The Sun.
London, England, 1840-07-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSOAY, JULY 23. 1840.

appeared from what had taken place that the statement
was not more likely to be realised than at the first mo-
ment. The British property in Buenos Ayres was es-
timated at more than a million of money, all of which
was lying dormant.—(Hear.) The articles of which
that property consisted were of the most perishable na-
ture, and it took no less a sum than 20,0001. annually to
take the necessary care of it ; added to which, there
was British capital laid out to the extent of 5,000,000
dollars in local funds. A national bank has also been
formed, in which 2,000,000/. of English capital
had been invested, all of which was locked up
and rendered unavailable in consequence of the
blockade.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Sandon) thought,
looking at all these things, they might have expected
from the Noble Lord that he would not have per.
mitted this blockade to continue. Independent of this,
another million had been invested at Monte Video,
which was placed in the greatest peril by this blockade.
Passing from Buenos Ayres, he wished to call the at-
tention of the House to the state of the commercial
interests of this country with Portugal. A duty of
uywards of 50 per cent. was placed upon goods going
from this country to Portugal ; the effect of which was
to drive the manufactures of this country from it.
In 1838 there were only two Portuguese vessels shipped
cargo, value 1711., at Liverpool. The British shipping
was:eighty, and the value of the cargo was 800,8201. In
the next year the value of British produce shipped in
British vessels had fallen to under 500,0001., while
under the then laws the number of Portuguese vessels
had risen from two to forty, while the amount had risen
in equal proportion. The retaliation of the Noble Lord
was entirely powerless, and the Noble Lord ought to
have come to Parliament for fresh powers, as America
had done with regard to Spain in 1834. The same sort
of war had been carried on with Spain for the last twenty
years. He would not press that point, but at all
events so far as respected navigation the Noble Lord
had powers enough to meet the growing encroachments
of the Spanish Government, whose duties and exactions
had grown up from 30 to 200 per cent. All that might
have been met by retaliatory measures on the part o:
the Noble Lord without any new powers ; and he had
been assured by the President of the Board of Trade
that such retaliatory orders were ready to be issued at
a favourable moment ; but six years had passed and no-
thing had been done. The result was that the trade
was flowing from the English shipowner to the Spanish,
which was a gross injustice to the shipowners of Eng-
land. In the carrying trade to Havannah alone we had
lost since 1834, in which year the value carried by the
British was 382,000/., to the present time, when it was
only 36,000/., and all the difference had been gained by
the navigation of Spain. So, again, fresh exactions were
placed upon our trade with the Basque Provinces of
Spain ; it seemed as if all our exertions were only to be
repaid with the utmost contempt, and that the more
the Noble Lord remonstrated the worse our trade
suffered. After all that England had done for the pre-
sent Government of Spain, he thought the trade of
England ought to have received more and fuller advan-
tages. He thought be had shown that in the case of
Buenos Ayres they had permitted a blockade
to be carried on that was most detrimental to
the manufacturing interest of the country ;
that we had allowed Portugal to absorb
all the trade with that country ; and that
Spain for six long years had been allowed to im-
pose discriminating duties upon our trade, as to give her
ships an advantage of from 30 to 200 per cent. He
trusted the Noble Lord would be able to state what
securities he was enabled to offer, that the commerce of
this country would be placed upon a firm and fixed basis.
Lord PALMERSTON said the speech of the Noble
Lord had relieved him from much apprehension. At
all events, it had gratified his curiosity to know what
were the points upon which the Noble Lord wished to
affix any blame upon the present Government, with re-
spect to our foreign trade. He confessed that he was
at a loss to know what points the Noble Lord could
find, upon which he could frame a plausible ground for
censure, and he hardly expected that he would have
fallen so short as he had done. Instead of taking
a large view of our commercial affairs throughout
the world, he had confined himself to two or three
points, upon which he (Lord P.) would easily show that
the Government were not at all obnoxious to blame.
It was curious to see and hear the different tone and
language which Hon. Gentlemen used when calling
upon the Government to protect trade, and the tone
and language used by them when the Government had
taken measures for such a purpose:---(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord, however, upon the present occasion,
had even gone beyond the example of former days, for
In called upon him (Lord P.) to state how long he
would allow France to continue the blockade of Buenos
A). res—when Portugal would afford British shipping
any advantage, and when he intended to oblige Spain
to conclude a commercial treaty with us. Now, it
England was to be dictator of the world, such language
would be all very well, and the Government might be
to blame for not doing as the Noble Lord wislied ; but
so long as nations were independent, language of
that sort was used without any just foundation
The Noble Lord had begun by observing on the inter-
ruption of our intercourse with Mexico, which was cer•
tainly rather on unhappy topic with which to commence
a speech, the object of which was to prove a studied
and habitual neglect by the Government of the com-
mercial interests of the country ; because, at least in
Mexico, the Government had, with considerable exer-
tion, succeeded in bringing about an amicable arrange-
ment between France and Mexico, by which great em-
barrassment to commerce had been put an end to ; and
that instance he should have referred to to-night if the
Noble Lord kid not, as a' proof of the successful
attention of the Government to the commercial inter-
ests cf the country.—( Hear, hcar.) The Noble Lord
also found fault with the Government for having allowed
two months to intervene between the reception of a cer-
tain report of the premature imposition of a fresh duty
on British goods, and the sending out instructions to
our Minister to remonstrate against it, but he begged
to assure the Noble Lord the instructions on this matter
could not be sent out until it had been ascertained from
their legal advisers on what grounds their remonstrance
should be placed, and also what it was to which we were
entitled, and he (Lord P.) therefore thought a delay of
two months was perfectly compatible with strict attention
to the interests of our commerce.—( Hear, hear.) With
regard to Buenos Ayres, it was true that our commerce,
rind the commerce of America too (for although the Noble
Lord said America was not so patient as England, he
begged to differ from him in that respect, for it was much
complained of in the United St3tes)—that the Govern-
ment had shown too great patience, and though they did
not relinquish their nghts, tor the less press them, yet
they abstained from any reciprocation of violence.—( Hear,
hear.) But it was true that America and ourselves had
suffered great inconvenience from the blockade of the
River Plate, but the Noble Lord was mistaken
in supposing that the British Government had not
taken every possible means of bringing the quarrel to an
amicable adjustment. It was of course impossible for him
at present to state to the Noble Lord all the various de-
tails of these efforts and negociatiorni. The Noble Lord
said that what had been done he knew not, and because be
knew not, be assumed they had done nothing ; but he could
assure the Noble Lord he (Lord Sandon) was quite mis-
taken, and he (Lord P.) had the satisfaction of saying,
that he hoped from the nature of the communications the
French Government had made, or were about to make to the
Government of Buenos Ayres, the two parties would shortly
come to a friendly termination of their differences, and he
could assure the Noble Lord that no efferts would be want-
on the part of ;the British Government to bring about
so desirable result ; but when the Noble Lord asked how
long England would permit a great country like France to
pursue a quarrel with an independent country like Buenos
Apes, he thought the Noble Lord was expressing him-
self in a way which he would not wish to be understood as
his deliberate opinion of the mode in which ho would deal
with matters of this kind.—( Hear, hear.) It was true
that the inconvenience, as the Noble Lord stated, was
peculiarly great in consequence of the perishable nature of
the commochties which we received in return for our ex-
y
cparr ea:
heel
related
aaet
could
Ae.omciumt bloeuode r
only
cai
hwesyAsa:
assure
or emehs
ohr
ei
tni enhpeat
ofew a swNna
oor
bt
het ha
ve
Anl ego s
rs
dp ar ffo
hadteec
ct
te
edd bd
the
Noble
ot
b loef conveyedijtohred that
question themat America
frommoefr
cp ao
blockade,rt
respectedtop ob port,
two Ante.
averted,
ATni heoe.f
that blockade, and had been urgent in stating the incon-
venience to her commercial interests in consequence of it.
—( Hear, hear.) With regard to Monte Video the Noble
Lord admitted he knew of no evils arising thence, and it
would, therefore, be time enough to discuss them when
they actually occurred. With respect to Portugal it was
perfectly true that the retaliatory duty which we had laid
on in consequence of the discriminating duty imposed on
our vessels by the Portuguese Government, was not quite
sufficient in operation to be a complete retaliation, but we
had gone to the full extent the law allowed us.
The House was not to suppose that the very
narrow-minded and prejudiced system of commerce,
which Portugal had for some four or five years past pur-
sued, had been beneficial to that country, while it had
been injurious to others. The interests of commerce in
Portugal bad suffered by the commercial system they had
pursued, and he believed the Portuguese Government
began to find its error, and that there was arising a dis-
position on their part to come to some arrangement for the
mutual advantage of the commerce of both countries. It
was idle to suppose that any one country could adopt a
system of prohibition, and thereby derive great advantage
over other countries ; for if that were so, every country
would adopt it ; and thefact was, the experience of a short
time would convince every country which did so, that it
was as injurious to itself as to those against whom it was
levied.—( Hear, hear.) It was only necessary for a coun-
try to taste the bitter fruits of such a system to bring
it to a more enlightened view of its own com-
mweirtchi arle
ginterests p
aaiso
hwoel
did ansot tkhnaot
wowf h
cotthhoerr t h
en aßtiooenrsd.
oo
ff
tTradeo
o n hadt r
yi s
buoe
td
hree t athlioautogrzt otrhdoe r ss at
ogaati
iposot tohfe
Sshipping
of that country, but he thought the situation of Spain forr
some years past would account for some degree of forbear-
satnacoedi.
oTg h ;hoe c
pi rrcoupinh
es tsai
on: e:fwethree n
Ho wo
an. earGlye
notvl eerm,
anno,twwi tnhe-
pledged all their wisdom and skill political affairs
oceartatihneLe(enH'searcaausned and the
And not only so, bat Don Carlos had failed, and he trusted
rinThhaed virtually,
if successutter failure
Donof
if not entirely, ceased.—
he might now say that the
ceased.—(Hear,
now come when Spain would be called on to liberalize her
CthaerlosQ.
awr,a rhiena hear.)
Oak to ,Ipply .o.r 11 return.-on.—(licar,
system of navigation, or to expect those retaliatory mea-
sures we were
bear.) He hoped, however, that a country which

had established her liberties in the way Spain had
done had imbibed enlightened principles of commerce:which
would lead her to consult her own interest, more even
than that of the nations who traded with her, by sweeping
away all those antiquated systems of traffic so manifestly
injurious, and adopting an enlightened system of com-
merce which would give full scope to the trade of other
nations as well as her own. With regard to Bilboa dis-
cusisons were still going on. We had net yet persuaded the
Spanish authorities to view the matter in the same light with
ourselves, but at the same time, perhaps, we were not al.
ways as open to conviction as we should be on points in
which foreign countries differed from us, and some
allowance should be made for the indisposition of the local
authorities to admit the justice of our pretensions. That
point he could assure the Noble Lord was not lost sight of,
nor would it be neglected. The Noble Lord (Lord Sandon)
had touched these few points as a proof of the
neglect which had been shown towards the commerce of
the country by a Government which he said had boasted
that no former Government had ever shown half so much
attention to it. He (Lord P.) begged to disclaim the
arithmetical proportion. He had never presumed to state
that as the particular measure of their exertions, but he
bad said, and with truth, that he believed no former Go-
vernment had given so much attention as the present to
our commercial interests, and, he might add, nor had at-
tended to them with quite the same success.—( Hear. )
The Noble Lord had said that the present Gevernment
might have conferred some benefits on the country as re-
garded its foreign relations, but that those benefits were
unknown beyond the precincts of Downing-street. In
that, however, he (Lord Palmerston) differed from the
Noble Lord. The results of the foreign policy of the Go-
vernment were known in the commercial affairs of the
country ; and he felt that commerce had derived great
benefit from the proceedings of the Government, and that
it was likely in future to derive still greater benefit from
them. But he would not take up the time of the House
with cases which had been discussed before; and if the
Noble Lord was fond of founding his arguments on the
proofs afforded by facts, and if the result was to be the cri-
terion of the meritof Ministers,he would just call the attention
of the Noble Lord to the different amount of our exports
and imports in different years, because he thought that
they might * least be entitled to say that if, during the
period they had been charged with the Government of the
country, its exports and imports had continued steadily to
increase, that would be a sufficient proof that whatever
complaints might be made—and well-founded complaints
might be made on special subjects from time to time—
whatever complaints might be made by particular interests,
it should be admitted, on the whole, that if Ministers had
not paid attention to the commerce of the country, they
were at least very fortunate in finding that that commerce
bad gone on progressively increasing, in spite of their ne-
glect. He would give a statement of the exports from
the United Kingdom in different years, commencing
with the year 1830, as it was the year which 1111.
mediately preceded that for which they were to answer.
The total value of our exports in the year 1830 was
38,000,000/. ; in 1831 it was somewhat less, having been
but 37,000,0001. ; in 1832 it was 38,000,000/. ; in 1833
it was 39,000,0001. ; in 1834 it was 41,000,000/. ; in 1835
it was 47,000,000/. ; in 1836 it was 55,000,000/. ; in 1837
it was 42,000,000/. ; in 1838 it was 50,000,000/. ; and in
last year it was 53,000,0001. These returns showed that
our exports have increased from 1830 to 1839 from the
value of 38,000,0001. to the value of 53,000,0001., certainly
a very large increase. But it might be said that they
might augment their exports without making anything by
it, because they might give away their commodities or
sell them for a value which was not equal to the cost of
their production. If, however, it appeared that at the
same time and in the same proportion our imports had in-
creased, and if the value of what we had got in return for
our productions kept pace with the augmentation in those
productions, it appeared to him that it would be clearly esta-
blished thereby that the trade of the the country had pro-
gressively improved. In the year 1830 our imports amount-
ed to 46,000,000/. ; in 1831 to 49,000,0001. ; in 1832 to
44,000,000/. ; in 1833 to 45,000,000/. ; in 1834 to
49,000,0001. ; in 1835 to 48,000.0001. ; in 1836 to
57,000,000/ ; in 1837 to 54,000,0001. ; in 1838 to
61,000,000/. ; and in 1839 to 62,000,000/.—(Hear, hear.)
Our imports had therefore increased since 1830 from
46,000,000/. to 62,000,000/. Those facts proved, when
they took our exports and imports together, that notwith-
standing the local and temporary checks to which our
' commerce had been exposed, and to which the commerce
of every country which, like England, has au intercourse
with the entire habitable globe, must, from time to time,
be exposed. Notwithstandi,,g such checks, the commerce
of the country has, on the whole, gone on steadily im.
proving, and during the period be had men-
tioned, it had increased in the ratio of not
much less than two to three. He maintained
therefore that the Government had paid a genertl atten-
don to the interests of the commerce of the country, and
that they had given it greater security by their treaties and
arrangements with foreign countries; and he contended
that the Noble Lord had not, either by facts or arguments,
established against the Government a charge of anything
like a neglect of our commercial affairs, and that under
their mai.agement they had greatly improved. Under
those circumstances, he thought he was not only justified
in repelling the charges of the Noble Lord, but that he
bad established a claim for some pretension at least, on the
part of Ministers, to a successful attention to the commer.
clef interests of ttie country.—( Hear, hear. )

Mr. NIACLE AN said that the Noble Lord need not
have attacked his Noble Friend in the manner he had
done, for in the last sentence of his Noble Friend's speech
he had expressly told the House that he should circum-
scribe his views to those insulated portions of foreign po-
licy to which he had in the commencement of his speech
alluded; and he had expressly excluded from his views
that most important portion of our foreign relations—
those relating to the East ; but the Noble Lord had
made a speech which was calculated to mislead the country
as to the object of his Noble Friend's address. He had
given quotations showing an increase in our commerce
from 1830 to 1840, but he had forborne to point out for
what portion of that increase we were indebted to our
colonies, and for what the great vigilance with which
our foreign relations were conducted. The Noble Lord
could not surely forget how, Session after Session, his at-
tention had been drawn to the manner in which the most
important subjects connected with our commerce were
treated by the Foreign-office. Cod,' he forget the re-
peated animadversions that had been, not only from that
side the House, but by one who might be supposed to be
in the confidence of the Government, on the course pur-
sued by the Government relating to that most important
branch of our commerce, the gum trade, and the attacks
by the French on British commerce at Portendic and Se-
negal. That affitir, it appeared, was still the subject of
negotiation, and the British merchant, who was suffering
year after year, must rest satisfied with the assurance of
the Noble Lord that in time he hoped those negotiations
would be brought to a satisfactory termination. The Noble
Lord could not, it seemed, obtain any satisfactory commer-
cial treaty with Portugal or with Spain. But the Noble
Lord said Spain was pacified, but that had not been in con-
sequence of the interference of the British Government.
It had been owing at last to the energy of the French Go-
vernment, which, although it had bound the parties to the
Quadripartite Treaty during the early part of the tvar,:ad at
last thought. proper to act in a more energetic manner, and
to that, and not to the policy of the Noble Lord, the issue
of that contest was to be attributed. But let not the Noble
Lord flatter himself that the issue of that contest had been
favourable to this country. Did he not know that those
to whom in a great measure the success of that issue might
be attributed, were now wandering about the streets of
Loadon in a state of poverty which was a disgrace not only
to the Spanish Government, but to the British Govern-
ment also? Did not the Spanish Government also owe
this country an immense debt for arms and ammunition ? and
yet such was our want of influence with that country
that the Noble Lord had confessed not only that he could
not obtain a treaty of commerce, but that he could not ever
obtain a grant of money for the liquidation of claims, the
justice of which the Government itself acknowledged.
He considered that this was an eternal disgrace to that
country, in whose cause these brave men had shed their
blood like water.—( Cheers.) With regard to the state
of affairs in the East, and to our commercial relations in
the Black Sea, he could assure the Noble Lord that early
in the next Session the whole of that subject would be
brought fully before the House. That part of our foreign
policy was involved in the greatest obscurity. He bad
never understood whether the assent of the Government
had been given to the Treaty of Adrianople. The Noble.
Lord had never given any opinion during the discussion of
the affairs of the Vixen on that subject ; it was in
obscuro whether Russia possessed Circassia in virtue
of the 6th article of that treaty. It was doubtful to him
whether Turkey had a right to cede, or Russia to
take Circassia. It was a question, however, which would
very likely be set at rest by the efforts of that magnificent
race of men who inhabited those regions, and who bad
driven their oppressors from their strongholds and laid
open 200 miles of coast to British commerce. He should
be glad to hear that it was the intention of the British
Government to prevent any renewal of the secret article of
the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, which shut up the Darda.
nelles, and by preventing British ships of war from enter..
ing the Black Sea, made the freedom of British commerce
in that sea a perfect farce. The period was now approach.
ing for the cessation of that treaty, and be hoped the Bri-
tish Government would act with energy in defence
of the freedom of British commerce in the Black
Sea.—( Hear.) He could not but deplore the
speech of the Noble Lord the other night, who,
although he confessed the integrity of Cracow Was
guaranteed by solemn treaty, that the English and French
Governments were pledged to support the independence of
Cracow, and had made remonstrances on what was ad-
mitted to be a shameful violation of that:treaty, by an attack
upon the independence of Cracow, '.et said that Russia,
Austria, and Prussia were powerful, and that it was ne-
cessary to act with prudence,
it would be unjusti-
fiable to plunge the nation in a war, and that the British
Government must be satisfied with a simple remonstrance,
when a solemn treaty had been flagrantly violated. He
was certain the Noble Lord did not mean to convey such
an impression, but the impression produced abroad by
that speech would be, that when a State was
weak, like Naples, the British Government would act
with energy, and that
but when it was strong, as France was, such
affairs as the blockade of Buenos Ayres and Mexico would
be passed over with impunity. He did not believe that the
Noble Lord meant that, but such a declaration from the
Foreign Minister of this country remaining unexplained,
would induce a belief that in such cases as that of Russia,
we might be defied with impunity, that our flag might be in-
sulted, and our commerce injured ; and as we we were afraid
of vindicating our honour at the expense of a war, we
would now submit to insults to which in former times we
should not have submitted. (Cheers.) The Noble
Lord said that to his policy the Queen of Portugal
owed her Throne, and the Queen of Spain her's ;
yet notwithstanding this great debt of gratitude,
the Noble Lord's influence was so weak that be could not
obtain a treaty of commerce on that occasion with either
of these countries. With regard to Mexico, it was true
the difference between that country and France had been
settled by the intervention of England, but two years had
elapsed before that settlement bad been made, and while
the Noble- Lord had been iregotiating, the English toes.
chants were starving. There was another question

which would be a subject of discussion on a future occa-
sion, as very little had been said on it during the present
Session—he meant the opium trade with China.—( Shouts
of laughter from the Ministerial benches.) He should not
go into that at present, as if he did so he feared the
House would not extend that indulgence to him which
they had hitherto so kindly granted him. But the Noble
Lord should recollect that while he was negotiating with
the Chinese, the unfortunate merchants in England, and
the still more unfortunate Parsee merchants of Bombay
and Calcutta, were suffering grievously from a state of
things which he in his conscience believed to
have been produced through the acts of the Foreign-office.
All these matters would come under consideration on
some future occasion during the next Session, and the
Noble Lord might depend on it that he would not then
have to express his regret that the subject had been only
lightly touched on.—( Cheers.)
Mr. HA WES had heard with astonishment the speech
of the Noble Lord (Sandon), who began with Brazil and
Buenos Ayres, and eonclued with Portugal.—(Hear and
a laugh.) In the former, the Noble Lord wanted armed
blockades, and in the latter, retaliating duties. He had
hoped that the Noble Lord—the representative of a great
commercial city—the City of Liverpool—( Cheers)—would
have pointed out some means of opening a new prospect
to the commerce of the country. The panacea for
all our difficulties recommended by the Gentleman who
followed was, cannon-'.alls.—(Loud cries of " No, no.")
He said " Yes, yes," for wherever he heard the words
" vigorous measures" from Tory lips, he interpreted them
into cannon-balls. He had heard nothing from the Noble
Lord, or from the Hon. Gentleman who followed him,
upon the improvement of trade by taking off the fiscal re-
strictions upon commerce, the exchange of manufactures,
or the supply of food. When the Noble Lord spoke r.t
such length about his desire to extend the commerce of the
country, how did it happen that he was opposed to every
proposition which could be made for extending that com-
merce ?—( Cheers.) If the Noble Lord would come for-
ward with any measure having for its object the real ex-
trication of the commerce of the country from unneces-
sary and pernicious trammels, he (Mr. Hawes) would die
happy in his support.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Lord SA NDON said, that if the revenue was in a
flourishing condition, he would support a proposition for
the reduction of duties ; but as there was at present a
positive and acknowledged deficiency, he could not be the
person to propose a reduction.
Mr. EMERSON TENNENT said that one of the
consequences of allowing the blockade of Mexico to con-
tinue two years had been to compel Mexico to pay the ex-
orbitant demands of France, by laying on a duty of 25
per cent. upon English goods. A similar result would
follow, if the blockade of Brazil were allowed to continue.
He should like to know what protection had been afforded
to the commerce of the country of Brazil by the policy of
the Noble Lord ?—( Hear, hear%) The question of Para
had been five years under the consideration of the Noble
Lord, and he had made no progress in that. The subjects
of this country had suffered much from the commerce with
Brazil; and from his own intercourse with the merchants
of Liverpool, he believed that not one of them placed any
confidence in the iEterference of the Noble Lord.

Mr. SHIEL thought the course pursued by the
Honourable Member who had just sat down most unfair
and extraordinary, because he had made complaints
against the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs after he had answered the statements of the Noble
Lord the Member for Liverpool, and when the Hon. Mem-
ber for Belfast knew, by the forms of that House, the Noble
Lord was prevented from speaking again. Notwithstand-
ing all that had been said to the contrary, he would venture
to say that great good had been effected towards the com-
merce of the country by the policy pursued by the Noble
Lord. The Right Hon. Gentleman showed from returns
that since the Reform Bill passed the exports of the coun-
try had greatly increased ; the difference of the exports in
1837 and 1827 amounted to upwards of 16 millions, show-
ing that the policy of the Government had not been detri-
mental to the commerce of the country.
Mr. MACLEAN explained.
Mr. D'ISRA EL I regretted that the Noble Lord had
not taken such a favourable opportunity of entering into a
defence of the foreign policy of the present Government;
he for one could not allow the discussion to close
without saving that in his opinion the commerce
of this country had been much neglected by the
Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, through
the painful circumstances in which he was placed had
been obliged to sacrifice the trade of the country with the
Euxine. Russia would not assist him, and then he,
remembering his old principles, fell back upon Conserva-
tive Austria, and boasted in that House of the Austrian
Treaty and the navigation of the Danube. He did not
find fault with that policy of the Noble Lord, he thought
it we; most excellent. His policy was the traditionary
policy of the country. The question was how were we
to regain the commerce which we had lost during the last
nine years by the eccentric and erratic policy of the No-
ble Lord ? The Noble Lord had sown seeds which might
mature themselves in such a manner as to shake the em-
pire to its centre.
Mr. EWA RT said the Noble Lord who brought for-
ward the motion had entered extensively into our foreign
relati(o,s, but he thought there were questions of much
more moment to the people of this country than those then
before the House. The restrictions on our commerce did
not rise from the policy of Ministers, but from the state of
the law, and it was in that House that that law tound its
supporters. It was not by details that he wished to judge
of the merit of the foreign policy of Ministers, but by its ge-
neral tendency ; and he should acknowledge that so judged
that policy had been successful, and could not but deserve
his approval. He was happy, too, to find that that policy
had been a policy of peace, for it was under a system of
peace done that commerce could flourish.—( Hear. )
Lord INGESTRIE said that in his opinion the foreign
policy of Ministers had been characterised by succumbing
to the claims of the strong and by bullying the weak.
_ _

After a few words from Mr. ELLIOT the subject was
dropped.
The (louse went into Committee pro forma, and then
resumed; the Chairman reported progress and obtained
leave to sit again on Friday.
LOAN SOCIETIES BILL.

On the Ortier of the Day being moved for receiving the
Report on the Loan Societies Bill,
Mr. J. A. SMITH said that ho understood the societies
would give up the power of fining which they at present
posses=ed, and he would propose, in consequence, that they
might rai:.e the interest from 12 to 15 per cent. He
would therefore move the introduction of charges such as
he had mentioned in the 9th and 26th clauses.—The't por-
tion of the clause relating to fines was then ordered to be
struck out, and the necessary alteration ordered to be
made in the one relating to the rate of interest to raise it
to i 5 per cent.
Mr. HAWES suggested the propriety of enabling the
Loan Societies to make a charge for making inquiries
into the solvency of the sureties. This was necessary
to induce capital to flow in the direction of those societies.
Mr. J. SMITH fully admitted the importance of not
discouraging these societies. He thought 15 per cent.
sufficient to give a remunerating rate of interest to those
who embarked their monies in these societies. He be-
lieved the system of fines to be injurious, as leading to the
wr.nt of caution in making the proper preliminary inquiries
as to the solvency of the borrowers. He hoped the Hon.
Gentleman would not offer any opposition to the Bill in
its present state.
Sir DE LACY EVANS said he believed some of
these societies were actually losing money.
The Report was received, and the Bill was ordered to
be read a third time on Friday next.
The Church Buildings Bill went through Committee,
and was ordered to be brought up on Wednesday next.
The Blenheim Palace Bill was read a second time.

The Orders of the Day upon Court of Chancery ( Ire-
lani) and some other Bills were postponed for three
months.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and
the House adjourned at One o'Clock.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

ROLLS COURT.-JULY 22.

DURHAM AND SUNDERLAND RAILWAY COMPANY V.

HAWN-JUDGMENT.

The MASTER of the ROLLS in the middle of the
day, on seeing the learned Counsel who argued the
case, in Court, stated that he had read over the papers
with the best attention, and was of opinion the injunc-
tion issued ag inst the defendant could not be sus-
tained. The injunction was therefore dissolved with
costs,,

SHERIFFS' COURT, JULY 21.
(Before J. BURCHELL, Esq.)
BURGHART ANC ANOTHER V. MELTON.
This was an action to recover the sum of five gui-
neas, the price charged for a waistcoat. The defendant,
an attorney, pleaded a tender of 2/. 10s.
The plaintiffs' attorney stated that his clients were
fashionable tailors, residing in Piccadilly. They were
in the habit of supplying noblemen and gentlemen who
indulged in external expenses with the newest fashions.
The waistcoat supplied to the defendant was of that
character—it was D'Orsian.—(Laughter.)
The UNDER-SHERIFF—It was what ?
The Attorney—l believe I have coined a word.
The UNDER•SHERIFF—That may account for our
not understanding you.
The Attorney then went on to state that the de-
fendant called at the plaintiffs' shop, and selected a.
waistcoat which had been made for a fashionable man,
which he wished to have for some assembly he was
going to. He was told it would be charged five gui-
neas, but he replied, " Oh, book it to me," and put it
on and went away.
Maurice Weygood, the plaintiffs' foreman, proved the
defendant calling and trying on a waistcoat.
The garment was here prodced. It seemed to be of
black silk, with flower sprigs on it. The appearance,
in connection with the price charged, evidently surprised
Court, Jury, and spectators.
Weygood—This is the waistcoat. I believe the go-
vernor charged five guineas for it. When the defendant
tried on the waistcoat witness told him it was too large
for him.
The UNDER-SHERIFF—What was that for ?
Witness—l did not know him at first, and I did not
want him to take it away.—(Loud laughter.)
Mr. LUCAS (defendant's Counsel)—Then you told
him a lie ?
Witness—He gave me his card afterwards.
The UNDER-SHERIFF—Did it fit him then ?
Witness—When I tied him to the size.—(Roars of
laughter.) The witness further stated that the waist-
coat was taken away, and that in his opinion it was
worth 41. 10s.
Adolphus Salmon, a tailor in Piccadilly, valued it
at 41. 4s.
The Jury here sbolVed some impatience, and were
about to give their verdict.
The UNDT:R-Sflrßir? told them, if ther r:,•ere
opinion the waistcoat was not worth wore than 2/. 10s., .