The Sun.
London, England, 1847-02-08 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY B, 1847

newed approbation.) When you see the last remnants of
Poland perish, do you not feel that the liberty and inde-
sattattehse
haereadseerfionuastliye,
nesui‘dahnegaerree(
jle?aleln'slaceef
propagandism. The revolution was propagandist. It had
3ip'heoenuidirseel'illbcf,eertoti3ife-roaetnfdreeri,ndependence. Ido not advise a policy of
r whichee; attacked
and
the
notbeen e
tpar,ost• ohkee
liberty
tt3l: that
but coalitionth egrandeur of
Pilnitz,of Fa
great victories and the mad conquests of the empire were the
not -
reply to these provocations. We, in these latter days, have
had the right given us to be either propagandists or con-
querors; there has been no congress of Pilnitz against u 3 ;
let us,_ therefore, be neither the one nor the other. To make
ourselve propagandists—to excite people against their go-
vernments, would be to attack their liberty, to disturb the
peace in the midst of which they prosper and improve in
knowledge ; far be it from us, therefore, to become propa-
gandists. As to conquests, were I to be offered for France
the monarchy of the world, I would not accept it. Let
there be no conquests either, but enlightened protection for
liberty, and a resolute defence of the independence of
states—that is the policy best suited to France; and, if the
better to express my ideas I might be permitted to borrow
an image or an expression from the arts. I would represent
France holding in one hand a chart, on which should be
written "the rights of humanity ;" and the other hand on
the hilt of her sword, on the blade of which should be written
the names of Zurich, Austerlitz, and Friedland.—("Hear,
hear ;" varied movement.) Can we hold out the hand of
fellowship to those who oppress Italy—who threaten the
Swiss confederation—who destroy Poland? To make war
on them would be senseless; let us keep up good relations
with them, but without being on an intimate footing. Your
alliance would be given the lie to by every pulsation of your
heart—by every groan uttered by Italy and by Poland.
Where, then, lies the true alliance for France but in a country
possessing the seine feelings? It is only to be found in a
nation whose heart beats in unison with yours—in England.
It is true there is an old spirit of rivaly between France and
England; there are serious difficulties no doubt in the way
but 1 firmly believe that it would be possible to unite the
two countries without sacrifices on our part. I know there
is now a boast of the power of France to combat the whole
world. Yes, she has done so, and might do so again; but
to remain in a systematic isolation is, I maintain, a bad
policy. I blame the present Cabinet for putting forward
an exclusive sympathy for the Tories, for a party which
has in their Parliament abandoned Cracow. Let there be
no preference shown for either Whigs or Tories, although
more hope might be • entertained from one than from
the other. It has been said that I forget that the Whigs
outraged France in 1840, but I reply that it is you who
have forgotten it. Is it not you who anxiously hastened to
re-enter the European concert with the Whigs in 1840 ?
and yet you now oppose my sympathy for them. I re-
proach the Government for not having foreseen tie danger of
Cracow. You, the Ministers, saw nothing because you had
been told that Cracow had nothing to fear. You believed, in
fact, what you were told.—(Laughter.) But when the
Whigs told you that they did not desire a Coburg marriage
for England, you did not believe them ; and yet, I repeat,
you believed what the three Powers said when they told you
that they entertained no designs against Cracow. Nay,
more, you defended them from the tribune I When the
massacres of Galicia were spoken of, you cried, " They are
revolutionists who do those things I" See, then, if you did
right in ceding to certain pre-occupations? The Hon.
Deputy here entered into an explanation of the state of Eu-
rope, and, referring to Rome, rendered justice to the efforts of
the Pope to reform the Roman States. Lately (he con-
tinued), the people cried from behind the Pope, " Courage,
Holy Father ! Courage !" and I also cry in the name of
France, which is calumniated at Rome, " Courage, Holy
Father! Couraget " But suppose that France and
England, notwithstanding the difference of their
policy, had • united and cried also to the Pope the
sumo exclamation, do you believe that it would not
have been a great benefit for humanity in Switzerland
and in Germany? Do you believe that France would not
have been greater when united to England ? And Poland
—what would she not have gained if you had not by the
second marriage severed the union of France and England?
The event of Cracow has no doubt made a painful impression
on you. If the Tories had been still in power, be assured
that you would have seen the three Powers uniting with
them. But he who represents the Whigs is, permit me to
use the expression, odious—(lnterruption)—disagreeable, if
you will, to the three Continental Cabinets. Why did you
not profit by that circumstance to unite your protest to that
of England against the incorporations of Cracow ? As to
ourselves, I hope we shall know how to fulfil our duties, and
I wish with all my heart that the Queen of Spain may have
heirs, and that the work you have concluded in making the
Spanish marriages may become merely null—for that I be-
lieve to be the happiest thing I can wish to my country.—
( Applause, which lasted for a considerable time.)
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—ln consequence of the
lateness of the hour, and of the necessity of following the
lion. Deputy through all the details of his speech, I must
pray the Chamber to adjourn the debate until to-morrow.—
(Cries from all points, " Yes, yes.")
The Chamber accordingly rose at Five o'clock.
FEBRUARY 5.
The President took the Chair at two o'clock.

The order of the day was the adjourned discussion on the
Address (the reserved paragraph relating to the continuance
of peace).

All the tribunes wore crowded.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs— Gentlemen, I owe to
M. Thiers an act of justice, and a grateful acknowledg-
ment; he clearly defined and brought before you the only
questions that could remain doubtful and obscure, and which
are now the only subject of debate; lie also treated these
questions with moderation, for whilst he filly expressed his
sentiments, he did 80 in such a manner as to compromise as
little as possible the great national interests at stake. I shall
imitate the Hon. Gentleman in going straight to the exa-
mination of the points attacked, and those alone.—(Hear,
hear.) I shall also employ in my defence the same frank-
ness and moderation as have been displayed in the attack.
Even with such conditions the discussion remains grave and
difficult; but it at least may be useful to the country and the
Government. for both have an equal interest that light be
everywhere diffused, without any destructive conflagration
being the consequence.—(Hear, hear.) M. Thiers did not
attack completely and unreservedly the double marriage, and
the policy which led to them. He fully approved of that of
the Queen with Don Francisco, to the exclusion of the other
candidates ; he did not even disapprove at bottom of the
marriage of the Duke de Montpensier with the Infanta, but
he considered that it had been concluded precipitately and
inopportunely. In his opinion the Government did wrong
to urge the matter on so actively, and was wanting in a fair
and respectful mode of proceeding and consideration towards
a friendly Government, the result being a dangerous position
for France with respect to England and Europe. There was
no necessity, therefore, according to M. Thiers, to conclude
the second marriage immediately; and there was a want of
fairness in the manner of doing so. I shall examine this
double accusation, and I shall reproach myself strongly if I
descend from this tribune without having proved to you that
there was a strong necessity for our conduct, and that such
conduct was marked by honourable dealing._( Hear, hear,)
In order to judge of that necessity. it is necessary to have a
precise idea of the very different situations in which we
were placed in June last, when Lord Aberdeen was in
whichsobje
subject employed
a m
power, and in July, when Lord Palmerston had
languageexam i examining. n
somewhatg. Lod
r
suc-
ceeded him. From that comparison arose the solution
Aorbetrten on this
question
different from ours. In principle he professed the greatest
possible respect for the independence of Spain and of the
young Queen. When any allusion was made to this prin-
ciple, he appeared to accede to it in the fullest sense. But
on this point I said to him, " You imagine you do not in any
way attack that principle in declaring that a French Prince
would be seen with displeasure by England as the Queen's
husband, if you think that in this you do not in any way
attack the independence of Spain and of the Queen, what
more could we do in acting in the same way with respect to
some other candidate?" Lord Aberdeen did not completely
admit this parity in the two situations. But in practice and
tact there was a complete concert and accord between us.
We also proclaimed the same respect, but we added to it the
declaration that we could not consent that the Queen
should marry any other prince than a descendant of the
house of Bourbon. This was in 1843, before the interview
at Eu, our way of thinking, as will appear from thefollowing
dispatch which I wrote to M. de Chabot. (The Hon. Mi-
nister here read the document.) The English Government
fully agreed to our views, as is apparent from the dispatches
of Lord Aberdeen to Lord Cowley. The two Governments
consequently were to act together without employing the
slightest coercion, but merely by counsel and influence to get
the Queen to select a descendant of Philip V. This agree-
ment necessarily set aside the Prince of Coburg. This is a
tact which is proved by a direct act of Lord Aberdeen.
When the English Minister at Madrid joined in the steps
taken with the reigning Duke to demand the Prince of Co-
burg as a husband fur the Queen of Spain, what did Lord
Aberdeen do ? He disavowed that Minister's acts. I have
no right in this Chamber to make use of the letter which
Lord Aberdeen wrote on this subject to the British Minister.
I shall not do so but with his consent, although I have it in
my portfolio. It contains the declaration that the English
Minister had acted beyond his instructions, and it at the
same time forbids similar conduct for the future. These,
hen, I must repeat, were the two points on which the con-
cert was established—to recommend the descendants of
Philip V., and to remove any other candidate foreign to
them. What has been brought forward in opposition to facts
so clear and so positive ? A letter to the Duke de Sotomayor
of the 22d of June. I may remark, in the first place, that the
letter in question is not an instruction given to an English
agent, who acts in a particular sense—it is simply a reply to
a question put by a Spanish Minister. What did Lord Aber-
deen declare in that letter? He maintained completely the
independence of the Queen of Spain, and reminded the
Spanish agent that Spain had good and powerful reasons to
seek for a husband amongst the descendants of Philip V. ; he
points out one candidate as preferable to the rest, he also
being of the house of Bourbon, and added that, if France
wished to co • nstrain the choice of Spain, the latter country
might reckon on the sympathies of England. What was
there in this contrary to the two points on which the con-
cert was established ? Positively nothing. I establish,
then, that our situation with Lord Aberdeen was as I have
stated ; and I may add that there never was any mention
made between Lord Aberdeen and myself of the Treaty of
Utrecht ; never was there a word spoken of any right ;
never did Lord Aberdeen make any objection to the mar-
riage of the Duke de Montpensier with the Infanta.—
(Hear, hear.) Such was the situation in the month of June;
let us now take the month of July. Let me here be per-
mitted to throw aside all idea of comparison between the
Whigs and the Tories with respect to the policy that France
ought to follow relative to England. These distinctions
have lost their value in the present day. All parties in that
country are equally devoted to her interests ; all are equally
animated by a friendly feeling towards France. To con-
vince yourselves of this you have only to glance over the
debates of Parliament, and examine the speeches of all the
chiefs of party in England, from the Tories to the Radicals
—from Lord George Bentinck to Mr. Roebuck—all employ
the same language, all eigaress the genie desire for friendly
relations and good intelligence between France and England.
—(Hear, hear.)
Nor do I forget more than another that in
difficult times the Whigs were the true friends of France.
I have heard more than once the most important members of
their regret that the two dissensions
the Whig party expressand n
,land-183G and 1840—broke out
between France
under a Whig Cabinet.
am certain that that regret was
t not disregard facts. Now, on the
return to power
sincere, but rat
ofwe must
Lord Palmerston, it was impossible for
remember that during five years the policy of
me not to
particularlyhis policy towards France, was
Lord Aberdeen,
of condescension, of?
accused in in England of feebleness,.
my portfolio extracts of the
nivance. I have even inring
that interval, and I
speeches that were delivered
nuecessary.
I think I should
could quote them to if
had not remembered these facts,
t I
have been negligent
not to feel distrust (I will not use offensive words), but
would be changed. It
re-
serve, to see if the policy of Englandl
was
so. So much for
ones soon occurred to coin-
was my duty to be reserved, and
the general facts. Particular
mand still greater reserve. I will reduce those facts to two ;the dispatch of July 19, and the silence so long maintained
before replying to my letter.
What thatdid dispatch con-
tainNas he
? In it the Prince of Coburg is named, and why was
mentioned if he had no chance of success? The dispatch
contains the declaration that England had no objections to
snake to any of the candidates named; but not a word is said
of Fiance—nor a suggestion to Spain on the policy to be
Pursued towards us. There ill then, this difference between

the letter of Lord Aberdeen to the Duke de Setomayor, and
Lord Palmerston's dispatch of July 19 ; that in the latter
there is the Prince of Coburg the more, and a mention of
France the less.—(Hear, hear.) That, then, is the differ-
ence between the two situations, the two policies. It is
now said, Lord Palmerston ceased to support the Prince of
Coburg, and admitted that the candidateship of Don Enrique
was preferable. Let us see the value of this double fact.
Ou the 20th of July we proposed to England to concert with
us to support the candidateship of the princes, the sons of
Don Francisco de Paulo, and on the 28th of August only we
received a reply. I shall now point out what was done in
hat interval. (The lion. Member here read the dispatches
of the Count de Jarnac of the 21st and 24th of July, and the
13th of August, and continued.)-1 ask the Chamber whether
these dispatches are reassuring on the subject of the can•
didateship of the Prince of Coburg. In fact, it was on the
28th of August only that England spoke of Don Enrique,
and of him alone to the exclusion of every other. I ask whether
this was not rather late? But I take as an hypothesis, for a
moment, the exclusive candidateship of Don Enrique. It was
evident that the Prince had little chance of being favourably
received at Madrid by the Queen, by the Queen-Mother, or
by the Government. We should, therefore, have been very
imprudent had we reduced our wishes to that sole candidate.
Are you aware that if Don Enrique had triumphed it was a
revolution? A change of policy in Spain must have ensued.
The agent of England had several times written to his Go-
vernment that it was his conviction that Don Enrique might
become the husband of the Queen by a revolution; that he
might enter the palace of the Queen as a conqueror, though
not as a pretender to her hand. The entry of 1)011 Enrique
into the palace as a conqueror implied the destruction of our
policy of Madrid. We could not accept such a combination.
—( Approbation front the Centre.) I now return to the
Prince of Coburg. I admit that the influence of England in
no way pushed him on ; I admit that she left the question to
the choice of Spain alone. I am here compelled to repeat
what I have many times said, both in the Chambers and in
my dispatches—the Spanish Government has always wished
for one or o; her of these two marriages, either the French
or the English one. She wished, after that event should
have taken place, to have the support either of France or of
England. The Spanish Governirent, menaced by revolu-
tion, was anxious to conclude the marriage. It would no
longer postpone the solution of that great question ; the
Queen-Mother, the Queen, and the Government—al were
anxious to have it completed. The Spanish Government
absolutely wishing to terminate the question, what took
place? A proposition was made to us by the Court of
Madrid ; and at the time the case for us was pressing, for
there danger threatened. On the 9th of August the Spanish
Government proposed to us to marry the Queen to Don
Francisco de Assis, on condition that the other marriage, that
of the Infanta to the Duke de Montpensier, should be also
agreed to. In this state of the question we should have been
blind and culpable—we should have failed in our relations
with Spain, to have refused that proposition ; for had we done
SO, we should have thrown Spain under the influence of Eng-
land. I was right, then, in saying at the commencement, that
there was for us a necessity, which arose from the difference of
our situation with respect to Lord Aberdeen and Lord Pal-
merston. I consider this to be established in irrefragable
evidence.-- (Approbation from the Centre.) I now arrive at the
question of honourable dealing. For my part I have never ac-
cused the intentions or good faith of any one, but in discuss-
ing them have always assumed that they were only errors
and faults of conduct. I have always respected and observed
this rule in every situation ; the liberty and dignity of
diplomatic relations and of Parliamentary discussions depend
on it. Whatever, therefore, may be the conduct observed
towards me, or by whom, I shall always follow this course.
I protest, first of eh, against the introduction of a name which
ersttsNhuatri t
that
called
a,
tole
sdtentnud:tmgnci efpneereao
nsornrm toms it,i
lee ma:
ton
wdbnutperohsrosmouanvatpandeeeaeklm.
vrn—itexlehd:ru:ea
deeniqis
nlnmeuaest
quarter
pastprfl
doingrtot,ei)bihear.)
iln nowgtetextually
lel y intobefo
before
et
he question
Chamber
o of gtohoed
documents faith,
pre-
sent,l
always protest against such a violation of constitutional
n,aecid:: home,ssropma.
i,o)ntenalloi
yol:
fneiltenc,aeipmnacsti
:hhcooottaerhudiele
ineied:bdi
deserving
suitseeswitersdhl:eei
,uomisei sanndlsl discussion.
twocurrosuose
gieionhnnti.
language of the Government. I speak not of documents
concocted after the event has taken place, and for the pun
poses of defence, but of documents that passed during the
conduct of the affair. The Chamber will see that everywhere,
at London. at Paris, and in Spain, our proceedings have been
upright and honourable, such as they ought to be between
Governments that respect each other.—(Here the Hon.
Minister read a long dispatch written by himself, in which
he expressed surprise at the reproach made by Lord Palmers-
ton of a failure of procedes ; insisted on the facts which in-
timated, on the part of the English Government, not a policy
of cordial understanding, but an isolated one ; and indicated
that France might also have an isolated policy in Spain.)
Such (he continued) was our conduct at London, departing
in no respect from the consideration and good faith which
the Government of Great Britain had a right to expect from
the French Cabinet. Let us now see what were our proceed-
ings at Madrid. The employment of violent means, of mo-
ral coercion, of a consent wrung from the Queen in the mid t
of an orgie, have been spoken of. A dispatch of Lord Pa s-
merston contains these odious accusations, and I repel thelm
in the strongest manner. As soon as M. de Bresson heard
of them he was profoundly moved, and hastened to deny
them. (M. Guizot here read letters from M. de Bresson,
protesting strongly against such allegations; he stated that
ansdndi g:tyYs:ano: idff 1 tnatttyhhi
he passed the evening of the 28th of August at home, in his
house at Madrid, and that it was only on the morning of
the 29th that he received a note informing him that the mar-
riages were settled.) The Queen adopted, therefore (con-
tinued M. Guizot), her resolutions in full liberty. M. de
Bresson said not a word, took not a step that could influence
her determination ; never did he go out of the range of com-
rnonplace proceedings, and whenever he obtained an audi.
ence of her Majesty the doors of the Cabinet were left open.
There was then no moral coercion, no cunning tricks, no vio•
lence, but all was done freely. Let us now see the procedes at
Paris. The Chamber will pardon me for entering into de.
tails, but I desire to leave no doubt in the minds of my ad-
versaries. When I informed Lord Normanby that the mar-
riages were settled, he asked if they would both be concluded
at the same time? I replied that they would not, and I was
right in so replying ; for, at the moment at which I spoke,
not only was nothing as yet decided, but we were labour-
ing at Madrid to prevent the simultaneousness of the two
marriages. The Queen-Mother insisted strongly on that
point, but we opposed it; and M. de Bresson wrote to me
that he had had to contend a whole day against Queen
Christina, and that it was with the greatest trouble that he
had succeeded in maintaining in the stipulations the words
action. W'e were then in the right in saying ia the two
autant quo faire se pourrait, which
.constituted ourti libertytti of
marriages would not be simultaneous, for welabouredeniilth to
point, even went the length of threatening
M. de Bresson
had been done. At a later period, however,
Vested deep
atrionul all thata
wrote
n tv,t,
ohredm ,t
that
td
0511 e. desp a Bresson,nish Ministers
that of the
an-
nounced to be celebrated at the same time as
the reasons that the
Queen. Ile recognised all the gravity of
importance of
Spanish Ministers put forward, namely, the
regret that the marriage of the Infanta had not been
necessary
the Opposition was preparing its thunders, it
was
being par-
donedto hurry on the affair, or incur the risk of never
nation.
closing the lists against pretensions and intrigues • and as
by the susceptibility and dignity of the Spanishaingave
The two marriages had been agreed on;
should have
the marriage of the Duke de Montpeesier, we
We had
failed in all we owed to the Spanish Government.
with Don
decided on concluding the marriage of the Queenll,_
vin .
1 g that
up to all the chances and all the uncertaiinftiweseoffhe future
Francisco de Assis ; we could no longer resist tiow,i.ll had
of the Duke de Montpensier with the Infanta,
1 ,c
se our faith
been the condition for the first, without breal;junro
and deceiving the confidence reposed in us. . the
Ambassa-
dor pointed out to us incontestable dangers in dneolatyionngly in
marriage of the Infanta ; we were pledged It neousness of
honour, but also in policy, to agree to the simultaneousness
bassador
Spanish Cabinet might go out of office.
Our
d to the mea-
the marriages ; we had still many shoals toargid ; the
every day became more urgent, and we agree
sure. Just as much as I was right on the +5-
t take place
tember in saying that the marriages would no
tember, on
at the same time, so was I right, on the 4th of SiesP
true that I
deciding that they should be simultaneous.
but It I should
did not inform Lord Normanby of it ; I think... in re-
have if,
pe
have been wanting in the most common prudence,, isea Lord
sence of a declared and active opposition, I "
I;aAfrgatiOn.) 1
Palmerston time to prepare his weapons.—. o,ish Arnbas-
now arrive at the second dispatch of the '
EniConversations
sador, dated the 25th of September, and to the
v remarks
i r and 2d of Sep-
which I had with him. I have a few preliminarybenour to call
to offer. When an ambassador does me the
truth, but
on me and to ask me questions, it is not to
that I submit ; I am in such a case bound to
tn _ have
to only reply so far as sults the interest of Y
con that I have
(Applause from the Centre) Another observe
i in
ordertmo
to make, is that I cannot admit the accounts of
as
an autlaen-
tion sent by an Ambassador to his Government
In order to simplify
tic and unobjectionable document.,
_bmsaaor en-
the question, I will say that the English to;
he came otine
tamed the same opinion on this point,
0 me his dispatch
on the 2d of September to communicate t 0 m
an exact ac-
of the Ist, and to ask whether he had render
onsidered that
count of our conversation. The Ambassador
scuthenticity and
a dispatch could not acquire a character of
The
Ambassador
of irrefragability until after this proof to the
anitobifneatecrorongvaetrosary
Aambassador sup-
, I pointed out an omission which thets
which, on my
Cebasamrbigerh,t
by
yn
plied. Gentlemen, in the
to
nocumen p
make üblic
A I impgiceiii
part, I considered it proper
r carefully withhel_vaiell w
Cham-
rhemisarokpiinngin,
great reserve on myself.nt,baatndwlbewnililtps.r,ovses
or un,ertainty. . .
th
had a character of personality
d itself of this by examining e
ber may have convince
laid before it. In this
rs which have been,
Web I consider as strictly
documents I
only read those w
cussion, also,
incontestable. I do not wish to reproach any
necessary and
allowed to say, that if the English
( be
)r -htohwian to me
the honour of showing me his
d done me .
25, as he did that of the 22d, I should
• tch of September
perhaps better, than he has made
dope
otherwise, and p
have spoken .
i and laughter.) On the 25th of Sep-
me .
was completely changed ; the
me speak.
of affairs
tember the state
brought me the protest of his Govern-
...sin, announcing to me that, in fact,
of the Duke de Mont pensier—a
the marriage
moot against
_,_,,,, England would do everything in
protest
preventannouncintuei.
that marriage. I received dispatches
wahnytthingn thatee
at the same time from Spain, ,ai,
Ambassadornne had
to accomplish that end. I saw a
rat home and abroad against the solution
reat effort made .
to.
I saw and felt myself—and the
not Britishh inbguAtwitatlbs Ambassador
which we had feed
b t to use is not intended to offend
a ou
expression that In
amyself in the presence of an adversary.--
her power to
any one--I felt
my
self obliged to say nothing but what
(Sensation.) I felttail:smug:our
n,e, Here, then, is the second question,
might injure my
ca
t at rest, and as completely cleared
that of good faith, Se
sefdrOinne nfrootmhinsgaybiuntg
was true, but
at Madrid, at London, and at Paris, as the question of e up
I
. a sve ought
sity. We have
double question, then, is resol 1
to have done. This . vec by
poesible
it
was ini • for us to conclude the proof that
marriages without the other
one of the t good faith had hr and by
the demonstration
hea took into serious een scrupu-
lously respected.
W • we had consideration
the engagements into whichentered, but we looked
arose. A second
also to the necessity which question now
remains, more important than the first; but I shall be brief
consequences that the solution •
upon it. I allude to the given
to the Spanish marriages may produce on our situation in
( lear, hear.) I ' Spain, in England, in Europe.— do not deny
the contrary,
the gravity of the situation ; on I ;
wish that the
Chamber and the country may perfectly understand it. Grave
situations create wise conduct, and wise conduct decides
grave situations.—(Hear.) I repeat, then, that I will say no-
thing that can have the effect of lessening the gravity of the
situation; so far from it, I could desire that my words should
make the Chamber more alive to it. But, at the same time,
it must not be represented as graver or more complex than
it really is. 111. Thiers has perfectly defined the situation
that we ought to maintain with respect to Spain. We have
nothing to ask, nothing to desire from her, but a friendly
P If there be in that country a Government friendly
to France, we desire nothing else; it is not true to say that
we have made ourselves the patrons of a party. The Cham-
ber will see the proofs of that in dispatches which I wrote
in 1843 and 1844 On the fall of the Regency of Espartero
by the union of the Moderado party with a portion of the
Progressistas, I wrote to recommend to Spain union and con-
ciliation, and condemned everything approaching to party
rancoar. (The Honourable Minister read a dispatch that
he had written to that effect.) We had not the false idea
of

making ourselves the followers of a party, but it is true that
we have been faithful to our friends. We would not hesi-
tate again to act in the same manner. What has been the
consequence? That France and Spain have concluded a
great act—have contracted new ties. I do not exaggerate
the value of family- unions; but when the interests of two
countries are identical, the marriages of princes have a
powerful effect in drawing closer their connexion. And in
that lies the importance that I attach to these marriages.
Do not believe the grave error which becomes day after day
more credited, that relations between nations result only
from material influences, and nothing of interest, when the
truth is that personal sentiments play a grand part in them.
Policy is founded on the sentiments, on the instincts, on
the wants of the soul ; and this mechanical system to which
it is at present desired to reduce the life of societies is
false, and to be deprecated.—(Bear, hear.) We are evi-
dently in a better situation with respect to Spain than we
were before the marriages. 1 hese marriages were contracted
freely, and the elections that took place afterwards in Spain
were also made in full liberty. At the present moment the
Spanish Cabinet is undergoing a change. But does not
that completely prove the independence of Spain—the free
play of her institutions? Yes; the .Ministry which concluded
the marriage gives up its place to another; but is that a re-
action against us? No; for one of the principal members
of the new Cabinet was the reporter on the marriages in the
Cortes. There is no anti-French movement—there is free
play of institutions—that is all, and our policy sustains no
injury ! Such is our position with respect to Spain. A word
on England. Deceive not yourselves, the interests, the in
stincts, the causes of action which induced England and
France to desire to live well together, in spite of so many
circumstances incessantly arising in opposition to harmony,
are so powerful that they will surmount passing dissensions.
England believes that what has occurred is injurious to the
liberty and the foreign policy of Spain. 1 trust to time to
nrove to England that there may be good relations between
France and Spain, without dependence on the part of the
latter country. England believes herself to be threatened
in the Mediterranean. This is a serious error. When the
treaty of Utrecht was concluded, the influence of England in
the Mediterranean was not what it is at present. That treaty
gave Gibraltar to England, but then she had not yet Malta,
on the other side. Fes the last hundred years the equili-
brium of the treaty of Utrecht has been always broken for
the benefit of England and to our detriment. The posses-
sion of Algeria, and the good intelligence between France and
Spain, are at the most but a compensation for what England
has acquired. lam very far from regarding the Mediter-
ranean as a French lake. That is one of those unfortunate
expressions calculated to cause difficulties between nations.
The Mediterranean neither is nor can be a French lake; but
it possesses too much importance for France fur her not to
watch with much solici+ude on all the changes that may take
place in that quarter. I repeat, that for a hundred years all
those changes have been to our detriment. The uneasiness
of England is unjust and erroneous. Facts will, before long,
demonstrate this, and will prove the justice of the conside-
rations which I submit to the Chamber. I begin to feel
I fatigued, and I shall in consequence be very brief in my
remarks on Continental Europe. As to the three great
Powers, their conduct and their attitude with regard to
the question of Spain have given us no sign of complaint.
They have not adhered to the policy of England, notwith-
standing that solicitations have been made to induce them
to do so. Only—do not deceive yourselves—these solicita-
tions will be probably confirmed, and fresh efforts will be
made. If the King's Government guards well the position
it has taken—if it continues the policy of preserving
European order without abandoning anything of the prin-
ciples in accordance with the revolution of July—do not
fear that the great Powers will engage themselves against
us. You cannot reckon on their sympathy, but you may
on their prudence, their intelligence, and on their well
understood interests.—(Sensation.) They have proved this to
you for the last sixteen years, and they will continue to prove
it if you do not depart from the line of policy which is our
own. A last word on the secondary Powers to whom M.
Thiess alluded en passant yesterday, and who must be taken
seriously into account. Will you allow me to say what has
happened to them in this affair of the Spanish marriages?
When the secondary Powers do not fear _France has a revo-
lutionary and conquering Power, they are well disposed to-
wards her, and desire to see her strong. I venture to say
that they have not now any apprehensions from her.—
(Laughter on the left.) And I congratulate myself on it for
the interest of my country; for, be assured, that on the day
when France shall no longer be regarded as a revolutionary
and a conquering Power, her strength already so great will
be considerably increased. The secondary Powers have
seen in the affair of the Spanish marriages a proof of the
strength and of the independence of our policy. They have
all declared this opinion. Gentlemen, the affair of the
Spanish marriages is the first grand thing that we have
effected completely single-handed in Europe since 1830.
(Sensation.) Impartial Europe has delivered her judgment
to that effect. Be assured that this event has strengthened
us in Spain and given us strength in Europe, particularly in
the ideas of the secondary Powers, who witness with joy the
success of our policy. Let us not, then, depart from the
line of policy which I have traced out ; with Spain, good
relations and common interests; with England, good con-
duct and sentiments of kindness; with the continental
Powers, provided you persevere in the policy of Conserva-
tism.—(Leud interruption on the left.) If it is necessary
every instant to recommence the struggles which we have
sustained in this Chamber; if it be again necessary to prove
that the policy of order and Conservatism isnot one of abase-
ment, but that it has increased and honoured the name of
France in Europe—(Approbation in the centre, murmurs on
the left)—discussion is no longer possible. NN e must start
from points already settled—results obtained by our discus-
sions here during the last seventeen years. No; this policy
of order and of Conservatism has not humbled France, but it
has elevated her, has doubled her influence, and has made
her name respected in Europe. And, if that policy had not
been followed, we should not have been in a state to have
resolved the question of the Spanish marriages; or, rather,
the decision would have been against us.—(Loud marks of
approbation, followed by great agitation.) The sitting was
suspended for a quarter of an hour.
M. Billault-e-The Minister for Foreign Affairs was right
when he said that wise conduct arranges difficult situations;
but he ought to have added that it foresees them also. The
discussion yesterday showed the great gravity of the present
situation ; that of this day has not diminished that gravity,
and we are on the eve of again seeing iu Europe four Powers
against us. During 17 years the great difficulty of our
policy has been that eventuality, and we have already en-
countered it on more than one occasion. The task of a great
Government is to triumph over difficulties, to seek new
combinations which assure at the same time the liberty and
the security of the country. But though we have had this
difficult problem before us for more than seventeen years, I
demand if 2 single step has been made towards its solution?
Have the embarrassments of 184 f) prevented a new cloud
from arising in 1846 and 1847? The Government has never
dared to grapple boldly with the difficulty-; but successive
palliatives have been employed, sometimes towards one
Power, sometimes towards another. Such conduct is not
worthy of a great people; it is perilous to a Government;
and it is important to ascertain this day how the danger
may be conjured away. For seventeen years the three
Powers have entertained the same sentiments towards you;
at hffeayi
rshoafvethbeeeenasttl,leansadme in the affair
in
other
r quesquestions.s. Belgium,Reeeut in, th
e
a too,te
you found them in this Cracow business' offensive in what
inataGinovgeorond-
ituheenyt,d,,ai
h,
iae
hn df
oi
rn
stehvee
untseaenun
ye re
aor fs
hdasoinsgouigt.ht
tlo'hutuas
relations with all, has seen the treaties of 1815 torn to pieces
before its eyes. Daring that period England has created
for herself a marvellous position ; each day she profits by
our difficulties with Europe, and menaces us. The Minister
for Foreign Affairs has told us that reiterated efforts would
be made against us among the continental Powers. What
is the reason, then, of this difficulty with respect to the con-
tinent and England ? Between the continent and ourselves
there are no reasons which prevent an alliance. Russia, for
her interests, has more reason to dread England than France.
With Austria also we have no commercial rivalry, Prussia,
by her geographical position, and the spirit of her people, ap-
proaches nearer and nearer to us every day ; but she dreads
the spirit of conquest, by which she supposes us animated.
The northern Powers are well aware that the France cf the
present day does not possess the spirit of conquest felt by
protestgenerations,
against but s
such
it e
his
ed
anbaesoccucteihu)spssoaabsrtyiyi
supposition,
accusation
noir.,
and themt
oto
destroygu ard
appearances with the nations which they govern. It is
calumnies. At the commencement of this discussion
same
ed
idtoearsemexovpreestshe ofodpieiriepnetßut.tatrirnogt
hlittpi r,ireeoae csusrneee,dtdhei
taneolg.
amongst us that spirit of conquest, and I was happy to
ndt
tl
eaorpaFi
declaration,
oiaonnn,
it is
thatis
Ao amtnopcoetr
the
esn
casepntiihri animated t
of
fdh
those
sNi vbeietv,rh,to:st the
ts
hspiritdependsreo
s
and by M. Thiers.—(Murnaurs.) When, after seventeen
years, the Government has done everything to destroy
conquest, and the whole opposition here snakes the same
sound beyond the Rhine, and that it should be clearly' understood that those who make the accusation calum-
niate
no one in this assembly to stop its development—it
extends every day beyond our frontiers —it works an
effect throughout Germany which no power can arrest.
This progress of the spirit of liberty is the law of the
world, and far from being an obstacle it will soon be
a bond between those people and ourselves. The Minister
of Foreign Affairs has just told us that, by continuing
our general policy—that moderation and spirit of Con-
servatism which the Government has constantly followed
—all difficulties will disappear. For 17 yea we have
practised that moderate policy, and such hasrs not been
the result. (Murmurs and marks of approbation.)
France, by her position, cannot abdicate the part which she
has performed in Europe. Whenever you have made a
special concession to the northern Powers you have not
solved the difficulty, you have only postponed it. The
situation of affairs is ruled by a necessity which
escapes your power ; but furtunately the evil carries
with it its own remedy. What will beat secure the future
welfare of our country is to break the union of the three
northern Powers in the point of view of the liberty of their
people. For some time Germany has evinced strong consti-
tutional tendencies, and from the day when the Prussian
nation shall have a constitutional Government, the alliance
of the three Powers will be destroyed. I know that our
part is not to combat, but to aid, support, and to en-
courage. There is a remarkable movement now going on
in the world ; the smaller Powers display uneasiness at
the attitude taken by the great ones. Look at what is
passing in Sweden and en the banks of the Rhine. the
English alliance, was in a former sitting pointed out as
the remedy for the present state of affairs, and it is to
this remark that I would more particularly call the at-
tention of the Chamber. Were it a sincere and serious
alliance with England, we should heartily applaud it ;
but the question is to know what price we should be re-
quired to pay for it. Do you imagine that the fall of any po-
litical personage from power would consolidate our relations
chased at the
with the British Government? Do you not rather believe
that a good understanding with England must be re-pur-
know by
im-
portant to our country and the Chamber tohave been
what conduct we may avoid the dangers. which
support in Europe. Is it by
pointed out, and find a sure
we shall re-enter into
concessions in words or in deeds that
price of fresh concessions? What it is
fwe want to effect our
must do something
represented, we
price shall we purchase it ?
reconciliation. At what
But that is not what ought
(Murmurs from the centre.)
re-enter the English
attention, for to
most to excite our
great difficulty which separates
alliance is not to resolve the
the English alliance? If the facts are. as grave as they are
aid us to establish a good under-
standingbelieve that England will
ts of the North, when, during
with the Cabinets _
ein
different to ours, she as
seventeen years, her interes b
compelled us to purchase her co-
operation,turned tewards them, and
onsething from the three Powers
whilst to obtain s
intimate union with us ? Is it
promulgated a more
she has
pure liberality a position that
us from continental Europe, but to adjourn it. Do,you
likely she will abandon from
enables
recognised the revolution of 1830, but her
England having lculation to create distrust between
doing so was a simple „ers,which during the Restoration
France and the Northern
()terms as to lessen her ascendancy.
had been on such friendly
s the cause is that the recognition
The proof that suchG
wa-ernment. At a later period, in the
de by a Tory os
did England either in
was ma
the English alliance,
heroic times of
Portugal, sustain a liberal and generous
her so to act? A great deal has been said about
Belgium, Spain, or
pmaterial interests did not suffer from it?
vvo le icy , when
her
then, again enter into the English alliance with-
out sacrifices. But is
that alliance incispensable to us? M.
Thiess and M.
Guizot, whohave
carried it out, have not be-
the lien. Deputy read extracts frQui the
Loved that. (Here
cannot,

speeches of those statesmen to prove that assertion.) The
attitude of England is such that you have nothing serious
or stable to expect from it, and yet you will r,!commence a
third time what you have already proved twice. If that is
what the alliance promises, why return to it? Why not
maintain our independence with good relations? Do yon
believe that it will suffice to be friendly and circumspect to-
wards foreign Powers. You will not advance your affairs in
that way. Seek not, then, an alliance with England; seek
not alliances with the Northern Powers. But be certain
that you cannot find any better auxiliaries than the
generous ideas that ferment among nations. In that is
strength, in that is the future! But you will be alone, you
are told. Yes, if you call it being alone to have all gene-
rous sympathies with you! In conclusion, I will call to
mind a fact. One day it was desired to place France apart,
or rather, to treat her as if she no longer existed—it was the
day of the treaty of Vienna. But, it was thought that
nothing could be stable without her, and she was called in.
Do you believe that the Powers of Europe will dare refuse
to the France so powerful by her strength of cohesion, and by
the sympathies of nations, what they spontaneously offered
to the France of the conquered empire? We fear it not. I
will only add, that I have not endeavoured to arouse the
passions of the Chamber; I have only sought to expose to it
some useful ideas, and I believe I have done that.

On the demand of M. Berryer the debate was adjourned to
the next day.
The Chamber rose at a quarter to six o'clock.

FOOD DISTURBANCES IN THE
NORTH.
(From the Inverness Courier.)

Within the last fortnight, we are sorry to say that the
usually peaceable districts of the north have, at least in
the towns and villages, been disturbed by riots and ex-
citements of a very disagreeable nature. Speculation in
the south has increased the price of gram to a very
grievous extent, an I that increase, with the fact of daily
shipments being made, has very generally alarmed the
least informed classes on the shores of the whole
northern counties, In Banff, Moray, and Ross, there
have been riotous demonstrations to induce dealers
' to keep the corn at home. While we regret that
such a spirit should be manifested, we are afraid
that the blame does not always rest with •the crowd.
In Macduff, for instance, it is complained that, before
the rioting—and when the extensive shipments and
rising prices had alarmed the people lest all the grain
in Banffshire should be carried off—a portion of the in-
habitants offered money or security for a certain quan-
tity of meal to supply themselves, and were refused. In
Evanton (Ross-shire) also, meal in such quantities as
working men could afford to buy was not to be had. The
demand, in short, for large quantities was so great, that
the retail market was not cared for. We are glad, how-
ever, to understand that the dealers themselves are now
anxious to keep at least the oat crop in the districts. In
Caithness, we mentioned some time ago, that the mer-
chants were refusing orders; and one of them, Mr. D.
Mackay, Thurso, has, we are informed, refused to enter
into contracts for no less than 18,000 quarters, supply-
ing only some ten or eleven hundred quarters for meal
and seed to Lewis and Skye, these districts being, when
the shipments were made, in a destitute condition. At
a meeting of the principal merchants and proprietors
of Morayshire, held at Elgin on Friday last, the
dealers pledged themselves that sufficient grain for
the wants of the community would be retained in
the county. A similar feeling, we believe, is general.
The great question is, what is the amount of food in the
country? It is confidently stated that there never was a
time when there need be less fear of :amine. In tht
shipping ports of tee south, granaries are choked full.
In Morayshire, Sir John Macpherson Grant, in a letter
to the Elgin meeting, states that there is abundance for
the local wants and to spare for the destitute. Of oats
the quality was unusually good, and the crop in many
instances a third more than in ordinary years. Sir John
says, that he, for one, had given orders that none of his
grain should be sold out to any person for the southern
markets. Another letter, from an extensive dealer, to
the same meeting, stated that three-fourths of the oats.
two-thirds of the wheat, and a large quantity of the bar-
ley, were still in the farmers' hands. Other proprietors,
we know, have acted as Sir John M. Grant has done;
and if a little fellow-feeling is shown by the merchants
in the vill:,ges, in retailing such quantities as the people
can afford to buy, there will be no disturbance. Riot
has been prevented in Nairn, Forres, and other places,
the authorities having kindly taken steps to insure meal
being sold out at a reasonable rate—the difference be-
tween such a rate and the market prices being paid by
subscription. High prices are no doubt to be expected
this season; but speculation has unduly increased the
rates, and we expect that lower prices will soon prevail.
INVERNESS.—On
.Monday the disposition to riot mani-
fested itself here. For some time back, we learn that a
difficulty of obtaining meal in small quantities was felt,
the retailers, especially in the Merkinch, finding it out of
their power to purchase or sell with profit, from the
greatly increased price. The principalidealers, however,
had stocks on hand, and sold meal to all who came at
17d. per peck—a rise of a penny having taken place a
few days ago. The magistrates, further, had on Satur-
day arranged with the dealers that they should sell meal
in the smallest quantities to all who wished. The diffi-
culty, however, of getting timely supplies, and the
prospect held out by the sellers that prices would soon
be higher, excited the poorer population of the town;
and as the Morayshire, a Leith trader, was lying in
the harbour to take in grain, they determined to prevent
the shipment, under the impression that such a manifes-
tation would induce the merchants to lower the price of
meal. About eight o'clock in the morning the dis-
turbance commenced, and five carts with grain, from
Bunchrew, were turned at the harbour. From that
time to mid-day, the mob keeping watch, various
attempts to ship were frustrated ; and about one o'clock
un attack was made upon the house of a meal-dealer, and
the windows broken. The mob consisted solely of boys,
but a number of women were eager in encouraging them.
From Kessock-street the party proceeded round the
town, visiting the various dealers, and throwing stones
at their windows—attacking also the stores of those small
retailers who only sold out as they bought in, and some
of whom had not a boll on hand. While assaulting a
store at the shore, the sheriff and the magistrates came
down unaccompanied, and the mob retreated to the other
side of the water. About five o'clock, five carts, with
grain, were turned on the new bridge, and in an hour
afterwards, the driver of a cart having, at Clachnaharry,
demurred to obeying the mob, they threw out the barley
sacks, unyoked the horse, brought the vehicle to the
now bridge, and there pitched it into the river.
About eight o'clock a considerable crowd assembled
at Castle-street, but on being remonstrated with
they dispersed ; at nine a second attack was made
on the wooden store at the quay. The lock was forced,
and some meal strewn on the floor. An outside stair,
loading to a loft, was also destroyed. The magistrates,
however, arrived, and put an end to the assault.
No further disturbance occurred. In the afternoon the:
Town Council held a meeting, and at seven o'clock the
fire brigade, and a number of others, sworn in as con-
stables, assembled in the Town. hall. The pensioners,
also, were called together, but as no disturbance took
place, and all seemed quiet, they were dismissed about
midnight. To-day (Tuesday) no disposition to repeat
these unfortunate excesses had been shown, and all is
quiet. The committee for managing the local subscrip-
tion here has opened a meal store at the Shore, which
promises to be highly useful. A soup kitchen has also
been established, and other measures of relief adopted.
GRANTOWN.—The authorities have succeeded in re-
storing peace at Grantown. Two apprehensions were
made—one for rioting and the other for deforcing the
officers. The prisoners have been sent to Inverness.
EVANTON (ROSS-SHIRE.)—On Thursday two or three
hundred persons assembled at Fowlis Point, from Evan-
ton and the neighbourhood, to prevent the shipment of
grain for the south. A few days previously several ear-
-1 goes of barley had been dispatched, and a vessel was ex-
pected on the day in question, and the crowd expressed
themselves strongly to the effect that they would allow
no grain to be put into her. The expected ship not
making her appearance, a fire was kindled on the beach,
where a great number of people stayed all night. Next day
five carts of grain were met near the Waterloo, and
turned. On Saturday, the sheriff proceeded to the
Point to expostulate with the people. The vessel had
now arrived, but the result of the proceedings was, that
the vessel sailed again without any grain. No person
was injured in this outbreak ; and when the object was
accomplished the band marched back to Evanton with
flags and a piper, and quietly dispersed. The people ap-
peared to have only acted from necessity, in a manner,
because, for a length of time, they had had no meal of
their own, and at the mills they were refused, it is said,
even a handful for money.
Eumt.—ln Elgin considerable excitement prevailed
during the week on the subject of the supply of food.
On Tuesday evening the younger portion of the popula-
tion paraded the streets, and made demonstrations befor,
the doors of the principal grain merchants. On Wed-
nesday the sheriff and magistrates issued a notice that
measures were being taken to secure to the populace an
abundant supply of meal. That measure, fortunately,
had the desired effect ; though the officials deemed it
prudent to secure the services of a detachment of mili-
tary from Fort George, in case of an emergency. A
meeting of the proprietors and corn-dealers was held on
Friday forenoon, in the Court-house, at the request of
Sheriff Cameron, for the purpose of allaying apprehen-
sion by giving an assurance that there was abundance
of grain in the county. Admiral Duff took the chair ;
and we learn, by a second edition of the Elgin Courant,
that the meeting was numerously attended, and that
resolutions to the following effect were agreed to
Ist. That the meeting, having the best means of
knowing, were perfectly satisfied that the alarm o
scarcity as regards Morayshire is altogether groundless'
—2d. That the meeting were convinced that the farm-
ers and shippers have no intention of shipping more
grain than will fulfil a few small contracts, while seve-
ral extensive growers present expressed a determination
not to sell oats for exportation.-3d. That while they
could not fix the price of grain; the meeting —4th.
Would open a subscription for laying in a store of meal
to be applied to the use of the really deserving.-sth.
That the lawless conduct complained of had the effect
of preventing a ready supply of meal in a few districts,
producing the distress complained of. At the meeting a
letter was read from Sir John Macpherson Grant, of
Ballindalloch, and one from the factor to the Earl of
Moray, recommending the retention of the oat crop—
but the oat crop only—in the county, as it was amply
sufficient for the wants of the county.
NAIRN.—On Thursday last a circular was issued, set-
ting forth that the Lord-Lieutenant, Sheriff-Substitute,
and Provost, finding that it had become almost impos-
sible for the poorer classes in this district, even when
provided with money, to get meal in pecks and ha
lf-
pecks, met on that day, and originated a subscription
for the establiebment of a " T,wn an, Count
Comae
th R•
people da'ring‘
Store," for the accommodation of the
next three or six months. Such an institution, it was be'-'
lieved, would have a salutary effect up onprices, and avert
consequences from a wide-spread though
unfounded, fear
of scarcity. A sum of 1191. wrnasimm
immediately subscribed.
and Mr. It. Anderson, corn-erchant, at once sold to
the committee seventy quarters of oats, stored for ship-
meat, at current prices. The meal-store was opened on
Saturday last, and has already had the effect of prevent-

ing a rise of twopence on the peck of meal. On the
Wednesday previous sumo thoughtless boys attempted
to stone a corn-deAer, some inflammatory placards
having been posted early in the morning. By the prompt
interference of the sheriff substitute, and instantaneous
apprehension of one of the offender; the emeute was
checked in the bud.

FORRES.—The judicious measures of the magistrates
have allayed excitement here. The Provost having
summoned a Council meeting, recommended that 200
bolls of oatmeal should in the meantime be purchased,
and sold to the working classess in small quantities at
16d. per peck, the difference betwixt the cost price (325.)
and the selling price to be made up by public voluntary
subscription, and he proposed that the list be headed by
a subscription from the town of 201. Each of the ma-
gistrates followed, as well as every member of. Council,
with sums varying from a guinea to five guineas. The
town was divided into districts, the Magistrates and
Council canvassed these districts for subscriptions, and
have already realised upwards of 350/., and in a few
days exp( ct to raise as much as will suffice to keep the
working inhabitants in meal, at the low price mentioned,
till harvest. The plan adopted is the most judicious
which could be devised, and the worthy Provost and his
zealous colleagues are deserving the highest praise for
the energetic and generous manner in which they have
carried forward this measure for the relief of their des-
titute fellow. townspeople.
B ITIZG !LEAD. —Several riots have taken place here
during the week. On Tuesday, the Ceres loading meal
for Leith, was attacked, and her cargo re-landed. On
Wednesday,. the fishermen from Ilopeman and Cure-
rrungcton arrived in great numbers, and attacked an-
other vessel loading ink al, rt,landrd her cargo also, and
lodged it in the granary. The authorities from Elgin,
with a force of special constables, apprehended three of
the ringleaders on the latter day, and lodged them in
the Grant Arms Inn, the windows of which were im-
mediately demolished by the crowd. The Sheriff
having remonstrated with the people, the prisoners were
liberated. The fishing has not been prosecuted since
these disturbances commenced.

LossmmouTH.—On Wednesday, several carts laden
with oats arrived in the village, and were immediately
surrounded by a mob, who escorted them to the store-
house, and after seeng the grain safely deposited there,
locked the door, and carried off the key.
FINDRORN.—On Tuesday, four carts with grain for
shipment at Findhorn were stopped by the people, and
taken back to Forres. On Wednesday, a quantity of
meal and flour for the south was also seized.

FOCHABERS.—AII along the coast the fishermen are
labouring under the utmost excitement. On Wednesday
the fishermen of Kingston (Garmouth), Port-Gordon,
and Buckie, marched with flags to Fochabers, to demand
from Mr. Balmer, commissioner to the Duke of Rich-
mond, an unlimited supply of meal at 20s. a boll,
threatening to raze his house. After some time spent
in consultation, they returned to their homes, under the
impression that their wants would be fulfilled.
FRASERBURGH.—The report brought to town by
private letter last week, that a meal-dealer had been
murdered at Fraserburgh, has not been confirmed ; and
we are happy to say that the riot was not of the deadly
kind supposed. The authorities, in consequence of the
turbulent spirit manifested, thought it prudent to send
to Aberdeen for a party of soldiers. A portion of the
76th regiment were, accordingly, dispatched on Satur-
nay in coaches ; but the efforts of the magistrates to
prevoia an outbrak being suevessfui, t o party was met
sn th., road by an express to that effect, and the vehicles
were immediately turned.
MACDIIEF.—On the 15th ult. a mob barricaded the
quays, and prevented a number of carts from discharging
meal into a schooner—the Deveron—and another
small vessel. They also stripped the ship's sails to pre-
vent them leaving port. On Monday, the magistrates
took measures to supply the labouring classes with meal
at prices to suit their circumstances, whenithe inhabit-
ants themselves removed the barriers on the quays and
retired peaceably to their homes. A dealer has offered
500 bolls of meal to the working classes at 24s a boll.
The Earl of Five, and the Five Trustees have offered to
open their stores.

HERRING TRADE.
The Commissioners of Supply for the county of Banff
have transmitted a memorial to Government, to obtain
the admission of British cured herrings into the con-
tinental markets on the same terms as those cured in
Holland, &c. A more extensive field for our herring
trade is much required abroad, and if such an outlet be
not secured to this important branch of our native
industry many thousands of our population will be
thrown out of employment. In Banffshire alone 800
boats and about 8,000 persons are employed in the
several departments of the herring trade. Some
of the circumstances stated by the memorialists are
interesting :—" In 1810 the total cure of herrings
was 90,000, it now exceeded 60,000 barrels, on an
average, yearly. The failure in the potato crop, for
the last two years, has exercised a most depressing
influence on the price of herrings in the home
markets, causing a very great diminution in their
consumption ; so much so, that it is consistent with the
knowledge of your memorialists, that a great quantity of
crown branded full herrings, the produce of this season's
catch, remains on hand at the present time in the Irish
markets, unsaleable at a proportionate rate to the value
of other provisions, or, where forced off, not yielding
over 95. per barrel—not half the actual cost of the barrel
of cured fish as it leaves the curer's hand—a sacrifice of
property ruinous to those embarked in the trade ; and,
with a recurrence of the potato failure, your memoria-
lists are fully aware that a most material decline in this
branch of our native industry must in consequence
ensue—save an increased demand can be created abroad
for the cured fish. Looking at the continent of Eu-
rope, your memorialists find that Prussia and the Ger-
man states are, in a manner, the only countries open
for the import of British cured herring at moderate
duties (Prussia, 35.) ; Russia, whose population is
very fond of salted herrings, and on which we have
strong claims for reciprocity in trade, would consumeenormously, were our herrings admissible im a parity
of duty with those of Norway, on which it amounts
to is. 2d. per barrel, while the rate leviable on Bri-
tish cured amounts to 4s. and 4s. 6d. per barrel, accord-
tog to the rate of exchange. Your memorialists can-
not omit stating that in consequence of this differential
duty, not more than 2,000 to 3,000 barrels British cured
herrings find their way into the Russian markets, being
at the same time well assured, that our fine and carefully
cured herrings, in comparison with the coarse winter
herrings of Norway, would, at an equal, or more mode-
rate duty, find unlimited consumption amongst the po-
pulation of the vast empire in question. It is, also, in
the knowledge of your memorialists, that were the present
duty of 16f. exigible on British cured herrings, on importa-
tion into Belgium reduced to that leviable on the cure of
the Dutch, viz., sf. per barrel, the country in question
would annually draw large supplies of the article from
the Scotch ports; whereas, under the existing differ-
ential duty, the Dutch fish-curers have a monopoly of
the important fish-market under notice."---The mer-
chants, fishcurers, and others interested in the trade and
fisheries of Orkney, have also memorialised the Govern-
ment to the same purpose. They set forth, amongst
other disadvantages suffered by the enterprise of Orkney,
that whereas the Norwegians have plenty of the best
wood for the construction of herring-boats, at a cost
little more than the price of cutting the trees, Orkney
does not produce timber. The cost of constructing ves-
sels is, of course, enhanced by the duty on foreign timber.
Further, all the articles of foreign produce consumed by
the Norwegian fishermen are imported at very low rate;
while the same articles for British fishermen (such as
tea) are heavily burdened. The Orkney memorialists
state that the best market for cod is Spain, and that
within these few years a direct trade to a considerable
extent had been opened in that most important branch
of the fisheries ; but that the trade has been greatly re-
stricted by the import dues, which are, when directly
imported in a British bottom, 10/. per ton ; indirectly,
121. ; directly in a Spanish vessel, 61. 10s. ; indirectly,
81. 13s. These dues are considered excessive ; while
herrings, by the Spanish laws, are, if British cured,
altogether excluded. As a nursery for seamen, the
memorialists show the northern llshings to be of im-
portance, for in the last war, Orkney and Shetland fur-
nished upward of 5,000 effective seamen for the fleet.-.
Inverness Courier.

NEW BISHOPRICS.—The creation of four new
bishoprics for England will be proposed in addition to those
already in existence. It is expected that the arrangements
for the establishment and support of the new sees will not
entail any additional charge on the country. The coat will
be defrayed out of the surplus funds at the command of the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners, as far as they are available,
and, perhaps, may lead to a further distribution of the
revenues of the Church, and a greater approximation to an
equality of the incomes and the-duties of the future bishops.
Manchester will, of course, be one of the new sees, but
without the necessity of destroying the see of St. Asaph,
as proposed by the Act passed for that purpose, with the
concurrence of the Duke of Wellington and Sir R. Peel.
These appointments will make no addition to the number of
spiritual peers in the House of Lords. After the increase in
the number of bishops, as proposed, the four juniox:ctigisetios
in the order of their appointment, shall not be
the House of Peers until it shall come to
seniority, without increasing the present__ bet ofaritiah.
their tu_rn
the
ment. Thus the new sees will be rep
like the Bishop of Sodor and Man.
representatives of the Church in the Urpesepenrtedliousine
turn,of .1°
and
net excluded altogether,
t
From this arrangement the
of
etwo Archbishops
rswtilcllbatL sees ofexempt.,
and perhaps
London, Durham, and Winchester, may continue to keep
their eeata in the Lords without being subject to the rotation
as to seniority by which all future appointments in the
other sees are to be regulated. This is an arrangement that
will give general satisfaction. The sphere of utility and
active superintendence will be increased, without any
diminution of the digaity or political influence of the Church.
The good understanding between political parties, and the
p thei ei ocna
Im points to
considera-
tion absence
aso faemc col es st i
fansvt itcnia
rl a
ol
ejealousyt.nom eonrt
fsours
and unfactious settlement of so desireable a measure of
prapctlicsaTißrEetsosrnltsatioilßLE—LOA/zDerveAr.N
Sa-
turday atternoon, at the closing D SCOTLAND.—On
ino thehe Britishu eot
ei,Association
committee rooms be-
longing to
ari hs of Ireland Scotland,
the
eßaenlidef Sof
subscription list amounted to above 126,0001. Re Institu-
tion of the National Club for the Famine Relief Fund in Ire-
land and the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, up to Sa-
turday, had received nearly 12,0001.
RUMOURED RETIREMENT Or COLONEL MIBERLY
FROM THE POT-OFFICE.—On Saturday 9vening a rumour
was current in the Post-office, and universally credited by
the officers, that Colonel Maberly is about to retire from the
Secretaryship of that establishment. Colonel Maberly was
appointed to his present situation on the 29th of September,
.16 3 6 .

EXPENSE OF DAME CONVICTIONS.--The following
motion, of which Dr. Lee, of Hartwell House, has given no-
tice, will be discussed at the next Bucks Quarter Sessions :--
" That all expenses incurred in the prosecution of game-law
offenders shall be paid by the parties prosecuting, and not by
the county ; and that the clerk of the peace be instructed to
give au account of the number of persons convicted of each
offences, with the expenses relating thereto, from the yen
1840 to 1846.".-Bucks gazette.