The Sun.
London, England, 1840-12-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, DECKIVIRER 17,1840.

met Ali to the Pachalic of Egypt, subjecting his autho-
rity to such restrictions as the will of the Sultan may
impose, is surely not to expose the Ottoman empire to
the hazard of a second Koniah or Nezib. The law
,imits and regulates the conscription, proportioning it
to the amount of population. This the Pacha cannot
exceed, without the forfeiture of his hereditary title.
Having lost Syria, too, he has lost the pretext for
maintaining a large army. So with the fleet : its mag-
nitude must depend upon the permissioa of the Sultan ;
and there can be little apprehension of its again be-
coming sufficiently formidable to give uneasiness to
the Porte. The application of the Hatti Scheriff to
Egypt, by abolishing the monopolies of the Paella, cuts
off his means of maintaining establishments so dispro-
portOned to the resources of the country which he
governs ; and while it affords a prospect of better ad-
ministiatioa in Egypt, gives additional security against
:he realisation of any disloyal or ambitious project which
Mehemet or his successor might entertain. We do
not, therefore, attach a great deal of weight to the
objection to leaving Mehemet Ali in Egypt, which
rests upon the probability of his renewing that course
of lawless aggression which enabled him in so short
a time to carry his arms from El Arish to the
Taurus. It is said that the changed position of the
Pacha would render him an easy and a dangerous
instrument in the hands of foreign intriguers. One
of the lessons, we apprehend, that Mehemet Ali
is least likely to forget, is the severe one that has been
taught him by his reliance upon foreign counsels. We
do not say that the French Government or the French
nation would make Egypt a centre of intrigue for the
purpose of restoring the lost ascendancy of the Pacha ;
but no doubt the shoals of adventurers who infest that
country would omit no opportunity of establishing
what they call " French influence." But the power of
these people was never very formidable, nor is it likely
to become more so. They have never been at pains to
disguise their objects, and we only say what we believe
is notorious to every man at all acquainted with that
country, when we state that no one better understands
than Mehemet Ali himself what are the real views of
his noisy partisans. No. The Pacha is not likely to
become the tool of any French party. He is too sin-
cerely anxious to preserve the succession in his own
family. We freely admit that no description can ex-
aggerate the barbarities of Mehemet Ali's govern-
meat in Egypt, and did we not feel persuaded that
this system must be now wholly changed, we should
never cease urging the necessity of getting rid of
him. But we think a great deal of the misgovernment
of Egypt was directly ascribable to the Pacha's efforts
to conquer and retain Syria. The events of the last
few months show very plainly at what an enormous ex-
penditure his baseless authority was achieved. How
much of the wealth of Egypt must have been lavished
upon these Syrian armaments. Having cut off' this
drain, it is surely not unreasonable to look forward to a
more rational administration of the resources in future.
It must be said of Mehemet Ali's Government, that
its vices are not those most usually found in East-
ern despotisms. If the people are spoiled it is
not to maintain the effeminate splendour of a
debauched court, but to adtniaister to the cravings
of an ambition, the very fault of which is not un-
allied with true nobility of nature. Nor, we admit,
is oppression practised merely for oppression
sake. The conscription was enforced in all its
terrible rigour, because soldiers were required to go to
Syria and to Arabia. Thera was no modification of
the monopolies, because, without the monopolies, it
was impossible to feed the extravagant demands of the
military and naval services. It is impossible that. the
aetise and energetic administration which has hitherto
prevailed in Egypt can suddenly subside into the cons-
moe-place despotism of a Turkish Pachalic. The im-
pulse given—no matter what its original object—will
endure. The personal character of the Pacha is war-
rant enough of this, and his intimate connection with
European interests, and the certain degree of deference
which, even from habit, he pays to European opinion, is
some warrant, too, that it may be in a right direction.
We are far Lam thinking, then, that it is a sacrifice of
the interests either of humanity or of sound policy, to
recommend as forcibly as possible the recalling of the
deposition of Mehemet, and to refuse being a party to
enforcing it. iN nd doubtless such recommendation, if
properly urged upon the Porte, will be attended with
the desired t ffect.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YES fERDAY.
( From the Globe.)
The Paris Papers of Monday, which reached us at a
late hour this morning, are full of the anticipated so-
lemnities of the morrow ; but they treat those solemni•
ties merely as a text fur party crimination and recrimina-
tion. This might be expected at the present moment.
The Journals of the Opposition, all shades of which
arc at present confounded together, are crying out in
chorus that the men now at the head of affairs have no
business to be those who should receive the remains
of Napoleon. They arc saluted with such phrases as
" Treason of Waterloo," " Men of Ghent,' " Trea-
ties of 1815," &c. ; and the National takes particular
pales to enjoin as an expected corollary to the cry of
Mee I' cur !—(rather an Irieism) that of A bas
les traitres ! It appears to us that all this is exceasively
childish. 1815, in our reckoning, followed 1814, which,
in like manner, succeeded 1813 and 1812 ; the treaties
of 1813 were the natural, or, we should say, providen-
tial, " unsbunned consequence" of the grasping ambi-
tion which came to a climax in the enormous expedition
which for ever signalised the first of those years, as its
unparalleled catastrophe, and the consequences, marked
each of the following. There may be one reason
why the Outs would be fitter to receive Napoleon
than the Ins ; and this is that Napoleon was the
fit schoolmaster for such schoolboys. Napoleon put
an iron extinguisher precisely on all that gabble which
has found courage to sputter forth again under the
Restoration and the present regimen. Napoleon
would not rest in his coffin, could he imagine that the
ex-editorship of a newspaper had become a title to
the helm of state, and that his ashes were brought
back to the Invalides, to a',:d a laurel to M. Thiers!
The Debats observes rather smartly, " We should be
glad to know in what age, and under what Government,
writers ever arrived so rapidly (it might perhaps have
added, so mischievously) to the head of affairs in a great
country. What is very certain is, that under that im-
perial regime, which so much excites the regrets and
aspirations of M. Thiers—M. Thiers, the orator,
the writer, tae public maa—would have had to choose
between exile, or direction of the public mind " under
approbation and privilege" of the police—a sub•pre-
fecture, or the dungeons of Vinciennes." We may be
permitted to doubt whether M. Thiers would have had
such alternatives under. Napoleon. We suppose he is
not a fighting man, however warlike in leading arti-
cles ; and we think it likely he would have been left in
aTivate to meditate prospective lampoons on " Napoleon
the Great" with Paul Louis Courier, or to write his
" History of the Revolution" at a safe distance, like
Madame de Steel.
(From the Standard.)
The Morning Post replies to us to-day in the follow-
ing two paragraphs;—
The Standard of last night devotes two of its columns
to personalities upon us, and attacks upon the reputation of
Mr. Shaw. The former are entirely harmless, except to
those by whom they have been employed, and we shall
certainly never descend to bestow upon them any notice
whatever. As to the attacks upon Mr. Shaw, they are so
nearly a repetition of those which we have formerly re-
pelled and chastised, and arc so sure to be repeated in a
new garb of words by the Herald of this morning, that we
postpone such correction as we think they deserve until we
have the two confederates in calumny before us at once.
" It is not fit, however, that we should for a moment
conceal the fact of the Standard having at last produced a
witness in support of its repeated assertion that tho Duke
of Wellington was deceived. Yes, the Standard has done
us the honour of yielding to our castigation what it refused
to the request of the illustrious Duke. But such a witness I
He attempts to prove treachery in Mr. Shaw, and convicts
himself of treachery. The name of the Standard's witness
is John Jones, and the Standard tells us that he was once
High Sheriff of Dublin. An ex-Sheriff of Dublin is not
quite the same thing as an Irish Peer. 13ut no matter. We
propose to have the pleasure of cross-examining Mr. John
Janos, but not until the Herald—which we dare say will
make a great deal of the Standard's witness—shall have
concluded his examination in chief."
We reprint this chiefly for the purpose of repelling
the charge of personality. In speaking of the writers
of the Post as " lacquevs," we reasoned merely from
the evidence of their conduct and manners, resembling
so exactly what one might expect from the ignorant im-
pertinence of the inmates of an ill-regulated servants
hall ; bat we solemnly declare that of the men them-
sAves we are happy to know nothing, not even the
names. It appears, however, by the charge of person-
ality, that we reasoned correctly, and that our accusers
have actually worn shoulder-knots and plush breeches,
and answered to the bell. Well, this much knowledge
is something gained.
(From the Courier.)
Commodore Napier, blunt and brave seaman as he
is, would seem to be any where rather than at sea,
in his proper element, in respect of the mysteries and
mamuvres of our foreign policy. Lord Palmerston,
for example, has been careful to guard himself by re-
peated assurances, that, although conquering provinces
for Turkey by force of arms, he should not presume to
dictate her policy ; that although lie should recom-
mend the act of forfeiture promulgated against Mehemet
Ali by the Sultan to be withdrawn, yet he would de-
cline coercion should his advice be rejected ; and further
his Lordship declined for himself the formal or any other
guarantee of Egypt to the Paella, except by good offices
with his Suzerain, and whatever they may he worth.
More straightforward, if not more honest than the M,nis-
ter, the gallant Commodore has cut the gordian knot of
all this tangled diplomacy. He has taken real meenings,
and not the idle verbiage used to distort sense, for his text,
and in dealing with the Pacha has boldly undertaken that
the " hereditary Government of Egypt ** is and
remains guaranteed by the Powers." So much for Ar-
ticle 1 of the Convention signed by the Commodore on the
inrt of his governmentand by lioghos Bey for the Viceroy.
The brave Commodore, moreover, to leave no question
of the light in which he at least comprehended the gua-
rantee and its consequences, rubs up his historic recollec-
tions, and thus, like a wise man, as well as invincible con-

queror of the East, communes with Boghns Bey, of the
glorious future still in store for his master cn the advent
of peace. " His Highness (be writes) would have ample
and satisfactory occupation in his latter years in culti-
vating the arts of peace, and, in settling, probably upon
new foundations, the throne of the Ptolemies." From
the touch of the same spear which overthrew his dreams
of empire in Syria and Turkey, a new throne we see is
raised for the Paella in Egypt. Such is the state of the
case as between Mehemet Ali and the Quadruple Al-
liance. Meantime the Porte appears to labour under
the persuasion, so carefully inculcated by Lord Palmer-
ston, of full and entire liberty of action in the matter,
without reference to or control from any quarter.

was to run along the -a holz line of way b2te,1.,,, s;11 .t.
an equal distance from each rail, a bar of iron or " ful-
ciment," fixed to the ground, and reaching nearly to the
bottom of the engine, or carriage, from which, on each
side, strong brackets should fall, and inclose the bar,
thereby effectually preserving the moving body from being
overturned. As an additional security in the model, a
groove was made on each side of the bar, in and along
which ran pins, fixed to the brackets, so that should any
obstruction occur in the rails, to raise the wheels, the cant-
ing motion thereby occasioned was checked by the pins
being forced against the upper edge of the groove : and
even should one or more of the wheels break beneath the
pressure thus canted, the carriage itself would retain its
upright position, and could not get off the line. Mr.
' Jackson said, that having lost his business by long illness,
he had employed his mind, while in the hospital at Dur-
ham, in devising the plan, which, he had been told by
some scientific persons, who recommended him to come
to the metropolis with the model, was calculated to an-
swer the purposes of public security most completely.
Alderman WILSON having examined the model, said,
that a glance would prove that the means of security were
quite satisfactory, but he apprehended that the expense
would be a complete obstacle to its adoption. It struck him
that Mr. Kollman's railroad invention was identical in prin-
ciple with that of Mr. Jackson, and had the extraordinary
power of mounting hills and turning corners with amazing
facility. The expense of that improvement, however, he
supposed interfered with its success, although the first men
in the country had witnessed and applauded it.
Mr. Jackson said that when he hit upon the expedient he
determined as soon as he should have strength sufficient to
come to London, and submit it to the Lord Mayor.
He had travelled 300 miles for that purpose, and he was
convinced that some expedient of the kind must be adopted,
or the lives of multitudes would be in constant jeopardy.
Alderman WILSON advised Mr. Jackson to take his in-
vention to the Society of Arts, and observed that if some
means of protecting the lives and limbs of the public on
railroads were not adopted, the shareholders would feel
the consequences in the failure of every project of the sort,
as the most influential portions of the Press would take
good care to give notice of every calamity resulting from
the want of means of prevention.