The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-17 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT:

716 USE Of' L ORD'S .tirr.
Parliament wall *tied this daY by her Majesty in
person, with the usual formalities. The doors leading
to the galleries, and body of the House of Lords, were
thrown open to the public as early as twelve o'clock, and
shortly afterwards all the reserved sests approp kited
to Peeresses, and Othei. ladies, were completely filled.
The alteratien in the body of the House, by which in-
creased accommodation has been provided for the Peers,
have been already noticed by us, The throne and its
decorations remained in the same state as at the proro-
gation of Parliament last year. At half-par,t one the
House was densely crowded, and a great number of la-
dies were obliged to content themselves with standing-
room behind the benches. The space railed off for
the Ambassadors, on the right of the throne, was also
filled with its usual crowd of distinguished foreigners,
exhibiting every variety of brilliant uniform, orders, and
decoration.
Among the Peers present we observed, the Dukes of
Cambridge, Somerset, Norfork, Rutland, Richmond,
Beaufort, Devonshire, Leeds, Buceleugh. Marquises—
Anglesca, Westminster, Northampton, Landsdowne,
Salisbury, Downshire, and Normanby Earls—Fitz-
Winchilsea, Burlington, Sheffield, Shaftesbury.
The Lord Chancellor. Lords—Melbourne, Redesdale,
Ly nedoch, Fitzgerald, Lurgan, Rayleigh, Denman,
A hinger. Bishops—Ely, St, David's, Durham, Salis-
bury, Rochester, There were also present three In-
Wan Princes, who sat near the bar on the front Peers'
bench. Prince Charles of Capua and Prince George
of Cambridge stood upon the right of the throne.
Before two o'clock every part of the House was
densely crowded, and the attendance of Peers and
Peeresses was more numerous than for some years past.
Her Majesty, who was attended by the Duchess
of Sutherland, the Mistress of the Robes, entered
the House at a quarter past two o'clock, preceded
oy the heralds and great officers of State, including
the Earl of Surrey, Treasurer of the Household,
the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Hill, the Lord
Chancellor, Lord Melbourne, bearing the sword of
state, and the Earl of Shaftesbury, the cap of main-
tenance, &c.

The Queen, who looked extremely well, wore her
Crown ; a stomacher, necklace, and ear-rings of large
brilliants, and a magnificent gold-laced dress.
The Usher of the Black Rod having been directed
to summon the House of Commons, the Speaker in
his state robes, attended by an immense body of Mem-
bers, shortly afterwards presented themselves at the
Bar. The Lord Chancellor on his knee having handed
the Speech to her Majesty, she read it in her usual
clear and distinct manner, her voice faltering a little at
the first passage, where allusion is made to her marriage
with Prince Albert :

HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH.

" MT LoADs AND GENTLEMEN,

" Since you were last assembled, I have declared
my intention of allying myself in marriage with the
Prince Albert, of Saxe Cobourg and Gotha. I humbly
implore that the divine blessing may prosper this
union, and render it conducive to the interests of my
people as well as to my own domestic happiness, and it
will be to me a source of the most lively satisfaction to
find the resolution I have taken approved by my Par-
liament.

" The constant proofs which I have received of
your attachment to my person and family, persuade
me that you will enable me to provide for such an
establishment as may appear suitable to the rank of
the Prince and the dignity of the Crown.
" I continue to receive from Foreign Powers assu-
rances of their unabated desire to maintain with me

the most friendly relations.
" I rejoice that the civil war, which had so
long disturbed and desolated the northern pro-
vinces of Spain, has been brought to an end,
by an arrangement satisfactory to the Spanish Govern.
ment, and to the people of those provinces ; and I
trust that, ere long,fpeace and tranquillity will be re-
established throughout the rest of Spain.

" The affairs of the Levant have continued to oc-
cupy my most anxious attention. The concord which
has prevailed amongst the Five Powers has prevented
a renewal of hostilities in that quarter, and I hope
that the same unanimity will bring these important and
difficult matters to a final settlement, in such a manner
as to uphold the integrity and independence of the
Ottoman Empire, and to give additional security to the
peace of Europe.
" I have not yet been enabled to re-establish my
diplomatic relations with the Court of Teheran, but
communications which I have lately received from the
Persian Government inspire me with the confident ex-
pectation that the differences which occasioned a sus-
pension of those relations will soon be satisfactorily
adjusted.

" Events have happened in China which have oc-
cassioned an', interruption of the commercial inter-
course of my subjects with that country. I have
given, and shall continue to give, the most serious
attention to a matter so deeply affecting the interests
of my subjects, and the dignity of my Crown.
" I have great satisfaction in acquainting you that the
military operations undertaken by the ..Governer-Gene-

ral of India have been attended with complete success.

had been for a long period justly entitled to fame
foi the stability With, which it had adheted to all
its ,ehgagethents ,for, that ,it deserved tibe,
re-
spect of the other Governments of Europe, Ord ac-
cordingly now, in a period of difficulty, it was enjoying
the good offices of the five Great Powers, and he hoped
that that House would approve of the policy which
had dictated so eniightened and so humane a course.
Adjacent to the Turks would be found a mere Eastern
nation differing frotu us still more; but from political prin.
triples, from its position, it was rendered of the utmost
consequence to us ; and, the more so; in consequence
of the great Military operationg alluded to by her Ma;
testy in her Speech. The good conduct of the army,
both European and Native, there engaged, must be a
source of pride to that House and the country gene-
rally. The affairs of Canada had for some years deeply
engaged the attention of the Legislature. Her Majesty
had ordered to be laid before them all the papers con-
nected with the affairs of that interesting country,
and her Majesty, after veing the evil conse-
quences of the ill-assorted plan under which
that country was now governed, called their
earnest attention to the question. In the various ar-
rangements proposed for the settlement of peace in Ire-
land, municipal institutions had always formed a promi-
nent part. He trusted that that Session would
see the question brought to a final conclusion.
The lapse of ages had rendered a change in the Church
necessary, and he believed the recommendations of the
Ecclesiastical Corsimissioners appeared unexceptionable.
But it was a question of the greatest difficulty, and
must be treated wi-.h the utmost caution. He believed
the disturbances that had lately taken place had
arisen chiefly from a great spirit of insubordination,
but it was the general opinion that the Magistrates
had acted with the greatest promptitude. His Grace
then concluded by moving the Address, and reading it

and that in the expedition to the Westward of the Indus
the officers and troops, both European and Native
have displayed the most distinguished skill and valour.
" I have directed that further ipapers relating to the
affairs of Canada should be laid before you, and I con-
fide to your wisdom this important subject.
" I recommend to your early attention the state of
the Municipal Corporations of Ireland.
"It is desirable that you should prosecute those
measures relating to the Established Church, which
have been recommended by the Ecclesiastical Com-
missioners of England.
" GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

in a most inaudible tone.
Lord SEAFORD then rose and said—My Lords,
in rising to second the address, 1 must begin by earnestly
entreating your Lordships to afford me the utmost sym-
pathy. It is with great reluctatitie that I venture at all
times to address your Lordships, and on the present occa-
sion the sense of the difficulty was sufficient to cause
me to shrink from the attempt, had I not felt that
it was impossible for me to decline the hotiour,
although there are many far more competent.
My Lords, the subject pre-eminently important is the
Royal marriage—( Hear)—which is of course in itself
of the greatest national importance, and which is at
the present moment of unexampled interest.—( Hear,
hear.) My Lords, it is impossible, considering the
age and the sex of the Sovereign, to consider the
event as one of mere political alliance—(Hear, hear)—
or without feelings of the most anxious solicitude as to
its effects on her Majesty's domestic peace and happi-
ness.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords,—At no other time
in the history of this country has an event been considered
under circumstances of such intense interest, and it was
impossible to hear it announced by her Majesty without the
warmest sympathy, and without the most ardent prayers,
that every aspiration for its auspicious and salutary
issue, might fully be answered.—(Loud cheers.) It
must be satisfactory to your Lordships that her Majesty
has, from intimate acquaintance, acquired such a know-
ledge of the character and disposition of the object of her
choice, that it is the more probable there will be a happy
result. My Lords, I cannot, under the circum-
tances, believe that your Lordships will not concur una-
nimously in that approval, which is so graciously asked ;
nor can I doubt that your Lordships will also concur
in such a provision for the Prince as will be
equally suited to the liberality of this country and the
connexions of the Prince ; and if ever there was an oc-
casion when unanimity was desirable it is the pre-
sent.—(Hear, hear, hear.) My Lords, with regard
to our foreign policy the most important event is
the expulsion of Don Carlos from Spain, and the
pacification of the Basque provinces. Whatever may
be the opinion of some Noble Lords as to the title
of Don Carlos, 1 think there can be no difference of
opinion as to the benefical consequences of a paci-
fication in that country.—( Hear.) And nobody
can doubt that it is matter of congratulation that the
was, if not put an end to, is confined within narrower
limits, and that its termination may be looked for at no
distant period.—( Hear, hear.) And, my Lords, I think
it matter of congratulation that the war, when ended,
will terminate, not in the triumph either of absolutism
or democracy, but of legitimate principles and
Constitutional Monarchy.—(Hear, hear, hear.) With
regard to the differences existing between the
Sultan of Turkey and the Pacha of Egypt, an

" I have directed the Estimates for the services o

the year to be laid before you. They have been framed
with every attention to economy, and at the same time
with a due regard to the efficiency of those establish-
ments which are rendered necessary by the extent and
circumstances of the Empire.
" I have lost no time in carrying into effect the in-.

Eastern Question, as it is called, notwithstanding its
importance, which yields to none, the imperfect informa-
tion which we have received upon that subject,
renders it one not likely to form a matter of dis-
cussion in this House. I shall therefore content
myself by confining myself to a simple expression of con-
fident hope that the same system of Government which
has brought to a satisfactory termination the differences
that existed in other countries will be equally effectual
in this—(Hear, hear)—and in which so many con-
flicting interests are involved. The brilliant suc-
cesses of the British army in India cannot fail to
obtain the fullest expression of our congratulation with
respect to the gallantry of the troops and the officers
who commanded them ; it has been exceedingly me-
ritorious. The commendations of the humble indivi-

tentions of Parliament by the reduction of the duties on
Postage, and I trust that the beneficial effects of this
measure will be felt throughout all classes of the com-

munity.
" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMF.N,

dual before you may appear to be of little value ; but
still I cannot, however, avoid refraining from
expressing my gratification at the result.
But to judge from the difficulties that
stood in the way, with an army so remote as this was,
it rendered their successful efforts still more creditable.
One important event, whether considered with regard
to the Indian empire, or whether connected with Eu-
ropean nations, is the change which has come over the
Government of Persia.—(Hear, hear.) Our military
skill has contributed in a great degree to secure and
confirm the stability of our possessions abroad. It is
very difficult to allude to the concluding paragraph of
the Queen's Speech, and to feel it impossible
not to contemplate but with regret the
.great dis-
tress that prevails in the manufacturing districts. I
and it is a matter of the most serious importance
feel concern, when I consider that this distress prevails
in a district where there is no want of employment.—
(Hear.) But I am sorry to say a spirit of insubordi-
nation prevails to a very great extent, which is caused
by a large portion of our population allowing them-
selves to be practised on by cunning and designing
men. But from the gallantry and steadiness
which our civic authorities and military evinced we may
confidently rely upon all future attempts being put
down. The complete discomfiture of the late attempt
at riot and insubordination, but shows us the weakness
of physical force against the moral. I hope it may
serve as a warning, to prevent the renewal of
such attempts again. I trust that the confidence ex-
pressed by her Majesty on the continued gallantry of
her troops in preserving order in those dominions will
be fully realized. I shall conclude by thanking this
House for the attention with which they have heard me.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—There is no No-
ble Lord in this House can be more sincere in ex-
pressing congratulations to her Majesty upon her
approaching marriage than I am, as it has
been announced publicly on this day. He thought
it strange that House was not called upon
by the Speech, as they had been called upon by the
Noble Lord opposite, to concur with the other House
of Parliament in making a a sufficient provision for the
Prince. However, there was a greater omission than
that still ; and when that House was called to express
an opinion upon the Royal marriage, he thought
that it ought not be all congratulation. He thought
the public ought to know something beyond the mere
name of the Prince—(Cheers)—he had the ho-
nour of being summoned to attend the Privy Council,
when her Majesty was pleased to declare her inten-
tion to become the spouse of this Prince. He ob-
served that the precedent of the reign of George
the Third was followed in all respects but one,
and that was the declaration that this Prince was a

" I learn with great sorrow that the commercial em-
barrassments which have taken place in this and in
other countries are subjecting many of the manufac-
turing districts to severo distress.
" I have to acquaint you with deep concern that the
spirit of insubordination has, in some parts of the country,
broken out into open violence, which was speedily re-
pressed by the firmness and energy of the Magistrates
and by the steadiness and good conduct of my troops. I

confidently rely upon the power of the law, upon your
loyalty and wisdom, and upon the good sense and right
feeling of my people, for the maintenance of order, the
protection of property, and the promotion, as far as they
can be promoted by human means, of the true interests
of the empire."
Immediately afterwards her Majesty and her atten-
dants quitted the House, and the House adjourned till
Five o'Clock.

-----
The LORD CHANCELLOR resumed his seat upon the
Woolsack at five o'clock precisely.
Lords Monteagle, Dunfermline and Seaton were
introduced by Lord Strafford ; Lord Camoys took
the oaths, signed the Parliamentary Rolls, and took
his seat, having been called to the Upper House by a
writ of summons.

Protestant.—(Cheers.) He entertained no doubt that
he was—he was sure that he was a Protestant—

The Queen's Speech was then read from the Wool-
sack, and read a second time by the Clerk of the House.
The Duke of SOMERSET then
rose to move the
Address, but ha spoke in so low a tone of voice that for
ting
some time he was inaudible'
u When we heard the
Noble Duke he was congratulating
upon her Majesty's intentionof theientering
r Lordships
upon
parties—the
state—theesd_thn
previous
uniformityconnection of religionnf between the
previous acquaintance between themselves their
apresaged a
e
union which he had no doubt that House wouldhQ
prove a happy one to the parties interested,P would
proveanoduld
beneficial one to the country.—( Hear, hear.) The a neat
topic alluded to in her Majesty's speech was the nwar
which had ravaged Spain for some years, and which had
been carried on under circumstances of barbarity, which
might be thought not to belong to that age. That
House must join in every wish of her Majesty, and
join her also in all those measures which would tend to
promote the tranquillity of that country. The
affairs of Europe might now be considered to oc-
cupy a very small portion of the Speech from the
Throne. That, however, was in consequence of the
very great extension of the British empire. There
were nations which were very different in all their ha-
bits and institutions from ourselves, but in consequence
of political circumstances were much engaged with
us. The Turks were most undoubtedly a nation
differing in almost everything ; but he would say that
that difference was rendered the more harmless in coa-
-1 sequence of its greatness. The Turkish Government

ke had the honour of being known to some of
his family, and he was sure he was a
Protestant ; but this was a Protestant nation,
and it was necessary by law that he should be a Pro-
testant who should become the husband of the Queen.
But the precedent ought to have been followed, and the
public ought to know that such was the fact by
having it officially declared by the Government of
the country in the Council-note. He knew very well
that the Ministers, every one of them, were as anxious
to maintain this a Protestant country as he was ; but
they had had it in their power to relieve the
immense anxiety of the public mind by mak-
ing this simple declaration, which they had not
done. He was convinced that Ministers were anxious for
the maintenance of the Protestant character of the
country. He knew it, and therefore it became his duty
to inquire how this precedent had been departed from.
The Prince who might become the husband of the Queen
could not be otherwise than a Protestant. Why, then
hesitate to state it ?—(Loud cheers.) He had naturally
looked to the proceedings which took place in another
part of the country, and there he found further proceed-
ings on the subject.—(Hear.) He was one of those
who reed with great attention all that passed in that
other country, and for this reason, that now
Government was carried on under a system
of terror, and he read those speeches in
order that he might know where the real danger
threatened ; and he saw enough to teach him not to be
much afraid ; and in those speeches he found a suffi-
cient reason for the omission in the declaration. He
knew that her Majesty's Ministers were as much dater-
mined as he was to uphold the Protestantism of the State,
. but then what he said was, why for the first time,
should that declaration be omitted in the declaration
to the Council, and in the Speech from the Throne.
When he (the Noble Duke) and other Noble Lords
. consented to the admission of Roman Catholics into
the enjoyment of the same privileges as Protestants,
they certainly never intended that the State should
have ceased to be Protestant..--(Hear, hear.) They
, i intended that the State should continue ever to be
. Protestant ; and the measures had been also intro-
; duced for altering the state of religious parties in Ire-

kiN, _LONDON, PAIDAY, JAN GARY 17, 1840.

land. But the authors of these measures never in- 1
tended that the Protestant character of the Crown 1
sboUld thereby be endangeted.r4flear, hear.) The
Noble. Duke.called,:iinen their I.Jordslips to Concur in
a declaration of opinion as to this r ana with thaf.vie*
he entreated them to agree to an amendment which he
would now move, that the word " Protestant" be in-
serted before the word " Prince " in the Address.
Earl FITZWILLIANI suggested that the pas-
sage in the Address should be first read, which was
as follows i " A prince descended from a long line of
Protestant ancestors.°
Lord MELBOURNE then rose and spoke as fol-
lows :—My Lords, from the tone of forbearance and
moderation hitherto displayed by the Noble Duke, I
had hoped that unanimity would have prevailed, be-
cause it would have been more deeply felt both by her

Nlajesty and the country that we had come to the vote
on a night when all were unanimous, and when party
spirit was for one night laid aside. The Noble Duke
professed himself anxious to preserve the unanimity
of the Address. My Lords, I wish the Noble Duke
had not in any degree interrupted it by an amendment,
which he has thought proper to introduce, and which he
has introduced, I must say, in tones of great bitterness,
acrimony, and irritation.--(Cheers.) The Noble Duke
said that on the presentation of the declaration of
George 111. to his Privy Council, announcing his in-
tended marriage with the Princess of Mecklenburg-
Strelitz, that that declaration mentioned that the Prin-

cogs was a Protestant Princess. That was not pre-
cisely the fact : it did not state that she was a Protes-
tant Princess. It stated that she was descended from

a long line of Protestant ancestors.—(Cheers.) The fact
that the Princess was a Protestant was notorious, and,
therefore, the mention of it was useless and superfluous.
Prince Albert of Saxe Coburg and Gotha, with whom

her Majesty proposes to contract herself in marriage, is
a Protestant. The Act of Settlement required that he
should be a Protestant. Unless the Noble Lord sup-
posed that we are going to advise their Majesties to
break the Act of Settlement, it is useless to introduce

words declaring him to be so. It is decidedly and
positively demanded by law, as a condition of the possi-
bility and legality of the union that the Prince should
be Protestant. He is a Prince descended from that
branch of the Saxon family—the Ernestine—to
which the Protestant religion owes its existence.—
He is descended from that Elector whose name stood first

on that protest signed at Spiers by six Princes and
fourteen cities against the decision of the Diet of Augs-
burg. That it was that I consider as the very founda-
tion of the name of Protestant. That Elector of
Saxony lost his throne and electorate for his adherence
to the Protestant religion. He was the protector and
defender of Luther. It was the head of that family
who up to the present moment have maintained and

supported the Protestant religion in Germany. Why
then, I ask, was it necessary to state that he is a Pro-
testant, or that he is descended from an illustrious line

......,....__... ....-
of Protestant ancestors ? And, my Lords, what ad-
vantage is there in that amendment, which does nothing
more than touch the question ? The Noble Duke says
that the Address will not satisfy the count?". If there
is anything to cause dissatisfaction, it is the amendment
of the Noble Duke. The Prince is a Protestant, and

not more or less a Protestant because we declare him
to be so. If he declares himself to be so—which he is
ready to do—that is something, but that we should de-
clare that he is a Protestant will not alter the question
at all. If there be no suspicion or doubt, what advan-
tage can be gained by our stating that he is a Protes-
tant ? The fact only is, that there is a wish to intro-
duce a doubt or difficulty where there is none—dispute
and dissension where there is nothing but agreement
and unanimity. And I ask, will your Lordships
give countenance to the cry which has been attempted
to be raised through the country under the authority of
this House, and the Noble Duke is attempted to be
set up as an authority for that cry. Whether the
words are inserted or not it is useless. It neither makes
the Prince Protestant more nor less—l repeat, nei-
ther more nor less. The Noble Duke knows him
to be a Protestant. England knows it the
whole world knows it. Well, then, it being so,

it is useless to introduce the words proposed by the
Noble Duke.

Lord WINCH ILSEA then rose and said, that
he disputed what the Noble Viscount had stated. It
did not follow because the family were Protestants that
every member of that family must be Protestant.
There was an instance in that family recently of a
change in religion by a Roman Catholic alliance.—
( Hear.) But what the Noble Viscount was, in his opi-
nion, most to be blamed for was his introducing into the
presence of her most gracious Majesty a man of the
most impure and degrading mind—a man who by his
opinions was aiming at the destruction of every social
principle—of every religious principle—in fact of all
principle. For such things as those the Noble Vis-
count deserved a vote of censure, which he should be
ready to move.
Earl FITZWILLIAM said, if his Noble relative
(Earl Winchilsea) really intended to carry his threat
into execution, why should he forestall all that would be
much more appropriately said on the occasion of the
motion threatened. His Noble relative thought we
were now on the eve of a great calamity and much ex-
citement, and naturally his Noble relative, under such
circumstances, would be anxious to throw some sooth-
ing oil on the rising waters—(A laugh)—.but whether
his speech was likely to have that effect, he would leave
the House to determine.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble
Friend thought the Government were sanctioning prin-
ciples subversive of all morality and all religion. Not
content with that, he went a little further, and said
they were supporting a principle subversive of all prin-
ciple, which was one of the greatest curiosities of philo-
sophy he had ever heard of.—(A laugh, and cries of
" Order.") Was he outlof order in saying that such an
expression was a curiosity of philosophy.
Earl WINCHILSEA. said his words were " sub-
versive of all moral and religious principle."
Earl FITZWILLIAM had no doubt such was
the meaning of his Noble relative, but he (Earl Fitz-
william) had correctly quoted his words. The ques-
tion of whether the word Protestant ought originally
to have been inserted, or should be so in answer to
the speech, seemed to him to be of very trifling im-
portance. That part of the speech to which he wished
earnestly to direct the attention of their Lordships
was one for the introduction of which he felt grateful to
his Noble Friends. He was as sincere a Protestant
as any of their Lordships, or as his kinsman, and he
thought that the question raised now was of no import-
ance, but he thought it a matter of no trifling import-
ance that the attention of a body like their Lord-
ships should be called to the deep distress
which now afflicted the country, and for calling their
attention to it his Noble friends deserved the gratitude
of the country. It was impossible to exaggerate
those distresses, now unhappily prevalent—
so long as it was since he had given some
attention to the state of the working popu-
lation, he bad never known distress so deep and so
general as at the present moment. The distress which
prevailed in 1825 was no doubt very severe, and from
the vast number of banks which then failed, that dis-
tress was brought under their Lordships' notice, but
from the habits of their Lordships they were naturally
ignorant of the deep distress now prevailing in the
manufacturing districts ; and if they were to investigate
into the matter they would find that the difficulties of
that period of great alarm were not equal to those
under which the country had been labouring during the
last two years. Their Lordship? habits, their independ-
ence, rendered it almost impossible for them to be
aware of the difficulties with which those engaged
in manufactures had to encounter. He rejoiced,
therefore, that his Noble Friends had not
shrunk from calling the attention of the House to the
fact of the existence of such distress, and he trusted
that the invitation given their Lordships to think of
the subject, was only a prelude to another invitation to
turn their attention to such an investigation as would
lay bare the causes of the distress. He fully believed
that these calamities might be traced to their source—
that they could be inquired into without adding to
them—nay, he had no doubt but Legislative means
might be devised for alleviating them. These were his
reasons for his so earnestly calling their Lordships' at-
tention to the fact of the existence of such distress.
He knew not what effect what fell from him might have,
but at all events he had discharged a conscientious
duty—he had satisfied his own mind, and would now
conclude by imploring his friends in the Government that,
if it was a duty to advert to the distress in the Speech,
it was a greater duty to investigate into, and if possible
to remove the causes of the calamity.
Lord BROUGHAM then rose and said—At no for-
mer time have I ever felt so reluctant to intrude myself
upon your Lordships' attention as on the present occa-
sion, and if I could feel it at all consistent with my public
duty to withhold myself from the discussion, I would with
pleasure do so, because I never had a greater desire to
do so ; but with the views I entertain of the present
alarming state of the country, although, my Lords, I am
axieehtyea wrdhi acnhdha read, and
been impressed
believing on
as my
not so accessible, generally speaking, as many—not so
accessible as many to political fear—yet with the great
a
there
lI
have mindd
that b
y
is a very widely spread and diffused distress ; also from
other symptoms and indications of what I consider
worse evils, I feel that I would not be discharging my
duty tothe public—my painful duty—if I did not address
some observations to your Lordships—however pain-
ful—and the more so because from the ge-
neral arrangements of the House, if the first
night of the Session is allowed to pass without some
notice being taken of the state of the country, or any
other topic included in the Speech, practically they are
left over till after Easter. I feel that I would be de-
serting my public duty did I not take this opportunity
of addressing you, very shortly, upon the subjects intro-
duced in the speeches which have already gone before.
It is the characteristic of a free state that the duty of
a loyal subject and good citizen are not only not in-
compatible, but conjoin themselves. I agree entirely
in the congratulations of my friend, the Noble Duke,
but also in those of my Noble Friend near me, which
they are about to carry up to the Throne, respecting the
approachinc, Marriage of the Crown. The same kind
of duties of a loyal subject and good citizen may be con-

jointly discharged by my joining heartily in the call
made for an adequate provision for the consort of her
Majesty. I hope I will not be less a loyal subject or a
good citizen if I express an earnest hope that we are not

io be doomed to see on this, as on former occasions,
yin iiidoent end an unfeeling race, run by conflicting
parties, ai eii.pen,`,T of the interests of a suffering
people, for the purpose of Pa/lug tOurt in the highest
quarters—in those quarters such court--such tinprinL
cipled rivalry will (if unhappily it take place) appear in its
proper and odious light. With a suffering people whose
distress in the language of truth, used by his Noble
Friend, could not be exaggerated—with a people torn
with faction—divided by mutual animosities, the ob-
jects and the actors in scenes which I dare not trust

myself to describe—at all events filled with discontent t
—with wages falling and prices rising, and diminished
and diminishing profits—to propose any provision beyond
that which absolute necessity exacts, would in my de-
liberate and conscientious opinion be a breach of all
duty which either the Government or the Legislature
owes to the people, and would tend to weaken the
character of the Legislature, and endanger even the
stability of the throne itself. I most willingly pass over
the motion. That the mere question of the insertion or
omission of the word Protestant should have gravely
occupied the time of this House for half-an-
hour,—any one knowing that we had been
discussing such a motion for so long a time—any one
acquainted with that fact, vir,,,,.1d think that we had to
administer, in all case and security, the affairs of a happy
and united people. I can assure your Lordships, that
if the motion is put for the purpose of paying court,
the object will be lost—in that quarter such court
would not be appreciated ; neither would any disap-
pointment ensue if it were not carried.—(Loud
cries of " Hear, hear.") If, on the other hand,
the omission was intended for the purpose of
paying court in another quarter, that was pretty broadly
asserted, and clearly pointed out by my Noble Friend
the Duke of Wellington. lam sure that things must
have very much altered indeed if such court can prove
of any earthly avail. 'ln the discussion upon this motion
the law has not been very clearly laid down. I can tell
my Noble Friend (the Noble Duke opposite) that
there is no prohibition against the Crown marrying a
Catholic—no prohibition at all—there is, however,
a penalty ; the offence would merely be visited with the
penalty of losing the Crown.—(A laugh.) Is it not,
then, a grave matter for us to congratulate her Majesty
because she does not intend to throw away the Crown?
Passing, however, from this subject to another, which is
intimately connected with it, very naturally I come to
the state of Ireland. In order to ensure or secure the
peace of that country, the Municipal Corporation
Bill is again to be brought forward. (Hear,
hear.) It is now, my Lords, fifteen years since an
inquiry into the state of Ireland was entered into by
both Houses, but principally in the other ; and at that
time, my Lords, other means were suggested for tran-
quillising Ireland, and the better government of that un-
happy country. Many of your Lordships—no one
who has served the Crown during the last twenty
years but must have turned your attention to the state
of that country—of course I have done so, and it is the
intimate conviction of my mind, that to apply the axe to
the root of all the great evils which involve that country
in violent dissensions—to do away with that which
is the prolific seed of a corrupt state of society—
to take away undue influence from unworthy hands—to
lay the foundation broad and deep for lengthened tran-
qnillity to the Irish people—to conciliate the best in-
terests of the State and of the Church—of morals and of

religion—to do the one thing needful, as it is your
bounden duty to do—is to give upon a great, a moderate,
upon a well-considered principle, a due but fixed and
legal provision to the Clergy, who minister to the spiri-
tual wants of the great body of the people ofthatcountry.
My Lords, as to the differences of opinion entertained
upon the subject, I shall not enter into them farther
than to say that I still remain fixed in my approval of
those measures which in 1834 were proposed by my

Noble Friend (Lord Stanley)—measures which appear
now more irrefragably true than ever. My Lords,
there are few topics in the Speech so judiciously and
cautiously framed, on which I would trouble your
Lordships. I would just observe, by way of protest,
on the politics of the East, that, heartily agreeing, as I
do, with such of your Lordships as wish to honour the
brilliant successes of our arms in that country, I must
yet pause tilt more extensive information—(Hear,
hear, hear)—and more decisive events must trans-
pit e before I can subscribe to an adoption of
the policy on which these movements have been
directed.—( Hear, hear.) When I shall have seen a
renewal of the alliance with Persia, our natural ally,
and security of the British power on the North
Western frontier of India—when I shall have seen that
the change of the dynasty of Cabool has operated to the
benefit of our interest is the East—when it shall have
been proved that it was wise to disregard our Persian
alliance for our Affghanistan influence ; whereas the
opinion of our best Asiatic statesmen has hitherto been
that our best defence against any invasion from the
North was the alliance of Persia—when I shall have
found that it is for our advantage to maintain a large
and extensive military force miles and miles beyond the
utmost limit of our territory—( Hear, hear)—when I
shall have seen that the proper funds will be adequate
to the heavy expences of all this—then, and not till
then, shall I be willing to approve of the Indian po-
licy of the Government.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Now, my Lords, I must crave your permission to state
the views which, reluctantly, I have been compelled to
form as to the present condition of the country, as re-
gards its internal affairs, and its domestic peace. My
Lords, I know well that what has lately disturbed the
domestic peace—and which has naturally raised the
deepest anxiety in the breasts of all statesmen—l know
that these " outbreaks," as they have been called—the
burnings which have occurred in various parts of the
country—the meetings—the midnight meetings—the
private leagues—the associations, more or less contrary
to law—the confederacies, sometimes more, sometimes
less, approaching to conspiracy—a pretty extensive cor-
respondence—all followed by breaches of the peace
—and with that which by competent authority
has been pronounced to be high treason,
in disturbed, though not distressed, districts of the
country—l know, my Lords, that all thesel frightful
symptoms—for frightful they are, even if they go no
further, and lamentable they would be, even if less
alarming—l know that all are regarded by some super-
ficially thinking people as events, as facts, isolated, and
by themselves, and therefore these persons are at one
time more alarmed by such facts occurring, and at an-
other time more easily calmed and tranquillized when
they find that these " outbreaks" have been got the
better of by the force of the law, or the promptitude of
the troops. But, my Lords, Ido not regard them as
events or facts merely ; if I did I might deplore them,
but I should not be so much alarmed, because I trust
in the power of the law, and I know that such tran-
sient ebullitions may speedily be really, as they now
may apparently be, suppressed. But, my Lords, I re-
gard these facts as indications of a bad state of think-
ing—of an unwholesome state of feeling—which I will
not say for any recent period, but which for many years
past, has been gradually displaying itself in outbreaks,
which may be put down in one place, and break out in
another, as within the last forty-eight hours ; and even
if the law were entirely to put them down, I should
look upon the calm as deceitful, knowing as I do that if
the cause does exist in grievances not redressed—in
well-grounded complaints not attended to—these dis-
turbances will not be removed—(Hear, hear)—and
1 remember the remark of one of the wisest
of men, Lord Bacon—" Beware, if you have
probed popular discontents, and found out a deep-seated
and wide-spreading wound ; beware how you drive the
humours into the body, for you will thus only cause
the wound to bleed inwardly." And this, n” Lords, I
consider to be the present position of the country.
And I will advert to what I consider to be the mischief
and the remedy. First, the mischief. I say it is not
a sudden, not a gradual, but a long proceeding change
which has taken place in the habits and the dispositions
of the people of this country, and which he is not wise
as a statesman, nor indeed deserving the name of a
statesman, who does not apply himself to it. That
change, my Lords, is, that formerly the people of
England had confidence in certain leaders, and willingly
and cheerfully placed themselves under the guidance of
leaders selected from their rank, their fortune, or other
claims to respect—from public talent or private vir-
tues.—but now that is gone—gone, I fear, not from
this or that borough—from this or that district—
no : that is what those at the Home-office—by,
which I mean those who have the general management of
the internal affairs of the country—seem to think ; and
hence, if they arc satisfied with the assurances of self-
complacent and self-complimentary Corporators.—
(Laughter)—" Oh, in this borough you are admired, in
this town you are adored"—(Laughter)--why, they
are welcome to the joy of these fond delusions, and for
anything they care, I dare say the rest of the country
may be in a state of rebellion, as regards the masses
the people—not rebellion against this or that Govern-
ment—not taking part with this or that faction in poli-
tics—not anxious about the removal of grievances—
(Cheers)—but the rebellion of men marshalled in dis-
gust, in deep-rooted, habitual distrust—of all parties—of
all politicians—of all Ministers—of all men in
power.—( Hear, hear.) I do not mean to say, my
Lords, that men ought not to think for
themselves, or that they ought to take their opinions
from others ; on the contrary, it is my opinion that it is
the duty of every man to inquire and to judge for him-
self. Now the main reason, I believe, of the ill effects
of that spirit of party which is now so prevalent is,
that it leads men to receive their opinions on political
subjects from politicians, er Priests, or Princes, or
Whigs—(laughter)—a.id thus reminds us of Swift's
phrase—" Party is the madness of the many, for the
benefit of the few." But when the people, thinking
reasonably and soberly for themselves, act under their
natural leaders, they know in whom they can confide,
they act with concert and vigour for the accomplishment
of any useful and salutary object. And the loss of
this renders their exertions for any good object unavailing.
But it does not follow that because they are powerless
for good, that therefore they are without power, and
that they would fall under the delusions of knaves, be-