The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-09 00:00:00

gz beitnAll C :--z) Mt

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 9, 1847.

Justice having been done, though tardily, to the
heroic participators in the naval and military actions
of Great Britain, dating from the commencement of
the European wars in 1793, until their termination in
1815, we are sanguine that those valiant defenders of
the national honour and the national flag, whose
claims to some honourable token of their prowess still
continue unacknowledged, will ultimately and speedily
receive a similar mark of public gratitude. The sense
of Parliament must necessitate this recognition of
neglected merit; the sense of the Government must
instigate her MAJESTY'S Ministers to forward, as ex-
peditiously as possible, some such final act of repara-
tion. Surely, if the officers and seamen who have
been engaged in little frigate actions are
decorated with a medal for their services, those
who have aided in such terrible and glorious battles
as those of Algiers and Navarino should ob-
tain an equal mark of the estimation in which
they are held by their compatriots. Imme-
diately the Gazette was published, a few even-
ings since, containing the announcement of the grant
of medals to all who had served in the Pensinsular
campaigns, and in the marine victories achieved be-
tween the years 1793 and 1815 inclusively, we availed
ourselves of the opportunity afforded by that an-
nouncement to comment upon the injustice which was
still persevered in towards the gallant survivors
in the great and memorable sea-battle fought on
the northern coast of Africa, in 1816, under the pen-
nant of the immortal EXMOUTH. Since then a letter
has been published in a contemporary by " The
Sole Survivor" of all the commissioned and ward-
room officers of the Windsor Castle in the actions of
the Dardanelles, demanding, among other things,
why the heroes of Navarino, Algiers, and Acre were
omitted from the list given in the official Gazette.
Lord EXMOUTH has long since been consigned to the
grave; his gallant second in command, Admiral
Sir DAVID MILNE, has very recently followed
him to that mysterious " bourne ;" we shall
look, therefore, to Sir EDWARD CODRINGTON, to
Sir ROBERT STOPPORD, and to Sir CHARLES NAPIER,
to bring this interesting matter under the considera-
tion of the Admiralty.
Whether the suggestion of the ancnymous dissen-
tient already mentioned, namely that the different
" acts of intrepidity performed by officers and crew
in boats, from the commencement of tha revolution,"
is entitled to the consideration of the authorities, will
remain a matter of uncertainty and discussion ; but
no rational objection whatever can be raised to the
presentation of some slight badge of honour to the
survivors of the magnificent victories off Algiers, off
Navarino, and off Acre. It were frivolous to recount
the details of those memorable battles, seeing that
they are familiar and noble memories in the cottage
homes of England. Historians have already inscribed
their narrative in the language of eulogium, whether
those historians have been gifted with the elo-
quence and enthusiasm of a JAMES, the perspi-
cuity and picturesqueness of a BRENTON, or the
accuracy and elaboration of a NICOLAS. Nothing is
requisite to revive in the popular mind a remem-
brance of the prowess evinced in those brilliant en-
gagements, seeing that that remembrance is perpetual
and unfading. The case of Acre is of too recent
occurrence to require any explanation whatever;
and it is only necessary to remind the public that the
two preceding triumphs were produced by sentiments
lof the most generous and humanizing descrip-
tion,—Algiers having been bombarded for the
destruction of the piratical system of its
barbarous inhabitants, and the bay of lc avarino having
entered by the combined fleets ,for the purpose
of tql:ecting the speedy emancipation of unfortunate
and dee:4l4(lmi Ctreeee. it the sanguinary deeds of
battle could be sanctified by the benignity of the
principles at stake, then assuredly were those of the
English sailors under PELLEW and CODRINGTON en-
titled in a pecui.;ar manner to the admiration and the
honourable reco;Jection of the community.
Something, we maii2tain, is imperatively demanded
from the Government as a compensation to the sur-
vivors for an unmerited neglect of (iii the case of
Algiers) upwards of thirty :rears ! We cannot induce
ourselves to imagine that this expiatory act will con-
tinue much longer to be deferred. We cannot be-
lieve that the gallant men who bled in our ships of
war will be insulted very long by a p,orseverance
in such ignonainous treatment. Justice ?equires
that some immediate step should be taken la;. the
authorities at the Admiralty for the publication of .e
supplement to the recent orders respecting medals
officially published in the Gazette. The omission o

such extraordinary actions from the original catalogue
which accompanied those orders was a most repre-
hensible oversight ; but the fault can be compensated
by the immediate issue of such a supplement
as the one suggested. So thoroughly are
we convinced of the injustice of the ne-
glect hitherto evinced to the gallant officers and
seamen referred to, that we are satisfied the oversight
has only to be mentioned to be remedied. The very
course which has at length been pursued in reference
to our Peninsular veterans is a confession that their
services have heretofore been responded to by the
economical ingratitude of the State. Is not the same
charge of ingratitude, which is applicable to Trafal-

gar, to Badajoz, and to Ciudad Rodrigo, appli

cable in like manner to Algiers, to Navarino,
and to Acre ?--the only difference consisting in the
length to which Ministerial niggardliness was pro-

tracted. Surely the Government is not delaying the
reparation of its ingratitude for the satisfaction of a
cruel punctilio—namely, until a proportionate time
shall have elapsed after Acre, Navarino, and Algiers,

as actually has elapsed since the victories of Ciudad
Rodrigo, of Badajoz, and of Trafalgar !

The political circles in Paris are at this moment
involved in considerable excitement with respect to a
topic which, if judiciously handled, might be turned
to great public advantage. We have often observed
upon the great impediments which stand in the way
of the progress of real liberty in France, in conse-
quence, first, of the narrow franchise conferred upon
the electoral body, and, next, the unconstitutional
influence exercised by the Crown in both of the
Legislative Chambers, owing to the number
of placemen who have seats in the same, more
especially in the Chamber of Deputies. The
inevitable result is, that the people have no real voice
in the nominal councils of the nation ; whilst, contra-
riwise, the most fitful whim, or the most exclusively
selfish object of the KING is certain of being ulti-

mately gratified and carried out, how repugnant so-
ever either the one or the other may be to the in-
terests or dignity of France. "Witness the celebrated
fortification measure in proof of the first, and the
Spanish marriages in support of the latter assertion.
All Europe saw clearly enough, and so, indeed, did
' the great body of the French themselves, that
the real object in fencing and encircling his
capital with a strong military wall, was
not, as alleged, to guard it against the
entrance of an enemy, but to protect his dynasty
against any armed ebullition of popular discontent
amongst his own subjects. His sole and personal ob-
ject was to enthrall the citizens of Paris. His anxiety
Was, that, intent upon gradually undermining the
he should not be cash
liberties of +ls
...e people
X., should his administration same facility that marked the 1 cashiered
seguaranteed by the charter,
from his throne with the
patrioticothe functions of
cceeffeodretd o n
Thethe
depofsition of CHARLES
so
long
royalty ever evoke a similar
part of the people. Louts PHILIpPR su
place any
revolution of 1830 could not now be ~.,
a most
Kingsanguciannary
the Citizenreliance
without
upon the fidelity of the regular army. The Spanish

marriages, again, were altogether a purely dynastic
manceuvre, essentially anti-national, and reflecting
most discreditably on the French character, so far as
the same could be affected by the proceedings of a
subtle and faithless SOVERBIGN, his servile Ministers,
and of a corrupted and enslaved Legislature. Yet, had
the French people enjoyed a franchise commensurate
with their population and enlightenment, such as we
enjoy in this country, and had the number of place-
men in the popular branch of the Legislature been
less, the selfish caprice that produced the Fortification
Bill would never have been gratified, and the sel-
fish intrigue that prompted the Montpensier nuptials
would never have been accomplished.
M. EMILE DE GIRARDIN, Member of the Chamber
of Deputies, and editor of La Presse, recently alleged
in his journal that promises of peerages had been sold
by the Government. The Chamber of Peers, con-
ceiving that this reflected upon their body, deter-
mined to inquire into the matter, and requested leave
of the Chamber of Deputies to summon to their bar
and examine M. EMILE DE GIRARDIN. A Commis-
sion has been appointed to consider of the demand
made by the Peers. The Ministers are said to be
favourable to it. The probability, therefore, is
that the demand will be complied with.
Were such a question to be raised in this country,
cateris paribus, the House of Commons would deal
summarily enough with the demand. They would
have too much regard to their constitutional privileges
to suffer one of their Members to appear at the bar of
the House of Peers to be examined for any such a
purpose. They would see, moreover, at a glance,
that the dignity of the Peers was not in the least
affected by what had been published, but solely the
integrity of the Ministry. The charge is not that
any peerage has been corruptly obtained, but that
one had been promised upon a corrupt
condition, and that though the condition
had been fulfilled, the promise remained
unredeemed. All, however, that we desire is
that the truth should come out. If the French com-
mit serious constitutional blunders in their mode of
eliciting it they must hereafter remedy them as best
they can. Meanwhile, M. EMILE DE GIRARDIN
has spoken himself in the bureau :—" I maintain the
strict exactitude of my allegations in the Presse. I
said what I meant, and I meant what I said. The
Ministry may deny the fact, but between my affirma-
tion and their denial the Chamber and the country,
will decide. I have no fear as to the result. I cer-
tainly shall not give way. I shall defend my asser-
tion, not only in the Chamber to which I be-
long, but in the Chamber of Peers." A
man would scarcely assume this bold and
unflinching tone without feeling certain of substan-
tiating his charge. Should he succeed in establish-
ing his accusation, he may render great service to
his country, by opening the eyes of the people to the
detestable system which is kept in play to corrupt
that Legislature, which ought to be preserved un-
tainted and independent, to prevent a designing
monarch from encroaching with impunity upon the
liberties of France.

If the ways and means by which the national
Exchequer was to be replenished, and funds provide-1
for the payment of the interest of our debt, and for
the general expenditure of the country, were now to
be decided on, we doubt not that a very different
mode would be adopted from that at present in use.
We have pointed out the gross and palpable injustice
of taxing the industry of the people fur the payment
of that debt, of wringing from the hard earnings of
those who received no property of any description from
their fathers, who must earn their daily bread by the
sweat of their brow, the 28,000,0001. sterling per annnm
required for the satisfaction of the claims of the public
creditor, by reason of the extravagance or the impro-
vidence of our ancestors. But the impolicy of the
indirect system of the taxation is scarcely less
Apparent than its injustice, and forms another
most powerful, if not insuperable, objection to its
adoption, at least to anything like the present extent.
During the past year nearly 45 millions sterling
were levied in this manner, while nearly five and a
half millions were raised by the income-tax—a consi-
derable portion of which fell, however, on the labourer,
and rather more than 4,250,0001. sterling by the land
and assessed taxes. The chief items by which this vast
amount was made up consisted of the Customs,
which produced more than 21 millions ; the Excise,
which produced nearly fourteen millions ; and
Stamps, which produced nearly seven million six
hundred and fifty thousand pounds. It will, on in-
vestigation, be found that a much larger sum is levied
from the people by each of these latter methods than
finds its way into the national Exchequer; that the
cost of levying it is far greater in proportion
than by the more direct mode. The charge
of collecting the income-tax, as it is at present consti-
tuted, amounts to something less than 3 1-3 per cent.,
while of the Customs it is nearly 5 6-10, and of the
Excise more than 6 per cent. Here, then, is an im-
mediate benefit to the amount of between 2 and 3
per cent. in favour of the direct system, but that is
little in proportion to the less apparent, but not less
certain, charges that are occasioned thereby ;
for instance, the Customs duties, increased
by about 1,200,000/. for the cost of collec-
tion, are levied, in the first instance, from
the importing merchants ; they, of course, require
profit on the sums thus advanced, as well as on
tla'tioe laid out in the original purchase of the goods,
freist.t, and other necessary charges; this may at
the most moderate rate be estimated at 10 per cent.
We, there-6re, find at once that for the twenty-one
millions net profit there is to be added 1,200,0001. for
expense of collection, and 2,220,0001. for profit to the
importer on his outlay. We have, therefore, over
3,400,0001. sterling levied from the public on the
Customs alone which does not find its way
into the Exchequer, while by the direct mode
the collection of a similar amount, even at the
present per centage, would be leis than 7C0,0001.—
in other words, there is more than 2,700,0001. added
to the public burdens on that item alone.

Even this, large as it is, by no means exhibits the full
amount of the loss. The profits of the wholesale ven-
dors, who purchase from the importers, andof the seve-
ral retailers by whom the various commodities are dis-
tributed to the consumer, must also be taken into
account; and if we followed each article from
its arrival in this colotry until it is eventually made
use of, we are satisfied ti2at it would be found that its
ultimate price was enhanced not iess than from 40 to
50 per cent. on tha Customs "'titles; in other words,
that thirty millions sterling is raised from the public
to provide the twenty-one millions that is applicable
to the public service. The Excise system is even
still more objectionable. It is not only that the
manufacturer charges a profit on the amount of
taxation that he has to pay, and that the different

vendors and retailers require a similar profit
on their respective outlays, but the original cost of
production is greatly enhanced by reason of the re-
strictions imposed by the Excise regulations, which
impede and retard improvements, and practically oc-
casion, in too many instances, gigantic monopolies.
From various causes, therefore, it is not too much to
say that the Excise duties cost the consumer fully
50 per cent., or, in other words, 7,000,000/. more
than goes to the Treasury. By.clirect taxation, the
collection of the 35 millions would not colt more than
one million, whereas, by the present plan, it costs fully
sixteen millions sterling, or, in other words, there is
an unnecessary increase of the national burdens of
more than fifteen millions, in addition; to the other
mischievous results that flow from the system, which
are no less injurious to the public morals than to the
national welfare and prosperity.

In virtue of the new constitution of Geneva, the
citizens assembled last week in Council-General,
and proceeded to the nomination of the executive
power. The Conservatives beaten in the vote for
the constitution abstained iltaat :attending, in the
hope, it is said, that many of tiae Li:l:teals would
not make their appearance, and that tie requisite
number of votes would not be given. Althongb
the Liberals showed a certain degree of coolness,
since nearisr 1,500 of them did not come to the
Council-General, the calculation of the Conservatives
was delusive. M. JAMES FAZY, M. RILLIET-
CONSTANT, M. MOULTRIE, sen., M. BALTHAZER
DECREY, M. FRANCOIS JANIN, M. FREDERICK
BORDIUR, and M. A. L. Proms, all members of the
Provisional Government, formed after the revolution
of October 7, were re-elented, and thus constitute the
new Council of State.

We read in a Berlin letter of the 2d—" Tie result
of thiv day's sitting was expected with itapttisticei