The Sun.
London, England, 1840-09-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT of di

Le PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
The bread-tax interest is endeavouring to turn the
present aspect of the political horizon to some account
by urging the probability of war, as a reason for letting
alone the Corn-laws. This fallacy was breached at an
Agricultural Association meeting at Aylesbury, on Wed-
nesday last ; one of those local gatherings of tenants
and dependants, where his Grace of Buckingham,
" Like Cato, gives his little senate laws,
And sits attentive to his own applause."
The eight-shilling-a-week labourers do not dine on these
occasions. The applause, did the poor crushed wretches
dare to vent their feelings, would not then be quite so
unanimous. The assumption that the dining and prize
distributing parties were improving " the condition of
the labouring agricultural classes," would not pass
quite so undisputedly. The farm labourers suffer
like dumb and brute creatures. Their voice only
reaches the ears of the weal'hy proprietor through
the speaking-trumpet of an Anti-Corn-law Commit-
tee ; in this way it has made them tingle, and will
again. But, as to this war fallacy ; its production
is due to the ingenuity of Mr. Hamilton, M.P., for
Aylesbury. He congratulates the food monopolists
on the prospect of a reprieve afforded them by the ,
anticipation of hostilities. In that which is depre-
cated by every philanthropist, every patriot, every
honest and humane politician, he sees a ground of
safety for his class. It is a point made on their be-
half:—
" That time last year he did think the cause of the
farmers, as regarded the Corn-laws, was in some danger
from the immense array against it; but look at the change
which had taken place in the state of Europe.—(Hear,
hear.) 'Where was the man who in the present aspect of
affairs would trust to the carrying trade for a supply of
corn, and make us in England dependent on Europe for
food ?—( Hear.) Was it at a time when war, if not im-
minent, might, perhaps, not be long averted, that the home
growth of food corn was to be discouraged?—(Hear.)
At the conclusion of last Session he thought the farmer
was safe. He thought so still more now, %hen he looked
to the situation of Europe."
This view of the case is a very mistaken one. No
prospect of war, nor even the actual occurrence of hos-
tilities, will now preclude the continuance of the Anti-
Corn-law agitation. The repeal question is, neither in
itself nor in the minds of its advocates, based on any
fluctuating expediency. It is not taken up in the sun-
shine to be laid down under the cloud. The struggle
is for justice to the poor, to the multitudes, to the na-
tion ; for justice in that simplest form which assigns to
those who toil the full measure of the bread which they
earn by the sweat of their brow ; and the monopolists
will hear the cry above all the thunders of battle, should
battle again unhappily awake its thunders over the plains
of Europe. A bloody and long-protracted war failed
of turning aside from their path those noble philan-
thropists who had devoted the African slave-trade to
destruction. Any contest that may now ensue will
alike fail, if the monopolists attempt to make it a
diversion from the destruction of the bread tax. Mr.
Hamilton's assumption that this country cannot im-
port corn in time of war, is in glaring discrepancy
with notorious ,facts. We imported foreign corn,
and that on a comparatively large scale, during some
of the hottest years of the last war. We imported it
while Napoleon was lord of the European continent,
and his hostility was levelled, with all its energies,
against British commerce. In the year 1810 no less
than a million and a half of quarters were brought into
this country. The average quantity of imported corn
has, in fact, been little effected by the difference be-
tween peace and war. When wanted, it must and will
be had ; a world in arms cannot keep it out. The
foreign corn trade is above the chances of war, as it is
above the devices of monopoly. Its existence is a ne-
cessity of natui e. We have shown, again and again,
that the operation of the bread-tax is not to annihilate
the foreign trade, but simply to decide that it shall be ir-
regular instead of regular, a loss instead of a profit, a
frequent source of miserable privation to the people,
instead of an uniformly wholesome and timely sup-
ply, and a gambling adventure instead of a depart-
ment of common industry. This is the mischief of
Corn-laws, and this they hiive done. More than
this they cannot ; more than this they never will, even
though the.anticipationslof the Aylesbury feasters should
be realised, and the curse of war coalesce with the curse
of monopoly. The views of Mr. Hamilton and his
Buckinghamshire coadjutors are as gross a violation of
justice as of fact. The carrying trade in corn will con-
tinue in spite of war. And why should it not ? Nay,
why should not a season of war, if it must come, be as
fit a period for the repeal of the bread tax as a season
of peace ? War inevitably brings its own burden of
taxation, ever falling most heavily on those who toil. It
will make every other article more costly to the labourer ;
it will also lower his wages ; and is that a fitting time
for artificially enhancing or keeping up an artificial en-
hancement of the price of his bread? In the disturbing
effects of a state of war upon the different departments
of industry, there will be horrible distress amongst the
multitude and loud discontent. In another war the
Yeomanry will not ride roughshod over the masses
as they did during the last. When once the pres-
sure of war is again felt by the many, the Corn-laws
will go ; nor will it be strange, if much else, that is
far from being equally atrocious, should go also. It is
a stale trick, but not less of a trick on that account, to
identify the Corn-laws with " the cause of the farmers."
They are the cause of the farmer's uncertainty when he
ought to be fairly and securely reckoning on re-
gular gains ; they are the cause of the farmer's de-
grading dependence upon his landlord, keeping him
under the screw of a rent which he often fails to rea-
lize, and debarring him: from much of that freedom of
speech and action in politics which is possessed by many
a humble artisan ; they are the cause of the farmer's
continual instability of position, enforcing from year to
year his unavailing cry to the Legislature of agricultu-
ral distress ; they arc the cause of the farmer's alie-
nation from the industrial body of the community,
connecting his advantages with the privations of others,
his sufferings with their gains, and infusing an unnatu-
ral bitterness into society ; these constitute all " the
cause of the farmers as regards the Corn-laws," and
the sooner they abjure a " cause" so pernicious for
themselves, as well as for the rest of the community,
the more will it be for their credit and profit.
(From the Morning Herald.)
The meeting of the Royal Bucks Agricultural As-
sociation, of which we, yesterday, furnished a report,
was of a highly interesting character. The Duke of
Buckingham stated the objects of the Association to
be, to secure protection to the agricultural interest—
and to reward deserving farm servants. In regard to
the first object, the Nole Duke observed, that the
members of the Association had " no desire to inter-
fere with any other interest, and he felt assured that
upon the prosperity of the agricultural interests must
mainly depend the prosperity of the country in which
they lived." In regard to the second object of the As-
sociation, the Noble Duke stated, that it had been com-
pletely attained. "In the agricultural county in which
they resided, it was of the greatest necessity that a
friendly feeling should exist between the farmer and
the labourer ; and he was rejoiced to say that in this
county, no bad feeling had ever existed between
them." It will be a long time before the Anti-Corn-
law League shall be able to boast that their free-trade
principles have created between manufacturing capi-
talists and manufacturing operatives, that cordiality
of feeling which exists between the farmers and the
farm labourers of Buckinghamshire! " They all knew,"
observed his Grace, " that a man was liable to reproach
and misrepresentation for the course he might adopt in
the discharge of his public duty. He had encountered
so:ne treatment of this description ; but he would as-
sure them, that he would always keep straightforward in
the line that he knew he ought to pursue." Of the mis-
representations to which the Duke of Buckingham had
been subject, we remember one remarkable instance.
During the late Session of Parliament, the Earl of
Radnor, after railing on a certain occasion at the Corn-
laws, observed, that "he was not of the number of
those who thought that a repeal of the Corn-laws would
increase' wages. No :—for his own part, he thought
wages unnaturally high at present." " What may be
the rate of wages," inquired the Duke o‘f Bucking-
ham, "to which the Noble Earl refers e" ne
shillings a week:in the parish in which I reside,' was
Lord Radnor's reply. " If, then?' rejoined the Duke
of Buckingham, " the Noble Earl declares that untdheer
the Corn-laws wages are too high, what righ,t,tealext
labourer have to complain of the Cora-laws
ine billings
a
the Duke of Buckingham had aced n
g
agricultural labourer !
day the Anti-Corn-law Journals broadlae.rted that
week to be too high wages for an ag
concurrence in the senti-
Bucks, after expressing entire De observed,
Mr. Dupre, one of the Members for the county of
te Devenport election, that " he
in reference to the la
of Mr. Dawson, the brother-in-
ments that had fallen from the No e ,
rejoiced at the defeat
by his conduct in suddenly turning I
was justly
deserved .
law of Sir Robert Peel.
The defeat of Mr. Dawson
g against those Corn-laws,. which he
ionrted as a master-piece of legislation.
formerlydre
vves
eecudl r
pay
pri e
like
trimming and time-serving politician
r
er."undoubtedly,
He
de
would
dd,
hopedbaends e
mann
which,
it becomes the agricultural body to
the tone
take in regard to all who ought to be found in the rank
of
the protectors of agricultural interests. There arc
many men in the House of Commons, styling themselves
friends of agriculture, who yet vote regularly in support
of the present Ministers—the present Ministers having
declared the Corn-laws to be an " open question," and
having shown practically what they understand by the
.4 openness" of the question in this case, by nearly una-
nimously voting in favour of repeal !
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
We take occasion of the registrations which are now
going on with activity in the metropolitan districts, and
reports of which will be found in this day's Adver-
tiser, to make some comments on a subject most im-
portant to the welfare of the entire community, both
in and out of Parliament. During the Session of
Parliament that has just terminated, as during several
preceding Sessions, an ardent desire has existed both
of
in and out of Parliament to simplify the system
registration, end to render it as little troublesome

A bystander of some other nation, vho felt no part
titular interest as to whether England maintained or
lost her ascendancy on the ocean, might well be amused,
could he watch, from a position '.of advantage, the run-
ning to and fro—the sudden shifts and contrivances—
and all the purposeless and useless schemes by which
our frightened Admiralty Board is now striving to make
a miserable peace establishment answer the demands of
two apparently approaching wars. An Englishman,
however, is forced to " break the career of laughter
with a sigh," when he calls to mind the fearful conse-
quences that may flow from all this apparently divert-
ing hurry and confusion. The real mischief of
the whole affair is—and this it is that forces
us to return to the subject—that, amidst all this
recently assumed activity, there is no sign of
a serious and just appreciation of the danger
and the need—no business-like application of the ne-
cessary means to gain the required end. The guard-
ships, it is found, must be manned. A poor resource
this, after all : for we have now only three guardships
where we formerly had twelve ; but Frill it is better
than nothing. But to man three first-rates is soon
found—as the Admiralty people ought to have foreseen
—to be no easy task. Two thousand able seamen, with
their mates and midshipmen, are not to be got to-
gether by the sound of a boatswain's whistle or by
the fixing up of a score or two of placards. We now
begin to ascertain our real weakness. While we
have but three guardships in place of a dozen, we
have but the crew of a single ship among all the
three. But the Admiralty has a shift ready for this
emergency. The Donegal, of 76 guns, is brought from
Lisbon, where her presence is more than ever needed ;
and her crew turned over to the Br,tannia to en-
able the latter to proceed to the Mediterranean ! Just
after the same fashion is it in the dockyards. Some of
the ships "in ordinary" arc to be got ready for sea.
But how is this to be done ? By taking off the bands
which were employed, and which ought still to be em-
ployed, on the very few new ships now on the stocks,
and which are not even sufficient to counterbalance
the ordinary wear and tear, and to keep up the
existing strength of our navy. In fact, our whole naval
establishment, at the present moment, resembles
nothing so much as the spectacle which would be
presented by the Howe, were she sent to sea in her
present predicament. Her miserable 300, first scramb-
ling this way, then that ; either quitting their guns to
haul in their canvass, or leaving the ship to the mercy
of the winds while they worked the guns, would be is
much such a piight as our whole navy seems to be now
floundering amidst. But with men of business the
question will be constantly recurring,—if the country
cannot afford to keep an adequate fleet afloat, would it
not be the wiser course to eschew all attempts at na-
val intervention ? The memory of our past exploits
may be of some use to us, perhaps ; but " the school-
master is abroad now," and arithmetic is an acquire-
ment very extensively possessed. If the French are
allowed to outnumber us in all seas, as they are now
outnumbering us in the Mediterranean, they will not
long permit us to take the lead in arranging " the ba-
lance of power," merely on the strength of our victo-
ries of forty years back.
(From the Morning Post.)

Her Majesty's Whig 111inisters were yesterday fa-
voured with a lecture, or chapter of friendly admonition,
in the columns of that admirable organ of modern Whig-
gory, the illoriiing Chronicle. The text or thesis upon
which our Liberal and didactic Contemporary thought
fit to hold forth on this occasion, for the benefit of its
Downing-street patrons, was " the importance of being
true to the principles which raised them to power."
This, our readers will 'at once perceive, was a lofty
theme, meet for the eloquence of a Whig patriot. But,
alas ! the days for the display of Whig eloquence have
gone by. It was all very well to declaim about liberty,
humanity, disinterestedness, and so on, when Whigs
were out of office ; but now that they have goof
things to give away, something more homely, substan-
tial, and practical must be attended to. Accordingly,
instead of the magnificent abstractions with which Whig
political lectures were wont to abound, we find this
liberal remonstrant touching" the principles which raised
the Ministers to power," dividing his whole discourse
between indignant complaint that the Whigs sometimes
give away good things to those who are not of their
party, and earnest entreaty that for the future they will
be wiser, and only bestow their patronage in return for
political support. Let no one suppose that this is
meant by our Contemporary for sarcasm. Nothing of
the kind is intended. The excellent " liberal" writer
never was more serious in his life, and the burthen of
his seriousness is,, that if Whigs would be true to
the " principles' which raised them to power,
they must take care that no good thing which Go-
vernment has to give away shall be bestowed
upon any but 'Whigs ! This is the grand Whig
political " principle" of these highly enlightened times,
when philosophy and " the march of intellect" have
done so much to enlarge the minds of all who are not
Tones! Our Contemporary admonishes the Ministers
that they owe it to the Sovereign and the people to—to
do what, do our readers suppose ? To administer the
laws of the land in the spirit of the Constitution ? To
be careful of preserving at once public order and public
liberty ? To be continually anxious for the nations'
interest, and always earnest for the national glory?h
No, none of these things are insisted upon as that whbicut
Ministers owe to the Sovereign and the P"Ple'd the
they are told that they owe it to the
.Sovereignhaawnsy
as
people " to bestow their patronage
ny them without
mho seek favours to hope they may shall not paralyze the Governmentb"lba.
• o"taiWbat a magna-
quitting the ranks of the opposittoo. sul
ceding those
nimoes Whig philosopher !

, the start
powers of the.
THE LATE JAMEs SMITII.—"'I natural
tendency to banter and c&jolery was evinced while he was
pleasantry was, the
yet a youngster, by a pleasant hoax upon the editor of an
old established magaze, to whom be transmitted several
letters containing a grave account of some remarkable
these
eesmagazine in clues.
antiquarian discoveries and entomological facts
ling nature of which attested the inventive
writer without exciting the suspicions of his victim,
evercom mdernetacmdinugpotnhat
What added to the zest of his juvenile
the,e fictitious state-
circumstance that his father and several of
friends who were regular readers of
Sntith
and laughing
his antiquarian
ti
their various conjectures,.—James i le flan' state-
ments, sittingPw eiathteboduyitYt heir sides,
'Siniliheismot'ere&aCi