, SEPT. 15.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint the Viscount Hawar-
den to be one of the Lords in Waiting in Ordinary to her
Majes;y.

WINDSOR CASTLE, SEPT. 14.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert has been pleased to ap-
point the Martinis of Exeter to be Groom of the Stole.
His Royal Highness has also been pleased to appoint Admi-
ral the Lord Colville to be a Lord in Waiting, in the room of
the Earl of Morley, resigned.

WHITEHALL, SETT. 16.
The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to be
passed under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland, constituting and appointing the Right
Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Bart. ; the Right Honourable
Henry Goulburn ; James Manes Gaskell, Esq.; Henry Bing-
ham Baring, Esq. ; Alexander Pringle, Esq. ; and John
Young, Esq., to be Commissioners for executing the offices
of Treasurer of the Exchequer of Great Britain and Lord
High Treasurer of Ireland.

The Queen has been pleased to direct 1 etters patent to be
pissed under the Great Seal, appointing the Right Hon.
Henry Pelham Clinton (commonly called Earl of Lincoln),
Alexander Milne, Esq., and Charles Alexander Gore, Esq.
(commoniy called the Hon. Charles Alexander Gore), to be
Cummisaioners of her Majesty's Woods, Forests, Land Reve-
nues, Works, and Buildings.

CROWN-OFFICE, SEPT. 16.
MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT
PARLIAMENT.

BOROUGH OF BURY ST. EDMUNDS.--.The Right Hon. Fre-
derick William Hervey, commonly called Earl Jermyn.
BOROUGH OF CHIPPENHA74I.-Henry George Boldero, of
Hurst.grove, near Reading, in the county of Berks, Esq.
BOROUGH OF NEWARK-uroN-TnExr.-The Right Hon.
William Evvart Gladstone.

130 (LOUGH OF L U NCESTON. —The Right Hon. Sir Henry
pardinge, K.C. 8., a Major-General in the Army.
CITY OF LICHFIELD. —The Hon. Granville George Leve-
son Gower, commonly called lord Leveson, in the room of Sit--
George Anson, who has accepted the office of Steward of the
Manor of Poynings.
BOROUGH OF BRlDPORT.—Alexander Dundas Ross Wishart
13aillie Cochrane, Esq., in the room of Henry Warburton,
Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.
Boae•ocu OF Hu NTI NG DON.—Sir Frederick Pollock,
Knt., her Majesty's Attorney-General; Lieut.-Col. Jonathan
Peel, Surveyor-General of her Majesty's Ordnance.
UNIVERSITY or CAMBRIDG E. —The Right Hon. Henry
Goulburn, M.A.
BOROUGH OF WEN LOCK. —James Milnes Gaskell, of
Thornes House, in the county of York, Esq.
BOROUGH OF Ma imaonouort.—The Right Hon. Ernest
Auguitus Charles Brudenell Bruce, commonly called Lord
Ernest Bruce ; Henry Bingham Baring, Esq.

WAR-OFFICE, SEPT. 17.
3d Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Assistant-Surgeon
A. C. F. Coleloug, M.D., to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Lister,
promoted on the Staff, Sept. 17.

3d Regiment of Light Dragoons—Serjeant-Major A. Crab-
tree to be Cornet, without purchase, vice Harbord, deceased,
Sept. 17.

Bth Regiment of Light Dragoons—Lieut.-Colonel F. W.
Mann, from half-pay of the Royal Staff Corps, to be Lieut.-
Colonel, vice Molvneux, deceased ; Major J. M'Call, to be
Lieut.-Colonel, by purchase, vice Mann, who retires;
Capt. J. H. Chulmeley to be Major, by purchase, vice
; Lieut. E. Mostvn to be Captain, by purchase, vice
Cholmeley; Cornet Cooper to be Lieutenant, by pur-
chase, vice Mostyn ; Sergeant-Major E. Seager to be Cornet,
without purchase, vice Cooper, Sept. 17.
Regiment of Foot—Capt. W. H. Goode, from the half-
pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice Jauncey, promoted,
Sept. 17.

11th Foot—Lieut. F. Burgess, from half-pay of the 54th
Foot. to be Lieut., vice Dunlevie, appointed Paymaster
of the 74th Foot ; Ensign A. S. G. Jauncey to be Lieu-
tenant. by purchase, vice Burgess, who retires ; J. W. D'Oyly,
Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Jauncy, Sept. 17.
12th Foot—Captain R. W. Kyflin, from the half-pay Un-
attached, to be Paymaster, vice Wadeson, deceased, Sept. 17.
20th Foot—Quartermaster-Sergeant D. Bilham to be Quar-
termaster, vice Patrick Conolly, who retires upon half-pay ;
Assistant-Surgeon R. J. Cole, M.D., from the Staff, to be
Assistant-Surgean, vice Foulis, appointed to the 3d West India
Regiment, Sept. 17.
21st Foot—Second-Lieutenant 0. T. Graham, to be First
Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Martin, deceased, May 10;
L. J. Thompson, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, vice
Graham, Sept. 17.
25th Foot—Lieutenant Q. G. Smith, from the 50th Foot, to
be Lieutenant, vice Frith. uppo:nted Paymaster of the 47th
Regiment; R. Young, Gent., to be Ensign, without pur-
chase, vice Smith, promoted in the 50th Foot ; Assistant-
Surgeon E. J. Burton, M.D. from the 3d West India Regi-
ment, to be Assistant-Surgeon, rice Sidey, promoted on the
Staff, Sept. 17.

50th Foot—Brevet Major J. H. Serjeantson to be Major,
without purchase, vice Turner, whose promotion has been can-
celled ; Lieut. A. C. D. Bznt 1,,,v to be Captain, vice Serjeant-
son, June 18.

To be Lieutenants, without; purchase—Ensign S. P. Joyce,
vice Bentley, Jane 20 En sign C. A. Mouat, vice' Waddy,
appointed Adjutant, Sept. 16 ; Ensign C. G. Smith, 'from the
th Foot., vice Allen, whose ,appointment has been cancelled,
Sept. 17.
To be Ensigns, without pm •chase—H. W. J. Gray, Gent.,
vice Joyce, Sept. 16 ; C. E. 't'oung, vice Mouat, Sept. 17.
To be Adjutant—Lieut. R.. Waddy, vice Tudor, promoted,
June 16.

54th Foot—J. Floyd, Gent, to be Ensign, by purchase, vice
Woulfe, appointed to the 86th Toot, Sept. 17.
Bdth Foot—Ensign S. R. Woulfe, from 54th Foot, to be
Ensign, vice Moneypenny, whu retires, Sept. 17.
Rifle Brigade—Lieut. the H on. E. G. Monckton to be Cap-
tain, by purchase, vice Napier who retires, Sept. 17.
Second-Lieut. W. B. Ram! Jay to be First-Lieutenant, by
purchase, vice Monckton; Sir H. Tyrwhitt Jones, Bart., to
be Second-Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Ramsay ; Assistant-
Surgeon John Fraser, M.D. , from the Staff, to be Assistant-
Surgeon, Sept. 17.

3d Wes:: "India Regiment —Assistant-Surgeon A. Foulis,
from the 20th Foot, to be Assistant- Surgeon, vice Burton, ap-
point,tl to the 25th Foot, Sept. 17.
UNATTAcmtn.—Captain. .1. K. Jauncey, from the 10th
Foot, to be Major, without purchase, Sept. 17.
HOSPITAL STAFF.—Surgeon J. W. Watson, M.D., from
tht 63d Foot, to be Staff-Surgeon of the First Class, vice M.
W. Kenny, who retires upon hall-pay.
To be Staff Surgeons od. the Second Class—Assistant-
Surgeon W. C. Humfrey, from the 85th Foot ; Assistant-
Surgeon A. Smith, M.D., •from the Ist Dragoon Guards; As-
sistant-Surgeon Adam Wailer Murray. from the 96th Foot ;
Assistant-Surgeon Augusta as H. Cowen, from the 46th Foot ;
Assistant-Surgeon G. Fer4;uson, from 60th Foot; Assistant-
Surgeon W. Linton, M.D.., from 66th Foot; Assistant-Sur-
geon J. Malcolm, from a 72d Foot ; Assistant-Surgeon J.
B. Gibson, from rah Light Dragoons ; Assistant-Sur-
geon D. C. Pitcairn, front the Staff; Assistant-Surgeon J.
Edmondson, from the 30th, Foot, July 2..
To be Assistant-Suigecms to the Forces—A. P. Lockwood,
Gent., vice O'Hara. deceased; G. 'f. Galbraith, M.D., vice
Oakes, deceased; T. Cowan, M.D., vice Hall, appointed to
the Royal Canadian Regiament, Sept. 17.
MRMORA NDU 31.—The. Christian names of Captain Parsley,
on the retired full• pay of the 82d Foot, are " Richard Browne
Fuller," and not " Rich s.rd" only, as previously stated.

Erratum in the G azette of the 18th of June, 1841.
57th Foot—For Em inn Loftus Cassidy to be Lieutenant,
vice '• Allan, appointett to the 50th Foot, June 18," read vice
" James Allan, decease 1, June 11."

Quarterly Average of the Wee,
Bank of England, from the:".
September instant, both inclu,
Act, 3 and 4 W. 1V.., cap. 98
LIABILITIES.,
Circulation . . £17,4 81,000 Securities ...... £23,567,900
Deposits ...... ... 8,052,000 Bullion 4,975,000

kly Liabilities and Assets of the
122 d of June last:to the 14th of
ssive, published pursuant to the

ASSETS.

£25,533,000
Downing-street, Sept. 17,

£28,542,000

841.

The following places have been duly registered for solemnize
ing marriages therein, pursuant to the Act 6th and 7th Wit-
ham IV., cap. 85:—
The English Presbyterian Chapel, Lydgate, Yorkshire.
Independent Chapel, Painswick, Gloucestershire.

DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY.
JULIUS C.ESAR Mori., wine-merchant, Loughborough

BANKRUPTS.

JACOB MILL, merchant, Bishopsgate-street Within, City,
to surrender Sept. 28, at one, and Oct. 29, at two, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, Birchin-lane, Cornhill, official
assignee ; Oliverson, Denby, and Lavie, Frederick's-place,
Old Jewry.

DANIEL HOWL A ND, linendraper, Horsham, Sussex,
Sept. 28, at eleven, and Oct. 23, at twelve, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Groom, Ahchurch-lane, Lombard-street, official
assignee; Soles, Aldermanhury.
BENJAMIN HOWELL, linendraper, Oxford-street, Sept.
28, at twelve, and Oct. 19, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Ahager, Birchin-lane, Cornhill, official assignee ; Turner and
liensman, Basing-lane.

GEORGE WILLIAMS, linendraper, Aldgate, Sept. 29, at
half-past one, and Oct. 29, at eleven, at the Court of Bank-
ruptcy. Edwards, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry, official
as,ignee • Ashurst, Chenpride.
RICHARD POTTE'A, JOHN POTTER, and JAMES
POTTER, cotton spin-aers, Manchester, Oct. 2, and Nov. 2,
at twelve, at the Con imissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Ma-
kinson and Sanders, :Elm-court, Middle Temple, London ;
Atkinson and Saunders , Manchester.
SPENCER JUPP,, corn merchant, Littlehampton, Sussex,
Sept. 27, at eleven, at the Norfolk Arms Inn, Arundel, and
Oct. 29, at eleven, at he Dolphin Hotel, Cnicester. Balchin,
Arundel ; Freeman, I iothamley, and Bentall, Coleman-street,
London.
RICHARD RHODES WALKER and ROBERT JO-
SEPH PEEL, Scoth. and Manchester warehousemen, Man-
chester, Oct. 8 and 29, at eleven, at the Commissioners'-
rooms, Manchester. Sale and Worthington, Manchester ;
Baxter, Lincoln's Inn-fields, London.
THOMAS RAGG, hosier, Birmingham, Oct. 1, at two,
and Oct. 29, at twelve, at the Waterloo-rooms, Birminglhiam.
Chaplin, G ray's Inn-sy are, London; Standbridee, Birming am.
GEORGE FORS'XER, woollen draper, Newcastle-upon-
Tyne, Oct. 11, at eleven, and Oct. 29, at one, at the Bank
Commision-room, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Currie and W
ood-
tgaint.en,pNene..wrisvrear. e, Lincoln's Inn, London ; Hewison, Newcas-
.ii,DatStAenV, t oant , t
hSet at rord
Castle-
shire, Oct, tc IE 'Ochta.he2r9d,asahtert'wLel°vneg,
East-street, Red Lion-square, London.
Hotel, Newcastle-under-Lyme. Young, Longton; Gough
DIVIDENDS.
H.
. Osborne,
.a at itihdeJivGa button
non, Bmakers,irm njg. hsaiz,p
pOarc
inl6a,nua_t
h W
efalecvtuerne,rsaotf
theplated
.‘v awt4a Lej
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or)
ngnbla3.s, t o
Bermingham—W.
r inßci
irnomgrni Birmingham,
eOrrnsce, tsrerhloa6onmtasst,,
ntagffh,iarind_slisir.e,anOde
J.
Knight,l6, at two, at the
thßeirmingham, Oct. 15, at
nwirnaltiesit.einro,..Groraent,Bßarirr,mSi
tAl‘ulfaaennhce•ehh,eeas'ttteetri:COjtc:o.t.nsiinhBitiatio°t et(erinsr"l-rooms, Manchester—J. Blanch,
ironmonger, 13 ith, Oct. 16, at twelve, at the White Lion Inn,
Bath—P. Carr. J. J. Robinson, arid C. Bell, flax spinners,
Leeds, Oct. 12, at one, at thu C3mmissioners'-rooms, Leeds—
Marsh, coal merchant, Plymouth, Oct. 9, at twelve, at the
Royal Hotel, Plymouth--T. Greaves, ironmonger, Kingstou-