The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-20 00:00:00

TRR SUM LONDO-N, TrIVRSDA,Y, MAY go, /841

ON S-UNDAY.
RETURN to an Order of the Honourable the House of

„ -
Commons, dated 23d.April, 1841—for
Return of the number of instances of corporal punish-
ments in the Army in Great Britain, inflicted on a Sun-
day, during the five years ending the Ist day of January,
1841 ; specifying the cases, stations, and regiments in
each instance ; and stating, when practicable, • whether
or not the bui!ding in which punishments were carried
into' xeeution is used for any other, and'what purpose.
tihnilar return for-the troops quartered in Ireland.
i•Tone;

JOHN 'MACDONALD, A.G.
Adjutant-General's Office, 14th May, 1841.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

WEDNESDAY.
The list provided for the second day was prolific of sport, and
with the exception of the Gorhambury Stakes, was not less
calcu'ated to attract the lovers of racing than its predecessor of
Tuesday. Unf,rtunafely, however, the weather was cold,
baistert-us, and wet, until half of the races had been run off,
and th • company, as a disagreeable consequence, was unprofit-
ably stlect. About four o'clock the rain ceased, and she re.
manner of the afternoon was perfectly fine. The racing com-
mence 1 at two o'clock, with
'I he ( larendon Stale, s of 10 sovs. each, with 30 added, for 3
yrs' 7st ; and 4 vrs, Bst 101 b. The Cherry-tree mile. 5 subs.
Lord Verulam's ch f, by Actwon, out of his Brocard, 3 yrs I
Mr. I..eott's rh Windsor.
Captain Gardner's b c, Ben Brace, 3 yrs 3
Mr. Booth's Benjamin, 3 yrs
Be! sing-5 to 4on Ben Brace. Benjamin had the lead for
half a mile, and was then passed by Windsor, who made run-
ning at a good pace, hut was challenged close to the post, and
beaten by a neck.
The Pak stakes of 10 sovs. each and 50 added for 2 yrs old
colts, Bst 71b ;and fillies Bst 41b; winners 41bs extra. 'f. Y. C.
5 subs.
Mr. Coleman's Gazelle, by Jerry
Mr. Shelley's Joie
The following also started but were not placed :—Mr. Good-
man's ch. f. Banish ; Mr. H. T. Worley's br. f. Conjugation ;
and Lord Orford's b. f. by Bay Middleton, out of Goldpin.
Even betting on Banish, 2 to 1 against Lord Orford's f., and
4to 1 against Gazelle. Lord Orford's filly made running to
the ropes, where she was headed by Gazelle, who went on with
it to the Grand Stand, Conjugation and Jole lying up ; the race
home was so close that Jole was beaten only by haf a neck,
and was not above a neck in advance of Lord Orford's filly;
Conjugation was well up.
The Verulam Stakes of 20 sovs. each, with 50 added.; for 4 yrs,
sst 121 b ; 5 yrs, 9st 71b ; and aged, 9st 101 b. The second saves
his stake ; the Verulam Course. (5 Subs.)
Mr. Booth's Benjamin, 3 yrs
Lord Chesterfield's Molineux, 4 yrs 2
Mr. Worley's Yancey, 4 yrs -
Even on Molineux. oo hollow a rate to require a descrip-
tion. Benjamin won by four or five lengths.
The Kingsbury ( Handicap) Sweepstakes of 15 sovs. each, for
3 yrs old and upwards. Ridden by officers of the Army or
Navy, or by members or sons of members of White's,
Boodle's, Brooke's the Jockey Club, &c. &c Cherry-tree
- mile. (7 Subs. )

Mr. Cavendish's Curlew, aged, Ilst (Mr. Oliver) I
Capt. Martin's Dismal .emmy, 4 yrs, .......... 2
Mr. Colc•msn's Chymist, 6 yrs, I Ist 61b
No betting. Curlew had it all his own way, and won in a
canter.

The Brigade Handicap of 5 sovs. each, with 25added, from the
Fund, for all ages. T. Y. C. (24 Subs. )
Mr. Cavendish's b g Curlew, aged, llst 31b...( 31r. Oliver) 1
Mr. Balchin's The Dromedary, 4 yrs, Ilst 101 b - 2
The following also started : —Mr. Beauclerck's nd br g
Chance, 4 yrs, 11st ; Mr. Alexander's Perfidious, 6 yrs, list
101 b ; and Lord March's The Lawyer, 4 yrs, lOst 61b. Curlew
made his own running, and again won in a canter.
The Hunters' Stakes of 10 sors., with 25 added, 12st each ;
thorough-bred horses, 211bs extra; the winner at the
Hunters' Stakes at the Hoo, 121 bi extra. Stand Course.

(b subs.)
Baron Rothschild's ch g Consul (Mr. Bretherton) 1
Mr. Bond's Jupiter, ag, d, (h b)
2

Mr. Brown's 'imrod,-aged:

Mr. Adam's Oak Stick
The race was confmed to Consul and Jupiter, and was vroa
easy by two lengths The stakes were claimed by the owner
of Jupiter on the ground that, being thorough-bred, Consul did
not carry the extra weight.

WESTMINSTER MEETING. ;

(THIS DAY.)

f
hou
of ...kwnleLtiiltligsteor! tthoeok electorsiace
thisd
day,s eihmo euta sntoftotbereCgtiiti!
si'ion, for the purpose ot taking into consideration the
measures proposed by her Majesty's Governmctit for tee
reduction of the duties on corn, sugar, and timber. At,
one o'clock the High Bailiff, Frederick Smedley, Esq., ap-
peared on the hustings, •h nc were erected, as usual, at the
west end of Covent Garden. The. Hon. Gentleman was re-.
ceived with loud cheering by the assembled multitude, 'which
was at this time very numerous.
Among the gentlemen on the platform we observed Mr.
O'Coneell, 31. P., who was loudly cheered; Sir De Lacy
Evans and Alr. Leader, the Memberi for the City; Colonel
Salwey, M P., Mr. Ewart, M.P., Mr. Hawes, M.P., Dr.
Bowring, Mr. Tulk, and other gentlemen.
The Hien Benxi 's' having briefly announced the object of
the meeting, and requested a patient hearing for each speaker,
Sir DE LACY- EYAYs came forward, and said that this was
not the first time he had had the honour of appearing before
them in that place, but on former occasions the meetings, he
believed, had related to the ordinary politics of the day. On
the present occasion the quest:on for their consideration had
noshing to do with politics. It was a question which
concerned every man, woman, and child, not only there,
but throughout the empire. It had no reference to
Tories, Whigs, Chartists, and Radicals, it related solely to the
mode in which the great body of the people of this country
were to be fed. L, t them, then, on that occasion not hear one
word about those different classes, for it was a matter of deep
importance to themselves, their wives, and children, on which
he addressed them. It was not. his business so much as their
business; notwithstanding, however, the vast importanceof the
subject it was not his intention to trespass atany length on their
attention, first, because they were probably on the eve of a
general election, and he should have various opportunities of
entering more at large upon this deeply-important subject ;
and secondly, become there were other gentlemen at the
meeting who were able and willing to propound the subject
to them much better than he could pretend to do. Before
he proceeded he wouki ask them one question, Had they ob-
served the grandeur, the opulsnce, and luxury of the upper
classes of this country ?..—(Cries of "We have.") They
had—but they had only seen a part of it. They were not
admitted into the precincts of the palaces of the great. They
saw the splendid carriages, the fine horses, and the superbly
dres.ed lackeys; but they were not admitted within the sacred
precincts of their dwellings.—(Cheers.) Then he would also
ask them if they had not seen the misery and distress that
prevailed amongst the other classes?—(Cheers, and cries of
"We have, we have.") Then he asked them whether there
was any country in the world in which more wealth
was accumulated, or more skill and energy employed
in its acquirement ?—(Cheers.) If, then, in this country
there. was to he found a greater accumulation of wealth than
in any other, he asked thera.how it was that the great masses
who produced this wealth were suffering uniler abuses and
oppression, and in a state of the greatest misery and dis-
tress ?—(Hear, hear.) It was to inquire into the cause of
that anomaly, and into the means of remedying that abuse
and oppression, that they were assembled on the present occa-
sion. They were probably surprised that the matter had
not been before presented to them in the manner in which it
would be presented to them in a few months. They had
long known of the distress, but so long as the people of this
country had not thought.proper to come forward and evince a
disposition to remedy these aliuses, it was useless to expect
any Government to do so. But a party had now evinced a
disposition to alter the laws upon this subject. How happened
it that the people, notwithstanding their immense and prodi-
gious industry, should be so poor ? Briefly, because
the great landowners and monopolists of the coun-
try having obtained power in both Houses of Par-
liament had enacted laws by which they were able to ab-
sorb the accumulated interests of the people into their own
pockets.—(Loud cheers.) He believed, notwithstanding the
general feeling of grievance which undoubtedly existed among
a large body of the people, few were aware of the immense in.
justice that had been practised towards them for many years
past.—(A voice in the crowd exclaimed, " Not during the
Whig Administration.") He did net care about any Adminis-
tration, he would have a Chartist Administration if they
wished. Let them have this matter of cheap bread, at all
events. How happened it then, the subject came before
them ? Luckily for them there was a deficiency in the revenue
to the amount of two millions. and the Minister of the day—he
(lid not care from what motives—had thought proper to say to
the House of Commons, that this deficiency existed, and that
there were but three modes to remedy it : first, by borrowing
more money (they knew the load of debt already on their
shoulders) ; secondly, by exacting more taxes (for in-
stance, the house tax, the soap tax, and others) ; or,
thirdly., by raising the taxes on articles of general con.
sumption, thus diminishing the burdens of the people, and
increasing at once their means of consumption, and the revenue.
—(Cheers.) Now he said, that from whatever source that
proposition cane, the proposition was a good one. Let them.
look at the heavy taxes they paid for the monopolists, two-
pence, and more than that, on every four-pound loaf of bread
that entered in their families.—( Cheers.) On what reasonable
ground was this levied on them.—(Cheers.) Did the people
require these monopolists to pay for any thing they produced
by their ingenuity or labour ? No such thing ; they would laugh
at such a proposition. Suppose there was a proposition matte
that the people should pay a tax on every six-poand loaf of
bread they ate. It would not be listened to for a moment ;
yet that would be a less injury to the people at large than the
indirect tax which they now paid for it.—(Cheers.) At pre-
sent, not only were they deprived of the just fruits of their
industry and labour, but the whole commerce of the country
was thus checked and interrupted.—(Cheers.) The last topic
that had been discussed in the House of Commons—that
House in which they were said to be represented—
though he would venture to say, they had little to do with it
—(Loud cheers)—was, whether they should have a better
quality of sugar than the West Indies could supply them with,
and at a cheaper rate, but then it was immediately said they
would ruin our West India colonies, and that the people of this
country did not require sugar, for labour sweetened every
thing they ate. If it were possible to surpass the injustice of
such arguments, the hypocrisy was still more revolting to the
mental eye.—(Loud cheers.) Why, six millions a year
of the income of the . country was expended abroad,
because those who received it could there have greater luxuries
at smaller cost. The people might:not know, but yet it was well
known that a great quantity of the manufactures of this country
were going to Germany, Spain, France, and the United States,
and that many of our most skillful men were carrying on our
manufactures, and thus enabling them to rival us and to expel
our own commodities. This was a bad system of legislation.—
( Cheers.) Perhaps , the speakers at all public meetings were
disposed to exaggerate a little, but he was bound to
say he had exaggerated nothing, and in proof of
this, he would tell them that a Committee of the House
of Commons assembled last year to consider this matter,
and call before them, not enthusiasts, not partisans,
but gentlemen who, for thirty or forty years, had
been distinguished members of the Board of Trade, and
other branches of the civil administration of the coun-
try. He would give them the evidence of that Committee.
He would give them one or two of the answers that had been
given by these gentlemen. Mr. Macgregor was asked what
were the protective duties imposed to protect British assricul-
ture and grazing ; and by the way that word " protect" was a
very important one, which might be changed for something
much worse.—[Mr. O'Connell—Robbery.l—( Great cheering
and laughter.) Yes, as his Hon. Friend had said, it was rob-
bery.—( Hear, hear.) The answer of Mr. Macgregor was, that
he had made out a list of seme of the articles upon which
prohibitory duties were imposed in order to protect
British agriculture. Corn and flour, and meal of all kinds
were kept out by prohibitory duties, except when
corn was at a famine price at home. Malt, beef, pork, lamb,
mutton, cattle, sheep, swine, bacon, tongues, and the most
trifling things, even sausages.—( Great laughter and cries of
" Oh, murder !") Few of the poorer classes had an idea, when
they were eating their sausages of a morning, that they were
e 'ld• per lb, to the landlords by way of protection. Even
paying
potatoes were included.
Mr. O'Corseteeo—Hurrah for the potatoes.—(Cheers. )
Sir DE LACY EVANS—Beer and ale were also prohibited.
You don't like beer.—( GI eat laughter.) The landlords make
you pay a tax of 2s. per gallon on all you drink. Cider was
not good
I for their health, in their opinion, for it was pro-
hibited ; lard, onions, and the most trifling matters were in-
cluded. It remiuded him of the trunk of the elephant, which
could pick up a pin or tear up a tree by the roots ; and in the
same way the monopoliSt landlords cou:d grasp the smallest or
the largest matters in the taxation of the country.—(Cheers. )
Mr. M'Giegor was asked in doing so did they riot impose a
tax upon the consumers of these articles, and his answer was,
-that in taxing the necessaries of life undoubtedly they did so,
and they were the worst possible of all taxes.—(Hear, hear. )
Now these men were unconnected with politics altogether,
and that was why he was anxious to give the meeting their
sentiments. Another question was, what did he suppose the
present law with regard to bread and flour added to the cost of
these articles? The answer was between 40 and 80 per cent.
Now it that evidence was true it was clear that on their 9d. or
10d. a loaf they were paying at least 4d. to the landlords.—
(Cries of " Shame.") They complained, and very naturally,
of the weight of the taxes imposed on them, but the indirect tax
on bread and flour was greater than all the rest put together.
Taking the gross amount of all the taxes paid into the Ex-
chequer at fifty millions, he considered the taxes on corn and
flour, in consequence of the prohibitory duties,,equal to double
that amount. [A good deal of amusement was here occasioned
by an attack being made by the crowd upon a placarJ on which
the number of dinners eaten by Lord Melbourne and the boy
Jones at the Palace was displayed.. It was speedily pulled
down; and in a few
.Mieutes torn to pieces, amidst great
cheering and laughter.]., The Government proposed to ame-
liorate the condition of the people by taking off some
of those taxes which pressed`rnost heavily upon their industry,
and he Was not sorry that they had met with opposition—he
was not sorry that the monopolists had combined and confe-
derated on the present occasion, because, instead of having a
portion ot the benefit doled out to them, the matter was now
brought fully before the people, and would be discussed upon
every hustings in the country. The question was now put
into the hands of the people, and the whole question of their
false legislation would be fully investigated throughout every
portion of the empire.—(Loud cheers.) He should not detain
them further, but move the first resolution for their adoption.
" That it is the opinion of this meeting that any law Which
causes the enhancement of the prices of the necessaries of life,
for the exclusive benefit of any class of the community, is a
gross violation of national justice."
Mr. TULK had much pleasure in seconding the resolution.
Nothing could exceed the patience of the people in enduring
the pelting of the storm—l The rain was pouring down in tor-
rents]—except their pads rice in enduring the sufferings of their
hard task-masters, the aristocracy of the kingdom. It had
been well said by their excellent representative, that, ge-
nerally speaking, they were not represented in the National
Assembly.—( Hear. ) .
Who were the laws of the country made
by? By the representatives of the richest portion of the corn-
were rust made for the sake of the humbler
munity. The laws _
classes, but for the benefit of those who were
more immediately interested. He would not take up
much of their time by dwelling upon the momentous ques-
tion, which would soon be agitated throughout every, part
of the country. The question for them was, were they to have
cheap bread and other articles of general consumption, or were
they to be ground down and taxed in order to put money
into the pockets of the aristoeracy. -- (Hear, hear. )
It had been said that. by having cheap sugar they were giving
slave labour, but these men appeared to
encouragement to
think nothing of the slavery and oppression existing in their
own country. They appeared to think nothing of the poorer
classes who would be relieved and benefitted by these measures.
Were they desirous of the continuance of a law which enhanced
the price of the ripest
_necesary of life.—(Cries
no.") Then every one who crud nO would hold up their hands
for the motion which had been read to them.—(Cheers. )
The resolution was then put and 'agreed to; a forest of hands
being held up for it, and only six out of a very large meeting
being held up against it:, , .
addressed the meeting • and Was' received
Alt. I.,x4nsa then ~
with loud cheers. He did not appear thereto support any I'n"
to ask die suppoit of -the electors and litical party, but
work-
ing men of Westminster to t"0 Pringipl es of free trade.. 4 Loud.
cheers)—wiihout whicri
it was :utterly ►• ssible for the ma-
nufacturing and Mercantile
,tilouinterests of rtie etunitry VAlla re- '1
main in a state of prosperity; _ t which it Was iins„whie.s.
to ameliorate the condition of the working &seep:
,;.They
peopesitson I of ',the, .111inisters.beriVe it
I the
ought to support
their ..Hogetesse ,
tn
was designed for the et,meaput es pros
pissed did not.gob•tarennmS" *4'4' )47,4P)*
•pregitt,
whether Wu lealwaS 401 1,P84 0,*11#4?: t4eoro
• .$.4, 4,

There was an unholy anilines, entered into between the West
Indian, the timber, and the shipping interests, and the landlords,
the Church, and all the other interests.—( Cheers.) All of
them were united against the great interest cf the com-
munity ; they were the classes who profited, to the de-
triment of the worsine, classes and the community at
large—the great body of the working classes suffered when
they were profiting—such a state of things was not to be en-
durrd in a free country. They had been told that the people
would not suffer aey speaking but on one subject; but he was
deligh'eci to see their conduct that day, because he was certain
that until the working classes were firmly united with the
middle classes, nothing ebuld be done for ameliorating
the condition of either.—(Loud cheers.) One good measure
was proposed, three good measures were proposed, a large party
in the State were pledged to them, but even though that was
the case, the support of the working community was absolutely
necessary, in order that they should become the law of the
land. (Loud cheers.) The time when that should
be the case depended upon their union— (Hear, hear)—
upon the exertions they should -makeupon the energetic
support which those who proposed the measures should receive
horn the working classes. He had often promised, and from
his promise he woulituever depart,- that in to far as he was
able the working community should be represented in the
House of Commons. But because they were not represented,
was that any good reason why they should refuse a good mea-
sure, come from whom it might—come it even from an ene-
my ?—(Loud cheers.) He was one who would take a good
measure from one or other of the parties. He was one
who was disposed to take a great good for the
country, from whoever offered it. The Corn-laws had
been enacted to secure a monopoly fcr a certain class. And
the effect of them was, to cripple the manufacturer and the
commerce of the country, derange its monetary transactions,
and cause distress amongst the working classes, which he was
perfectly certain the meeting would deeply deprecate. The
Hon. Member then moved a resolution to the effect that the
meeting would look upon those effects with feelings of the
deepest emotion and condemnation.
" That the Corn-laws were enacted for the purpose of secur-
ing high rents to the landowners, and have had the effect of
crippling the manufactures, commerce, and industry of the
country; deranging its monetary transactions, and mainly
causing a state of poverty to the industrious classes, which
this meeting deprecates with feelings of the deepest emotion."
Mr. ELLIS seconded the resolution. If they were aware to
what extent the working classes were taxed, they would not
hesitate for a moment to remove the burthens that pressed
upon their industry. It was well for the nobles of
the land the bishops and clergy, to tell them to rest
quiet, but when a measure was Introduced that
would extend the commerce of the country, and open
fresh channels for trade by which every labourer might have
full employment, and have some of the luxuries which the
rich enjoyed, he thought it was to their interest to do all in
their power to support them. He exhorted them, by all
that they possessed, to strengthen the hands of
the men who were willing to carry out measures that would
have that effect. It was pretended to be said that this was for
the protection of vested ihterests. What protection, he
would ask, had the working classes for their labour ?
By the measures that had been proposed all the
monopolies would be upset.—(Loud cheering.) The
Corn-laws were passed for the benefit of the landlords, to the
great inconvenience of the working classes. He would give
his most hearty support to the resolution that had just been
proposed, and he trusted that it would be his good
fortune to live to see the day when all monopoly would
be done away with.—(Cheers.) He would say, let the
county unite as one man, and tell the Legislature we will have
cheap coffee, cheap corn, and cheap sugar—(Cheers)—and
that they, as Englishmen, were determined to sit down by
their firesides and be happy.—( Cheers. )
The HIGH BAILIFF then put the resolution to the meeting,
and amid some confusion, declared it to be carried.
Mr. EWART, M.P., then came forward to move the next
resolution, amid the greatest uproar and confusion, occasioned
by an individual named Henderson coming forward to address
the meeting. For some time the noise was so great that
neither Mr. Ewart or Mr. Henderson could say a word ; at
length Mr. Ewart gave way, and
Mr. HENDERSON then came forward to address the meeting;
but was met with cries of " Down, down." He would ask
whether the last resolution had been fairly put to
the meeting or not.--(Loud cries of " No, no.") He
had an amendment to propose to that resolution,
Although the Chairman had declared, that whatever it was, he
would not put it to the meeting.—( Cries of " Shame.") He
would ask the Chairman whether he did not request him to
allow him to speak before he put the last resolution.—( Cries
of " Get down. get down, we don't want to hear you.)
He was an inhabitant of Westminster, and would persevere
in claiming his right to address that meeting. He was a work-
ingman, and had been told by a gentleman, then present, that
he was in the pay of the Tories.—( Cheers.) He denied that
he was so, although he saw these about him who were
in the pay of the Whigs.—( Laughter. ) He con-
sidered the present question a most important one,
and one in which the working man had peculiar interest.—
( Great confusion.) The amendment he intended to propose
was to the following effect :—" That this meeting cannot'but
regard with suspicion the professions of her Majesty's Ministers
in introducing a measure for the reduction of the sugar duty." The
other part of the resolution was lost amid the uproar and con-
fusion that prevailed, in the course of which Mr. Henderson,
finding it impossible to obtain a hearing, retired from the front
of the platform, and the amendment he had proposed, not being'
seconded, fell to the ground.
Mr. EWAILT then came forward, and proceeded to address
the meeting amidst frequent interruptions. The last speaker,
he said, had called upon them to cast suspicions on those who
had proposed the measures they were come to discuss, and who
would equally tend to promote the benefit of all. He did not
wish to cast suspicions on any man, 'slit he would ask them if
it were not for their interest to have cheaper bread, cheaper
coffee, and cheaper timber.—( Cheers and uproar.) They had
already heard detailed to them the evils which they suffered from
monopoly and unjust taxation.—( Loud cheers.) He
was sure they were the enemies of such a system,
and that they felt that they had a right to share in the goods
which Providence had designed for all men. The present
evils, however, could not be remedied by moving amendments
which the parties themselves did not understand, and which
had found no seconder.—( Cheering and interruption proceed-

ing, however, from a very small portion of the meeting. )
Those were vital and practical questions, and he called upon
them no longer to endure the iniquities under which they now
suffered. When oppression came taxing their bread, their
coffee, and their sugar, would they not come boldly for-
ward and resist it ? (Hear, hear.) He called upon
them to use their best exertions, in a cause in which they were
so deeply interested, and not to desist till success had crowned
their efforts. The resolution he had to propose to them re-
lated no less to the duty on meat and live stock than to that on
timber, sugar, and coffee. At Hamburgh, beef could be pur-
chased at 20. per lb., while in England it cost wore than
double that amount ; so that the man who was unhappy
enough to have an appetite for meat—(Laughter)—
must either forego the luxury of gratifying it, .or
must pay for it twice its own value. Again he would sup-
pose that many among them were members of temperance
societies.—( Hear, hear. and laughter.) He was himself a
member of one of those societies, and he gloried

(" A cheer fur the Tee-totallers," from Alr.- O'Connell, to
which the greater part of the meeting loudly responded.) Now
they, (the Tee-totallers), wished for cheap sugar, but the
monopolists stepped in and said, they should not have it.
The same argument was used with regard to corn, which
entered into the consumption of every man.—( Hear. )
All these reasons were unjust, and he called upon the meeting
to struggle for their repeal and to support the proposition sub-
mitted to the Legi,hture, for it was their own interest that
they should do so. Let them frame associations for the pur-
pose of waging war against. existing monopolies and unjust re-
stri, tions. He called on the people of Westminster to assist
them in the great cause in which they were engaged. It
would not be enough to proclaim the evils under which
they suffered, but they should also evince a deter-
mined spirit to resist them.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gen-
tleman concluded by submitting the following resolution to
the meeting :
That legislation of class interests has become so predo-
minant in this land, not only as regards Corn, but also as
regards Timber, Sugar, and other necessaries of life, includ •
ing the prohibition of live stock and butcher's meat, that the
accumulation of evils produced thereby, ought no longer to be
continued."

Mr. O'CONNELL: came forward amidst loud and
general cheering to second the re,olution. He wished
to tell them that there ought to be unanimity in sup-
porting the resolution, because it wls the same in prin-
ciple as that which the Chartist gentleman had moved
before him. And if that gentleman had taken his ad-
vice, he wool(' himself have seconded it, for be agreed in
every word it contained. There was not a more thorough
Radical than he was ; and he seconded the present resolution
because it was Radical in principle. The Hpin. Gentleman
then read the resolution, which he said he entirely approved of.
He was thgro to impeach class legislation.—(Cheers.) He
was there in his capacity of Radical to tell that meeting of
Englishmen and of Irishmen—( Hear, hear, and laughter )
that there was not a more sordid aristocracy in the world than
the aris!ocracy of England—that there was not an aristocracy
more grinding and more inimical to every principle of civil and
religious liberty,--(Cheers.) Let them not think, however,
that he came there to praise the Whigs or abuse the Tories,
He was there as the advocate of the people, and the enemy of
every monopoly. Was that their motto, (said the Honourable
Gentleman, pointing to a placard placed on one of the
houses opposite, with the effigy of an officer over
it. He would tell them what it meant—Homo homini

demein, that was to say, " Man was often a demon to his fellow.
man." That was a tit motth• for the aristocracy of England.
It was not the motto they bore upon their carriages, but it was
tho motto upon which they framed their principles. He would
tell them that there should be a new formation of parties in

this country. There had hitherto been parties for the Tories,
for the Whigs, for the aristocracy and the Church—for every
party but the people. It was time the people should
rouse themselves in their own behalf; and let not foolish quar-

rels, paltry differences—let not ridiculous falsehoods uttered
against himself, ever since he came there, showing the ab-
surdity of those who could for a moment believe them—let not
such things prevent them from uniting their exertions. hey
should have an honest feeling for the people ; and let
that man who loves liberty endeavour to get as much
of it as he could. Let them not tell hint they were
to have nothing if they did not get all. That
was the way to have nothing.—(Cheers and laughter.) If
they could not obtain the entire charter, was it not better for
them to get a part Of it 1 Would they not then be stronger
to get more ?—(Hear, hear,) Did they ever hear of a mats
going upon a roof without first going up the stair case ?
That, however, was the principle of his friend opposite
(pointing to a disturber in the crowd). He would not, he said,
be satisfied to get into the house unlesshe wore to pass b) the
garret.—(Laughter,) John Bull was' generally esteemed a
man of common sense, but in the present instance he would
seem to have renounced it. It was the interest of all to have
corn, timber, and sugar cheaper. It was said, how_
ever, that until they got the Charter they should
use dear sugar. But what. harm would it be to
the charter if sugar became cheaper ?—(Laughter.) Would
not the charter be the sweeter for lt,—(Cheers and great
laughter.) Give him common sense for ever. Common
sense was a jewel.—(Hear.) Let them have cheap
sugar for themselve., and their families, and the
next morning they would be better able to battle fur their
charter.—(Cheers,) He would next pass to the question of
the Corn-laws. There was a man opposite hint thumping
with a hollow chest.—(The person here alluded to
cried out, " I work for my chest, and that is more than you
do.") You were never, said Mr. O'Connell, in your 'life
more mistaken. I work as hard as hard as you do, and the
difference between us is that my good humour makes me fat,
and yog crossness makes you lean.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Was it not a hideous Nilo that the poor mother
should stint herself to give food to her children. If the
Duke of Buckingham were to walk in and tell her that she
should divide her loaf with him, would not every one
raise the voice against such injustice. And yet that
,„, iii reality, what the Duke of Buckingham ditl the
he had not the courage to gn into' ate- 1'44„
460 e, but be got
an Act of Parliament--he did precisely the same thing.
Now, he asked any Chartist if there was such an animal in.
the meeting.—(Great laughter.) He asked him, was it not
better to give his wife a loaf than to give it to the Duke of
13,4ingiam Y Would it not. be better that his family should
have the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Ikri chel-
sea, or any other Nobleman Hear; hear.) Let them
a rally than in favour of cheap sugar, cheap bread, cheap tin,.
bty, and cheap rovlS9As.,—(4eera; and c 7 9f "
,aryfir4 taw ;,*;l4.- oti o'l 1.1 # e

Tr VI

'CI arter.'') The Charter would not fatten them.— (Latialiter. )
He had yesterday received a return of the price of bread in
Paris and in London, and the rate of wages in Paris and in
London, and be (mild tell them that in Paris the working man
csuld earn onc-fourth more than in London. In Paris there
was undoubtedly a circumstance which made wages high at.
pr. sent, namely, the fortifications; but at pre,ent they were
nigher than in London, while bread was only half the price it
was in London.—(Loud cheers, and a voice in the crowd,
What's the price of beef?") He was just coming to that
beef was higher, and why? Because there was a law, like
the English Corn-law, prohibiting the importation of cattle
into Fraece.—(Cheers.) For that reason, shame to the brutes,
they actually eat horse-flesh, because the law prohibited meat
or cattle sent into France.—(Loud cheers.) The law
was cruethere, and it was equally tyrannical in England.
Who did these laws operate upon ? The high and the rich ?
No. All these 'were able to get bread and corn enough for
themselves, but it was upon the operatives and the working
classes—it Was uporithe poor, the humble, the unprotected, that
they pressed most heivily. Talk of protection to land and
cattle, he wanted protection for the humble and the poor.
The S 1 hig reign was over.—(Two or three persons in the
crowd cheered.) What a small hurra the Chartists made.—
( Great laughter.) But the Whigs were assuming a higher po-
sit ion, and placing themselves in the front of the popular move-
ment. They were coming forward with the great. principles
which belonged to popular liberty, and which was so different
from ther former practice.—( Cheers.) He was not there to
advocate the cause of the Whigs ; but if he were, he could con-
trast their conduct with that of any other party in
power._( Cheers.) They had done more for England, and
they had endeavoured to do more for Ireland, than
any other party.—( Cheers.) The Whigs were now placing
themselves at the head of a most useful popular movement.
He cared not what they we e called if they worked:well for the
people. They had announced new and important principles ef
esislation, and the Tories had opposed them. If the Tot 'OS
had brought these measures forward he would have stood there
to support them. What were those principles?--the taking off
the taxes which pressed most heavily on the industry of the
people. The Whigs had placed themselves at the head of
that mighty and majestic principle, and whatever oppo-
sition might be given to it it was on its march
and must ultimately triumph.—(Loud cheers.) The moral
force Reformers, to which he belonged, who looked to mo, al
force alone for the advancement of civil liberty, and who would
obtain for every man of 21 years of age, and unstained by crime,
the right to vote (for he would be content with nothing less),
—the men who would obtain the protection of the Ballot, the
shortening of Parliaments, and universal eligibility, there
being no other justification than the voter of an honest con-
stituency—that class had been smothered by the Whigs,
and their paltry cry of finality—they had been smothered
by the Chartists.—( Cries of " No, no," and " Yes, yes.")
But they would ultimately prevail.—( Cheers.) Every rational
Chartist would join in battling for these measures—they would
have a new party—a real Convention of Reforrriers.—
( Hear, hear, • and cheers.) The public spirit of the
country was on its march the public nand was
aroused, and the tyranny of the aristocracy must be put an end
to. Was it not well known that there never was such bribery
as at the late elections.—( Hear, and a cry of " St. Albins. ")
He did not want to screen any party. But was there not
bribery at Canterbury ?—and at Cambridge and at Sandwich,
where the Duke of Wellington sent in hi out of 82 votes;
and was there not bribery at Nottingham, where Mr. Walter
came.—( A groan.)

After a few observations from Dr. Bowring, Mr. Prout, Dr.
Wade, Mr. Trott, nd Mr. Tyrrell, a vote of thanks was carried
to the High Bailiff, and the meeting separated at Four o'Clock.

SIR R:PEEL AND THE TIMES.
" SAVE ME FROM MY FRIENDS."
(From the Times of this day.)

There was one part of Sir R. Peel's speech, however,
which we must acknowledge gave us considerable pain, and
which must also give pain to no small number of the Right
Hon. Baronet's friends, who support his general view of Con-
servative policy. He repelled the charge of faction absurdly
brought against him by Lord John Russell, in what we cannot
but think an injudicious manner, by reminding the House that
he had assisted the Noble Lord and his Ministry on the pri-
vilege question, and on the question of the New Poor-
law—or, in other words, that he had identified him-
self with the Whig party on two very unpopular occwions.
Surely this is not the time to boast of such achievements as
these. If there was merit in such a coalition, we are at a loss
to see what should hinder the Right Hon. Baronet from giving
his general support to the Ministry which he then upheld.
Both those measures were characteristic of the party
from which they came ; and to say that those were good
measures, seems to us much the same thing as saying that
Lord Alelbourne ought to continue Minisrer. Surely it is an
erroneous system of action, in the leader of a great and
influential party, to show disrespect (without any apparent
motive or reason), not only for those who, agreeing to his ge-
neral principles, may differ from him on one or two important
points, but for what above all things ought to be dear to a
public man, especially when out of office—the affections of the
majority of his countrymen. If it be a merit to have supported
Lord John Russell in those particular measures which have
tended to make the Whigs most odious in the country,
it may perhaps be a merit to have originally brought
him into office, and placed him in a pOsition to carry them, by
obstinately resisting the common sense of the nation upon the
subject of reform. Are we to have, in the year 1841, another
exhibition of that species of political wisdom, which in 1839 re-
fused to enfranchise even one of the great manufactu-
rin towns? If so, it cannot be long before we
have a similar result. We respectfully think that these
are serious errors in the policy of the Right Honourable
Baronet. They tend to throw into perplexity, not one or two
only, but great many of his most zealous supporters, and the
great body of the people. It seems difficult to account for
them, except by supposing either that the Right Hon. Baronet
is better qualified to gain a victory than to use it, or that he
thinks it of little importance whether the country is governed
by Lord Melbourne or by himself.
The current opinion as to the intentions of Ministers (we
attach little importance to their own declarations) seems to be,
that they will endeavour to retain office in spite of the late
divi'ion, at all events- till the question of the Corn-law has
been disposed of; and that they will be guided as to a disso.
lution by the view which intermediate events may lead
them to take of its probable result. We have no fear what.
ever of that result, except from the possible effect of such in.
discreet expressions as that of Sir J. Peel, upon which we
have been commenting. No doubt it is in the power of the
Conservative leaders so to act or speak as to take away the heart
of their supporters, and exasperate the working classes against
them throughout the country. But if they will only act and
speak with courage and derision, and with a right feeling of
what is due to the people and themselves, the ball is at their
feet, and it is in their power to cut short the existnce of Mi-
nisters at any moment.

CORN-LAWS.—IRELAND.
(From the Dublin Evening Post.)
The opinions upon the Corn-laws to which we have given
expression since the recent Ministerial announcement upon
the subject, have been precisely the same as we have always
maintained, and with which, from frequent repetition, the
readers of this Journal have been long familiar. 'We advocate
a fixed duty, in preference to the present fluctuating and gam-
bling system, because we are thorougly convinced that it
would be much more advantage:lns, permanently and in the
long run, to the Irish farmer. But our present purpose is not
to discuss the question. We have now to place before the pub-
lic--and we claim for this important document the attention
of all parties—a letter from the venerable Sir John Newport
to Mr. Purcell, the Honorary Secretary of the Irish Agri-
cultural Society, in which he declares that he infinitely pre-
fers a moderate fixed duty, such as that proposed by Ministers,
to the uncertain system, founded upon the fluctuating average
prices of grain. The sentiments of such a man, especially
on the Corn question, are entitled to the deepest attention
Newpark, huh May, 1841.
" DEAR Six—l aught sooner to have requested your being
so kind as to insert my name in your list of annual subscribers
to that agricultural improvement fund—owing so much to your
valuable and successful exertions for its establishment, and to
the prudent foresight of the Committee for its permanent con-
tinuance, by the judicious division of its funds, resting its an-
nual expenditure solely on its annual subscriptions only, so long
as they shall be found adequate to the object in view. I would
now request my name to be inserted for three pounds in that
list, which I will readily increase as occasion may require. I
wish to know when the first payment is to be made. I have
peid to the generrl fund ten pounds; and from the whole mea•
sure anticipate, being thus conducted and placed under such
direction, incalculable benefits for Ireland.
" Will you now allow me to add a few lines on a subject which
long before the corn intercourse act of Iho6 was introduced by
me, has very closely received my attention, and is now about to
call for a renewed Parliamentary decision, in which Ireland and
Irish interests are seriously involved---I mean the question of a
duty fluctuating with averages in the price of corn in the home
markets, or moderate and fixed, as proposed by Ministers,
on the admission of foreign corn into our markets. To
this question 1 have during several years, after watching
closely the operation of the present laws, become firmly con-
vinced of the infinite preference of a moderate fixed duty for
the advantage of the agriculturist, as well as the artisan aralma-
nufacturer ; and if this is the case as it respects Great Britain,
we of Ireland have many more decided reasons for adopting
an alternative -which will no longer leave us at the mercy of
the unbounded efforts of wealthy speculators on the greater
or lesser produce of the lands, and the various effect of the
weather on the corn crops of both islands, to admit or exclude
foreign corn at • their pleasure, of which speculation the Eng-
lish capitalist, from superior wealth and nearer approximation
to foreign markets, must, have that advantage over the Irish
agriculturist which over more fertile soil and less costly ma-
nufacture of it would otherwise ensure.
" I will riot trouble you further with my statement of opi-
nions, which I have for several years decidedly entertained ;
and now feel myself bound to express to you. -
Lord Charle-
mont, and the other members of the Agricultural Committee.
as the result of the inquiries and observations of the framer of
she Irish Corn Intercourse Act.--I am, dear Sir, yours very
truly,
"JOHN NEWPORT.
" Peter Purcell, Esq."

THE MINISTRY—GREAT MEETING AT CARRICK-
ON-FERGUS.
( Abridged from the Dublin Evening Post.)
CARRIoc-ox-Sunt, MAY 16.—The requisition convening
the meeting, though prepred in a very short time, obtained the
signatures of the gentry, clergy, merchants, and traders of the
town and neighbourhood, who, with the exception of a few
sticklers for Toryism, came forward, notwithstanding minor
differences, to exhibit their firm determination to oppose, by
every constitutional means, the return of the Tory faction to
power, and to proclaim their confidence in her Alajesty's pre-
sent advisers, who have shown themselves to be the devoted
friends of the people of Ireland. The meeting was held at the
Public news-room, John Fitzgerald, Esq., M.D., was called to
the chair.

JOHN POWER, Esq., Mountrichard proposed the first reso-
lution, and said—The return of the Tory faction to power
would let loose all the worst passions of the nation, stir up
strife and discontent, pave the way to universal commotion,
and give a blow to the rising prosperity of their native Land,
from which it would take centuries of good government to en-
able it to recover.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. )
JAMES CANT WELL, Esq., in proposing the next resolution,
dwelt for some time, and with much energy, on the horrors
connected with Tory Administrations in Ireland. He fer-
ventiv prayed that the day might never arrive which would see
the Tones restored to their.lancient dominion.
tlp4rlA M. Rivvns, Esq., in proposing the next resolution,
said, there should be no jealousies or biekerings--but a long
pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether, should be made to
keep out the Tories, and lay the foundations of the eountry's
permanent peace and prosperity..—( Cheers. )
The remaining resolutions and the address haring 'Joe,
agreed to,
The SECRXTARY said, to expect justice at the hands of the
Tories would be to look for honour, decency, and truth from the
Robys, the Bradshaws,' and the APNeiles —tho, e men who tes-
tify, beyond the power of centradietion, the reit), sentiments of
the Tory faction.._( Hear, hear.) To thole men the reopl,. of
Ireland Should never consent to entrust their lives or liberties,
or the person of their beloved Sovereign, yam •, .
exinotted
lierst:lf se true a frkend of Ireland.
The meeting separated amid loud cheers for th
the
.11Iinistry. Queen and
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