The Sun.
London, England, 1824-10-25 00:00:00

[MORNING POST.]
. .

French Papers to the 23d inst. reached us last
stight by Express. Their contents, and particu-
larly those of the Journal des Debra:, are of con-
siderable importance. That Journal, though at
present in the Opposition, still preserves some of
the sources of intelligence which it possessed when
Its patron, M. de Chateaubriand was Minister.
Its statements are therefore entitled to nearly
as much credit on some points of foreign informa-
tion as those of the official Papers. In the pre-
sevt instance we sincerely hope that they may
prove correct. They are given in the shape of a
communication from Madrid, and announce that a
Council of Ministers were about to be called to
discuss the subject matter of notes lately trans.
milted to the Spanish Cabinet by that of the
Tuileries. New this would of itself be a fact of
some importance, as it would shew that the new
French Monarch had thought it his duty to inter.
fere in the distracted affairs of the Peninsula,
though it would be impossible to say with what
spirit and to what extent. On this occasion,how-
everove are not left entirely in the dark. The nature
of these notes is revealed, and we are informed that
Charles X. requires of Spain, that a full and
complete amnesty be proclaimed, containing only
a few nominal exceptions applying to some of the
Rebels of the [sic of Leon ; that the Spanish Go-
vernment adopt, as af-absolute necessity, forms
capable of insuring the stability of the State and
guaranteeing the happiness of the Spanish peo-
ple :—thrit the Loans contracted by the Cortes
he recognized: that the capitulations concluded
between French Generals and those of tRe Con-
stitutiooal army be observed, and that in case
it should be thought necessary to protract the
military occupation of the country beyond
the appointed period, (January Ist, 18'2.5)
the French troops be supported at the expence
of Spain, and that the difference between the
war pay and that of peace be also liquidated
by that country." After stating these terms,
the writer of the communication adds that the
French Ministry had intimated 44 the impossibi-
lity in which France found herself of continuing
an occupation of which there were no means of
foreseeing the end, if the Madrid Cabinet did

not adopt measures calculated to revive tranquil-
lity and order throughout the land." If these
conditions have really been imposed upon the
faithless tyrant who now misrules Spain, and
whose throne cannot exist one hour without the
support of France, not only has Charles X.
proved himself equally wise in his foreign as in
his internal policy, but hopes may be entertained
that Spain may yet enjoy some portion of consti-
tutional liberty ; for that is what is meant by
" forms capable of insuring the stability of the
State, and guaranteeing the happiness of the
Spanish people."

[THE TIMES.]

The public will have perceived, in the Queen

square Police Report, au account of a riot and
various assaults committed by certain Life Guards-
men at Chelsea, named Fife, Crouch, and Seaton.
We do not wish to press upon these men indi-
vidually, and shall say nothing in aggravation of
their offence; but we think the subject connect-
ed with the most important interests of the coun-
try, and shall therefore venture some remarks on
the dangers which menace a free Constitution
from it standing army during peace. It will

have been observed, that the men above-
named, though their offence was not of a
military nature, refused to surrender to any
other than a military power. 'They considered
themselves as belonging to a class separated from
the people, and set the civil force at defiance ;
but to a guard from the contiguous barracks they
immediately surrendered. "They swore that
" they would kill every devil opposed to them,
" before they would surrender to any but the
66 military." When brought up, also, for their
final examination, and at the point of being com-
mitted, two officers, a Colonel and a Major, ap-
pear to bail them. The bail is unexceptionable,
and is of course accepted. Now, had these men
remained in their original stations of life—had
they not been taken from the people and con-
verted into soldiers—it is more than probable
that they would not have found bail so easy,
but that they would have lain in prison till
they took their trial. Their situation at present
may not be a very commodious one ; but
of that the law and the civil magistrate
know nothing. They commit a breach of the peace,
—they refuse to submit to the civil power,—they
surrender at last to the military ; and when
brought up for examination, persons, their offi-
cers, with whom they have no other connexion
than that of a military nature, step in and rescue
them from the ordinary process of the law, ex-
empt them from the necessity to which every
other Englishman is subjected, in a similar case
—that of finding competent friends of his own to
bail him, or of going to prison. Now, without
entering into many of the particulars which
have been stated in the different accounts given
of this transaction—as that the guard, in the first
instance, let one of the offenders escape, who was
afterwards takon,and that the constables who fol-
lowed the party to the barracks to state their
complaints' Were roughtly treated,—may we not
at least say, that if such us we have stated be the
privileges which soldiers possess above other men
in the rank of tiff from which they spring, the
fewer we have of such privileged men the better?
%V hat England has to de with a standing army,
and above all, with such a standing army, in a
time of profound peace, we know not. Even if
the maintenance of the .military establishment
were not dangerous to our liberties—were it an
harmless plaything—it still entails an unjustifiable
expence upon the country. We are throwing
away all the advantages of our insular situation,
which would guard us against a sudden attack
if we had not one man at home under arms, and
are adopting that policy or practice which has
enslaved all the nations of the Continent, but for
which there exists there a reason or pretext, in
the ready access which they hn%e to each other's
territories. What the soldiers stated at the be-
ginning of the fray is very true--that" they were,
" above the fellows with whom they were drink-
" ing, and had a right to be waited on by them."
We shall all come to wait on them by and by, if we
do not take care in time to diminish their numbers,
and humble their pride. No poor man, however
industrious, and however industrious his wife may ,
be, can live in the manner in which English sol-
diers live at present ; and they throng every part
of the metropolis, in various dresses it appears to
as, at various parts of the day—their morning
dress, or dishabille—their mid-day dress, or
negligie—and then their gran* costume. And
who pays for this frippery and foolery ? We
confess we had rather the money went to make
. -

the peasant and labourer comfortable in their
cottages. We are pleased with the bravery, and
struck by the magnificent appearance and military
lenue, as the French call it, of our troops ; we
hope we shall not be like the child in the
fable, who admired and stroked the speckled
coat of the sleeping leopard, till the monster
awoke and made the unsuspecting innocent his
prey.

[THE PUBLIC LEDGER.]
This campaign may be now counted t
amongs
the successful ones, which have shed so much
lustre on the Greek struggle. The French Pa:.
hers, which arrived last night, contain a variety
of advices, all of which, though written at diffe-
rent times, and from different places, mention, in
the most confident terms, the entire failure of the
Egyptian Expedition. They also speak, in terms
as unequivocal, of the utter incapacity of the
Turkish squadron, from the severe losses it has
suffered, to make any more efforts this year;
and suck is said to be its crippled state, that if
it can get bark to the Dardanelles, it must con-
sider itself fortunate. No conflicting state-
ment, it must be observed, is given any where ;
and this circumstance alone, considering the
powerful antipathies with which the Greeks have

•
to contend, would he sufficient testimony in favour
of their success. The Egyptian expedition from
which so much had been expected, having failed,
it would be preposterous to suppose that any
future attempt from the same quarter would
have a different result. It was upon so costly a
scale that the Viceroy, to Et out another, would
be obliged to have recourse to the most violent
means for raising the requisite funds ; and this

' would be a sure method of disgusting his ad-
herents. Under these circumstances, a second
failure might cost him his life ; and be
has the reputation of being too crafty, as
a politician, whatever his religious prejudices
may be, to allow us to suppose that he will incur
further expence and risk, particularly for the ad-
vancement of a Power that, if it could but once
reduce the. Greeks, would next turn against him-
self the whole weight of its arms. Had he even
the disposition to take part again in the contest,
he would see himself compelled to abandon his
design ; for, after the severe lesson they have re-
ceived, no Europeans will be found to hire their
vessels to him a second time ; and his own naval
means are wholly inadequate to an armament
upon such a scale as could annoy the bold
and skilful mariners of Greece. From these
considerations, we are disposed to adopt
the conclusion which the French and other
Foreign Journals have, come to generally,
that the Greeks have obtained such brilliant suc-
cesses this year, and displayed so decided a supe-,
riority over their enemies, that their final triumph
may now be anticipated with certainty. The idea,
that Russia, or any other Foreign Power, will in-
terfere to defeat the effects of their courage and
patriotism, is in the extreme ridiculous ; for such
is the sympathy that their efforts have excited uni-
versally on the Continent, but more particular-
ly in Russia, that, with respect to the Sove-
reign of the last-mentioned country, we may
safely venture to say, that he will not act in op-
position to a feeling which is as common in his
Court and Army as amongst the rest of his
subjects. Any other Continental Power, but
France, would interpose to no purpose, and
the latter has sufficiently proved, both by words
and deeds, that if she were to interfere, it would
be for, and not against, the Greeks. As to Eng-
land, it would be the grossest libel that we could
pronounce upon her Government, were we
merely to suspect them of harbouring hostile de-
signs against the Greek cause. As the Greeks
have, therefore, nothing to fear from European
hostility, we are fully justified by the events of
the war, particularly of the present campaign, in
looking upon their ultimate success as no longer
problematical.

[MORNING HERALD.]
It will be remembered that at the late meet-
ing of the Cheshire Whig Club, before toasting
their cheese, the health of a Noble Earl was
given, with an apology for his absence, first, by
the Chairman stating it to be owing to a do-
mestic afiliction—which was subsequently con-
finned by the nominee of one of his Lordship's
Lordship
close boroughs, who is represented to have said,
that 46 he had reason to know that his
regretted exceedingly being prevented the plea-
sure of meeting the Club on that occasion,"
and adding that " the Declaration then agreed to
by the Club, was sure to meet with his Lord-
ship's concurrence." After, thil, strange, as it
may seem, there appeared in one of the daily
paper, a letter from his Lordship's son, ad-
dressed to the Secretary of the Club, and dated
four days previous to the Meeting, con-
demning its principles and proceedings in no
very unreserved terms, and actually withdraw-
ing his name from it ! We really pity the
Chairman and the nominee, who were kept in
ignorance of all this, for of course they could not
have been aware of the secession of the son, when
they stated what they did us to the father's ab-
sence, and his concurrence in that which it is now
as clear as noon-day he was in fact totally op-
posed to. What Noble Lord belongs to or se-
cedes from a Club, is of very little consequence
to the public, who feel no interest whatever
about such things, seeing, as they do every
day, that they are nothing else but mere
vehicles of vanity and self-interest. But
the letter Is curious in one sense, as a
happy exemplification of the nothingness in which
men are generally obliged to clothe their senti-
ments wheji they change their opinions. We pity
the poor Cheshire Whigs, who, after having turn.
ed and twisted their Declaration, as it is called,
into every kind of inconsistency to suit the taste
of their great Tory neighbour, find themselves at
last left wholly in the lurch, and like the old man
and his ass in the fable, unable to pass the bridge
in any manner agreeable to the lookers-on. If the
Whig leader wish to appear sincere in their asser-
vations about Parliamentary Reform,
they have
only one thing to do—abandon or throw open the
close boroughs, of which they are the principal
holders. But while they decry in one breath
the principles they espoused in the other, John
Bull is not so silly an animal as not to see through
the humbug, and dispise the actors.

[MORNING CHRONICLE.)
A stronger proof cannot be afforded of the truth
of what we have so often stated with respect to the dreadful
tyranny to which the lower orders or England are subjected,
than a case tried at the Surrey Quarter Sessions on Saturday
last. We would ask any man not altogether blinded by pre-
judice, whether he believes that such a ease could have occurred
in any country but England (Ireland is under the same system),
and under " unpaid Magistracy." A young woman named
Jane King, has lain in Brixton for three 100 months, for a
pretended assault on a stout made man named James Hawley.
By his own account on oath, " as be was walking home on the
night of the 19th of June, he met the 'prisoner, and said as he
passed her, • good night,' on which she knocked him down,
and struck him over the head and face, and otherwise grievously
assaulted him." According to the evidence of a witness for the
prisoner, a young man who was conversing with her on the night
ro question when the plaintiffcame up, she never struck plaintiff'
nt all. The Only assailant, it appears, was the plaintiff him-
self. Some altercation having taken place between plaintiff
and prisoner, witness observed " we all know one another."_.
On this, IhwieV, the plaintiff,
said "are you able to take her,
part ?" And while the witness was answering, he struck him,
and knocked hint down, and on his rising up, knocked him
down again. The
witness declared most positively that the
prisoner cried, but did not strike Hawley once. Hawley now
interrupted hint, and said, " were yots present when site tried
to take my
eyes out by putting her fingers to the corners ?"
Now without laying much stress on the evidence of either
party, is it not, we ask, astonishing that any man possessed of
common sense should have committed this poor creature to
prison with the certainty that if not bailed (and to procure
bail for such wretches as the English labourers now are, is im.
possible), she must be in prison for three long months. Yet
at these Sessions no remark was made on the circumstance !
Suppose this transaction to have occurred in Scotland, and
that had applied for redress, we will inform our
readersheiPvihaait iltitt result would have been. The' defendant
would have been cited to appear before the Sheriff; or other
Magistrate, in a day or two—the parties would then have met,
and atter hearing them, and ascertaining the ridiculous nature
of the atrair, he would either have dismissed it altogether, or
have imposed a trifling fine of hall.a.crown or so, for the breach
of the peace. To iMprison a single day for such a case, never
would have entered into the head of any Magistrate on die face
of the-earth but an English Magistrata.