The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-31 00:00:00

-EArri Nll Sft -Irf
ItailTl ON.

:cililitolisinenttiltlyi::eitii7_l;4le_t.oioli:tri..,leiverleooyfh';llo ..:TizlivSi:dtsoll, lobo!: la.-
171Tiiint,,,tzt. vrlrrtc,it,a
arireduceLs._to - '
uld
craLts,, lienrpikohotlf,tiot
;isles in ()I'd':
another fallacy always used in
" We bai'e no ob.
t•,ad;ra.)tingThtehries u'asin state a little longer-01e; •
ject. They said,
her. it wa,'
sub-
coming in when it is wanted, hut uiri9i.-
try with foreign corn NV to a little corm
i!ot, wanted ? There
y. deluge this coun-
was just one little misconeenti ' n in this, and then all
would be right. 1,17.4(1.-w • - °
as to judge whether it
was
wanted? Was it f 1.0 i*, tile man who sat in •
his silken alave
r;veiving er4,aons rents from the or tlstarvingl3
ie,
hand-leor4 • wi,aver, and those miseraebTe
Nvhose u 4 ~4a140 ',state they bad hcal;&'"lvtches of
-so much ? -4,,1t1* showing the cud' effects of the slidi ' 1 , I
:!;,Ji4 that the only two ext:easive corn deafer.sea e•
lee
who had
none, so far as he knew„ fx‘m the first for:a total repeal
01 the Corn-laws, was their ow.t. noble' -Pres
Mr. Jose ident and
ph Sturo.--(Treute,'dons and continued c heer-
ing.) lie thi./1 alluded 17) air Robert Peel and his slid-
ing 4Q1110., Therf2 was 7: time when that 'IQ:Si* Ivas rim-
-144 trout Laileasl-:re s white-headed boy. Ins father
was only a e'..ii2:, printer like himself ; and was it not a. shanae tlr.i it mar, so fostered should go forth merely to
be the advocate 07 a selfish end feudal aristocracy ?
(Cheye.) Yes, Lancashire had nursed him and ibstered
ilm in its bosom, and he had turned round and stung it.
Bat what would Lancashire do now? It would pull
him down again. He is 3 a-. Churchman, and
he learned his Anti-Corn-law creed from his prayer-
book, and he did not see boar any Member of the
Establishment could,' with consistency, or with safety to
his own salvation, assist in upholding the• bread-tax.
What said the Liturgy ? In the time of dearth and
famine, the following was appointed to be read : "0 God,
our heavenly Puller, whose gift it is that the rain doth
fall, that *a._ earth is fruitful, beasts increasa,and fish
do tuk‘latply, 'behold the desolation of thy people, and
ftkuat that the Scarcity and dearth which We do most
justly suflbr for our iniquities, may, thloueh thy good-
ness, 13. e turned into eheapneSs and plenty." Here
scarcity and dearness are spok2i: of as being- the same,
and plenty and cheapness. `;ow what was the meaning
of the Corn-laws ? Was it :lot to make corn dear ? for
how could they make it dear unless they made it scarce?
They hat! an Act of Parliament to make corn scarce,
und yet they had a prayer in the Liturgy of their Church
which 'made the clergy of their Church mock the Deity
by using it.—(Hear, hear, and loud applause.)
The Meeting shortly afterwards broke up.

TORY-CHARTISTS.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sir—Having, for twenty-five years, joined every so-
ciety of Reformers bat that of the Tery-Chartists, which
no honest man will join, I solicit the insertion of a few
remarks in your liberal columns. I see by yesterday's
papers that the above-named enemies of the working man
have issued an address to the labouring classts, urging
them on to elect none but Tories •in the approaching
contest. Base, scoundrelly turncoats ! What, send men
to Parliament who sanctioned the Manchester massacre,
—who passed the Six Acts—who suspended the Habeas
Corpus—who established military law—who, were Cam.'
pellcd by the people and the Sovereign to allow the
Whigs to pass the Reform Bill—who, even now, declare
that the people of
.England shall eat dear bread, dear
sugar, and dear everything, while tens of thousands. are
without employment, and dying. for food ! Support
men like these ? Yes ; the dirty, Tory-bribed O'Con-
norites avow it. But, mark, Sir, all that the M'Doualls,
Martins, Walls, &c. can do, ! Talk of the
Tory-Chartists influencing an election ! How ? In
Great and Little Bolton there is not one of the base crew
can give a vote—not one. I dare them to prove that there
is. I have heard that in Manchester and Salford there
are not 70. The people now perceive, by the speech of
Joseph Surface, that the Tories, in all kinds of oppression
and monopoly, are the same yesterday, to-day, and, if they
can, to the end. But, Tory-Chartists, Surface-men,
humanity-mongers, and all the herd of banded monopo-
lists, must now be crushed. The trades of England,
whO first support the agriculturists, and then export fifty
or sixty millions to every corner of the globe; will not
perish for want, merely to have added, in forty-five
years, 300 per cent. to the rent rolls of a few hard-hearted
aristocrats, who care not if the burl: of the people die of
starvation if they can preserve the plunder.
Reformers, in the coming struggle, will be triumphant.
Tory-Chartists, who never speak of lowering any of the
necessaries of life, will be as dust in the balance.

I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,
CHARLES BAKE WELL.
Moor-lane, Bolton, May 26.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

My attention has been this day called to a letter
in The Sun of the 27th inst., signed F. A. Kentish,
which is so full of falsehood and wilful misreprsentation,
that I am surprised thou should have suffered it to ap-
pear in thy Mullins.
Within the last three months I have receiled four or
five letters from this F. A. Kentish, but they have been
of such a character, that I should have degraded myself
by replying to them.

- Mien
fpurchased some shares in the Imperial Bra-
zilian Mining Company some ten or twelve years since,
I had not the slightest idea that the-mines were worked
by slaves, and many roars since I was interested with
others in endeavoirring to promote their welfare and
freedom, and F. A. Kentish well knows that I have re-
cently been co-operating with others in the same situa-
tion as myself, in endeavouring to obtain their complete
emancipation, as the enclosed address shows, although it
suits him to conceal this fact.

In the next place Joseph John Gurney never has been
the treasurer of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery
Society, nor has he ever held any shares in the Imperial
Brazilian Mining Company.
Although. nearly every sentence in Kentifth's letter
contains gross misrepresentation or falsehood, I will only
notice one other point for the sake of brevity, which is
that at the recent general meeting of the Proprietors of
the Imperial Brazilian Mitiing Association, "made special
to consider the propriety of emancipating the slaves, 'and
securing theh- future freedom," out of about 150 Pro-
prietors p.--e.3ent, only seven supported the motion, and six
of these ware members of the Society of Friend-.

4 •
TriPlng thus wilt give this letter, and the =cam-
panssing address in proof of my statement, a place in thy
columns, I am thy friend res-pectfully,
HENTLIFITCKET T.
sth month, 29, 1841, South-street, Finsbury.
TO THE SHAREHOLDERS OF THE IMPERIAL
BRAZILIAN MINING COMPANY.
Having, unknowingly in the first instance, become Share-
holders in a Mining Company which employs slave labour, we
deeply feel the responsibility which devolves upon us, and
upon all who have an interest in Companies similarly situated.
Thus impressed, allow us to call attention to the painful fact,
that you, with ourselves, are slave-holders, and to present to
you some information and reflections in connection with the
subject.
We may observe, that the Brazilian Mining Company claims
about 413 slaves, of whom about 168 are men, about 114 are
women, and about 131 are children ; and, in addition, there
are 40 slaves hired by, contract for a period of two years.
Allow us to remind you, that the slaves which are thus owned
' or hired, are the victims or descendants of those who were
obtained by cruel wars, carried on hit Africa, in many instances,
waged for the very purpose of procuring captives for sale, or
have been procured in other ways no less inconsistent with
humanity and religion. This is the origin of the slavery the
Imperial Brazilian Mining Company is countenancing
We not only object in the strongest manner to the wayi
which this unrighteous species of property is acquired, but to
the system of slavery, as in itself unjust and necessarily cruel.
We cannot but regard such a system as in direct opposition to
the righteous law of God, and to the merciful principles of the
Gospel.
Entertaining these views of the essential character of slavery,
we must strongly deprecate the countenance of it by the Im-

serial Brazilian Mining
Company under any circumstanoes.
We have, however, thought it our duty to make some inquiry
Niry' eii
trth:euag regret
character
information,;vthf
for
hoinnws tesaenh:lawee,r,,eeatl
ehhbeiatm,en,epi
nature, extent,
set
either not
ntoteoli
n: points
,smb
aeloesnnat
as to the particular situation of the slaves held by the Com-
panyawnbn li
unsatisfactory ac titi os
aa. ene
d have
obtain
effect of the punishments inflicted on the slaves is not known
to our Directors, only oRe return of such punishments appears
to have been sent home, and that several years since ! And
with respect to the education of the slaves, it appears to have
been abandoned in deference to the feelings and wishes of the
slave-holders in the vicinity 1
We will not do eil upon the statements which have been
made of cruelties perpetrated by some of the servants of the
Company, when separated thousands of miles from the Direc-
tors; some of which, however, we believe to be too true : we
would rather call your attention to the circumstance, that the
slavery which is thus sanctioned by the Imperial Brazilian
Mining
and in many man
is a system by which millions of human
beings aro subjected to a debasing, cruel,
stances, life-destroying bondage—a stem which fosters both
on the part of the slave and his oppr.osor, a fearful amount of
immorality, anti neglect of religious obligations.
It must also be ever borne in mind• that as slavery origin-
ated in the enormous iniquity of the Slave trade, so it conti-
nually fosteis this evil which exists to au enormous extent in
the Brazils, in despite of laws fur its abolition ; the number
of its annual victims is calculated at sixty thousand! With a know-
ledge of these facts, can you withhold your most strenuous ex-
ertions to remove from your charaoter the reproach of being a
slave •holder, and from your conscience the guilt of being im.,
and providing for
slaves,
respect
plicated in a critne so fatally and catensively destructive to
ve:Sharchoblefrrs., to at-
tend-human happiness, and to the advancement of civilization
and religion.
The Directors have, in rccor.lance with our earnest request,
resolved, to make the General Meeting of the Propsetary on
the 13th of sth month (May) special for the consideration
they will freely
respect-
fully, leltyls:eebc
security
teoyaprnroi
feetsytthl oyefi
rceamlfluatenuporeictetaft,ri,eunergdbot hrra,c4;hslewar
assistance
Itvoeualcdcolmhpatlishmeint,
s:ndmledte all bear that meeting, or enttust the.r proxies to th„
this righteous cause; and we trust they wilt all be so deeply
' rsed with the necessity of this step, that
impr -
`• Therefore all
mind the precept of our Holy l:Wecuter, in
their
ratsaosesivestr
to,:
jeer;
sthmth
ye even so to them." Should, the Compact - •
act of justice which is sought at sis Petwrni that
cir hands, we
entertain the ho2e that it would in '
promote the righteous cause of emancipationyou. do
no small degree
in Brazil and in
other parts of the world.
for ourselves, we feel it a solemn duty
the employment of slave shone b the to protest against
Imperial Braziliaa
Mining Company, and express our determination. to use our
mast earnest exertion to prevent its
Continuance, whenever an
opportunity is afforded.
Signed by

EDWARD HARMS, London.
GEORGE THOMAS,
EDWARD THOMAS,
JOSEPH FRY, Bristol.
FRANCIS FRY,
RICHARD FRY,

HENRY TUCKETT. London.
Any communication on the subject may be addressed to
Henry Tuckett, at No. 7, South-street, Finsbury.
London, Ath mo. 26, 1841.

The Gist Regiment will be inspected At Wool-
wich in a Lle days, at which Lord Hill, Commander-in-Chief,
will he present. It is expected the whole of the troops in the
garrison will be assembled in review order, to gratify some dis-
tinguished personages, hut the day has not yet been n amed.
The 61st will leave Woolwich, for Manchester, in the course
of the next or following week, and will be succeeded by tbe
16th Regiment, from Winchester. •

EVENING EDITION

SIR ROBERT PEEL'S MOTION
FOR THE REMOVAL OF MINISTERS.

We judged correctly in supposing that Sir Robert
Peel would not proceed to the extremity of stopping the
supplies ; but the step which he has taken seemed to us
so much more improbable, that we did not think itworth
while to speculate on it in our conjectures as to his
course. It was a maxim of the Duke of Wellington
never to fight a battle without some object more sub-
stantial than the eclat of victory ; and we thought that
Sir Robert Peel was too skilful a general to risk an en-
gagement which cannot alter the position and resources
of his opponents, but which must show declining forces
on his side, if it do not terminate in actual defeat. Sir
Robert has nothing to gain, much to lose, by his motion,
which, it' carried, will be pure supererogation ; if re-
jected, gratuitous discomfiture.
The vote on the Sugar Duties decided the case of the
Government in the present Parliament, and Ministers,
who were not to be deterred from their great duty to
their Sovereign and their country by that division, will
he as little moved from their course by any decision of
the same Parliament to the same effect.
But it is objected that, though Ministers have the
rig ht to appeal to the country to decide between them
and the confederated monopolists, they are not justifiable
in holding office in defiance of the existing Parliament,
delaying at the same time the convoking of another.
The answer is, that the case for the appeal to the country
is not complete till the whole question between Ministers
and the monopolists is before the public. -The country
will not be in a condition to make its choices for the next
Parliament till it has had the opportunity of knowing
what are the views of its present representatives upon
every important branch of the Ministerial project. The
country must know how the candidates for its confidence
propose to deal, not only with the Sugar Duties, but with
the Corn-laws and the Timber Duties. Before the pre-
sent Parliament has declared itself upon' all these great
questions, the case for appeal is imperfect in the most im-
portant respects. All the branches of the scheme must
be discussed and decided on by the present represents-
tives of the people, before the public can be in a condi-
tion to give judgment as to which are the men to serve,
and which to defeat its best interests. But this is a
knowledge which the Tories feel the dangers of. They
are conscious that their cause suffers by discussion, and
if they cannot escape a dissolution, they wish to hurry it
on, so as to prevent a full hearing of the case against the
monopolies. Their logic is curiously inconsistent. They
assert, in their proposed address to the Crown, that Mi-
nisters cannot carry their measures, and they argue in
their prints and speeches that Ministers are not justified
in proceeding to submit those measures to the public
judgment, by which they must ultimately succeed or fall.
The motion of Sir Robert Peel—
" That her Majesty's Ministers do not sufficiently
possess the confidence of the House of Commons to
enable them' to carry through that House measures
which they deem of essential importance to the public
welfare, and that their continuance in office under such
circumstances is at variance with the spirit of the
Constitution."
is not declaratory of a judgment ; for how can there be
a judgment without a hearing ? It is rather political
soothsaying or fortune-telling. At best it is one of those
predictions which the authors imagine they have the
power of fulfilling.
And how significant is the suddenness of the change
of strategy in the Tory camp. Up to the announcement
of the Ministerial project, the Fabian policy was relied
on by our adversaries, and they boasted that every week
that the existence of the Melbourne Ministry was pro-
tracted, would give years to the succeeding Tory Go-
vernment. The more rope given the better, it was said.
It was argued that the only danger was, that
precipitation might prevent the completeness of
the Whig disgrace and ruin. But suddenly the
Fabian policy is dismissed, and the Government
is to be carried by a coup de main. The change
is not without reason, for the Tory leaders see
that to continue the Fabian tactics now would not
be leaving the Ministry to its causes of exhaustion, but
its new sources of strength. Time and truth are now
telling for the Government, and therefore the Tories
make the desperate attempt to shorten the duration of the
grsat'rally. If they could succeed in this object it might
countervail certain impolitic effects belonging to the
motion ; but how could they reckon on succeeding,
except through the weakness of Ministers in surrender-
ing, at the first summons, their right of a hearing for
the measures on the merits of which they have to take
tho sense of the nation. Such a folly on the part of their
adversaries was not to be expected by any but prepos-
terously sanguine or very desperate men.
The project has already made great progress in the
public favour ; but it will make more the more it is
known, and every hour will add to the strength in sup-
port of it.
The Times fairly makes tho admission that if Minis-
ters expect in the present juncture to gain a majority by
dissolving, no one can say that the Constitution requires
them to relinquish their plan without appealing to the
country. Sir Robert Peel, however, in his speech, contends
that Government has no right to suppose that the opinion of
the country is at variance with that of the existing Parlia-
ment, and according to this position a dissolution could
never, in any circumstances, be justifiable for the purpose
of an appeal to the people. But has Sir Robert Peel al-
ways held this doctrine—has he always maintained that
Parliament was the only index of public opinion, and
that it was unwarrantable in a Government to suppose
the judgment of the country opposed to that of its repre-
tatives ?
We turn to a very remarkable passage in his speech
on the Appropriation question in 1835, which, for the
convenience of comparison, we print in juxtaposition
with the doctrine which he has produced as suitable to
the present occasion.
Sir Robert Peel on Thurs- Sir Robert Peel on the 2d
day last. April 1835.
"It may be said, True, " You talk of your supre-
we mai not have the confi- macy—ofy our power tocon-
dence of the House of Corn- trot the Executive Govern-
mons; but, perhaps, as Mr. m nt ; let me whisper irl your
Pitt was able to say, though ear, that although yes are
Mr. Fox denied it, if we triumphant here—though you
fail in the House of Com- are enabled to fetter our urea-
mons, there are sufficient in- surer in this House yet the
dications that we possess the power you exercise does not
confidence of the country.'— extend without these walls
(Cheers and counter cheers.) with the intensity with which
Fir t, how_ver, I sic) add say it operates within.—(Great
with Mr. Fox, it is dange- cheering.) We may be weak
rous to admit any other re- here ; but this I tell you
cognised organ of public again respectfully, but with
opinion than the House of a firm conviction of its truth,
Commons. It is dangerous that there is a public opinion
to set up the implied or sup- which exists independent of
posed opinions of constittt- majorities—which is not con-
encies against their declared trolled by votes—which it is
and authorised organ, the essentially necessary to pos-
House of Commons." sess—in addition to mere ma-
jorities in this House. I
never felt more convinced
of anything-, than I do of the
truth of what I have been
stating ; I never felt more
convinced than I do of this
truth, that the public opinion
will not sanction—it will with
its submission, but it will
not with its approbation
sanction—your efforts, even
if they. are successful, to
throw impediments in the
way of the useful measures
of Government."—(Cheers.)
When Sir Robert Peel used this strong language,
asserting that the opinion of Parliament was opposed to
the prevailing opinion of the country, he did not con-
template patting his boast to the , test by a dissolution.
Whatever danger there is, as he says, "in setting up
the implied or supposed opinions of constituencies
against their declared and authorised organs," he then
incurred for no other purpose than an empty vaunt, and
without a thought of verifying his assertion by a
new appeal to the country.
The very language which Sir Robert Peel so ground-
lessly used in 1835, Ministers may now adopt with a
just confidence. They may say to the monopolist ma-
jority, "We may be weak here, but there is a public
opinion
which exists independent of majorities, which
will not sanction your efihrts to throw impediments in
the way of the useful measures of Government."
That Sir Robert's was a vain vaunt in 35 events
proved. He did not, indeed he could not, dissolve
the Parliament of his own calling, but the dissolu-
tion on the King's death brought his assertion to the test,
and the opinion of the country, instead of condemning
the overthrow of the Tory Government, and the policy
of the Ministry which succeeded it, ratified both by re-
turning a majority. The smallness of that majority
may, indeed, be a fine subject for scoff and sarcasm, but
if the party is to be derided which can only muster so
small a majority, what is to be thought of the party eter-
nally boasting its possession of all the powers of the
country, which cannot muster any majority whatever,
ex-ept upon the rare and respectable occasions of the
great crosses, such as the Sugar Duties question ?
But Sir Robert Peel points to the elections which have
occurred since the calling of this Parliament, in proof of
the waning popularity of the Ministry. We have only to
repeat upon this subject what we have more than once
observed, that the Tories always have had, and always
will have, the advantage in isolated cases, because they
can bring the powers of the (purse, and also of another
kind, to bear on single points with more effect than they
can distribute them in a genpral contest. But when Sir
Robert Peel is discussing the Ministry's present prospect
of support, what inference is to be drawn from elections
which occurred before the Government had produced its
great plan for the relief of the country and the improve-
ment of its finances ?
We have denied that the victories of the Tories in
isolated contests are to be taken as evidences of opinion,
but we do not pretend that, in the state of things ante-
rior to the announcement of the Ministerial project, we
should have reckoned on a majority in the event of a
general election. The spirit of the country, which had
slumbered; is stirred by the benefits to it now proposed.
The people have now great objects to call forth their ex-
ertions, and to reward them. Every individual not in-
terested in the monopolies has a practical good to strive
for—nay more, even those interested in any one mono-
poly have an interest in the abatement of the others, and
have to set off a gain against any loss which they may
apprehend.
The only chance which the Tories have in battling
against the plan for removing the difficulties of the
country, by relieving the overburdened springs of
industry, is certainly to arrest the discussion of it
before it is thoroughly understood, and therefore
we believe fully in the sincerity of Sir Robert Peel,
where he says that one of the motives of his pending
Motion is to arrest or abridge the Anti-Corn-law dis-
cussion.. The attempt will be abortive, and will only
&melee those who made it. It is the bad move of a bad
ps
All that we see confirms our first impression that the
Tories will rue their forlorn hop Men like Lord

Worsley, who voted against Government, differing from
it as to the Corn-laws, or as to the sugar duties only,
will support it, nevertheless, against a party with whom
they have no agreement except on those solitary points.
Whatever maybe the result of the division, it can only
more or less hurt the Tory party, impairing the former
bad triumph, if not casting them again into a minority.
As for the Government, its course cannot be altered one
way or the other by the issue of this debate. Two
words sum up their resourses—discussion as full as pos-
sible, dissolution when discussion is complete.
Sir Robert Peel has maintained his reserve as to what
he would do to meet the financial difficulties of the coun-
try. He glorified his frankness at great length, boasted
that he had declared himself on this and that question,
and on all ordinary topics of legislation, but said that on
the particular subject of finance he must be allowed to
reserve his views. It is Olin that he will not throw his
pearls to swine, but will .eep them for official wear. In
like manner, some time ago, an adventurer promised the
discovery im invaluable secret on the condition that a
certain price should be subscribed for the payment of it
in advance. Give me place, says the frank Sir Robert,
and you shall have my secret for the restoration of the
finances, but no advice gratis on this partie.ular disorder.
Sir John Hobhouse observed on the backwardne-Ss of
the Tory leader—
" The Right Hon. Gsntleman's career (he will excuse
me for saying so) has been one of general expediency, of
ineffectual resistance, and ultimate concession. He has at-
tempted to swim against the current of public opinion, by
which for many years he has been beaten back, and has
landed upon shoal after shoal, and which has sunk under
him, and been swept away. If he has been saved, he owes
his safety to yielding at last to that side which he has spent
the best part of a valuable life in endeavouring to combat in
vain. The Right Hon. Gentleman has certainly not been
the leader—perhaps it has been his misfortune, not his
fault—but he has not been the leader of events, but has
been dragged onwards by them. He has generally come
too late with his political discoveries. He has been, on
almost all occasions, obliged finally to adopt that line of
policy which in an earlier period he has thought it his
duty to oppose. It might be his misfortune, but I think
the Right Hon. Baronet, with all his talents—with all his
opportunities—with all his great party support—has
shown himself deficient in one great quality that belongs
to the character of a statesman, the sagacity which reads
the signs of the times, and which foresees the conse-
quences of them.—(Cheers.) As he has hitherto conic
too late with all his measures, so if he should now attain to I
power, his future .measures will not be such as can rest
on the principles on which he set out in life, and such as
for many years he maintained as a private individual and
as a Minister.—(Cheers.) No : he must administer the
affairs of the country upon those principles lam happy
to say upon which we have administered it so long.—
(Cheers.) He can only act upon these principles."
We differ from the last opinion, which is indeed in-
consistent with the preceding remarks. Sir Robert Peel
cannot administer the affairs of the country upon the
principles on which it has been governed by a Liberal
Government, and at the same time continue his course of
resisting good principles to the last, and acceding to
them too late. The difference would be precisely the
difference between the rule and the exception. For the
one late and forced liberal concession of Sir Robert,
there would be a hundred cases of obstinacy in resisting
improvement in the
,ripe season for it. A line of action •
against the dispositions can never have any similarity to
a line of action in accordance with the dispositions ; and
this would be the difference between a Peel Government
in its occasional extorted liberalities, whatever they
might be, and a Liberal Government, whose measures
were in pursuance of their wishes and convictions. The
public may reckon on an occasional concession after
great throes and struggles, against the grain, but never
on a tenor of service, which is the distinction that does
not seem sufficiently made in Sir John Hobhouse's
speech.

95
634
1 1 i
45

Whether Lord Stanley has any shame or any feelings
we know not ; but if he has, Sir John Hobhouse must
have touched them, not more sorely than justly, in this
passage :

" The Noble Member for North Lancashire had
asserted on a former night that the present Government,
in the words of the poet, was 'nodding to its fall.' If it
must fall, for himself he would say that he was quite
ready to fall in such company ; as he and his friends
had risen to power together, so he was ready to relin-
quish power with them. But they had kept together
in their chivalry' for some years, and he saw no reason
to believe that they might not continue their career for
the correction of abuses and the lightening of the bur-
dens of the people. If he fell, it would be with his
friends, and he was better satisfied to fall with them
than, like his late Noble Friend the Member for North
Lancashire, to rise to any eminence, however lofty,
among his enemies.—(Hear, hear.) He should be sorry
to see himself surrounded in any situation by men whom
he had once uniformly opposed, and supporting princi-
ples which in the earlier part of his career he had felt
pride in resisting.--(Loud cheers.)"
The debate is adjourned to Wednesday ; as yet it has
been heavy and spiritless.—Examiner.

SECOND EDITION
THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES.)
BRITISH FUNDS.
Bank Stock 169 India Stock
3 per Cent Red. B9- Ditto Bonds
3 per Cent Cons 9O Ditto Old Annuities ...
34 per Cent Red 971 Ditto New Annuities...
New 3i per Cent 99 Ex. Bills, 1,000/....21c1 12 pro
New 5 per Cent — 1 Ditto 500/ ll pm
Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small l3 pm
Jan. 18130 l2 11-16 Bank Stock for Acct...
Oct 1859 l2 9-16 India Stock for 0pg....
Jan. 1860. Consols for Opg 9Ol

FOREIGN FUNDS.
Austrian, 5 per cent +Portuguese, 5 per cent.
Belgian, 5 per cent iDitto, New Ditto 333
Brazilian 80nd5.......... Prussian, 5 per cent.
Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent Russian, 5 per cent
Chilian, 6 per cent__ Ditto, Metallic
Colombian, 6 per cent... Spanish, 5 per cent 234
Ditto, 1824. 22 Ditto, Deferred.
Danish, 3 per cent French, 5 per cent. 25f. 50c.
Greek, 18:45, 5 per cent — Exchange —f. c.
Mexican, 5 per cent.... 28i French,- 3 per cent —f. —c
Ditto, 6 per cent, 1825. Dutch, 21t per cent. ... 52ei
Peruvian, 1825, 6 per ct. Ditto, b per cent 100
SHARES
Great Western Railway (65 paid)
Ditto New Shares (50 paid
Ditto Fifth (4 paid)
London and Brighton (50 paid)
London and Blackwall Railway (2.5 paid)...
London and Birmingham Railway (90 pd)
Ditto Quarter Shares (15 paid)
Ditto New Shares (2 paid) .........
London and South Western
London and Croydon Railway (Trunk)
North Midland Railway (100 aid)
Ditto New Shares (40 paid)
York and North Midland Railway (50 pd
Ditto New Shares (10 paid) .

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

THE SUN, LONDON. MONDAY, MAY 31. 1841.