The Sun.
London, England, 1871-02-20 00:00:00

PEACE OR WAR.

The Times observes: The French National Assembly
has weathered its first storm-; it may now hope to sail in
comparatively smooth waters. M. Thiers puts himself
at the head of a Republican Government, but a Govern-
ment which rkmdiates equally war and revolution. He
clearly intimates to the country that peace is necessary,
though he is still confident of obtaining honourable
terms. But whatever is imposed by absolute
necessity can hardly fail to be consistent with
honour, and the unwillingness of the National Assembly,
after a first natural outburst of feeling, to declare
inexorably against any cession of French territory removes
the only insurmountable obstacle to successful n'egotiation.
The names of M. Thiers's new colleagues were made
known yesterday. Several of the members of the
late Government of National Defefice—MM. Jules
Favre, Jules Simon, Ernest Picard, General Leflo—
are at the head of the list, and the Prime
Minister must prepare himself for a large share
of the unpopularity which the conduct of the war
and the capitulation of Paris has called down upon them.
To enable them to stem the tide of popular opinion the
Thiers Governmentiwill have their large majority in the
Assembly, and that weariness of a long and ruinous strug-
gle which must dispose the nation, especially in the rural
districts, to welcome repose and tranquillity, no matter
under what rule. Such a support is not, it is true, very
active or strenuous. The French will look up to their
rulers for the strong hand which is to curb the passions only
slowly subsiding in their own hearts, and to overcome
those "extreme parties" which have too long and too
readily commanded their sympathies. An intelligent Go-
vernment in France must make the people aware, not only
of their real interests, but even of their own actual
wishes ; for the French are of all people the most help-
lessly carried away by delusions, and the most stubborn
in resisting disenchantment. Fortunately, M. Thiers
has it in his power to put to a very decisive test
that wonderful popularity which so unexpectedly
centred the votes of nearly one half the French
population upon his head. He will soon be able to see
what welcome the Assembly and the country will give
him, when he returns to them from the interview at
Sceaux with such terms of peace as he may be able to ob-
tain from Count Bismarck. If France submits to the
peace, she will be sure to accept the peacemaker, and she
will then be thankful to him if, as he puts an end to the
war, he will also rid her of the war party, and of the
arbitrary, ruinous, and violent rule which they imposed in
its name.

The Daily News says :—To-day, if we are to believe a
statement which reaches us from the headquarters of the
National Assembly, M. Thiers and Count Bismarck meet
at Sceaux. We may consider that the object of this con°
ference has been well defined by the two nations which
these diplomatists represent. M. Thiers has been ap-
pointed head of the Executive power in France ; and it is
beyond doubt that he could only leave Bordeaux,
and proceed to the environs of Paris, on a mission
of the gravest import to his country. The armistice ex-
pires on Friday next. Within this short interval France
has to accept peace or decree a continuance of the war;
although as matters stand, it is impossible to grant that
the responsibility of this tremendous decision rests with
France alone. Rather, we should say, it devolves upon
the German authorities to decide whether, by proposing
terms of peace which the defeated country can accept
•without being false to its own honour, they will relieve
Europe from the wretched spectacle which has for six
months grieved the hearts of all who had placed some
faith in the growing civilization of the age. At any
moment we may hear at last what conditions the Germans
really demand ; and as these are almost certain to contain a
demand for a cession of territory, the most important thing
for Europe to know is whether M. Thiers has been com-
missioned to accede to this demand, so far as is reasonable.
M. Thiers, indeed, will go to meet Count Bismarck free
from any pledge. He has, of course, arrived at an un-
derstanding with the Assembly which he represents ; but
he has not committed himself to any statement which
promises an adhesion to the German demand for
territory. The alternative is war. No man can con-
template this prospect without wishing that the two
nations should come to terms,' whatever the terms
may be. When we look at what the war has already
done—when we think of what an embittered continuance
of it would be—it is almost impossible to calculate in cold
blood its merely military chances. Beside this pressing
necessity of hv wing to choose between peace and war,
the question of the future government of France
has apparently fallen into secondary consideration. A
reconciliation with Germany would be an excellent
thing for both countries, and for Europe ; but in the
meantime the first requisite for France is to obtain a
Government which shall secure the greatest cohesion of
parties, in order to begin the serious labour of repairing
the damage done to the public interests by the recent
campaign. This work is so pressing, if only in point of
time, that we earnestly trust the negotiations between
M. Thiers and Count Bismarck may lead to its
being undertaken at once, in a spirit of patriotic resolve
and hope.