The Sun.
London, England, 1824-12-27 00:00:00

E MARKETS.

CORN EXCHANGE, DEC. 27.
The weather having been boisterous during the past week,
the supplies dell sorts of Corn were moderate. This morning
the fresh supplies consist chiefly of small ituantities of Wheat
Barley, Beans and Pease, from Essex and Kent, but there is very
little Corn fresh up from other parts. There was an eager demand
for tine Wheat this morning, at an advance of3s. to4s. perqr. on
the termsofthis day sennight, and other qualities partake of this
improvement ; Barley sells more freely, and is advanced Is. to
2s. per quarter; Old Beans are scarce, and rather dearer; New
Beans sell readily at last quotations; Grey PeaS are rather
higher ; Boiling Peas also look upwards ; Oats find buyers
more readily than of late, but the prices are not reported higher
than, this flay se'nnight ; Flour is advanced ss. per sack.
Aitit i V ALS or LasT WEEK—English Wheat, 4,423; Bar-
ley, 6,480 ; Malt, 3,811 ; Oats, 4,134 ; Rye, —; Beans, 901
Peas, 1,648 ; Irish ‘Vheat, 355 ; Oats, 1,345 ; Foreign Oats,
_—quarters ; English Flour, 7,295 sacks.
Wheat, Red (old) tills 61is Beans, Small (new)i....42s 454
White (old) ...56s 76s
Red (1824) 48s Ms Tick (new) 'lls 335
--. Fine ills 62s (old) 4os 44s
----- Superfine ....66s 70s 1 Harrow (new) 4ils 42
White (1824)...50s 55s I ---- (old) 4.1, 43s
Fine sBs 64s Brank 34s 40s
Superfine 684 74s Oats, Feed . 00s 225
Rye '155 40s ---F me 03s 25s
Barley 36s 399 Poland 22s 24s
-- Fine 42s 44s ---Fine 25s 27s
--Superfine tt)a 411 s Potatoe ols 28s
Malt 'ills till; Fine °7s 30s
Fine fills 72s ------ SCOtdi 31s 32s
Pease, Grey 40s 42s Flour (per sack) 65s ?lira
--Maple 42s 43$ Secondi ifis 62v
--White .... 46s 52s NorthCountry...s4s 58s
--Boilers b4s Ms Bran Ds 9s

GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OF GRAIN, FROM THE RE-
TURNS RECEIVED IN THE WEEK ENDING DEC. HI.
Wheat, Os. 11d. ; Barley, 425. ; Oats, 245. od.; Rye,
425. Bd. ; Beans, 428. 7d. ; Peas, 48s. od.
The Average ice of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed
December 22, 1824, is 30s. lid. per cwt.

SMITHFIELD MARKET, Mc. 27.
The following is an accurate Report of the numbers and
prices at Smithfield Market this morning:—
CATTLE AT MAUKET
Beasts 1,217 I Sheep 11,777
Calves Bll I Pigs
To sink the Offltl, per stone of 89).
Beef ............ 3s 104 to 4s 10d I Veal is 4d to Os Od
Mutton 4s 4d to 5s Od I Pork ss Od to lis Od
Lamb Os Od to Os Od.
ITAY Min sTitAw, I,ER LOAD.
Hay £3 Os to .1:5 Os I Clover £4 Os to X 6 Os
Straw .E 1 Dis to .1:2 25.

THE LONDON JOURNALS.

DAILY

Extracts from the Morning Papers, Dec. 2.7.

[THE TIMES.]
The Speech of the King of France, on the
opening, of the Sessions of the Legisl►tive Bodies►,
is more diffuse than is usual with such produc-

Lions; and, notwithstanding the frigid stateliness
and formalities which they
RoYal Speaker is by
usage obliged to observe, is not Without interest.
His Majesty alludes properly
de-
cease
eof his brother; and _certainly the grief, if
nMO to the
real, which is displayed by a nation on the death
of one Sovereign, is the best pledge of security
to a successor of the same family. " The affect-
" ing sorrow which the whole nation felt in the
" last moments of the King, my brother, was to
" me the most soothing consolation ; and I say
" it with truth, that it is to that alone I am in-
" debted for having been able fully to enjoy
" the confidence with which my ACCeSSiOII
"to the throne has been hailed." -- The

assurance of the amicable disposition of Foreign
l'o‘s ers may serve for a clause it► the forth-
coming speech of the King of England ; we shall
hear it re-echoed on the opening of the British
Session of Patliament. But we particularly en-
treat attention to the grounds on which the King
of France is enabled to designate the late cam-
paign in Spain " a glorious one." Those grounds
are, that the person who passes the judgment, the
Royal critic, is of the same country and of the
same blood with the warrior upon whose military
talents the judgment is passed—two circum-
stancesove should think, highly calculated to
hang a bias on the mind, and render it partial.
" With this object," it was, says his Majesty,
" that I consented to prolong still farther the
" stay in Spain of a part of the troops which my
cc son had left there, after a campaign which,
" both as a Frenchman and a father, 1 may call
•c glorious." A Frenchman and a father, in-
deed, may think the campaign a glorious one, but
probably no other man in Europe, with the excep.
(ion of him in whom those two excellent qualiti-

cations for forming a just judgment combine
would be of the sante opinion. We knew before,
that the stay of a portion of the French in the
Peninsula was to be prolonged ; and the real dif-
ficulty of the original enterprise of overrunning
the country may be estimated by the facility with
which a handful of men can retain possession of
the prey. Spain is a happy proof of what Popery
and the Inquisition, operating for ages with un-
disturbed sway, can do for a country. The se-
curity of the foreign relations of France, it is
justly said, and sensibly felt, " will favour the
" development of internal prosperity." But let
his Majesty beware how he attempts to found
upon this happy state of things, what he is
pleased to call the ameliorations " required by
" the sacred interests of religion." Voltaire
and the Infidels have once already been too
strong for masses, decrees of councils, and the
Jesuits, and,
together with that trash. swept ilway
for a while all true religion front France., And
slim" masses, infallibilities, Popes, purgatories,
saints, legends, and relics, be
re-edified into a
system again, Voltaire and the Infidels will
it, and the structure will in-
again mingle with
evitably crumble again. The " gates of Hell"
can't prevail" against zilch a religion as that, for
they have prevailed against it, and they will
continue to prevail against it, unless the human
mind is legislated down into a state of igno-
rance equal to that of the dark ages, when Po-
pery was the only form of Christianity, and the
knowledge of the sure record of our faith, the
word of God, prohibited. It appears that an
indemnity is still to be provided for the emigrants
and those who suffered by the revolution, but
probably in some other way than that at-
tempted by M. Villele last session, by the re-
dut.tion of the interest on the national debt.—
" The present situation of the French finances,"
it is said, " will permit this great act of justice
" and policy, without augmenting the imposts,
" without injuring public credit, without re-
" trenching any part of the funds destined to the
" different Ivanches of the public credit." It is
the duly of every Government to render proper-
ty sacred, and to exhibit the insecurity of all
i.os,-ession founded on the violation of the sacred
right of property, for otherwise the State loses
the keenest incitements to heroic interprise and
severe labour in its subjects—the hope of raising
and founding a family : rapine might take the
place of industry, and universal barbarism would
ensue.—The session is to be terminated by the
august ceremony of his Majesty's Coronation.
The project is not unwise. May the impression
of the solemnity be durable. France cannot be
tranquil and prosperous without imparting kind-
red advantages to surrounding §tates, and more
especially to England.

[MOUNING rosT.]
Now that all shadow of doubt as to the real
objects of the Catholic Association is at an end,
and that no alternative remains but by salutary
coercion, to bring its Members and their infa-
tuated dupes to a just sense of allegiance, we may
express our regret and surprise, that the warning
we gave the Legislature, before the close of last
Session, to put down so dangerous a body, was
not properly attended to. The injury which has
since been done to the best interests of the Em-
prosperity of the sister country
pire, is of dire extent. Upon the tranquillity
and consequent
itself, a deep and we fear a lasting wound has
been intlicted—while as regards the hopes of the
Roman Catholics to future participation in
the privileges of the Constitution, an act of
downright suicide has been perpetrated. A)'
that his Majesty's gracious wisdom and warm-
heartedness had prompted, during his
visit &re-
land, to in9ire his Popish subjects with loyal
contidence—all the natural gratitude which the
generous benevolence of the people of England
kindled in the breasts of the Irish peasantrYl
when pestilence and famine sweptPoPulpopulation--alt the
good and conciliatory effects which Parliament
bias laboured, for many years labourec,alid
ing wing over
that wretched
with unparal-
leled success, to produce in Ireland-01 the safe-
ty and protection which the impartial administra-
• tion of Justice there taught the people to seek in

the Laws and be certain of finding—in fine,every
blessing which accident and design combined to
shower on the Sister Island for a considerable
period, the Catholic Association in a few months
has fi-lasted ! Had that glaring nuisance been
abated last Session, Ireland would now be peace-
able and happy—the people contented, and the
Government liberal in proportion to its security.
The Papists, instead of having their fancies ex-
cited by revolutionary schemes, would have had
their hopes and wishes intensely directed to the
Imperial Parliament, and their minds filled with
advantages and honours of an intimate union with
Great Britain. The Catholic Association, or nt
least its leaders, foresaw these results, and
with might and main endeavoured to thwart
them. They dreaded even an approxima-
tion towards loyalty among the Irish Hu-
manists, and they still more dreaded that Eng-
land should appear in any other light than that
of an avenging enemy in the eyes of the " six
millions." But persons acquainted with Ireland
knew well, that although it were prudent, for
the sake of experiment, to withhold whip and
spur, it was o►► that very account still the more
necessary to keep a tight rein upon the habitual
impulses of a faction, horn and bred in hostility
to the British Government and a Protestant
State. The great fault, therefore, has been in
giving too much head at one time to the
Irish Roman Catholics ; yet to this circum-
stance is it owing that we now see, without
mist or obstruction, the genuine feelings and
naked objects of that Body. Had they been
more restrained, they would have been more
timid and circumspect, and the rest of the com-
munity, for the moment, more deceived. The

hope entertained was, that %% it!' such a disposition
as the present advisers of the Crown have ma-
nifested towards the Irish Papists, due time,
with due re3traint, would have trained them into
tractable and dutiful subjects. The result, on
the contrary, is at present found to be the re-
verse of every thing that was hoped and could
be wished for 1 reland. Something perhaps of
what has been undone, may by proper means be

tereafter redone. But not a moment should be

lost ; and the very first step must be to trample
on the Catholic Association, and extinguish the
ramifications of disaffection emanating from that
body, and haiing it for a common centre of vi-
tality. The King, Ministry, and Lords and
Commons of the United Kingdom, must be the
only supreme Powers to which the Irish Roman
Catholics shall be allowed to look. The esta-
blished Institutions of the Realm must be the
only Institutions, having for them an exist-
ence in or out of the Empire. Put out every
false light, and let the legitimate beacons alone
remain. The Irish Papists may thus know where
to steer with safety and for succour ; but so
long as they are distracted by a " Domestic Go-
vernment," as Dr. Doyle calls the Association,
and also an Imperial Government, they are liable
to wreck and ruin. May we trust it is not too
late to return to a wise system, and that the very
errors which have arisen from over-leniency, may
be rendered productive of future wisdom and a
sounder course of policy ?

[BRITISH en css.]
Among the odious institutions which Europe
owes immediately to the Holy Alliance, the worst
unquestionably is, the Central Commission of
Mayence. This body is modelled on the plan
of the Spanish Inquisition ; it acts by secret
means all over Germany ; it probably has spies
in every country in Europe, but its power is not
exercised beyond the limits of the Germanic Con-
federation : whom it suspects it seizes, in whatever
part of Germany its victim may reside ; it carries
him away wherever it pleases, and subjects him
to such rigours as its judges fit to inflict upon him.
The late arrest of Professor Cousin, at Dresden, as
he was journeying from France to Poland, is an
instance of the power claimed and exercised by
this political inquisition. M. Cousin is now in
custody at Berlin. Ile is charged generally with
having corresponded with parties engaged in re-
volutionary intrigues in Germany ; and on this
vague accusation he is, without knowing any
thing of the proof or proceedings against him, con-
fined until the pleasure of the Commission of
Mayence shall he communicated to him. The
following letter from Dresden will throw some
light on the character of this body. We utterly
disbelieve all the stories respecting secret societies
and revolutionary intrigues, at least in the sense
and to the extent described by the German Papers.
If there had been any political offences committed
since 1819, why have not the guilty parties been
publicly tried and convicted ? Why should the
prisons be filled with this horrible and myste-
rious secrecy, if this Commission were not the
blind instrument of brutal and vindictive tyranny ?
M. de Manger, to whom allusion is made at the
close of the subjoined letter, it will, perhaps, be
recollected, was the Minister of the Elector of
Hesse, whom he induced to persecute his subjects,
and spend large sums of money to pot down ima-
ginary conspiracies, of which Manger was himself
the sole contriver. He was at length detected,
and is now suffering the punishment to which he
had doomed several innocent individuals.
DRESDEN, DEC. B.The
phantom of secret societies, raised
in 1819 by the tlecci vas of Princes, continues to bring
misery on many innocent persons., and even on whole fami-
lies. At one times father is torriitrom the arms of his children,
by virtue of a
~,sit from the Commission of Mayence ; at
another,
fair and hopeful prospects is dragged
li''rtoi)litirl'e alf7io"iiers-g n°l
University ap. pear before tlus tribunal, and is kept
a prisoner
for whole months, under the pretextthat he is a mem.
ber of some secret society which has for its object the rith-
ulioeutia,
s notion of reforming the world. The rumour of secret
which torments Kings serves also to prolong for
‘coc
months and years the imprisonment of many persons of whom
the public know nothing but by whispers. It is pretended
,fiat the demagogue desire the subversion of all thrones.—
'llow is it, then, that since 1819 not a single person has
been convicted before the tribunals ? Why do the prisons
continue filling when there has not been one conviction ?
_Such imprisonments are at variance with the sacred rights
of humanity. Ought we, in Germany, thus gradually to
become habituated to such a species of secret inquisition ?
It has often happened that men entirely innocent have been
imprisoned for months, and when their innocence has been ac-
knowledged, what recompence have the victims received ? What
has taken place at Cassel ought to induce Princes to distrust
the phantom of secret associations. If there is any conspiracy
in our day, it is the conspiracy of those who, like M. de Man-
ger, wish to subject Princes to a system of ignorance, and who,
as in the 12th and 11th centuries, desire to reign over both
Sovereigns and people.

[THE PUBLIC LEDGER.]
We have received Buenos Ayres Papers to the
end of October. They contain accounts from

Chile to the middle of the preceding month, at
which time the squadron, destined to co-operate
with the blockading force before. Callao, though
the preparations for its departure were urged with
the greatest vigour, had not yet sailed fur its
destination. The appearance of the Asia had
occaioned increased exertions, and three vesseis
were expected to.sail immediately. On the 15th"
of September the elections were to commence in
the Chilian capital, for Deputies to the new
Congress, which was to be held at Quilotn,
a city of inferior rank, though containing
more than ten thousand souls. The Liberal
party, according to all private accounts, was
expected to triumph in the elections. No-
thing new since the defeat of Canterac at Junin,
was known in Chili respecting the war in Peru,
though a vessel, which had arrived at Buenos
Ayres from Santiago de Chili, stated, that after
she had sailed, a communication was Ina to her
from that port, stating that news had been just
received from Truxillo of a second defeat sus-
tained by the army under Camerae. The Buenos
Ayres Paper that gives this account, thinks that
it would be prudent to await further and more
positive information. Not withstanding this in-
junction, we own we are strongly disputed
to believe that the intelligence is true, par.
ticularly as the last advices from Lima con-.
tain a similar statement. The Mail from
Salta, which arrived at Buenos Ayres on the
13th of October, brought news of the entire
evacuation of Upper Peru by General Valdez.
The latter had been recalled from that Province
by La Serna, the Viceroy, in consequence of the
imminent dangers with which he found himself
threatened by the rapid progress of the liberat-
ing army. Valdez, at his departure from Potosi,
at the beginning of September sent a communi-
cation to Olaneta in which he permits him to
occupy the whole of Upper Peru, and charges
him, on his responsibility to King Ferdinand,
to keep it true to the Royalist Cause. It is
not said what effect this appeal has had on
Olaneta, but he entered Potosi on the 4th of
September, though with a force considerably
reduced. Great desertions had taken place
in his army, as well as in that of Valdez, which
facilitated the levies that had been ordered by.
the Government of Buenos Ayres on the Pro-
vinces adjoining Upper Peru. About 50 men,
mostly Corporals and Serjennts, had joined the
new levies from the army of Olaneta ; and they
affirmed that most of those. whom they had left
behind, were disposed to follow their example ;
and that a similar spirit prevailed amongst all the
Royalist Forces in Peru.

[mouNtsG neum.D.]
We are among the number of those who con-
sider that a war of words is that in w hich it can
rarely be necessary for a Goyermnent to inter-
fere; but that, on the contrary, by allow inq
an oral vent to the overflowings of perturbed
spirits, much more subsequent violence is often
avoided, than if such ebullitions were pent
up, till at last they burst forth with increas-
ed and active vigour. Our brethren of the
Sister Kingdom, it is true, furnish in some
respects an exception to most general rules—
and to this, perhaps, in particular, being
more apt than any people under Heaven to
accompany their words with blows. To de-
scend from generals to particulars, we fear it
cannot be denied that the greater part of the
evils which at present afflict Ireland are owing
to the wordy violence which distinguishes the
proceedings of the two factions which have so
long divided it. And we are persuaded that no-
thing could more essentially contribute to the
peace and happiness of that community, than
that these two faction,, the Catholic Association
on one hand, and the Orange Demagogues on the
other, were either put to silence, or induced to
carry on their disputes in a strain which would not
offend their neighbours or disturb the general tran-
quillity. We look upon the mass of the Irish people
to resemble persons, who in private life have the
misfortune to live between quarrelsome oeigb•
hours, who, in the abuse they level and the mis-
siles they cast ut each other, injure the unotfenit.
ing bystander as much or more than they do
themselves. Still, however, it must be a matter
of prudence and discretion how far a Government
ought to interfere in the matter. We cootess

that the Catholic Lenders have on some occa-
sions assumed a tone of menace most injudicious,
if not in some degree alarming. And we are
bound, we think, to give credit to an Administra-
tion so conciliatory in its spirit as Lord Welles-
ley's has been throughout, that it would not in-
terfere as it has done without a firm conviction
that mutters are come to a pass which no longer
admit of a continuance of past forbearance ; and
we shall, therefore, be glad if the proceedings
which have been adopted towards Mr. O'Connell
are allowed to act, as we have no doubt they are
mainly intended to do, as a warning to his heated
and factioui followers ; and that they will learn
that they cannot any longer, with impunity,
beard, as it were, the Government at the vei y
seat of empire. The manner in which the arrest in
question (if such it can be called) took place will,
we have no doubt, create considerable discussion,
With the very best intentions, it will be thought
that conciliation has, in this respect, been car-
ded perhaps a little too far ; and that there is
something rather ludicrous and Barratatian in
the proceeding itself. In England, a man who
is charged with committing an offence is brought
before a Magistrate—in Ireland, however, it
would seem, that the Magistrate is brought before
him! This, however, if worthy of any remark,
it must be that of a little harmless ridicule.—
We repeat our wish then, that a measure
taken (if necessary at all) with so much for-
bearance may have its weight, and convince these
people on both sides (for we abjure one faction
quite as much ns we do the other) that their
rancour must be kept within governable bounds.
Certain we are, that it is the peculiar interests of
the Catholics thnt it should be, who, we have uo
doubt, would years ago have obtained all that they
could reasonably have desired in the way of coo-
cession, had it not been for the insane and frantic
indiscretion of their professed friends and leaders.

[MORNING CiIIiONICLE.]
Of all the principal actors on the political

stage of the present day, there is no one whose
talents are more admired than Mr. Plunkett's.—
But this great lawyer and overpowering orator
seems to have the confidence of no party, and
indeed to be more generally disliked than any
public ma►► of our times. This is not altogether
attributable to his abandonment of principle,
for though his conduct has by no means
seen consistent, he has exhibited much
less dereliction of principle than many men
who enjoy more of the public regard.—
We should be inclined to attribute it rather to
the low degree in which he seems to possess
the power of sympathising with his fellow-men.
Ile seems to have none of those instinctive warn-
ings, which enable: other men o❑ suitable occa-
sions to assume at least a kindness and genero-
sity. His conduct, for instance, on the trial of
Robert Emmet, has always been deemed unne-
cessarily hard, putting all previous family con-
nection out of the question. It would never have
occurred to Mr. Plunkett, that when Sir Robert
Wilson returned from the Peninsula, deceived in
all the expectations with which he left this coun-
try, and oppressed with the recollections of the
scenes he had witnessed, it would raise a political
opponent higher in the generalestimation to respect
his sufferings, rather than to insult them. Mr. Can-
ning, however, had tact enough to discover, what
Mr. Plunkett, with all his logic, would never
have discerned. It is this inability to distinguish
between meanness and generosity, rather than

positive cruelty, which is the cause of the dislike
of Mr. Plunkett. There seems to be no feeling of
security against his resorting to the most mean mea-
sures without any adequate necessity. His conduct
in the case of the Bottle Treason was utterly un-
worthy of him ; and the present case of Mr.
O'Connell will again furnish laurels, the possession
of which no man w ill envy him. The Orange Party
trampled on him, and in the approaching conflict
with Mr. O'Connell he can hardly fail to be
signally disgraced. We presume an officer, like
the Attorney-General, has a discretion in cases
of this kind ; that he is not the mere instrument
of the Cabinet. In that view of the matter, Mr.
Plunkett is responsible for a prosecution which
must have received the sanction of his opinion.—
Now it so happens, as a contemporary has shown,
that Mr. Plunkett himself has been guilty of the
conditional sedition for which he prosecutes Mr.
O'Connell, to an extent, which leaves the most
vehement of the reports of the passage, far, very
far behind. No doubt, the former sins of Mr.
Plunkett are no excuse for the present sins of an
adversary, on the supposition that Mr. O'Connell
has violated the law (which we contend he has
not). Nay, there is even a common saying, that
a good thief makes a good thief-taker. still,
however, when Mr. Plunkett is reminded of the
following quotations from his own speeches, if
he should remain unmoved, it would be difficult
to account for the phenomenon on any other
principle than the defect in his character to which
we have alluded :---.

It is curious (says our contemporary) to think that the
person who prosecutes is Mr. Plunkett, than whom no one is
more open to recrimination on the score of hypothetical yin.
leuce. Our readers (and Mr. Plunkett himself, perhaps,
as his memory may nut be stronger than his discretion)
will be surprised when they see the fidlowing passage
from the Irish Attorney-General's speeches. Mr. Plun-
kett, in the House of Commons on the 23d of January,
1739, speaking of the project of Union—a measure which
we all know afterwards passe(l—used the following words;_
Fur my own Owl, I shall resist it to the last gasp of
my existence, and with the hut drop qf mil blood; and when
I feel the hour of my dissolution approaching, I will, like the
fattier of Hannibal, take my children, to the altar, and swear
them to eternal hostility against the invaders of their country's
freedom." Again, on the lrith of May, 1792, he says, " 1 warn
the Ministers of this country against persevering in their pre-
sent system ; let them not proceed to offer further violence to
the settled principles, or to shake the settled loyalty of the
country. Let them not persist in the wicked and desperate
doctrine which places British connection in contradiction to
itish prudence (quirre freedom). I revere them both ; for my-
self, I have no hesitation in saying, that w the wanton ambition
of a Minister should assault the freedom of Ireland, and corn.
pel me to the alternative between it and British connection, I
would fling that connection to the wind:, and I would clasp the
independence of my country to toy heart."

[NEW TIMES.I
In our Paper of the 11th instant, we noticed
several of the new undertakings which are
proposed for the investment of British Capital,
the exercise of British industry and talent,
and the ultimate promotion of the, great na-
tional interests of our country. On that Occasion
we particularly specified the English and Bri-
tish Channel. Junction Canal, the Birmingham
and Liverpool Rail Road, the Imperial Brazi-
lian Mining Association, the Continental Gas
Association, and the Irish Provincial. Banking
company. Pursuing the Mahe subject. this day,
We have elsewhere noticed the Kentish itailway
Company, the Rio de la Plata Mining Associa-.
t ,ion, the National Bunk of. Scotland, the Aus.
tralian Agricultural. Association, and the Steam
Packet to India. It will not fail to be
observed, that the ingenuity and .enterprise
of our projectors turn in every direction,
and find employment of the most. various
kinds and in the most distant regions, It would
be difficult to attempt a classification of these
numerous schemes, and still more difficult to mar.
steal them in , any thing like the order of their
real utility or. probable profit. Many of them,
no doubt, must fail; but all are at least
plausible ; and the large benefits which will
be derived from the successful undertakings
will. probably fur Halore than outweigh the
tosses occasioned by the failure of the others.
Looking. at the subject in a patriotic point of
view, we should doubtless be disposed to give al
preference to those measures which are most
inediately directed to the benefit of our own coup.
y. Thus we should place in the first rank the
Ship Canal, which, by uniting the Bristol
and English Channels, will, save a long and
dangerous. navigation round the Land's End.
The projected Railways in so many ditie.,
rent parts of the kingdom promise also a great
hvnefit ; but the question respecting. them is as
,
unsettled. Some doubt will probably be
raised on their practicability (to the extent con-.
lemPlutPd), and a strong opposition will no
doubt be made to them on the ground of the
interests of the owners of coaches, waggons,
boats, roads, Ste. &c, which they
.must
(Holy, injure. We have heretofore
,spoken of.
the Thames Tunnel,
an, of the establish-
ment of new Vans between London and
Manchester : whatever .faeilitates transport

tends eventually to reduce price, and so to pro-
mote industry and increase wealth. The erec-
tion of Docks, too, inasmuch as it is an accom-
modation to commerce, tends to the same end :
and so does the establishment of new banking
concerns, such as the Irish Provincial and Scotch
National Banks, both of which we have noticed.
Looking beyond this country, our view is first di-
rected to the Colonies ; and here we have noticed
the Project of a Steam Packet to India, and the
incorporation of the Austrialien Agricultural Com-
pany. On the continent of Europe we have recently
seen the Continental Gas Company founded ; and
it is long since we spoke of the Alliance Insur-
ance Company. The most fascinating objects
of speculation, however, for some time past,
have been the South American Mining Spe-
culations, the Mexican, Colombian, Brazilian,
and those of the Rio de la Plata ; but this
is not all ; at a period when the stream of Public
Opinion has set so strongly towards mining en-
terprises, to which the union of capital undoubt.
edly offers peculiar facilities, by rendering ac-
cessible undertakings, the magnitude of which
must necessarily deter private adventurers ;
it is without any surprise, we learn, that a Corn-
prehensive Association for Mining Purposes, as
well domestic as foreign, is now in progress, and
may be expected to be finally arranged in a few
days, under such auspices as to secure the confi-
dence of the Public.