The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-15 00:00:00

THE IST7N, LONDON. TIMRST)AY, OCTOBER 165 IR4O,

~~~4•

surprise at
...- ►t only reasonable to
bestir themselves a little to have
meeting called with all reasonable speed, when
some statement of the real situation of Mr. Hammers-
ley's affairs would be made known ; and we hear, in-
deed, that something of the kind is now in contemplation.

expect that they w""•' '
gener.

TIMES.--The remarks made on the charges for
noting bills of exchange have called attention to the
practice of notaries generally, and complaint is made of
the prevailing custom of presenting dishonoured bills
after the hours of business are over, and it is almost an
impossibility to find a person acquainted with the mat-
ter. The bill having been presented in the morning by
the party holding it, or some person representing him,
is, it seems, not presented by the notary till the even-
ing, as if ler the purpose of making a protest which
shall be a mere matter of form. The result of this
practice is, that " Not at home, no orders," is said to
be the general reason for non-payment given by the
notary, when at the hour of the presentation it
is scarcely possible to obtain any other. The
bankeAs clerk, or other representative of the
bolder, on presenting the bill in the morning,
learns the exact reason of non-payment as " no effects,"
" not sufficient effects," &c. ; and even if this is written
on a memorandum and appended to the bill, the notary,
it seems, removes it, and substitutes the unsatisfactory
answer he receives from the domestics of the establish-
ment. It might appear that the complaint against this
routine would rather be its uselessness than its likeli-
hood to lead to any evil, but it is considered that the
credit of the house ma) be materially injured by such
answers as " not at home" in the estimation of foreigners,
who may not be aware of the practice, and think the
party habitually absents himself from business.
A correspondent complains of several defects in the
Post-office system, particularly the circumstance that
;L.:, Parcels Delivery Company frequently excels the
post in the promptitude of its conveyance. He also
nbiects to certain difficulties thrown in the way of
applicants at the money-order department. It seems
that the officers refuse to pay the money to any one
pat the party himself for whom it is held, and that
Lhey will not acknowledge any representative of such a
party but his banker. The sums are often sent to per-
Sons who are in a very humble station, and have no
banker, and these are thus precluded from receiving
them by a fit of illness, or any other eircumstance which
renders personal application impossible. Complaint is
.0.1.43 made of the state of communication between Lon-
don and Dublin, and it is said by a correspondent that
the same delay occurs now the double line of packets
between Liverpool and Dublin is established as when
there were none but evening packets. Thus letters
which have been sent to an Irish town close to the mail-
poach reada do not reach it till the third day after they
are posted, A letter written in London on Wednesday
arrives on Saturday, whereas it is supposed that it might
easily reach Liverpool by the night train on Thursday
iorning, so as to cross on Thursday, and be forwarded
' 4s inland destination by the mail of the same evening,
oas tai arrive on Friday morning. The delay is attri-
boot to the letters lying twelve hours at Liverpool.

HERALI).—So little is known of Spain in respec
pf •Iti various branches of industry and manufactures
that soup details of the extent of its woollen manu
factures may Dot be without interest. This species o'
manufacture is one of the most ancient in the country
and the most generally and successfully cultivated in
Spain. The manufacture may be found in nearly all
fhe provinces, and it is the almost exclusive occupation
great number of towns. The chief central points
of this trade in Palencia are, Alcoy, Onteniente, AIo-
Fella, Villa Real. For New Castile—Toledo, Bri-
)auega, Guadalajara. For Old Castile—Valladolid,
Avila, Segovia, and Santo Domingo de la Calzada.
For Estremadura—Alcantara. In Leon—Bejar. In
Arragon—Tarazona, Saragossa, Huesca, and Jaca.
fa Catalonia Vich, Tarassa, Igualada, Falset,
iteass, Otot, and Barcelona. Spanish woollen
i.Auths wear generally extremely well. In Valencia,
powithstanding the civil war, the manufacture has
increased Considerably. In 1839, Alcoy, the popula-
tion of which has nearly doubled since IW2O, and now
alu.lunts to 20,000 souls, manufactured alone 24,000
Iticces of 32 varas each (the Spanish vara being equal
to 'ha yard within about an inch or so,) or 768,000
at 83. 3d. the vara represent a capital of
Maras, vs.• nool_
. Onteniente, with a population
upwards of 30u,
of 12,000, contains about forty manufactories. Be-
sides the common woollens, cloths of a middling quality
are made in these places, not very inviting in appear-
ance, as wanting is finish, but the substance and low
price of which ensure a preference for general con-
aureption over foreign woollen cloths. The same re-
marks will apply equally to the Catalonian wool-
lens. The finest qualites of cloth are made in
Old Castile, at Segovia and Avila. These, with
the lower quality cloths of the two Castiles, of
Leon and Estremadura, well suited to the taste
and wants of the country, find a profitable vent
out of the provinces where manufactured. The heaviest
descriptions, such as those of Aragon, are only suited
for local consumption. Madrid, Barcelona, Seville,
and Cadiz are the only places where foreign woollen
cloths find a sale, but only as a sort of luxury for the
more wealthy classes. English woollens, from the
brilliancy of their finish and the moderation of their
price, enjoy a great preference, especially in Andalusia.
SoMe importations of French woollen cloths take place
for Madrid and Barcelona, but not of much import-
ance, although the quality is esteemed of a superior
kind. In other woollen stuffs for pantaloons the im-
ports from France are more considerable. Spanish
woollena are made exclusively with wo nat
ol iv
grovv• e
n Foreign wools are strictly prohibited.
The supply of the home market is, besides,
well secured to the manufactures of the country by the
absolute prohibition with which the impost tariff v• sits
all foreign cloths of less value than 90 reals about 183.)
the vara, and by the enormous duty of '2(3 reels de vel-
lon, or about ss. 3d. the vara, imposed upon all quali-
ties above that price. To this duty, Likely called on/:y
duty, must be added that of 15 reals 20 rnaravedis per
vacs, which under the name of duty de portcs, has to
he paid on entry into all the important places and chief
provincial cities. It is only the finest foreign qualities
which cnn support such excessive imposts, of which the
whole amounts to 41 reels 20 maravedla per vara.

N.—An express from Paris this afternoon notices
the arrival of dates from Alexandria, of 28th ult. The
Pacha continued his preparations for resistance, but had
addressed a moderate answer to the proclamation, an-
nouncing his deposition. It was supposed that Ibra-
him Pacha had marched against the troops landed at
Beyrout ; and at Paris it;was reported, though no doubt
prematurely, that Acre had fallen.
The above intelligence was not known in the City
until after the close of business in the Stock Exchange,
and therefore had no influence on prices. The
settlement went off very well in the Eng-
lish Market, but showed it to be a Bear account. For
immediate transfer, Consols opened to-day at 874,
subsequently receded to 87k, and closed this afternoon
at 871 to For November the continuation increased
to per cent., the current prices being 88 to 87i, and
the latest 87k. Exchequer Bills brought 2s. to ss.
premium, and India Bonds 10s. to 14s. discount. The
New Three-and-a-Half per Cents were at 07 to 96i,
- per Cents. the Reduced Three-and a Half at 951 to
95k, Bank Stock at 163 i, and the Three per Cent.
Annuities at 86i to .
The Foreign Seciaritieswre rather higher, but the
business done was veryto
limited. Spanish Active Bonds
Threeuguese New Five per
Cents. improved to 30, the Portuguese
Cents. were at
21, Colombian Bonds
rose
to 22 Brazilian re
to 73, French Five per Cents., after realizing 105
franes, an improvement of per cent., closed at 104,
aid the Three per Cents, were
firmer at 70 to 71 francs.
The Dutch Stocks were dull,
butat
49} to
.I.tstise,taedardm on yn,dtthheeTFwivoe-apnedr-
a-Half per Cents. being
a
Cents. at 94k. The funds at Amsterdam
evening left off, after some fluctuation: at 93M fuornd they
latter, and 49 15-16 for the former.
There was scarcely any activity in the Railway
Shares, and the quotations did not vary to any extent,
:
They were generally heavy, Brighton being at 11a
North Midland at 20, New at 1, and South Eastern
and Dover at 18, Birmingham and Gloucester at 17,
dud the Bristol and Exeter at 24 discount ; London
and South Western Shares were at 12i, Manchester
and Leeds at 17i, and York and North Midland at 10
premium.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Times.)
The Thiers memorandum versus that of Lord Pal-
merston continues, and will continue for some days
longer, to occupy a degree of attention. At the same
time, we consider it of no very high importance whether
the statement of facts brought forward by the Noble
Lord, or that opposed to it on the part of the French
Prime Minister, shall prove to be borne out by the most
satisfactory evidence. The question which most con-
cerns Europe, and indeed which touches in the most
-
sensible manner the solid and permanent interests of
France and England thems).-ves,
is not that which has
been the most el"
State • _.aoorately dwelt upon in their resper:',,,,,
.... papers. The first question raised by l'ranee was
one of mere punctilio, whether she dad or had not been
treated with sufficient forms of respect. The second ques-
tion raised was by England, and involved that of French
consistency. The former question was to all appearance
promptly settled, and it seems to be now given up on all
sides that no slight of any sort was intentionally offered to
the French Government or nation. The other contro-
versy is not yet disposed of. Lord Palmerston asserts
that France, through her Ambassadors, assented to con-
ditions as between Mehemet Ali and the Porte from
which she has since receded, whilst M. Thiers in posi-
tive terms alleges that no such concessions were ever ,
acquiesced in by the French Government, or named by 1
any of its, diplomatic functionaries. We have referred
to matters of this description purely because they are '
those which appear to have produced the most excite-
ment between the two Cabinets. But for ourselves,
we must acknowledge that they amount in our judg-
ment to nothing at all. They belong to the class of
movements called mere " curvetings," and " prancings.,'
They cover no ground of the smallest value, They I
advance nos the main European question a aingle step. I
For, whether England shall have proved herself the
rudest of states, or the most complaisant—whether,
France shall have displayed in general opinion the 1
most symmetrical consistency, or the most glavitiulonfgs.'
contrariety of pretension—it is perfectly ..0u
that the only point of the least moment to
the lasting peace of Europe or to the substantial
welfare of Mehemet Ali sad the Porte—that is to say,
the matter which ought to determine exclusively the
issue of peace or war between them, is the relation as to
territorial boundary between the two Moslem Powers,
and the quantum of Turkish dominion seized upon by
Mehemet Ali which that ambitious plunderer shall
now be required to disgorge. That, we repeat, and no
dispute about ceremony, is what ought to fix the atten-
tion of all serious-minded, frank, and straightforward
Governments. The rest is comparative affectation, im-
pertinence, and hypocrisy. It is given up that France,
in concert with the other Powers, did, in the course
of the year 1839 (July), lay down as a principle
of European policy, to be acted upon by them all,
that the integrity of the Ottoman empire should be
maintained as essential to the peace of Europe.
France now asserts, through M. Thiers, that the
only subject of apprehension entertained by any
Power at that period was a probable or possible attack
of Russia upon Constantinople ; and, therefore, that
the sole meaning to be affixed to the phrase " integrity
of Turkey" was non-violation of her soil by Russia,
leaving every other aggressor but Russia—viz., Greece,
or Egypt, or France herself, at liberty to break the
Ottoman empire to pieces in whatever direction suited
them. This preposterous extravagance denotes a cause
altogether abandoned by truth, hope, and reason. It
is of little, if any, weight upon this general question
of what ought to be done by other Powers, to expose
the false construction which France may have thought
fit to assign to an act in which four besides herself
participated. The inquiry is, whether the Four Powers
are justified by the motive they have all professed in pur-
suing the means they have adopted for maintaining, or
restoring rather, the integrity of the Turkish empire,
plundered as it has been by Mehemet Ali of vast pro-
vinces on the north of Egypt, constituting the direct
road towards the metropolis of Turkey ? We think,
in the first place, with the four Powers, that the prin-
ciple and the motive were just and politic. The next
step was to ask the consent of Mehemet Ali. He
laughed at the proposition, and scoffingly disdained
compliance. It became necessary to coerce him,
or to abandon the Treaty. The French Re-
publicans, Revolutionists, and Bonapartists, bristled
up at this, and proclaimed their indignation that
any European Power, or Confederacy of Powers,
should dare to follow out any scheme of common
benefit without the authority of a French Ambas-
sador, even in the remotest quarters of the Medi-
terranean. " War, war," has become their cry—abhor-
rence of this country the key to all their movements.
In the mean time the coercive operations against
Mehemet Ali have advanced, and hitherto have
signally succeeded. By all that we can learn from
private and the best-informed sources, there is reason
to hope that the grasp of Ibrahim over Syria has
been fearfully loosened, that the fortress of Acre has
already fallen, and that to all practical and useful
purposes the sway of the usurper, from embracing
the whole of Syria. and from threatening imminently
the passes of the Taurus, has shrunk nearly to those
dimensions within which the Allies will in all likelihood
be disposed to leave him undisturbed, if he should not,
by using Egypt as a magazine whence to draw materials
of further violence and aggression against Syria, render
it unavoidable, as a measure of seil:deji'nce, for the
Allies, to attack the savage in his den, and remove him
from Egypt also. But this, we dare say, will be found
altogether unnecessary. For the practical measures,
then, which have as yet been prosecuted by the Allies,
that is to say, by England, Austria, and Turkey con-
jointly, in fulfilment of the coercive portions of the
treaty, we see nothing fairly to object to. There is in-
deed one step which the Porte has taken, and into
which we fear it will turn out that she has been preci-
pitated by the same mischievous folly which has on
other occasions distinguished the Representative of a
Power with whose acts every Englishman must feel
himself more or less identified—a step whose rashness
nothing can excuse. We mean the outlawry of Mehemet
Ali, which even Russia has condemned, by the ranco-
rous spirit of which. the Pacha has been exasperated,
without being humbled ; by the superfluous and revolt-
ing, but ineffectual, violence of which, France has, we
doubt not, been secretly gratified ; and by which, as an
index both of fury and absurdity, Great Britain we are
sure has, in the eyes of Europe, been disgraced, and,
let us add, by which we believe the English Ministry
has been as much annoyed as embarrassed. A paragraph
in a French paper is but a confirmation of what has been
stated through other more dispassionate and trustworthy
channels—viz., that the cleclieaace of Mehemet Ali has '
been in fact the personal work of that weak mischief-
maker, Lord Ponsonby, who ought years ago to hare been
peremptorily recalled to this country from the Porte.
The French paper says, that M. Mauguin, a gen•
tleman lately proceeding from Havre to Paris, had
been assured by the Russian Minister, M. Benken-
dorff, of the repugnance of the Allied Minister; to
that outrageous measure against Mehemet All ; that
they had each and all discountenanced it in the strongest
manner, M. Brunow among the rest ; but that Lord
Ponsonby had compelled by threats the signature of the
outlawry by the Turkish authorities. The act was a
mad one. If persisted in, Turkel, is deserted by the
most prudent and respectable among the Allied Go-
vernments ; if repealed, her dignity cannot fail to be
I lowered. Lord Ponsonby probably acted without spe-
cific instructions ; if he did, an immediate reel! and a
contemptuous reprimand are the utmost indulgence he
can expect from the Foreign-office. If (which we do
not believe) he proceeded in consequence of direct
orders from home, the folly of Lord Palmerston
ought to bring down punishment on his own shoulders.
But still revolutionary France rushes onward, with
the wild impetus of disease, rather than of ordinary
passion, She raves about insults to her glory which
none have dreamed of offering, and threatens ex-
tremities of revenge, which all all the world, at least
all Europe, knows that she has not the means
to realise. The French war faction exclaims and
storms, mistaking noise for national energy, and be-
cause no retaliatory shout is heard from England, the
hostile faction flatters itself that Britain sleeps or
trembles. The British Government may have been
torpid, or even paralyzed, but the people are not.
Even the Admiralty has begun to authorise the sound
of hammers in our dockyards—all defensive it is true—
all purely precautionary ; not an idea exists amongst
us of warlike feeling, much less of warlike provocation
here. We rejoice that the English press, almost with-
out exception, has preserved its temper with such edi-
fying fortitude. We have carefully watched over our
own. Scolding is a woman's vice, and Englishmen,
more than most other men, are instinctively averse to
bluster. Nevertheless, there are soldiers of the brave
Imperial Army living, who have not forgotten, we dare
to believe, " eet alfreux silence des Anglais.
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
M. de la Mennais thunders forth in the National of
Tuesday a denunciation, not only of the monarchical,
but the representative system in France, as a sink of
corruption, meanness, and servility—as worse than the
poetionethosefhoduolodr
worst tyranny, as more pusillanimous and servile than
the most decrepit absolutism. The country is invited
to put no trust in the Chambers ; and the same cry has
been raised and echoed by journals not democratic, but
even attached to the dynasty of Orleans. All this cla-
mour is certainly mere newspaper clamour, and with
' us would not mean a great deal • but in Franco a large
INCREASE OF POOR-RAT • e,
not tthbee
Chamber astonished
of to
D.
the public take these ra'vings for sober counsel,
ES —A sin le fact,
beforean d w
with relation to the expenditure for thereliefnof the poor
of being
muchstone d
in Bolton may, perhaps, serve better than],,
aa y elaborate
nd and trade Deputies,
eas jiaontdgot
ht
o_uspe
argument to explode the fallacy that .
al and wane together" under the operation of the__ foodh representatives forced to vote warlike resolutions, under
monopoly. During of this lies with the respectable
or strung up to the lamp-posts.
1.837 the three years. ending
the . the average quarterly expenditure for
821 .
1 part of the Parisian
Poor of Great and Little Bolton, was only
w t3helstreMliaerfcd pain
ne
press, which allowed its pas-
This" during a period of agricultural distress. By the ' sion to carry it too far in the
first instance. At the
quarterly abstract late] hi' hd it ears, that in very first news of the Treaty of July. b • •
y pu is e , app ~
Spits of the al) being signed, the
le management of the Tory guardians, who French press called out "To arms I" even before it
*Jan now do what they
please at the Board, the amountprovisions of that treaty.
knew the .
expended for the relief It threatened
of the poor of Great and Little ,
Bolton for the Europe with instant war, if the treaty received the least
quarter ending 24th June, 1840, was of execution, Well, the_ treaty has been
2,3221., showing an increase
was during a period of of nearly 200 per cent. This d what has been the consequence
e NN, hy,
agricultural • B 1 ltural prosperity.— o ton
Free Pron. ' that the ;,elinisterial journals, having fired all their great
I

what has hithgrth-taken place in regard to the Turco-
Egyptian question, continues to engross the attention of
every politician. The more that document is examined
the more it will be found adapted to the habits of judg-
ment existing in France rather than to those which exist
in this country. They who look chiefly to the plausibi-
lity of the case made out, and to its more prominently
pervading sentiment, will doubtless find the letter of
M. Thiers both skilful in its construction and moderate
in its tone. But they who sift the truth and the pro-
bability of statements by such evidence (whether in-
ternal or external) as it is possible to bring to bear
upon them, will, we think, decide that the document in
question displays more artifice than honesty, and more
mildness of tone than, moderation of purpose. In our
leading article of yesterday upon this State paper we
showed by quotation of the opposing passages that the
statement of M. Thiers is directly at issue upon very
important matters of fact with the statement of Lord
Palmerston. Indeed the whole question at issue be-
tween the Governments of France and England, so far
as they openly appear, turn upon points which one 'or -
other of the Ministers must have untruly described:- 'lf
the events of the negotiations really were what Lord Pal-
merston says they were, then France has no cause of
complaint. If, on the other hand, they were as M.
Thiers says they were, then France has reason to con-
sider herself somewhat slighted, though not, as 'we
think, to such a degree as to justify her warlike demon-
trations, and the menacing swagger of her Ministerial
Journals. But now let us consider the evidence. If,
when M. Thiers read the letter of Lord Palmerston, he
found therein several statements of important matters*
which were directly at variance with the truth--if, we
tay, he really found this, would not his natural course
have been to fall directly upon these statements, to re-
capitulate them, and to negative them ? This, how-
ever, he ventures not to do. He recapitulates fairly
enough, and with no small skill in condensation, the
heads of the statement by Lord Palmerston. He does
not say that these things are untrue, and proceed to
show when, where, and how they are untrue, but he
says " a precise narrative of the facts will completely
reply to this mode of presenting the negotiations."
Then he proceeds with his narrative, states, indeed,
-things which, if we believe them to be true, we must
also believe that which Lord Palmerston has
stated to be untrue. But we are obliged to find
this opposition for ourselves. M. Thiers never di.
rectly says that in this or in that point Lord Pal-
merston has stated that which is at variance with
the fact. He proceeds, however, rather more boldly
in his summary, and states therein certain conclusions
of the whole matter, in its various divisions, which are
palpably in contradiction to Lord Palmerston's state-
ments, although not asserted so to be. These con-
clusions, however, as we showed yesterday, are not
in all respects in conformity with the previous de-
tails from which they profess to be drawn, but in
some points contradictory to them. In others they
are not supported by them. In fact, the principal
deceitfulness of this State paper consists in that
which is given as a summary of the details. First,
we have the heads of Lord Palmerston's state-
ment fairly given, then a long mystification of nar-
rative details, arid then a ' summary of results ,ob-.
viously constructed as direct answers to the heads of
Lord Palmerston's statement, but not at all borne out
even by the details of M. Thiers himself. He says
that it results from the details he has given that " at
the commencement of the negotiation the independence
and integrity of the Ottoman empire were understood,
as France to this day understands them—not as a ter-
ritorial limit of greater or lesser advantage between the
Sultan and the Viceroy—but as a guarantee of the Five.
Courts against offensive measures on the part of Me-
hemet Ali, and against the exclusive protection of one of
the Five Powers." We deny that any- such " result"
can fairly be deduced from the details which M. Thiers
himself gives.

_guns on the first alarm,. are now obliged to fire their
Small ones. This looks like humility—like giving in
and the really democratic press is enabled, with a show
of truth, to exclaim to the country that it is be-
trayed, that even the Liberals and the Parliament-
arians are shrinking from their first courageous re-
solves, that nothing is to be hoped from the Cham-
ber, and that safety is only to be hoped from revolu-
tion. The Constitutional Liberals have thus destroyed
their own cause. The Conservatives censure them for
first kindlinc, the flame and exciting the alarm,
whilst the Republ;.cans denounce them as traitors for
ceasing or smothering their cry. It is evident now,
that tlie French will not make a warlike demonstration
"..niess we attack Egypt ; and as we probably shall pot
attack Egypt, the moderate Liberals in power will have
to answer to the Chambers for an enormous and idle
expenditure of wealth, and to the country for an enor-
mous and idle levy of enthusiasm and warlike
idea's, which already threaten to turn against the
tranquillity and the institutions of -the State. As
the Journal des Debats says, " For every two per-
sons excited to enthusiasm there are two hundred
filled with terror," Such is the state of France.
The war party is every day getting absorbed in a
terrorist and revolutionary party, whilst the masses
of the more respectable citizens, alarmed by the
shouts of the Marseillaise, ate filled with fear for
the peace of their streets, as well as for the peace of
the world, and see in war the signal of revolution. Al-
ready the snore ardent of the National Guards are
drawing petitions for war, because, forsooth, the
national honour has been insulted." This was the
cry put forth by the Moderate Liberals—a cry as false
as that telegraphic despatch which announced the
" nine days' bombardment of Beyrout." This nine (1.7.,y5'
wond©r turns out all a lie ; and so ought to be ;een the
insult to the national honour of France." ihe civic guard
of Metz is very warlike, very illd;:g.nant ; the language of
its petition is worthy of 170;2. letz is the capital of a
frontier province;
the fertile from it in 1815, and
which is most anxious to recover
coal districts lopped
k", get closer to the Rhine. Some pacific Lorrainers
protested that Prussia had no intention of offending
France, and that war should not be directed towards
Prussia. Great is the indignation of the Metz war
party at this. The Prussian provinces are their prey,
of which they are not to be deprived. The same fer-
, ment reigns everywhere. The writers and orators who
first raised the war-cry, would now, indeed, allay it.
The Journal des .Debats, which on several occasions
fanned the flame, and denounced the perfidious Albion,
is now in despair at the menacing and universal cry.
What will be the result we know not ; but this we
clearly see that the leaders, whether statesmen or pub-
licistes, are alarmed as to the consequences of their
own premature war-cry, and are startled by the echoes
which their imprudent and exaggerated clamours have
excited.

(From the Morning, Advertiser.)
The best guarantee for the preservation of the gene-
ral peace amidst the uproar now raging on the Turco-
Egyptian subject is to be recognised in the necessity—
felt and acted upon by Ministers on both sides of the
question—of laying before their own countrymen and
the world an exposition of the circumstances, motives;
and objects, which influence and direct their diplomatic
action. This is a cheering homage to the supremacy of
public opinion, a supremacy which marks the progress
of popular intelligence, and in thus yielding to moral and
intellectual influences a precedence over material or
physical appliances, makes every nation anxious for
peace in the direct ratio of its capability of appreciating
its own interests. Such is the homage to opinion in-
directly rendered by the publication of the communica-
tions which have lately passed between the British and
French Cabinets, and directly acknowledged in the con-
cluding paragraph of M. Thiers's manifesto, when he
remarks, in reference to France—
" Although she is armed, and free to act, ill 'her efforts
will be employed to avert these calamities and catastrophes
from the world. She will make all the sacrifices in her
power for the maintenance of peace, short of those which
touch her honour ; and if she holds this language at the
present moment to the British Cabinet, it is less for the
purpose of complaint than for that of proving the frankness
of her policy, not to Great Britain only, but to the world,
whose opinion no State, however powerful, can at this time
despise."
While thus rejoicing in the deference paid to or
rather enforced by public opinion, we regret that the
National Guard of France should, even to qualify the
boldness of their language to the President of the
Council, so far compromise their own judgment as to
assert, that all the efforts of Foreign Powers have
" but one object—the abasement of our revolution."
This assumption can have emanated ;only from the
vague and violent declamation of that portion of the
French press, which, to pander to the personal views
of the Minister or to the martial propensities of a cer-
tain class the most worthless of the people, lashed itself
into a paroxysm of rage on the baseless supposition that
the Treaty of London was intended as an • insult to
France, and a plot against the liberties of her people.
Neither M. Guizot nor M. Thiers, however, have been
able to point out a single act on the part of the British
Government admitting of such interpretation. Even
M. Thiers's especial organ, the Constitu tionnet, is
constrained to admit that the only slight by the
British Cabinet towards France was one of mere
form, for which the utmost explanation has since been
offered. The paramount object of the National Guard
was a censure upon the French Ministry, which no
doubt they endeavoured to palliate by affecting an ap-
prehension of foreign invasion, the real grounds of their
fear being internal despotism, as they clearly intimate
when they thus address M. Thiers—
" We have come also to declare to you that it is not the
capital which requires to be fortified, but our frontiers of
the Rhine and of the Alps. Raised much less against the
Holy Alliance than against liberty, the fortifications of
Paris are, at this moment, in the eye: of every one, only
a means of doludieg public opinion, of lulling vigilance,
diverting the public attention from the important events
now occurring, and of veiling all the baseness of di-
plomacy.
" If a new invasion menaces us—if treason brings back
the foreigner to our walls—the people themselves, after
getting rid of the traitors, would easily contrive to orga-
nise against the enemy the means of defence, and to dig a
trench for them between Paris and our armies."
Let the National Guardibut ask themselves—" Who
are the traitors ?"—and act 'upon the obvious reply, and
there will be no need of making. a demonstration on the
Rhine or the Alps. They will rescue their revolution
from abasement where only it is threatened—at home,
and no foreign power will ever think of molesting their
'rontiera. .

(Front the Morning Herald.)
The tone in which the advOcatei of Lord, Palmer-
ston's Eastern policy treat the answer of M. Thiers to
his Lordship's elaborate despatch of the 31st of Au-
gust, would of itself excite a suspicion that both the
Ministerial and Tory defenders of the honour and wis-
dom of our Poreign Secretary find that they have a
very difficult task to execute. Their abusive intern
perance only proves the truth of the old remark, that
they who lose the argument are the first to lose their
temper. It is easy to call the calmly-reasoned and
temperately-expressed note of M. Thiers " a tissue
of manifestly evasive quibbles," and a " pettifogging and
inconclusive piece of shuffling ;" it is easy to indulge
in such coarse abusiveness as vents its ill-humour in
such offensive sallies as the following, in allusion to the
phrase of M. Thiers, that the Jorce of facts is stronger
than the resolutions of Cabinets :—" What is this em-
pire of facts? it is nothing—a mere idiom of the
patois of fraud, so long the vernacular of French Ja-
cobins. The empire of facts is an apology, of which
the highwayman or the pickpocket is well entitled
to avail himself as M. Thicrs, or the traitor-tyrant
and butcher, whom he would make the client of an ho-
nourable4 free, and gallant people." Now, in what way
had M. Thiers used this expression, "the force of facts
is stronger than the resolutions of Cabinets," to justify
the grossly abusive comments that puts him as a rea-
soner and moralist in the same category as the high-
wayman and pickpocket ? Let us see. Politicians,
who, in their new-born zeal for the sovereign rights
of the Sultan of Turkey, pass over every other con-
sideration, as a justification of their crusade
in Syria, but the one, that Niehemet Ali is the vassal
of the Porte, and, because he is so, should
be coerced into obedience, or crushed by foreign
Powers, may not like to be reminded of the recent
instances in which the principle of rebellion against those
sovereign rights was fostered, encouraged, and rewarded
by the very Powers that now prefer the risk of a war in
Europe to the toleration of a disobedient vassal in Syria.
Before M. Thiers replied to Lord Palmerston's des,
patch, we had ourselves, more than once, reminded the
Christian champions of Turkish legitimacy, of their own
participations in wresting Greece from the authority of
the Sultan, and dismembering his empire, to make a
portion of it a nominal independent kingdom, but a
quasi province of. Russia. We had also called to the
recollection of those self-styled defenders of sovereign
rights, that Russia—the pretended protectress of Tur-
key—has contrived to sever, in all but name, the princi-
lities of Moldavia and Wallachia from the Ottoman
empire, and that she even compelled those principa-
lities to furnish contingents for the invasion of Turkey,
when Diebitsch was about to carry the sword of Museo-
ite war over the Balkan into the heart of the Sultan's
territories—thus compelling the subjects of the Porte
to take up arnzs against their lawful Sovereign. What
does M. Thiers say of those historical facts ? He al-
ludes to theM in very mild and merely explanatory,
or perhaps we may be right in saying expostulatory,
terms. He says, " When the Sultans of Constanti-
nople, no longer in possession of sufficient force to go-
vern the vast provinces dependent upon them, saw Mol-
davia, Wallachia, and, sti'l more recently, Greece, slip
insensibly from their hands, what was done f Were
efforts made by a decision of Europe, backed by Rus-
sian troops and English fleets, to restore to the Sultans
the subjects who slipped from their power 7" That is a
sore question—a question much more easy for M. Thiers
to ask than for Lord Palmerston to answer, consist-
ently with the pretended zeal of the Four Powers for
the sovereign rights of the Sultan and the integrity of
the Ottoman empire.
(From the Morninu Post.)
The manifesto of the French i..loverarnent respecting

faithful discharge of public duty possesses a power upon
the minds of Conservatives, to cover all the past sins of
those in whom it is found—even the transgressions that
have led to the present danger.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
(From the Globe.)
We yesterday delayed noticing the postscript to
Thiers' despatch—first, because it referred to a stu
joined note, which is not yet published ; and secondly
because, while it threw out something which looked like
menace, it added nothing to the solid argument by
which M. Thiers supports his case. That
case appears to us completely defective in any
just motive to hostilities—and M. Thiers himself
must be sensible of this, as he winds up his pleading
with the strongest protestations of the desire of France
to preserve peace. We are willing to believe the sin-
cerity of that desire ; and M. Thiers gives no sufficient
ground, in his postscript, to alter it. It was anticipated
by all the English Journals, and was indeed inevitable,
that Meheatet Ali's "conciliatory advances" could not
possibly be received, inconsistent as they were with the
terms and conditions definitively proposed to him. If
France had intervened,or should in future intervene, in his
favour, the case would be different ; but Mehemet was, in a
manner, past grace, in his own person ; so far as regarded
those conditions for accepting which his day had gone by,
tar more those which had not even been offered to him in
the first instance. It is impossible that this can be made
a substantive ground of complaint ; it adds nothing to
what was already known as the consequence of the
treaty—unless the circumstance of Mehemet Ali's for-
mal deposition by the Porte. That is not irrevocable,
as must also be perfectly well known ; it is rather a
Turkish expedient in terrorem than anything else ; and
would not, as we have already announced, be followed
up, in case of submission. We cannot, therefore, regard
M. 'fliers' postcript as more warlike than his letter ;
and indeed we should be reduced to pity the responsible
Minister of a great country, if he could find no better
casus belli than the deposition of the Pacha by the
Porte. Many things we . find in M. Thiers' de-
spatch, well or ill-founded—personal statements, added
to what was known before of official policy-e-facts,
inferences, and insinuations, which, at present, we
pause not to analyse. It is a skilful state-paper ; but
one thing we cannot find ;—and that is the casus belli.
It is wholly inconceivable to us that the Minister, or
the Chambers, could resort to, or justify, warlike met.
sures, on any ground here put, forward.
(From the Courier.)
The Times objects against the despatch of M. Thiers
that it does not " convey any one distinct and practical
proposal to form matter whereon the Allied Cabinets
may deliberate, or by the acceptance or rejection whereof
the slightest approach, may be made to a solution of the
problem of peace or war."W
French
aTr
e h Government.ah The inferencebitually d i
Withhis
fsrp
all
the deference oums ecit
tends, of course, to disparage the motives or to reflect
onthesince
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3suoecnnhsde of
cannot
a:lnner
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stv objectionat comprehende‘e
- r
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htpeipresent emanate
fsuoerneatevo
avowedly ocr:cov
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ration of the future course of that Government. It is
in the nature of a manifesto, addressed to the people of
England, counter to that in which Lord Palmerston
appealed to Fran,le ; a catalogue raisonne of all said,
done, and written to the date, and therefore not an ad-
vertising sheet of works in band or at press. It pre-
tends no more, and performs no less ; for, as the
Times previously and justly remarks, " It further
has the character of retrospection merely, professing
to be a defence of the past conduct of France." In a
document evidently prepared for prompt publicity, after
the example of our own Foreign-office, it was no
part of duty, wAgleinirtisewtraeiltrpwu.onuanldimhaitvye been a departure from
policy no less unwise than inconvenient, in the French
Minister, to have volunteered a formula of terms, not
for the calm consideration of the British Secretary in
his Cabinet, but for the less deliberate discussion of the
British nation in popular assemblies. But in the review
and .estimation of bygones, it does not follow that
indications may not be gleaned, or incidentally afforded,
by which the grounds of former alienation more clearly
developed and explained may pave the way for closer
approximation to a better understanding prospectively,
always providing that the eagerness of justification does
not degenerate into the excesses of recrimination, and
therefore the public question becomes absorbed and lost
sight of in feelings of personal irritation and mere con-
tentions for personal triumphs. We warn Lord Pal-
merston,- now advertised by his Prese.as preparing for
defence and rejoinder, that the surest prelude to war
and the battle-field is the vain war of words. Even the
Far-famed Protocols en the Belgian question, inter-
minable as they seemed, produced, and could only be
emecwohuantttyu nignr atthee-
finally brought to an intelligible solution by the bom-
(lmoefntthoel
b fullyar
(From the Standard.)
f, in the hands of the
bleTsshineg,Arthr:tiiitighe
present crisis of foreign politics, as proof of the
Whig-Hadical part We admit the fact that it is
to the official ascendancy of the Whig-Radicals
bGbruovneiern/emebuotasotsf
tsho
but we -Rod
cats
we owe the general unanimity,
the Whig-Radicals are entitled to much praise on
that account. Were a Conservative administration
directing the affairs of the country in its present diffi-
cult circumstances, would the country present the
same unanimity—would the whig-Radicals, in oppo-
sition, act the noble part that the Conservatives are
now acting ? No ; the history of the party tells how
they would act—they would be, ne they have ever
been, the allies, the adulators of the enemies of the
honour and interest of England, their patriotism
like their loyalty, is ever officials dependent upon the
possession of place. Were they dismissed from office to-
morrow, they would be found the staunchest supporters
of the measures of M. Tbiers, the most earnest apolo-
gists for his hostile demonstrations against this coun-
try. Such they were in the cases of Robespierre, Ma-
dison, and Napoleon. Far different is the temper
and spirit of the Conservative democracy, composed,
as they are, of whatever is honest and patriotic
and truly English in the nation• They care little,
when their country is threatened, to whom they give
support in its defence. Like the Republican Blake,
they will fight for England, whoever may rule ; like the
I Cavalier Windham, they will stand by the Crown upon
any bush. A
governmont that does its -duty by E,,g_
land can always count upon the hearty and unreserved
co-operation of the Conservative democracy ; nay, this