The Sun.
London, England, 1847-04-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON., -.FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 18, 1847.

hey' could not, and so were content to make a
e
reeedent for themselves, infinitely to their
fifie..grac- At the eleventh hour, and at the
071 a sa'sninth minute of that hour, the Admiralty
brought in a nasty bill for 6,5181. 12s. for the wages
vietthaehmen„
g. employed, and an additional charge fur
as ~, supposin the ship, this horrible brig had
48110tifbaeuepnposi the
there,she would have been nowhere else, and
men employed did not eat there, they
would not eat at all. Here there was a charge of 1.0001.,
ee_Whert it was proved in evidence that the stores recovered
'rota the Thetis were worth upwards of 2,000/, and yet
the Admiralty declared that this money should be (1 e-
, sewnfrom the salvers, and to this day that. decision
been reversed.—(Cheers.) Now, it was evident
that there was a sum of 13,8001. which had been ab:ained,
n?ore than any which had been paid to the salvers. He
o
hoUld very much like to know what had become of that
Money? It had been paid to somebode. Somebody had
Fot it; but where was it? They were told that it hail
likeplaced to the credit of the public; but he should
to
which put his finger on the item of the public ledger,
, he was very much afraid, he should not
esa (Cheers)—but if he did, that was no rea-
IF the y this Committee should not be granted.
, w a
item could not be found, he said the House would
no wanting in its financial duty to the public if it did not
on
appointments of the rest. He was told that
Search, diligent search had been made, but no such item
could be found, and there would be a slur upon the cha-
racter of the Government if, after what had been stated,
they refused the Committee.'
Captain GLADSTONE must hear his testimony to
the •
Ge high services which Captain Dickenson rendered to
°cllar, in saving the ill. fated ship in question.
:eat merit was due to him for the skill and enterprise
c had manifested in the affair, for at the time the :hip
ran on shore there were no hopes that any part of her
cargo Could ever be saved, and he therefore, after the
le;rcess which had attended the exertions or Captain
kenson, very much regretted the course the Admi-
y had pursued in the matter.
r. THORNELEY remarked that it was unfair the
Admiralty did not come forward with their claim before
she salvage was awarded, for had the legal tribunals who
heard the case been aware of the existence of the debt,
Most likely a heavier salvage would have been awarded.
. Sir J, GRAHAM said, perhaps he might be allowed
t 9 answer the question of the Hon. Gentleman opposite.
Re spoke from recollection, but it was his strong impres-
sion that the claim was made prior to the adjudication.
1
Mr. NICHOLSON thought his
Right Honourable
Friend who had just sat down had
acted most g al-
lantly in taking the responsibility of this case
upon
Ms own shoulders, and all he could blame
the Admiralty for was, that they had delayed
Making their claim so long. The legal tribunals had
now no power to act in the case, and he much regretted
that it had again been brought forward. He (rid not
think it a fit subject for the Committee of that House to
inquire into; and he thought, rather than grant the in-
quiry, it would be much better if the Government con-
sented to reconsider the claim of Captain Dickenson.
Mr. HUME thought, after what had passed that
evening, Government could not refuse the inquiry. The
charge made upon Captain Dickenson was most unjust.
It was exorbitant and unfair, and ought never to have
been made. The Right Hen. Baronet opposite said all
his colleagues concurred with him in making the charge,
but he was authorised to state, that Sir Thomas Hardy
always repudiated the claim. Many of the materials
charged for were never used in saving the ship, while the
vessel for which wear and tear was charged, was on
the service of the country during the time charged for
and named in the bill of costs Enterprise and exertions
of the kind displayed by Captain Dickenson in saving the
ship in question. ought not to go unrewarded, and he
trusted her Majesty's Government would at once accede
to the request of the Noble Lord opposite.
Mr. RUTHERFORD could not see how the House
Could interfere in this case. The matter had already
been decided by the Court of Admiralty, who awarded
17,000/, to the salvers, and 13,0001. to the public. Cap-
tain Dickenson, as one of the salvers, felt that the sum
Privyas salvage was insufficient, and appealed to the
,e'rrirY Council, who eventually confirmed the decision of
we Court of Admiralty, and he could not see how the
ease could be again gone into. He thought it would be
Wended with great inconvenience, if the solemn deci-
sions of the Courts of law were to be set aside by the
motions of Right Hon. Members. He totally deprecated
the present attempt.
Captain BERKELEY opposed the appointment of the
Committee.
Lord G. BENTINCK thought that a most imp wtaist
Part in the debate had been overlooked, viz., that Cap
twin Dickenson should have the use of her Majesty's
It was expressly stated on the part of the Admi-
ralty, that the salvers should have the free use of the
Ships and the crew; but that the public should not be
in to any expense beyond that incurred by their use.
It such a system were to be adopted, a charge might be
Made against the proprietors of the Opera House for the
attendance of the half body of Guards on the occasion of
ter Majesty's attendance; and also for any ether services
rendered by the military in cases of fire, or such other
emergency. He should most certainly vote in favour of
the appointment of the Committee.
Mr. B. CABBELL tnouget that justice would not be
'done to the much injured and overlooked Capt. Dickens
ion, unless some reparation were made to him for the
injuries he had sustained by the charges made by the
Admiralty. It was most essential that officers of high
attainments and great abilities should be favourably re
Commended to the favour of her Majesty, and he thought
that beside the other acts of injestise done to the Gal.
lant Captain, and to the public, he had been most un-
fairly treated by not being so recommended. He was
sorry to hear an intimation made by some Hon. Member
of the paltry. and pettifogging statute of limitations.
When such hints were
_thrown nut, he w ouldaskthe
persons who made use of them, what was the last elate of
the application made to the Government on the
subject, for it was from that period that the statute
'would alone apply. The Gallant Captain had been
treated most unhandsomely by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer; he had celled upon him, for the put pose of
an interview, but was refused it and a request made to
him for a written statement of the circumstances of his
case. He really trusted that justice would be done to
the Gallant Officer by the House, by the appointment
of a Committee to inquire into the subject. This House
was the last refuge for the unfortunate—(Loud laugh-
ter)—and he hoped the claims of one of them would
not be overlooked on the present occasion.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought that the conduct of
the Chancellor of the Exchequer in requiring a state-
bent in writing of the case was not so deserving of blame
as the Hon. Member who had just addressed the House
teemed to think; he thought that that was the most pro-
per course to be adopted by the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer. He did not see any reason fir disturbing the
decision which had been come to by the Berard of Ad-
teiralty on the subject. It did not appear that the parties
before the Judicial Committee were discontented with
the decision of the Court; at all events no attempt was
Made to dispute the claim of the Admiralty. The
judicial Committee added 12,000/. to the sum of ,
17,0001. awarded by the Court of Admiralty,
• basald the sum of 13,0001., claimed by the Ad-
"""dtY, should have been paid to the merchants,
and not to the salvers. The refusal on the part
(1 the Chancellor to grant sums of money to indis
liduals did not arise from a feeling of satisfaction in
refusing claims made upon them. The heads of the
Various departments were placed in situations of great
the
in dealing with the public money, and felt
bite Weight of that responsibility considerably more than
friar thers of any popular assembly could by possioility
feel. He thought that if the iliuse commenced a sys-
tem of granting sums of money, and revoking the deci
tions of judicial tribunals, they would be establishing a
dangerous precedent, such as the Hon. Member for Mon-
' trOse (Mr. Hume) would be the first to complain of ;
and he hoped that Hon. Members would take the A-
lice which he had so often given the Government, viz.,
to reconsider his decision, and vote against the appoint-
Mont of the Committee,
Lord INGESTRE said that his object in moving
for the Committee was not for the purpose of making
. indiscriminate grants of public money, but merely for
• the purpose of compelling restitution of the money due
to a much-injured and gallant officer of the navy.
The House then divided, when the numbers were—
For the committee 32
Against it
aleaority
—2O
The motion was consequently lost.
VAGRANCY (IRELAND).
Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved for leave to bring in
$ Bill for the punishment of vagrancy in Ireland, and
as he intended to take the discussion on the measure at
a future stage he would not trouble the House with any
observations at present.—Agreed
SUNDAY TRADING IN THE METROPOLIS.
Mr. HINDLEY moved for a Select Committee on Sun-
-ctlay trading in the metropolis. In bringing forward this
Motion he did not wish to be understood as having any
desire to interfere with innocent and rational enjoyment
on Sunday, but he wished to protect tradesmen from the
Unjust competition of those who set at defiance the ob-
saesrvance of that day of rest and plied their calling as
they did on any other day. He therefore called
!Pon the House to do justice and to put all
traders upon the same footing. The subject was in abler
asill'lds than his • but the Honourable Member for
•letosa beth, and the Honourable Member for Hertford,
woo were joined with him, did not like, in conse-
.(lll,enee of their connexion with the Government, to
,
• w•ge that prominent part for which they were so much
better qualified than he was. The Committee which sat
upon the subject in 1832 had made certain recommenda-
tions which had been since acted upon, and which he
• believed had been attended with the best consequences—
taPeeially that one relative to the closing of taverns from.
otivelve o'clock on Saturday night to one o'clock on
'4l,,,Onday. He would not take up the attention of the
ilstscitise at greater length, but conclude by moving for a
eel Committee to consider the subject.
Mr. HUME did not know what the Hon. Member
meant by his present motion. Did he mean to say that
341.4 were to be prevented from purchasing meat or from
being shaved on the Sabbath-day, or what did he mean ?
-;(Laughter.) He (Mr. Hume) did not think they
ould be able to make women chaste or men virtuous by
letiSlation. He wished they could do it, but he did not
believe that they would ever be able to effect any good in
that Wa.,.
,y He thought that the advocacy of such mea-
ttl'es as the present was a very cheap mode resorted to
Y some Members of endeavouring to procure a
reputation for superior morality, but he did not
believe the House would sanction or countenance such
*Tempts. He would, therefore, oppose the appointment
ch the Committee, for he considered good murals could
never be advanced by such means.
Mr• B. ESCOTT opposed the motion, not on the i
round of its not being brought in by the Government,
it because he believed such legislation would be most
mischievous. Besides, even if they did pass such a
reeasure as that proposed, he believed it would be
_nd utterly inefficacious. If his Honourable Friend
'muted to resort to such kind of legislation,

He thought he should try his hand in putting down the
hors.--racing and steeple chasing which were at present
carried on on Sunday. He' should also direct his atten-
tion to the Clubs of London, which were resorted to on
that day by great numbers of the higher classes of so•
ciety. The reason why they were not interfered with,
he supposed, was because any such attempts would be
utterly ineffectual if they were tried. As he did not
believe that any good result would follow the present
motion, he would vote against it.
Sir G. GREY said that the Committee Was only asked
for in order to inquire how far the present laws were
calculated to answer the end for which they were enacted,
and not to enforce new penalties. If these laws were
inoperative, they perhaps might as well be repealed. He
must confess that he did not believe that the present laws
were framed to answer the end for which they were
proposed.
Colonel Sir T. WOOD said that, having had occasion
to walk over the 'rower Hamlets on a Sunday, he was
quite struck with the correct manner in which the day
was observed. He did not think a case was made out
by the Member for Ashton, he had not even presented a
single petition in its favour.
Mr. HAWES said that the object of the Committee
was only to inquire how far the present laws were re-
spected. Many persons suffered severely from the non-
observance of the day by their rivals in business. All
they desired was to be put in the same position as the
others. His Bill had no other object than to put down
open trading on the Sunday morning.
Dr. BOWRING said that every person regarding
society, in the metropolis, could not but be impressed
with the fact that there was a very marked improvement
in the observance of the Sabbath-day. The Hon.
Gentleman asked an Act of Parliament to effect that
which it was out of the power of any Act to accom-
plish. The laws were sufficiently stringent. and let them
be resorted to, if there was any complaint.—(Hear.)
Mr. WILLIAMS said that the present Bill would
only affect the consfsarts of the poor. Why should not
the principle of tb e Bill be extended against the
wealthier classes—F.gainst the bishops and judges of the
land, who employ ed their cooks upon a Sunday.—
(Hear, hear.) Ttie Hon. Gentleman himself had em-
ployed, no doubt, his servants upon that day as well as
any other.

Mr. COWPER was in favour of the Bill, and he con.
sidered that everything that was said only proved the
necessity of the measure. It was a very hard thing that
a swill shopkeeper residing in those parts where Sunday
trading was going on, should not have his Sunday as
much to himself as the more opulent tradesman of Regent-
street. They had, he thought, a perfect right to appeal to
the House for the enforcement of such a law, and there
could be no. objection to an inquiry into the best means
the Sabbath
ei
nf
veicff,leacttei.ng the desirable object of keeping

Mr. WAKLEY objected to the method in which the
Bill was
Proposed to be introduced. It was a sort of
piecemeal Legislation, which would be found wholly in-
efficient. The Bill was to put down Sunday trading in
where
deniedSutnhdeay
thetr trading
could the metropolis, as if the metropolis was the only place
in
carried on. It
England
ne; hethatint London and other cities and
towns in England to a most discreditable extent; but the
rgacwtiacse ()f trading on a
Sunday was carried on
question was, how was the evil to be dealt with? How
was the inquiry to be made? Had any application been
made to the Commissioners of the Police?—for they
were able to furnish the House with more information
in twenty-four hours than the House could obtain in an
inquiry of a month. He did not see how the evil was
to be got rid of, unless it was by educating the people so
as to induce a greater feeling of self-respect. In his
opinion such a Bill would be quite futile, and he there-
fore hoped that the Hon. Member would not divide the
liouse upon his Bill.
Mr. MUNTZ said that the only and the best way of
preventing Sunday trading. was to enable the people to
get so good a livelihood in the week that they would
have no occasion to trade upon Sunday. Why was not
the same principle to be carried out with regard to
other persons besides shopkeepers. The Post-office
clerks, in all country places, were compelled to work all
Sunday, while those in London were not. They should
remove this evil as well as the trading on Sunday.
otherwise it would be partial in its operation, and, conse-
quently, of little or no avail.
Captain PEC HELL wished to know what was to be
done with cargoes of fish which arrived in Billingsgate
on Saturday night, if they were not sold on Sunday
morning. Cargoes of lobsters fought and tore each
other; and were they to remain fighting and destroying
each otlu-r all Sunday, because they might not be sold.
After a few words from Mr. CHAPLIN and Colonel
Woon, which did not reach the gallery,
Mr. Alderman COPELAND said, that in the Broad-
way of the city of Westminster, he saw An; a of every
class open on Sundays. It was a disgrace ul sight, and
he thought it was quite time to put a stop to so great
an evil.

Colonel SIBTHORPE said that the tobacco and cigar
shops were open all the Sunday, and he thought that it
was less harm to allow a loaf, or some such necessary
to be purchased on Sunday, than to allow the people to
purchase cigars and tobacco for the purpose of wasting
the day in the practice of smoking.
Mr. HINDLEY did not wish to inflict any injury upon
the small class of shopkeepers by thi- Bill, but he thought
that the Committee of Inquiry
ought to enter into proper
details, so as to hear the opinion given by the classes
most likely to be affected. He did not wish tointerfere
with or injure any class, but he thought that the practice
of Sunday trading was carried too far at present. A
Committee of Inquiry would be enabled to ascertain how
far the principle could be carried, without pushing it to.
a mischievous extent.
Mr. COLLETT thought that if they were to hinder
the small tradesman front keeping open his shop on Sun-
days; they should make the Bill extend to more aristo-
cratic evils, such as keeping open the club-houses.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the motion 5l
Against it
Majority —32
NAVAL ARC l ITEC TURE.
Mr. HUME wished to state, that with regard to cer-
tain returns fur which he had given notice of motion, he
would proc,-ed with part of them at once, and should de-
fer the remainder in order that the Board of Admiralty
might not have to complain that he bad taken them by
surprise on so important a question. He should be
anxious to defer the discussion of the whole question un-
til that day fortnight. The portion of them for which
he should move, was for a copy of the instructions from
the Board of Admiralty to the Committee of Naval Con-
struction, appointed to inquire into the state of naval
architecture; and copies of the several reports which
that Committee have made to the Board of Admiralty
on the state of the ships of her Majesty's fleet. Also,
copies of all orders issued by the Committee of Construc-
tion, or by the Board of Admiralty, in consequence of
the reports of that Committee respecting the alterations
of those ships laid down, or in progress of building, or
built, according to the lines or plans of Sir William
Symonds, the surveyor of her Majesty's navy, or any
other constructor.

Mr. WARD said, that when he came down to the
House, he was not prepared for the extent of the Hun.
Member's motion. He thought that he should be en-
abled to show him that it was impossible to give copies
of the instructions from the Board of Admiralty, as they
were strictly confidential papers. He admitted that the
Hon. Member had, to a certain extent, made out hi,
case, and, therefore, he had no objection to the first part
of the return. But, with respect to the last portion, to
produce the instructions issued to the Committee of
Construction, he could not consent to that, as it never
had been the practice to lay such instructions ou the
table of the House. The Hon. Member had better delay
that portion of his motion for a fortnight, when the
quesion would come before the House in another form.
To-morrow he would lay before the House that portion
of the returns to which he gave his assent.
Mr. WILLIAMS thought the proposition of the Hon.
Member was very fair, still he could not agree with him
that the instructions to the Committee of Construction
should be held as private and confidential, and withheld
from the House.

Mr. WAWN said he had no objection to producing
the first part of the motion, but he could not consent to
producing the instructions issued to the Committee of
Construction. At a future time he would be prepared to
give good reason for adopting this course.
After a few observations from Mr. WAHLEY and Mr.
HumE, the motion was withdrawn.
Lord MORPETH moved to refer the Towns Im-
provement Clauses Bill to a Select Committee, to con
sist of the following Members :—Viscount xt.rpeth,
Mr. Greene, The Attorney General, Viscount Sandon,
the Lord Advocate, Sir William Ileathcote, Sir Wal-
liam Somerville, Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Escott, Mr. Loch,
Mr. Beckett, Dr. Bowring. Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr.
Morgan John O'Connell, and Viscount Ebrington.—
Agreed to.
Captain PECHELL moved for a copy of the Order
in Council of the year 1834, relative to the reduction
of the sea emoluments of the Paymasters and Pursers
of the Royal Navy, which they surrendered for the
purpose of creating a fund for the benefit of those offi-
cers of their class who were on half-pay ; with a return
of the amount annually accruing since the passing of
the said order :—Also, the annual amount caused by
any subsequent reductions in the sea emoluments of the
Paymasters and Pursers, with the date when the same
took effect. Likewise, a return of all sums that have
been applied to the increase of the half-pay, and to the
formation of a retired list of the Paymasters and Pur-
sers since the Order in Council of the year 1834, with
the date when the same took effect.—Agreed to.
VAGRANCY (IRELAND) BILL.
This Bill was introduced and read a first time, and
ordered to be read a second time on Tuesday next.
ARMY SERVICE BILL.
On the order of the day for readivg this Bill a third
time,

Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS rose to oppose it, as her
Majesty's Government had struck ont one half of the
Bill. He, therefore, would confine himself to that por-
tion which remained. Since the Bill had come before
the House, he had received communications from a great
number of officers, and other parties connected with the
service, and they all united in deprecating the Bill, as
likely to operate most injuriously. The principle of un-
limited enlistment was day by day becoming more un-
popular with the military authorities, and one that must
be given up, as it never could be maintained in case
that a war arose betwe,n this and any other country.
He had said that this measure would not attract good
men to the service, nor would it, it such men once
joined, induce them to continue in it. The Hon. and
Gallant Gentleman quoted from one of the public
prints in support of this opinion. The same
organ added—(Several Hon. Members—What organ ?)
—Mr. Fox Maule—A. single barrelled organ—
(Laughter) —that it w,.uld be impossible to induce a re-
spec able man to re-enlist it he were once freed from the
service. A good pension was the one thing needful.—
(Laughter.) He repeated it, a good pension was the
only thing needful to raise the character of the service,
and he should wish to have a distinct declaration from

the Right on. Gentleman Opposite that the Govern-
ment intended to revise the scale of pensions with a
view to the proper remuneration of the disbanded sol-
diery. He had to move that this Bill be read a third
time that day six months.
Captain BOLDER°, in seconding the motion said,
that they in that House could not come to a satisfactory
determination without information from the military au-
thorities. Why had they not the opinions of the Com-
mander-in-Chief to guide. them ? Why had not the
same course been adopted in this measure as in the case
of corporal punishment ? In that case, at the recom-
mendation of the Commander-in. Chief, corporal punish-
ment had been limited in extent. But the Right Hon.
Gentleman wished to press this Bill in order to get it
through in the early portion of the session. Was there
any necessity for all this hurry? Could they not wait
until they had the report of a commission upon the sub-
ject ? Why, at present the veriest drummer boy in her
Majesty's service knew as much of the matter as
any Member of that House.—(Hear, Oh, oh ! and
laughter.) lion. Members might laugh, but how could
it be expected that they, gentlemen, devoted to pro-
fessional, agricultural, or commercial pursuits, should
know anything of this question. And after all, this was
a great xperiment, an experiment on an army that was
notoriously the best in Europe, and they were bound to
give sound military authority for the charge, before they
adopted it. They might search the whole surface of the
earth, and they would not find a better body of men
than those who now composed the British army. He
might take two instances of the standard. There was
two, which came under the notice of a friend of his, and
he felt assured that from those instances, that a discre-
tionary power should be left in the hands of the com-
manders of regiments, to choose the persons whom they
would enlist, without reference to the standard. If they
were determined to carry this Bill through, they should
do it with certain modifications. There was another
falsity going abroad, and that was that the army was
recruited from the dregs of the people ; but such was
not the case, for the men all showed that they were of
very different characters. If they meant to have good
men, they must give a real bounty. The real
bounty was that which went to procure a kitt, for the
prospect of a pension was too remote to be of any ser-
vice, for, so long as the present practice was continued,
they would always be subject to imposition. He knew
an instance in which one man had enlisted eight times
in seven months, and had. from his natural defects, been
as often discharged ; and he knew another in which a
man had deserted seven times in eight months. If they
were to give pensions at all, they should make them
earlier, fur at the present time a man had to wait for
twenty-one years for his pension of tenpence a day ;
and, in his opinion, it would be far better to give six-
pence a day at an earlier period. Then, with regard to
discharge, a great improvement might be made ; and he
would, for his own part, a great deal rather that no
discharges were given in the Colonies, unless the soldier
intended to settle in the colony. They ought to be
brought home, although the term of his service had
more than expired. Under all the circumstances, he
felt assured that the Right [lon. Gentleman was not
justified in pressing on this Bill at the present moment ;
and if he did so without obtaining further information
from military authorities, he would be doing a great in.
justice, and he should feel compelled to vote for the
amendment of his Gallant Friend behind him.

Col. REID begged to recall the attention of the Right
Hon. Gentleman, which he had invited before to the fact
—viz., that they would by this Bill be doing a great
injustice to the men who were already in the army. By
this Bill those who were entering the army would be
entith-cl to their discharge at the end of a certain period,
but the men now engaged could not command any such
advantage. He further believed that mph mischief
would arise from the withdrawal of the discretionary
power which the commanders of regiments now held of
granting or witholding the discharges of men in their
several corps, and he therefore trusted that the Right
Hon. Gentleman would reconsider this Bill before he
pressed it to a division.
Lord HOTHAM said he was prevented by indisposi-
tion from taking any part in the former discussions
of this Bill. He trusted the House would bear with him,
while he stated the reasons which would induce him to
vote for the amendment of his lion. and Gallant Friend
the Member for Liverpool. It was stated this Bill was
brought forward with the view of inducing a better
class of men to enter the army, but he very much feared
they would never be able, though they passed this Bill.
to attain that object. With regard to the clause limiting
the time ef enlistment, he considered the Right Hon.
Gentleman who had introduced this Bill had gone too
fir on the one hand, and not far enough on the other.
For instance, the time of enlistment was not sufficiently
long to ensure the continued efficiency of the army,
while no provision was made for supplying the vacancies,
when the time of enlistment expired. In 1812, while on
foreign service in Spain the term of enlistment of many
of the men in the regiment with which he was connected
expired, and he well remembered that the men claimed
their discharge. It was known to the commanding offi-
cers of the regiments that no recruits to be got• in
England could supply the places of these men, and there-
fore the country was filmed to pay a bounty of 16L to
each man to induce him to re-enlist. Such a difficulty as
this may be likely to arise under the present Bill unless
some new arrangements were made with reference to
een-ions, and b• fore he could bring himself to support a
Bill like this, he must know the intentions of Govern-
ment upon that point. He was decidedly of opinion chat
the Secretary at War underrate•f the difficulties and
overrst. el the advantages of this Bill, and he could not,
under those circumstances, bring himself to concede to
the measure.

Mr. FOX MAULE said no man was mon- competent
to give an opinion upon this subject than the Noble Lord
opposite, and he was only sorry that the Noble Lord had
felt it to be his duty to oppose the Bill. The measure
had been brought forward upon the most mature consi-
deration of the Government, and he hoped therefore that
the House would nut refuse to give its sanction to the
third reading.
Colonel WOOD opposed the third reading of the Bill.
He thought no grounds whatever had been shown for
suchheen an
ngreaty
data change
given why
i n militarythey
shoulddisClp norselinaes,ntto such hadtchherea
mwmaPasausillaer)eminattrrhteehrec
00 Rut.
rirsgoehyotafliihpOirnseosrUporegaeabetliv
seGa!
danntidlheamwtaantsh (enMpo rte
nFox
Maule) in the course of his speech said that the pension
was a matter of royal prerogative, and was not a fit
subject for the consideration of the House, but he
(Colonel Wood) denied that. It was not a royal pre-
rogative any more than enlistment, and he
thought it unfair, therefore, to exclude the House
on such grounds from the consideration of that objection
to the Bill. He believed the object of the Government
to be the improvement of the discipline and the in-
creased efficiency of the army; but how, he would ask,
could that be effected when there was no increase given
in the pay or rations of the soldier. The tendency of
the Bill, he believed, would be to disband the army, and
he thought the object anticipated by the Government of se-
curing by the B:11 an increased power for the defence of the
country by a reserved force, formed of the soldiers who re-
tired after 10 years service, would be entirely disappointed.
He thought that this force would never be found so
effective as a reserved force, composed of pensioners who
had served the full term at present required, combined
with young recruits. This force he considered would be
much more effective and powerful than the former, and
in case of emergency, would be found a greater safe-
guard for the country. Believing that this measure will
not have the effect which it is contemplated, he would
vote against the third reading of the Bill.
Colonel LINDSAY considered that the principle of
limited enlistment was good, but he considered that
fourteen years was, however, better than ten. He was
of opinion that some intimation should be held out that
an increase of pension should be given, or else the Bill
would not have the desired effect. He would vote against
the Bill, as no such intimation had been held out.
There was no prospect that at the end of the second
period of the soldiers' service there should be au increase
of pay.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Hon. and Gal-
lant Gentleman had no doubt pointed out many incon-
veniences which arose from the present system, but he
was of opinion that the proposed measure would remedy
many of them. It was to be desired that they should
have a better class of persons in the army, and the pre-
sent was one of many measures which were
intended for the improvement and comfort of the army.
The general argument adduced on the question, did not
overbear former experience. He could assure the Hon.
Gentleman who spoke last, that the other question,
with regard to the pension. would not be lost sight of
by the Government. The warrant of 1832. was very
well considered, and had the consent of the highest
military authorities of that time, a. d it pat an end to
many difficulties which had previously existed. He
thought that under the altered circumstances—having
men enlisted for ten years—and who being good sol-
diers, wished to re-enlist for a further time, the
question of pension, :Hid its amount, ought to be
fullymade
icnonthsiadterd
neousbey, the ,
and stuhgegensutn
suggestion
which
stionm had been
adehythe
Right Hon. Gentleman, not then present, to the Secre-
tthareyoant
vNeVr
na we
notu
al df
tebre
the pr o
Ap eertl y h
aadnd
passed. fu l ly weighedn e w 0
nbi
dy
not say anything further than that, differing as he did
from the Hon. Gentleman who opposed the measure, it
gave him great satisfaction, as a Member of the Govern-
ment, to be enabled to coincide with him in the sugges-
tion which he had made.

The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the amendment
Against it
Majority
Mr. FOX MAULE then moved that clauses 4,5, 6,
7, and 8 be omitted.

Colonel WOOD suggested that certain words be
struck out of the 2d clause.

Mr. FOX MAULE said he could not agree to the
alteration.

Colonel SIBTIIORPE was astonished at the course
proposed by the Government. It was a most extraor-
dinary proceeding for the Secretary at war to strike out
so many clau►es. Why, scarcely any portion of the Bill
would be left. He would advise the Gallant Colonel
(Colonel Wood) to move the omission of the 2d clause
altogether. Then he (Colonel Sibthorpe) would move
to strike out the first, and they would, therefore, get rid
of the Bill altogether.—(Laughter.)
The motion was then agreed to.
Clauses 4,5, 6,7, and 8, were then struck out, and
the Bill was read a third time and pas:ed.
TROOPS DURING ELECTIONS BILL.
This Bill was read a third time and passed.
PRISONS (IRELAND) BILL.
This Bill was also read a third time and passed.
SEDUCTION, &c., BILL.
_ _

Mr. SPOONER moved the second reading of this
Bill. He had understood that the Secretary of State
would have urged no objection to the measure in this
stage, and that the discussion would be reserved till the
Bill was in Committee.
After a few words from Mr. HUME,
Mr. CHARLES BULLER said that the Right don.
the Secretary of State had left, under the impression
that the Bill would not be brought forward that night,

. .
and he thought the course sought to be pursued by the
lion. Member, namely , to read a Bill a second time, by
consent, and take the discussion in Committee, would
be exceedingly inconvenient, and interfere with the
business of the House,
[At this moment Mr. Brotherton entered from the side
gallery. and, amid loud laughter, was repeatedly called
on. The Hon. Member was rising, when.]
Mr. SPOONER said, that seeing the feeling of the
House oppost-d to the fui Cher progress of the Bill that
evening, he should postpone the second reading till
Monday, the 26th inst.
EXCHEQUER-BILLS BILL.
This Bill was read a third time and passed.
The [louse then adjourned at a Quarter past Twelve
o'clock.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
(From the Votes arta Proreeding, (Idle House of Commons.)

THURSDAY, APRIL 15.
NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL-OFFICE.

RAILWAYS.
Select Committee on Group No. 6.
Viscount Castlereagh discharged; Mr. W. B. Wrightson
selected, and added to the Committee.
Select Committee on Group No. 21.
Mr. Gregory discharged ; Mr. Fellowes selected, and added
to the Committee.
Select Committee on Group No. 28.
Mr. Aglionby discharged; Mr. T. D. Acland selected, and
appointed Chairman of the Committee.

prevented having the honour of attending hel- Majesty's
Drawing Room yesterday. Comtnandeur Marques
Lisboa (Brazilian Minister) was prevented by indisposi-
tion from attending the Dravving 'Room.
A deputation front the directors of the Metropolitan
Sewage Manure Company, accompanied by their solici-
tor and acting secretary, had an interview with Viscount
Morpeth yesterday, at the office of her Majesty's Com-
missioners of Wt. Pods and Forests, in Whitehall-place.
The Deputation consisted of, pr. Guy, Mr. T. William
Flo) d, Mr. Edward William Cox, Mr."..T: C. Blair Warre,,,
Dr. Hodgkin, Captain-Wprren,-Mr. Henri Peter 'Fuller,
Mr. William Thomas Rime, and Mr. W. C. Mylne
(engineer).

Mr. Hawes, treasurer, and Mr. Charlier, secretary to
the Royal Humane Society, had an interview yesterday
with Viscount Morpeth.
The Mess of her Mnajesty's Hmourable Corps of
Gentlemen) at Arms dined together yesterday evening
at the Thatched House.

A deputation from the Liverpool and Harrington
Water-works, consisting of Messrs. Banner, Gladstone,
and Stainsted, had an interview with Viscount Morpeth
yesterday,

Mr. BrushfiTid and Mr. Solomons, two Directors of
the COmmercial Gas Company (London and Tower
Hamlets), and Mr. Thomas. the Solicitor to the Com-
pany, had an interview yesterday with Viscount Mur-
peth, at the offiee of the Woods and Forests.

OPENING OF THE PRUSSIAN
1) I E

THE KING'S SPEECH.

BERLIN, APRIL 11 —This grand ceremony corn menced
this morning, under rather unfavourable auspices. From
six o'clock snow continued to fall heavily, and, conse-
quently, but few persons assembled to see what was
expected to have been a grand pageant. At about halt
past eight o'clock the Deputies began to arrive at their
respective places of worship—the Pro'estants at the
Cathedral Church, which forms one side of the square
(Lustgarten) in which the palace is situate ; and the
Roman Catholics at a very handsome circular church
(St. Hedvig), situate not far distant from the palace.
A few minutes before nine o'clock Frederick William
proceeded on toot from his palace to the cathedral, not-
withstanding the severity of the weather, simply attired
in military uniform, with a plain Prussian cloak thrown
over his shoulders. He was warmly greeted by the
comparatively few persons assembled, and his benerolent
good-humoured countenance beamed with delight. He
walked amongst his subjects followed by his staff, but
unattended by any military guard. There were a few
policemen in attendance to maintain order amongst the
carriages, but the pedestrians were permitted to approach
the royal person without impediment. Divine service
concluded at three-quarters past ten o'clock, when the
King returned to his palace in the same simple style
that he had proceeded to the cathedral. At this period
the snow had in some degree ceased, and the assembled
multitude had increased. The cheers were con-
seqtr_ntly louder, and his Majesty returned the com-
pliment by bowing right and left as he passed
through the crowd, who formed a line with as
much regularity and maintained as good order as if they
had been drilled by a sergeant of the Royal Guare.
His Majesty was followed to his palace by the officers of
the Royal Household, the dignitaries of State, the Mi-
nisters, the Protestant and Roman Catholic Bishops, and
finally by the Deputies, who were conducted to their
places in the Salle Blanche (fitted up for the occasion)
by the Grand Marshal of the Palace, Count de Keller.
The Queen and Princesses of Prussia had seats pr-pared
for them in one gallery, and the corps diplomatique in
another. Amongst the latter the Earl of Westmoreland
appeared pre-eminent, and nobly represented his Sove-
reign. All the arrangements having been completed
his Majesty entered the Salle Blanche, preceded by Ge-
neral Knasebeck, who bore the crown; by General
Krauseneck, who bore the orb (Reichsapfel); by General
Muffling (the same who was Governor of Paris during
the occupation of that city by the allied armies), who
bore the sceptre, and by other officers who bore various
insignia of royalty. On his Majesty's entrance the
Princes and Deputies rose and remained standing until
the King took his place on the throne, having the Prince
of Prussia on his right hand and the Ministers of State
on his left. His Majesty then delivered the following
speech ex tempore in a clear and distinct voice, and with-
out the slightest hesitation:—
"Illustrious noble Princes, Counts, and Lords, my dear and
trusty orders of Nobles, Burghers, and Cominons.—l bid you
from the depth of my heart welcome on the day of the ful
fitment of a great work of my father, resting in God, never
to be forgotten, King William 111., of glorious memory.
" The noble edifice of representative freedom, the eight
mighty pillars of which the King of blessed memory foundd
deep and unshakably in the peculiar organization of his pro-
vinces, is to-day perfected in your assembly. It has re-
ceived its protecting roof. The King wished to have finished
his work himself, but his views were shipwrecked in the
utter impracticability of the plans laid before him. There-
from arose evils which his clear eye detected with grief, and,
before all, the uncertainty which made many a noble soil
susceptible of weeds. Let us bless, however, to-day the
conscientiousness of the true beloved King, who despised his
own earlier triumph in order to guard his folk from later
ruin, and let us honour his memory, by not perilling the ex-
istence of his completed work by the impatient haste of
beginners.

" I give up beforehand all co-operation thereto. Let us
suffer time, and, above all, experience to have their way;
and let us commit the work as is fitting, to the furthering
and forming hands of Divine Providence • Since the com-
mencement of the operation of the Provincial Diets, I have
perceived the defects of individual portions of our represen-
tative life, .'and proposed to mi•self, conscieMiously the
grave question—How they were to be remedied? My
resolutions on this point have long since arrived at maturity.
Immediately on my accession I made the first step towards
realising them by forming the Committees of the Provincial
Diets, and by calling them together soon after.
" You are aware, Lords and Gentlemen, :that I have now
made the days for the meeting of those Committees perio-
dical, and that I have confided to them the free working of
the Provincial Diets. For the ordinary run of uffairs their
deliberations will satisfactorily represent the desired point
of union. But the law of January 17, 1820, respecting
the State debts, gives, in that portion of it not as yet carried
out, rights and privileges to the Orders which can. -be ex-
ercised neither by the Provincial Assemblies nor by the Com-
mittees.

" As the heir of an unweakened Crown, which I must and
will hand down unweakened to my descendants, I know that
I am perfectly free from all and every pledge with respect to
what has not been carried out, and, above all, with respect to
that from the execution of which his own true paternal con-
science preserved my illustrious predecessor. This law is,
however, carried out in all its essential parts ; an edifice of
justice has been built upon it, oaths have been sworn on it,
and it has. all unfinished as it is, maintained itself as a wise
law for seven and twenty years. Therefore have I proceeded,
with a cheerful heart indeed, but with all the freedom of my
kingly prerogative, to its final completion. I am, however,
the irreconcilable enemy of all arbitrary proceedings, and
must have been a foe, above all, to the idea of bringing to-
gether an artificially arbitrary assembly of the Orders, which
should deprive the noble creation of the King, my dear
father, I mean the Provincial Diets, of their value. It has
been therefore for many years my firm determination only
to form this Assembly, ordained by law, by the fusion together
of the Provincial Diets. It is formed ; I have recognised your
claim to all the rights flowing from that law, and far beyond—
yes, far beyond all the promises of the King of blessed memory,
I have granted you, with certain necessary limits,the right of
granting taxes,--a right, gentlemen, the responsibility of
which weighs far more heavily than the honour which accom-
panies it. This important Assembly will now denote im-
portant periods in the existence of our State, which are
treated of in my patent of February the 3d. As soon as
those periods occur, I will assemble the Diets on each separate
occasion round my throne, in order to deliberate with them
for the welfare of my country, and to afford them an oppor-
tunity for the exercise of their rights. I have, however, re-
served the express right of calling together these great
Assemblies on extraordinary occasions. when I deem it good
and profitable; and I will do-this willingly and at more fre-
quent intervals, if this Diet gives me the proof that I may
act thus without prejudice to higher sovereign duties.
"My trusty and free people have received all the laws
which I and my father have granted them for the protection
of their highest interests, and especially the laws of the 3d of
February, with warm gratitude, and woe to him who shall
dare to dash their thankfulness with care, or to turn it into
ingratitude.
" Every Prussian knows that for twenty-four years past
all laws which concern his freedom and property have been
first discussed by the Orders; but from this time forward let
every one in my kingdom know that I, with the sole neces-
sary exception of the occurrence of the calamity of war, will
contract no State loan, levy no new taxes, nor increase exist-
ing ones, without the free consent of all Orders.
" Noble Lords and trusty Orders,--I know that with these
rights tentrust a costly jewel of treedom to your hands, and
that you will employ it faithfully. But I know, as certainly,
that many will mistake and despise this jewel—that to many
it is not enough. A portion of the press, for instance, de.
mends from me and my Government a revolution in Church
and State, and from you, gentlemen, acts of importunate
ingratitude, of illegality —nay, of disobedience. Many al-
.o,
and among them very worthy men, look for our safety in
the conversion of the natural relation between Prince and
people into a conventional existence granted by charters and
ratified by oaths.
"May, however, the example of the one happy country,
whose constitution centuries and an hereditary wisdom with-
out a parallel, but no sheets of paper, have made, not be lost
upon us, but find the respect which it deserves. If other
countries find their happiness in another way than that
people and ourselves, namely, in the way of manufactured
and granted' constitutions, we must and will praise their
happiness in an upright and brotherly manner. We will,
with the justest admiration, consider the sublime example,
when a strong will of iron, consequence and high intelligence
succeeds in delaying, in mastering, and allaying every crisis
of serious importance; and, above all, when this tends to the
welfare of Germany, and the maintenance of the peace of
Europe. But Prussia, gentlemen—Prussia cannot bear such
a state of things. Do you ask, why ? I answer, cast
your eyes at the map of Europe—at the position of our
country at its component parts ; follow the line
of our borders ; weigh the power of our neighbours; throw,
before all, an enlightened glance on our history ! It has
pleased God to make Prussia strong by the sword of war
from without, and by the sword of intellect from within ;
not, surely, by the negative intellect of the age,
but by the spirit of' moderation and order. I speak
out boldly, gentlemen. As in the camp, unless in
cases of the most urgent danger or grossest folly, the
command can only be rested in the will of one, so
can the destinies of this country, unless it is to fall instantly
from its height, only be guided by one will ; and if the
King of Prussia would commit an abomination were he to
demand from his subjects the subserviency of a slave, so
would he commit a far greater abomination were he not to
demand from them the crowning virtue of freemen—l mean
obedience for the sake of God and conscience. Whoever is
alarmed at the tenor of these words, him I refer to the de-
velopment of our laws for a century back, to the edicts of
the Orders, and finally to this Assembly and its rights ;
there he may find consolation if he wiTh
" Noble Lords and trusty Orders,-1 airi forced to the solemn
declaration that no power on earth will ever succeed in
moving me to change the natural, and, in our own case, so
imperatively necessary, relation between Prince and people
into something merely conventional or constitutional, and
that, once for all, I will never suffer a written sheet of paper
to force itself in, as it were a second providence, between our