The Sun.
London, England, 1840-06-24 00:00:00

PRICE sd.

ing to the meeting, and begged to read the following extract from
Galignani's Messenger :—" The Commission on Colonial Af-
fairs, of which the Duke de Broglie is Presidcnt, has come to an
unanimous resolution that slavery ought to be entirely abolished,
and that the total emancipation of the blacks in the French colo-
nies ought to be effected. Three questions are to be submitted to
the high functionaries in the several colonies:—l. Whether the

emancipation should be according to the English mode 7 2. Whe.

ther it should be accomplished after a fixed period, either of ten
years with an indemnity, or twenty years without an indemnity ?
3. Whether it should be according to the system proposed by M.
de Tocqueville? The commission has adjourned to January
next, by by which time it is expected that the answers from
the colonies will have reached Paris. The deleg.dcs from
the colonies to the capital refused to appear before the Com.
mission, or to afford it any information, intrenching them.
selves behind the law of 1895, relating to the colonies."
I'b s was interesting information, as far as it went ; and he
trusted such a feeling would be displayed, and that such facts
would accompany that feeling, as to show the French Government
had not the least occasion to spend one farthing of their money to
compensate those who had no claim whatever upon them.—
(Hear, hear.) In conclusion, he begged to express a hope that
the respected Committee of the Anti-Slavery Society would draw
up some strong resolution for Wednesday's meeting, in connec-
tion with the laws recently passed in Jamaica, Barbadoes, and
other colonies.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir S. Lusiirsurots (having been generally called for) rose and
said—Ladies and Gentlemen, 1 had not intended, on this occasion,
to intrude any observations of mine upon this assembly; but, as
the question which is now submitted to your consideration is one
of the greatest importance, and as you seem inclined to listen to
:re, I will trouble you with one or two observations.—(Hear,
hear.) I have long expected, from the very first period when
the Emancipation Act received the assent of the Legislature of
this country, that its real and effectual working would be at-
, tempted to be defeated in the great majority of our colonies.—
(Hear, hear.) It never was to be expected that persons whose
minds were so imbued with the spirit of slavery—whose hurts
for so many years had been hardened against the true principles of
justice and religion, would, in consideration of any extraordinary
reward, however great it might be, divest themselves of those feelings
they had so long cherished, or those habits in which they had so
long ingulged. And I grieve to think that at the present hour,
looking more especially to the great Island of Jamaica (and I en-
tirely agree in the importance of keeping our eyes fixed on that
island, which contains so large a portion of the emancipated race of
negroes), they are still concocting measures, studiously disguised in
outward appearance, but in truth and in reality intended for the
purpose of curtailing that liberty which we have gained with our
long exertions, and with the gold of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
I Eel also that in the island of Jamaica, as in most others, there has
been no power yet established—at least as far as I have witnessed—
which has been able to carry a just law into complete and full exe-
cution.—(Hear, hear.) But if the law be in itself unjust—if it be
so studiously framed for the purpose of diminishing liberty, and
for the purpose of giving to what may be called in society the upper
class a greater power over those who are beneath them, I am
confident if the Government of this country give their assent to
such laws, they will not merely diminish the liberty of the negro,
but will defeat all the great objects which have been declared in
Parliament to be well purchased by the 20 millions; and I fear the
still greater evil that the time may come when we shall be com-
pelled to submit to the introduction of foreign slave-grown sugar
into this country, with all the calamitons consequences of slavery.—
(Hear, hear.) I hope that my friend Mr. Knibb has, to a certain
extent, misunderstood the declaration of Lord John Russell, for
I did not understand Lord John Russell to declare that he intended
to allow all those Acts to go into operation.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. KNIBB—They are in operation now.

Sr S. LUSIIINGTON-1 am aware they are. I am aware that
when an Act receives the assent of the Governor it is law, until
the Crown shall disallo.v the Act—(Hear, hear)—but w•tat I
meant to say was, that I did not understand Lord John Russell to
say he did not intend to disallow any of those laws, or that he
meant to allow all the existing laws to continue in force and effect.
I understood him to say no such thing.—(Hear, bear.) What I
understood him to say was this, that there were certain laws,
amounting to a large uumber, that were passed during the sitting
of the House of Assembly in Jamaica, some of which contained
good mixed up with bad—that he would not at present disallow
those laws, but that he would give the Governor instructions to in-
form the House of Assembly if they did not bring in other Acts
abrogating that which was wrong, the prerogative of the Crown
would then be exercised in the disallowance of those statutes.—
(Hear, hear.) What the result may be I cannot say, but Ido
hope that Lord John Russell, knowing the deep responsibility fixed
on him as the Colonial Minister of this great country, remember-
ing that the happiness of thousands upon thousands are at stake,
if he relaxes his vigilance, or for a moment allow injustice to tri.
umpli over truth —I do hope and trust that, viewing the case as
we view it, he will exercise that vigilance in the way I have
mentioned, by the total disallowance of all measures in which the
evil preponderates, and by permitting those measures temporarily
to continue in force in which there was greater good and less
evil.— (Hear, hear.) But though I entertain this hope, lam
not one who would leave any exertion unmade, or any effort untried,
to give such a force or power to the expression of public opinion,
as to let him or any other Minister of the Crown know that we,
the people of England, have our vigilance exerted upon this great
subject. I will not say our vigilance merely, but our well-founded
jealousy—.(llear, hear)—recollecting that for above a century
there have existed in Jamaica apparently excellent laws a dead
letter; recollecting that in Jamaica there have also existed laws
the "most execrable in their nature and in their provisions ; and
recollecting that in proportion as their provisions were abhorent to
trut hand justice, so they were carried into the most efficient execu-
tion.— (Hear, hear.) Neither in him, nor any other Minister
would I entire:y confide, but I would endeavour to induce him to
shut his ear to the voice of the planter, remembering that poison
was poured into the ears of his predecessors, that we who have
been fighting the cause of the negro, have had to encounter from
day to day, and from hour to hour, a denial of those atrocities, and
those previous evils which afflicted that country—nay, up to this
hour of emancipation we were met with a denial of the truth of
that which no man dared now to disavow.—( Hear. hear.) I en-
tirely concur in thespirit of this resolution, and I hope and trust,
that the evil effects which some prognosticate, many fear, but I hope
not all expect, may be averted.—(Cheers.)

Mr. KNIBB said that the removal of every Governor who at all
sympathised with the negro was enough to make the friends of the
black tremble.—(Hear, hear.) He would distinctly state that they
were determined to have liberty, and nothing less.

Mr. WHITEHALL observed that there ought to be a clause in
every Jamaica Act, suspending its operation until it should have
received the sanction of the British Government.
Captain STEWART remarked that it was not the fault of the
British Government solely that those bad laws had been passed in
Jamaica—the fault was with the British people.--(Hear, hear.)
The Government had endeavoured to correct the evils in Jamaica,
but they were foiled in their attempt. At the next election they
ought to beat up for antislavery men and women, and then Lord
John Russell would be glad to do hi s duty.—(Hear, hear.)
The resolution was then put arid carried unanimously.
Mr. JOSEPH STURGE believed the modesty of their esteemed
friend, Sir S. Lushington, had prevented him saying anything upon
the subject of the discussion in the House of Commons relative to
the Hill Coolies.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir S. LUSHINGTON observed, that the efforts of those who took
the lead in putting a stop to the exportation of Hill Coolies from
the East, were very much assisted by Mr. Hogg, the Member for
Beverley—(Hear, hear)—who came down on the part of the East
India Company, and expressed his earnest desire that no step
should be taken without further information.—(Hear, hear.) He
was happy to say the feeling of the majority of the House of Corn.
mons was strictly in accordance with that which must be the
feeling of that meeting; and he was sure they must all feel
thankful to Providence that, for the present at least, a stop had been
put to what he conceived to be little less than a renewal of the
traffic in men.—(Cheers.)

The Convention then adjourned at Half past Two till Four
o'Clock.

The Convention resumed its sittings at Four o'Clock.
Mr. STURGE in the Chair.

Mr. AfORUAN, one of the Secretaries, read several letters from
different individuals on the present condition of slavery In various
parts of the world, and these documents were ordered to be referred
to the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti. Slavery Society,
with a request that that Committee would give them their best at-
tention, and dispose of them as they thought most conducive to the
great object of the Convention.