The Sun.
London, England, 1841-10-13 00:00:00

LON_CON, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 181!

PULPIT ELOQUENCE.

VER.RICHARb JONES has RETURNED
--LV-A- for the SEASON to his HOUSE, No. 14, CHA.
PEL-STREET, GROSVENOR-PLACE, BELGRA\ E=
SQUARE.

STEAM TO NEW YORK

711 FIE GREAT WESTERN,
Lieutenant HOSKEN, R.N., Commander,

IS INTENDED TO SAIL
Fnou BRISTOL. FROM iC
NEW YOR.
On Saturday, Oct. 23, 1841 I On Tuesday, November 23.
The Company will forward Goods adtressed to their care,
but to secure Freightage early application is necessary. No
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Passage, including Provisions, Thirty-five Guineas.
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London, T. M. Ward, Great Western Railway-Office, Bank.
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Bristol, Oct. 9, 1841.

nONTINENTA L CO A C H.—A very strong
and fully equipped Coach, fit for a Family of Distinc-
tion ; has front and hind seats, raised backs, and waterproof
knee boots, five large roof imperials with covers, five large
boxes. large pockets, drag shoes, sae ropes, &c. TO) BE
SOLD VERY CHEAP. Also,
A BRITZSKA, with every appointment for the Continent.
May be seen at 43, Crawford-street, Bryanstan- square.

CA RR IA GES.—Purehasers are respectfully
informed that S. 111.‘R KS and SON'S MISCELLA-
NEOUS STOCK, cunistin of an unequaled Assortment of
NEW and SECOND-HAND CARRIAGES, is now selling
at a considerable sacrifice—the Re-buildin; of their Premises
rendering an immediate Salo necessary.
An early application is recommended.
Langliam•place, Cavendish-square.

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Mr. JAMES'S NEW WORK.
This day is published, in 3 vols. post Svo.,
THE ANCIENT REGIME:
A Tale.

By G. P. R. JAMES, Esq.
" Among the numerous rooks of fiction Mr. James has con-
tributed to the amusement, and not unfrequently to the instruc-
tion, of the age, this story of the reign et Louis Quinze is one
of the most interesting, effective, anecomplete."—Atlas.
By the same Author, lately published,
CORSE DE LEON ; or, the Brigand. 3 vols.
London : Longman, Brown, and Co.

Just published, in one volume Bvo., price 18s., cloth,
DICTIONARY of DATES, and UNI-
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By JOSEPH HAYDN.
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NEW WORK BY MR. D'ISRAELI.
In 3 vat; Bvo , price 365., boards,
AMENITIES OF' LITERATURE.
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I. CURIOSITIES 0.1.' LITERATURE, price 203., cloth,
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GUIDE TO THE ENGLISH AND FOREIGN FUNDS.
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Stocks, &c.

By CHARLES FENN.
" This little volume, containing such a variety of well-
arranged information, indispensable to every capitalist, banker,
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London: Effingham Wilson, 18, Bishopsgste-street ; and
Sherwood and Co., Paternoster-row.

Now ready, price 10s.,
IL DICKSON'S FALLACIES of the
FACULTY. Second Edition, enlarged.
Pour dormer ici tousles eloges que nous persons an livre
du Docteur Dickson, ii faudrait qu'il nous fut possible de faire
passer dans notre langue toute l'energie, tons le charme, toute
la clarte qu'il a su mettre en harmonic dans la sienne ; mais ne
pouvant nous promettre da traduire les definitions de notre au-
teur avec leur grace et leer lucidite, nous nous bornerous a
declarer qui nous ne connaisons aucun ouvrage medical Anglais
qui soit comparable, pour le style, a celui du Docteur Dickson."
Revue de Versail'es.

Simpkin and Marshall, and all Booksellers.

Just published, the Seventh Edition, price 38. ; and sent free,
on receipt of a Post-office order, for 3s. 6d.,
MANHOOD ; the CAUSES of its PRE-
MATURE DECLINE, with plain Directions for
ITS PERFECT RESTORATION-; addressed .•to. those
suffering from the destructive effects of Excessive Indulgence,
Solitary Habits, or Infection ; followed by Observations on
the Treatment of Syphilis, Gonorrhcea, Gleet, &c., illus-
trated with cases, &c. By J. L. CURTIS and COMPANY,
Consulting Surgeons, London.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF. THIS DAL
TlMES.—Various facts illustrative of Earl Fi tzwilliam's
tyrannical interference with the freedom of election were
lately communicated. to us by a correspondent ; -but
really the particulars, though exhibiting all the usual
credentials of truth, appear- I to imolioate his Lordship
• h fe conceivingtheyrn :such foul' political oaseness, that,
might possibly lie' tinged' with the exaggerations into
which a defeated adversareeis too often betrayed, we had
determined, for the present at least, to pass them by in
silence. To -state with certainty any satisfitetory reason
for having thus hesitated to give unreserved credence to
thozo particulars is wholly out of our power. Cer-
tainly there is nothing in the Noble Earl's position
betokening a priori his probable exemption from
the excesses of violent partisanship. On the con-
trary, considering the tenacious gripe with which,
in spite of the Reform Bill,
.his Lordship succeeded
in retaining his ancient boroughmongering in Milton
and Peterborough—Considering the relentless dicta-
den uniformly employed by him in forcing his own
nominees upon the constituencies under his influence—
and considering, moreover, the Noble Lord's zealous
co-operation with O'Connell; and his myrmidons in the
county of Wic
in klow
h—b.er, the are free toeadmit that all the pre-
sumptionsccirrerlenspsopiei(icetaitnrie,sfavour of the perfect accuracy of our
correspondent's communication
s;t
landa r
and as
,NiSleas see that
pub-
licity licity to the same facts with a minuteness of detail which
seems to place theireverisimilitude beyond suspicion, the
propriety of subjecting them to indignant exposure can
bo no longer a question with any respectable Journal.
The narrative may be given in a word or two. At
the recent election fur Peterborough, where • Lord
Fitzwilliarn considers himself the sole constituent,
his Lordship, by the instrumentality of his bailiffs
and agents, declared his intention to return his own
son and Sir Robert Heron. The borough,
.how-
over, happens to contain la goodly number of Con-
servatives remarkably iiiifferent to Lord Eiee-,.
william's wishes. Indeed, else 'disgust of the electors at
the arbitrary and unconstitutional interference of his
Lordship has, in recent years, occasioned such an
extensive desertion from the Fitzwilliarn ranks, that the'
return of his Lordship's nominees was, with great diffi-
culty, effected, by no larger a majority than Ten. This
narrow escape, taken in _connection with the humbling
defeat lately sustained by the Noble •Lord's family, both
in the county of Northampton and in the West Riding.
of Yorkshire, appears to have chafed the haughty Whig
foudalist out of his Fitz-legithnate into fits of a less harm-
less kind. The Noble Lord has become impatient of
being disregarded by his tenants. His waning influence
has distracted him. Peterborough has asserted an inde-
pendence not to be. endured.- To put an end to this
alarming freedom, his Lordship's refractory dependents
must be punished; and accordingly their forcible eject-
ment from their respective tenements has been enjoined
by Lord Fitzwilliam, and would instantaneously
be carried into effect, without leaving them a straw pal-
let to lie' upon, were it not for the forms of law. Four
of the Fitzwilliam tenants, who had voted against his
Lordship's nominees (two of them _being clergy men of
the Established Church, and two of them respectable
tradeemen) have been served with • " notices to quit."
The affair, as might be expected, has made some stir in
Peterborough ; and as the 'Noble Lord's professed at-
tachment to freedom of election 'has • been brought into
scandalous disrepute, his Lordship • has endeavoured to
find a foil for his disgracefill prOeeedings, by pleading
the example which had been set him in the same
place by a virulent Tory .partisan. And who, pray,
did the luckless and unexemplary Conservative hap-
pen to be ? A furious High-church magistrate—or e
powerful landed proprietore-er a busy intriguing par-
son ? No, indeed ; but there happens to be in Peter-
borough a staunch opponent -of leitzwilliamism, in the
person of an elderly gentlewerman who-has a mortal dislike
to the Whigs ; and because the ardent lady, with that al-
lowable
self-will which everybody concedes to her sex,
discarded a tenant of hers who had voted for the Fitz-
williams, the Noble Lord seizes this solitary petticoat as
an example and shelter for his analogous practices. The
good wife of Peterborough, though deserving of all
honour for her loyal zeal, has undoubtedly carried it be-
yond the bounds of discretion. But is this a precedent
to be followed by a Peer of the • realm ? Are Lord
Fitzwilliam's borough poll to be regulated by the
mistaken caprices of a Conservative matron ? Shame
upon Lord Fitzwilliam for his unmanly and senseless re-
taliations I Had the Noble Lord been actuated by a cor-
dial desire to uphold the independence of the electors,
rather than to glut his appetite for mean revenge, he would
have shown a magnanimous superiority to female
weakness, seductive and fascinating though it be. But
while his Lordship has been only too happy to find a
precedent for his tyranny in the pardonable' foible of
poor Mrs. Cornes, the piqeant luxury of' visiting his
wrath upon two hefencelesls clergymen, and sundry con-
stitutional shopkeepers wile ventured to vote in accord-
ance with their consciences; was too tempting to be fore-
gone. Powerful opponents, evlioee resources enable them
to fight an equal battle, don't suit-his-Lordship. An up-
right clergyman who stantli'itp for the Church, or a dis-
criminating tradesman who abhors O'Connellism, cannot
be permitted to differ from Lord Fitzwilliam without
incurring his Lordship's bitterest curse. Nay, the fact
that the two shopkeepers, Messrs. Speechley and
tho their
Conservative votes
candidate
Elling-
ton, though they refused to poll for Sir Robert Heron,
divided
L,ord -Fitzwilliam's son
avid
exposed them the more to his Lteeins i
rdlsip"nly
remorselesss'tohave'
spleen. HeePpily, however, there are still a few houses in
Peterborough whose doors' the noble persecutor cannot
shut. The clergymen whom Lord Fitzwilliam's malig-
nity has hurried from their homes will yet peradventure
find a bed to lie upon. A place of business also, with a
great increase of customere occasioned by public sympa-
thy, will doubtless be found:. for the brave and martyred
laymen. Let the inhabitants of Peterborough lay this
outrage to heart. The moral which it teaches them is,
that, as long as they form part of the Fitzwilliam tenan-
try, they can have no will' of their own—they are treated
their Ise ni
r g La no
gr
do sf feudalp eri o r
Surely it is impossible thaehigh
asserrfsegwalliaorlymust pay their votes to
t.
n
long endure such degradntion as this. Let them make
s paisrittheedyEpnagyl themi re
nr ecna
a united effort, and the tyranny of their oppressor will
be laid in the dust.

CHRONICLE.-No f ther light has been thrown by
1 I,the Ministerial organ up n the bold assertion which it
last week hazarded, that ' there is no country in Europe.
where the.ordinary wag" of labour command so much
bread as they do in Englend." The assertion may now
take its place amongst he random efforts of a cause,
desperate in argument, nd relyill wholly for support
in the numerical prepon eranee of interested legislators.
It is an impudent fallacy ' Like others of its class, it is
easily disposed of, as w Ave already shown. In future,
it would be better fir ttie scribes of monopoly to give
up these abortive attempts at argument, and obvious dis-
tortions of' notorious fact.. Let.thein rely upon the real
strength of their cause.. ',I Let them say at once, we are a
Parliamentary inajority,iand we command the Govern-
ment which, as we mad so we will unmake, if it dare
to touch our sordid in rest'. That is the true pro-
Corn-law argument. r e merits 'of the case lie in a
nutshell. Every other legation in support of. the sys-
tem is 'hors du combo The field is cleared of them.
This assumption, that labour is worth more bread
in England than anywhke else in Europe, was the last
attempt at imposition. We gave the comparative rates
of wages in France and Belgium, from those of skilled
workmen down to thosof women and children in fac-
tories, and the number if pounds weight of bread which
those wages would purchase. The comparison shows
our own working classes to be worse off by one-third of
their week's earnings, inpposing them all turned into
broad. There is an end of our Contemporary's argu-
ment. On the Continent the farm-labourer has generally
his lodging and food in addition to his 'money wages.
What would the Duke'. of Buckingham's nine-shilling
men say to that ? But; it only happens to this fallacy as
to the rest- They lnizsi all shown themselves only to be
destroyed, so far as disproof is destruction. What has
been the effect of discussion upon the notion of producing 1
at home a sufficient and independent supply of food ? It
has just served to evince the not very recondite fact that
the more numerous the, markets to which we resort, the
less danger there mast be of failing•and irregular supply,
or of fluctuating prices; The argument of independence
has passed over to the opposite side of the discussion.
Every tradesman feelape absurdity, or the bad faith of
the
when it modestly says to the com-
munity,monopoly that you may be indepen-
land landed
"Give interest,
me a
indepen-
dent." . The necessity. of finding employment for the
people, is another topic that served the turn for a short
while. It elicited the tiemonstrable fact that agriculture
cannot provide employment adequate to the:natural
.in-
crease of its own pop lation. The proportion which it
occupies becomes les and less. It produces surplus
hands,
whose only re ource is in manufactures. The
Thestr stream
Corn-laws ai no or
naws narrow this drain, and threaten. to block
f migration steadily flows in the same direction.
it up. The effect is.. t
ex-
cused by silly tirades against overgrown factories. een and acknowledged ; and
No-
body has explained hoW the people are to be employed
without them. Distress, we are told, prevails for want
of work. What work will Corn-laws snake for the
millions ? Of such :a kind, at least, as peaceful peo-
ple would wish to see them employed in ? The. admis-
sion of want of work is the epitaph of this argument.
specification,
those of the rest of
i as distinguished from
The burdens upon the land formed also a stock
andtlie pmei.,essi Their seP heavily g rnor
the community, has been. loudly called for, but vainly.
People have consulted, however, that index of the
n
worth of hind whili is afforded by the history.
of rent during the I?ist half century. They have not
found evidence that 'peculiar taxation has annihilated
or reduced the wortli of landed property. In many
cases it yields double and even treble incomes to the in-
heritors. As in the, story of the palm tree, it grog s
best under its load. 'rhe plea of depreciation by being
more heavily taxed, evaporates at the question which it
has prompted• of the amount of Tents in 1790. The
wno'es fallacy has Ivom out. Now and then it turns up,
~
butr, rarely and feeblyiin comparison Nvi ill the use made
of it in the . earlier "stages of the controversy.. Lord
Stanley. was fairly- questioned into its distinct repudiation
at his late elution. Even Chartists. can no longer be
bribed at such paltry pay as a shilling. per head to repeat
it at public meetings. The refutation was in the work-
people's own memories. In their experience there has been
quite enough of lowwages and high prices. Overborne
at first by the vehenent reiteration of the falsehood,
they have
since recovered, and recollected themselves.

And then the pretence sunk into utter worthlessnesl.
The last defence of an abuse in this country always
is, that it works well. When every possible show ol
justice, reasonableness, or utility, is exhausted, and
repelled, still there is that to fall back upon .; it works
well. On this . ground, the, Tories made their final
stand for boroughmongering. But even this is becom"

ing untenable: 'Why else. do we hear of modifications.
and " ceasiderations ?" Every pretence under whici

the Corn-laws were enacted has 6sen falisfied by facts
They have not kept prices steady, nor even kept thee
high. They have not averted repeated distress free
the agriculturists. They have not stimulated improve-
ment, nor extended cultivation so as to supply the wane!
of the community. And here is the country, after a
long trial of theni, in undenied and undeniable distress.
The well-working argument has ceased to work well.
It falls bank amongst the outworn. One veil of delusion
has bee:i stripped elf after another. The Corn-law dis-
cussion has only consisted of the successive exposure of
fallacies. Any defence of the monopoly has sunk into
the mere repetition of generalities. Whenever it has.
bean ettempted to work out in detail, logically or sta-
tistically, any argument in its favoar, the invariable re-
sult has been that such argument speedily. became useless.
It is found convenient to rest in a few phrases. And in
this state of things is the question now, with a growing
inte4eise innthonembject,- strengthening and deepening.
through all the industrious classes of the community.
The contest •is that of pOWer - against opinion. • By
power, we mean the possession of office and Parlia-
mentary majorities. It may yet be ,found,, as it has be-
fore, that there is also a power in opipion...
HERALD.—It was currently ruMouted in the city
yesterday afternoon, that Lord Ellenbeireragh would be
this day announced ne the proposed successor of the Earl
of Auckland in the Government of -India. Our city
correspondent seems to intimate that the selection of the
new Governor-General of our vast empire he that distant
region, did not appear to be exceedingly acceptable on
'Change. He alludes to some vague apprehensions which
are entertained in certain quarters lost the moderation
and affability which are now displayed by the noble Pre-
sident of the Board of Control should be lost in the more
.exciting sphere of action wherein the qualificatione of
the Governor-General must be testifiedthat the strop;
inducement to any man who fills the latter position to
run a career of brilliant, but unprofitable achievement,
is too strong to be resisted by men of even the,
highest capacity and discretion in other stations,
and under other exigencies. Of Lord Auckland's
Indian administration we are not prepared to speak with
all the decision and force of our able Correspondent.
'At present it appears to us, in many respects indefen-
sible. The immoderate extension of our frontier on the
north andnorth- west has a palpable tendency to weaken
our defences, to decompose the masses and, to neutralise
the strength of our military fierce—to scatter and dram
out on an almost interminable line, instead of Colleen trat-
ing at a few commanding and well-secured points, our
moans offensive and defensive, and an efficient chain of
communications. It is without doubt, moreover, the
most palpable objection among those which suggest
themselves to the policy pursued by Lord Auckland in
respect of the territorial and external relations of British
India, that he has engaged in half a dozen enterprises,
each free„ ht with greater difficulties, military, physical,
and political, than its predecessor, and each of them tend-
ing,
to increase the already overwhelming aggregate. of
financial sacrifices which seemed to demand the undivided
and incessant application of his best energies for their re-
moval. But we must have Lord Auckland's . personal
statement of the pressure under which he acted in inter-
posing in the affairs of Lahore, the feuds of the Ameers
of Sinqle and the troubles of Affghanistan, before we can
fairly hold him responsible for all the waste of blood
and treasure which is certainly to be laid to the account
of the various campaigns and operations which have
been carried.on, under his government, on the banks of
the Indus and in the countries beyond it. Until we
haie some connected account of this sort from his Lord-
ship founded—(nor could he avail himself of a finer
model for his purpose)—on tile late Marquis of Hastings'
" summary of his administration in India," we shall be.
hardly warranted in proceeding to judgment on the po-
licy of Lord Auckland. It is notorious, that, for a cen-
tury past, the India Company's direction at home have
for ever been urging on their Governments in the Penin-
sula the indispensable policy of consolidating the terri-
tory
previously acquired, and of abstaining from the ex-
tension of their frontier. It is equally notorious that the
force of circumstances and the incessant political reeolu -
dons of the native states of Hindostan on this side and
beyond the Ganges, have compelled the Supreme Go-
vernment in India to sanction successive and enormous
extensions of their inland frontier. From the Dewanny
grant down to the cession of the last Jaghire. inscribed
on the Company's books, the same course—as if im-
pelled by an overruling necessity rather than the am-
bition or intrigues of European chiefs—(allowing to
these the utmost-influence, even, which can be assigned
to. them)—has been pursued. The same results have
followed. They have been contemporaneously de-
nounced by Rtt and achieved by Clive,—anathematised
by Burke and strengthened and connected by Warren
Hastings,—expanded by Wellesley and deplored by
Romilly and Whitbread; immensely expanded under the
personal intervention of Lord Hastings and Lord
Auckland, and deprecated and condemned, at home, by
Canning and Lord Brougham. The truth is, that the
merits of every Anglo-Indian Government are a ques-
tion almost purely practieal ,e but they are treated as a
matter Of mere speculative discussion.
POST. —ln modern times the philosophy of free trade
appears to have degenerated into the blindness -of
bigotry. In pursuing mere freedom, men forget that
there is a liability to excess, and that freedom itself ought
to be exercised under the government of reasonableness
-and honesty. Freedom is an advantage, but net in itself,
a virtue, and except under the due government of reason
and justice it speedily runs into vice. Personal freedom,
for instance, is an advantage which we can scarcely prize
too. highly, yet no man of sense will say that every one
should go everywhere that his fancy may happen to lead
him. The haunts of vice and profligacy ought to be
avoided, and lie must be either devoid of all reason or de-
void of all morality who thinks it a denial of personal
liberty that he may not visit gambling-houses, or keep
company with persons of loose and disreputable charac-
ter. It is to be lamented that the lessons which expe-
rience has taught as to the wholesomeness of certain
restraints upon personal freedom appear never to have
been thought of as equally applicable to the " freedom of
trade," which many people seem now to regard with a
kind cf superstitious adoration which they do not vouch-
safe even to religion itself. Freedom of trade is a very
good thing while under the restraint of moderation and
justice, but honesty of trade is a much better thing, for it
cannot run into vicious excess ; and if its gains be less
rapid they are more certain, and never can be a disgrace
to their possessor. That we are not now merely theoris-
ing every person conversant with business can testify.
We can safely appeal to their experience for confirma-
tion of the fact, that ever since the superstition about free
trade has gained possession of the public mind, there
has been such an amount of reckless gambling mndelis-
honourable trickery in affairs of business, as never
was known before ; and patient, cautious, honest trade
has been, as it were, cast into the shade by the more
showy tricksters who make a dash at every thing. In
the commercial article of our paper of Friday last our
City Correspondent, with that zeal foe honesty and fair
dealing which distinguishes all he writes, commended
one of the new regulations of the tariff of the United
States of America relative to imitative articles which
are imported into the States. He said :
"In the tarif which has just passed the two Houses
of Congress, imposing 20 per cent. duty on imports
heretofore free, we find a clause for the taxation of lull-
tions of articles of trade at the highest ad valorem rate
put upon the article imitated. This is an enactment that
goes at once to the root of manufacturing adulteration,
.one of the most formidable vices of the age."
• Every man who thinks honesty and real value better
than mere outside show will cordially agree in this sen-
timent. The passion for cheapness, which has grown
up along with the cant of free trade, gives continual en-
couragement to this system of manufacturing adultera-
tion, and the honest manufacturer actually loses his busi-
ness, while they who get up cheap things with an outside
appearance of gloss and finery upon them flourish and
make money. They do so, not by legitimate trade, but
by a combination of trade and trickery to which no roan
can stoop without a forfeiture, more or less, of honesty
and conscientiousness.

RIGHT OF PEERS TO VOTE.—At Marylebone
on Monday the claim of Lord Bridport to vote for the
house, No. 12, Wimpole-street, was opposed on the part
of the Liberals. Messrs. Ivimey and Allen, in support
of their objections, cited the opinions and decisions of
Mr. Falconer, the Barrister, who had revised the list of
voters for the borough of Marylebone for the two pre-
vious years, and who invariably disallowed the clacns
of Lord Bridport and all other Peers to vote. They
also referred to the recent decision of Mr. Arnold in
the case of Lord Dinorben and other Peers during the
present registration in Westminster. Mr. Coventry
(the Revising Barrister) said he had maturely con-
sidered the subject, and he took a widely different view
of the case from his Learned Friends. It was a mere
resolution of the House of Commons that no Peer
should be allowed to interfere. There was no law in
existence whatever to prohibit a per from voting, or
from his being: placed in a list of voters for any city
or borough in which he might reside. At all events,
he considered there was no authority given to a Re-
vising Barrister to interfere in the matter, and there-
fore in all such cases he should feel himself justified
in allowing the claim. The claim, which will admit
the right of fourteen other Peers resident in Maryle-
bone to be on the register, and which had been pre-
viously struck out, was allowed. The result' of the re-
vision will not be made up until the lists of the several
parishes are completed; but at the conclusion of yester-
favo
day'sur of thedings it was understood to be greatly in
Reformers.
EXTRAORDINARY DESPATCH. ••••• A letter
written on the • 2.d. of July was forwarded to Calcutta
Marseilles, by the, overland mail of the sth of that month,
reached its destination by the express from Bombay, on
the morning of the 17th of August ; the bill it enclosed
was cashed, and a return remittance was made by
Messrs. Cockerel and Co., of that city, the same evening,
arriving in London on the morning of the Bth -instant,
making a total of ninety-five days for correspondence
out and home with Calcutta—unexampled for rapidity
even in the annals of steam,