The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY
_EVENING, JANUARY 20, 181-7

on the Continent of Europe, that generation had almost passed
by, which had witnessed for a brief space the horrors of war,
and that now rising had experienced the blessings of peace;
yet it had had the means of contrasting the horrors of the
one with the blessing of the other. He believed that on the
Continent, also, there was a general appreciation of the blessing
of peace, and a sincere desire that the tranquillity was net to
be frivolously and uselessly endangered. He could not say
that he looked with satisfaction on the state of our relations
with foreign countries. Amongst the Powers of Europe there
was one with which, in his humble judgment, it was more
essentially necessary for this ccuntry to be on terms—not of
amity merely, but of cordial co-operation and union. He re-
ferred to that great neighbouring state with which we had of
late been on good terms. Throughout the world, and in every
quarter of the globe, there were numerous points of 'contact,
and which, in the event of soy bad understanding between
England and France, would be turned into points of collision.
He did not intend to offer any lengthened observations on this
question, but he certainly could not refrain from expressing
his regret at much of what was contained in the correspond-
ence that bad taken place between her Majesty?s Government
and the Ministers of the other Governments. Up to a certain
period they bad acted on a feeling of mutual confidence, and
there was a probability at the present moment of an interrup-
tion in that state of amicable feeling, from this course not
having been persevered in. He also must deplore that between
the representatives of the respective countries interested in
the question to which this correspondence referred (the mar-
riage of the Infanta of Spain), there should have been so much
recrimination and exhibition of petty feeling. He must confess
that he was of opinion, that what had taken place in refer-
ence to another question, had effected this subject, namely,
what had taken place with respect to
.Cracow. He did not
mean to express any opinion on the annexation that had
taken place, but he had no hesitation in saying, that there was
insult and discourtesy shown towards the Government; or
that, if France and England had been on amicable terms, that
that insult and discourtesy would not have taken place.
Now he approached a question which was unfortunately more
interesting and important to the people of this country than
anything that could be connected with foreign policy. He re-
ferred to that awful visitation which had afflicted from
one side to the other, the sister island. He was confident
of this, that for the prevention of the present evil, or the pal-
liation of the present misery, and for the purpose of rescuing
this country from the guilt of permitting a large portion of the
population of Ireland knowingly to starve, that there was no
sacrifice and no effort which Government might call upon the
people to make which they would not willingly accede to,
whether these might originate with the members of their
Lordship's House or the other House of Parliament, and he
would further venture to assert that the sentiments of the re-
presentatives would be echoed by the public sense of the
country. He spoke not in any captious spirit of the measures
which had been already taken by her Majesty's Government.
He knew that the extent of the visitation had in a great mea-
sure come upon them by surprise,—he knew .that when
that visitation came, there was a difficulty of
obtaining correct and trustworthy information on
the subject; he knew that even the best efforts of Govern-
ment there would have much of local interests to overcome,
because the best reparations of the Government would be more
than counteracted for the petty purposes of local advantages.
He knew—and he spoke it not disrespectfully of the people of
Ireland—that in the administration of relief, and more espe-
cially when that came from the public puree, that the distribu-
tion of these funds demanded a degree of circumspection not
required in any other country. That great errors had been
committed by the Government no further proof was required
than the speeches of the mover and the seconder of the Address,
and the passing of the Labour-rate Act had had only
the effect of diverting work from channels in which
it could have been more profitably employed. At a time
when every landlord was using his best exertions
to meet the calamity with which his tenaetry was
threatened, a power which he could not withstand interposed
to prevent his employing his capital in the mode most advan-
tageous to himself and useful to those around him ; and he was
compelled instead to employ that capital in filling up impracti-
cable hollows, lowering invisible hills, and the effect was that
enormous sums of money were scattered for the purpose of
making the face of the conntry absolutely impassable.
Well, then, his Noble Friend, the mover of the address,
said (and he, Lord Stanley, might be permitted to say
that he did not concur with those who censured the Govern-
ment for the course they had taken) he thought that the Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland was justified, in the circumstances in
which he had found himself, in exercising a wise discretion to
remedy tha effect of a law which he found so inconclusive, even
when his measures went beyond the strict letter of the law.
He had no fault to find with Government for abstaining in the
exercise of their discussion from calling Parliament together
earlier than they had done, but if there were a point upon
which he should be disposed to take exception to the past pro-
ceedings of Government, it was, that they had adhered too
closely to the principles of political economy. The doctrines
of political economy were framed, no doubt,. to meet general
circumstances and general evils, but it was impossible for any
man to say that cireumstsinces should not arise of so grace and
important a complexion as to compel Government to discharge
the doctrines of political economy, and act according to the
dictates of political experience. Now, for instance, they learned
from one paragraph in the Speech which had been delivered
from the throne, that means had been taken to lessen the pres-
sure of want. What those means had been, he presumed
they would hereafter learn, but it was mani •
fest that there were large and populous dis-
tricts in Ireland whose sufferings had been considerably
augmented by the unhappy omissions of Government, through
the zeal they had exhibited in favour of political economy doc-
trines. Now, had Goverment established granaries and depots
in these large and populous districts, where the people could
have purchased food at reasonable, hut still profitable rates, it
would have had the effect of throwing into the market the
stocks of speculators who were waiting for famine rates.—
( Hear, hear.) He regretted that they did not avail them-
selves of their power, where there was an intention on the part
of certain individuals to withhold supplies from the market for
the purpose of raising prices higher. He heard his Noble
Friend on the cross benches (the Duke of Wel-
lington) say that these steps .had- _ been taken by
the late Government. He believed that this had been the
case, and the effect. had been most advantageous in those
'quarters where a scarcity of supplies existed, or where inter-
ference, such as he had referred to, had been attempted. blow
he said that there was no effort which the Government called
upon the country to make, which would not be responded to,
to relieve the distress.—(Hear. ) There were two or three mea-
sures which had been distinctly referred to in the Speech.
One of them was stated to be a temporary tree •
sure, and referred to the increasing for a limited
period the facilities for the importation of foreign corn.
There was another measure, which as he stated was not
understood to be contemplated by her Majesty's Government,
but as a temporary measut e, and which, in that character, he
agreed would be less open to objection than a former one in-
troduced. He meant the temporary measure to be introduced
for the purpose of affording a greater amount of tonnage to
this country. He believed that if they examined into the re-
turns of the amount of corn in this country, and on that sub-
ject there were many conflicting statements—(Hear, hear.)
they would fnd that the amount of corn in this country was
much underrated. There could be no doubt that in America
there was a very large proportion of corn waiting for transpor-
tation to this country, and there could be no doubt that the
transportation of large proportions of that corn was kept back
by the want of sufficient tonnage to bring it over to this
country under the existing laws, and the result had been an
enormous disproportion in the price of corn grown there and
of corn in this country.—( Hear, hear.) Large profits
were realised by the corn traders and importers,
and as a temporary measure he did not think that there could
be any general feeling of opposition to the introduction of a
large proportion of tonnage into this country. He hoped that
they would not think that those connected with the agricul-
tural interest were in the slightest degree opposed to it from
the consideration of the medium of protection, of which it
• would deprive them.
the supply of corn would not
lie did not, however, wish to express
any positive opinion with reference to that remedy. It had.
been admitted, and he was glad of the admission, that the:
greatest part of the difference of price would go into the pocket
tope
riloi by her erar
tajreasrtayr'staGfoavreari
gnn-
of the foreign corn importer. For then they had prospects
manent nature. he expression
that the measure being passed,
in the slightest degree increase, or the price in any way dimi-
nish, and the loss to the revenue would golbueirninnti.gsih the
pockets pockets of the importers. He did not understand whether
heaesfmeo ins ialt teapapr,iucrwep,ho
cenhdo the h e Govern-
mentusen
oneumseend Govern-
ment
was
theat
oe
fs mpaeeteaecsmhu e.O sfr
oa
rrya referredlimited
would not be likely to concede. It had also been ob-
aicdrogr corn. If
distilleries
argument
tf fsa urg the
eiwta
wraeloitd ladri introducediodfcrt
served, that the absence of all political excitement in the
land afforded a favourable opportunity for attempting to benefit
the country. He thought that although the opportunity existed,
it was not an eligible one, and it would be impossible to fulfil
sweeping promises made without the fullest co-operation of the
two countries. In legislating on this subject they should pro-
coed on two axioms. z:ithey should proceed on this principle,
in the first place that the people of Ireland were entitled
to be supported out of the property of the landholders,
should be relieved there by the
and that pauperism people of
Ireland themselves. It haof d late years been the habit to
grievously abuse the landlords of Irel. nd. Now he did not
stand there as the defendant of the Irish landlords. They
f ren the same l
should not regard the landlords o Ight as
e
duties did not de-
they did those of this country.
rights.
volve upon them, for they. had not the same
Their
properties were in several instances crowded with a class of
neither improve the land
persons, turncoats at will, who would
themselves, or permit their landlords to do so, but remained
upon it in the same condition, wretched themselves, and impo-
verishing the land. He himself
was aware of several instances
when had 8
when the efforts of the most considerate s been
thwarted by this very character; and it should be recollected,of the
that public feeling in Ireland was in favour _
_system. A
blamed for the con'in
landlord in this country would not be u-
d under such circum.
ance of the evils that afflicted Irelan
at! they would not adopt
stances. He trusted, therefore, th
any rash or hasty steps in reference to this subject.
He did hope that no rash attacks would be made upon the
un •
laws of real property, but that they should rather be unani-
mous in adopting measures of a more useful character and
ent interests of Ireland
more calculated to advance the permanent
on this sub ject
But there was one important point bearing u
believed
He there were
which had been totally lost sight cf.
e triflin aid a
associated companies prepared with
semis
on reproductived
r
public works, and he thought as those public wor
s we e
liarly adapted to securing the permanent emp oyment ofpecu-
the
people, he did hope that they would meet with the encourage.
ment of the Government who ought to give a sufficient mer-
cantile and political security to insure the due and proper in-
vestment of capital in those undertakings. He
did not think it necessary for him to occupy
their attention at any greater length, but he
must be allowed, in conclusion, to state what he set out with
at the commencement of his observation', namely, that pro-
vided Government would exclude from their measures those
religious and political topics which had always abstracted the
mind of Ireland, and made it unhappily the battle field of party;
provided the sole aim of their measures should be the improve-
ment of Ireland; he was satisfied that all matters of a party_
consideration would be sunk in a desire to assists the Govern-
ment, who might rely upon the cordial co-operation of those
who occupied the Opposition benches.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, that after the speeches
of the mover and seconder of the Address, which were replete
with information acquired personally, or by reading, connected
as it was with one of the most painful topics that could
be met with in the course -of their Lordships' ex-
perience, with these addresses so lately before
their Lordships, he did not feel himself called upon to add any.
thing to their statements, but he remarked that in the course of
the Noble Lord's (Lord Stanley) speech, his Lordship was in-
duced to depart from the rule he had laid down, the rule, in
fact, he had made with himself at the outset. The Noble
Lord had admitted the • enof discussion on the mespe iency
sub-
ject, where no evidence was before their Lordships; but the
Noble Lord proceeded in his (Lord Lansdowne's) opinion to do
more, for he founded a series of observations on the most im.
perfect evidence, and asked their Lordships to express an
opinion upon it. He (Lord Lansdowne) in the words of the
Noble Lord, would revert to the two great topics which at pre-
sent pressed themselves prominently on the attention of the
public, namely, those events which might so greatly affect
their foreign relations, and those which related to the
state of Ireland, on beith of which he was prepared, at the
proper time, to afford the fullest information. He would ad-
dress but two or three words to their Lordships, not so much
in justificatieti of the Ministry's past measures—for these