The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-28 00:00:00

ADDRESS OF THE POLITICAL
INSTITUTE TO THE ELECTORS OF GREAT
BRITAIN.
Members of an Association, founded to aid the great move-
ment of the age towards a wide extension of popular freedom
and happiness, we thank it our 'duty to address you at this
most important crisis. The tools of no faction, and biassed
by no personal interests or class associations against the rights
or any division of our countrymen, our suggestions will be
honest and independent ; it will be for your calm reason to de-
cide if they are just and prudent.
The first suggestion we submit to you is, that the present
struggle is one between the Aristocracy and the Democracy.
It is a struggle between them, not about the possession of
power, it is true, but about what is nearly as important, the
possession of the outworks and best strongholds of power—the
monopolies. The landed aristocrats levy on us, through laws
of their own making, an annual tribute of many millions, more
even than we are obliged to pay in taxes to the State. The
Colonial Aristocracy levy also another tribute on us, less in
amount, but equally unjust, and equally marking their feudal
superiority. The struggle is, shall these fiscal exactions, the
causes of our wretchedness as the badges of our servitude, be
perpetuated or not ? The monopolists say they shall, and are
in arms to maintain them at all hazards. Every man who
hates the people, and would crush their liberties, supports
them. Every interest which can only Le maintained by injus-
tice and popular debasement, is with them. There is no
bigot, no unprincipled oppressor in any corner of Europe,
who does not wish them success. There is no disguise then,
there can be no disguise, about the nature of the struggle.
It is between us and the extorting faction that rule us, between
the people and those that prey on the people. As we are fa-
vourable to the privileged anti their monopolies, so must we be
opposed to our own order and lair legislation. There are but
two sides, and the case admits of no cowardly neutrality—we
must join as freemen the ranks of the plundered Democracy,
or march as slaves in those of the plundering Aristocracy. The
monopolizers will unite to a man to enforce their reign of im-
. poverishment and tyranny. is there, then, one of the Demo-
cracy base enough to lend them his aid ? If there be, he is
alike a traitor to his own order and to humanity.
Misguided or unprincipled men have told yeti that the Mi-
nisterial propositions are not worth your support. Believe it
not. They extend not as far as we wish, or as far as they ulti_
mately must ; but they are additions of great value to a class
by whom the smallest improvement is sensitively felt—the poor.
Sugar from Brazils pays this. per cwt., and occasionally enters
our parts. Ministers propose to reduce it to 3ds. So large a
reduction, independently of the profits it brings to the artisan
in increasing our foreign trade, catinat be without its advan-
tage to the consumer. We pay 60s. or more a quarter for
corn. Change the law, we shall pay but 40s. or less. The
difference, one-third of the whole, must again go to the con-
sumer. We say this is much. It is much that protection is
moved lower down the scale; that the people are to know some-
thing about it, besides paying its charges. It is much that the
rich planter can no longer raise sugar to what price he
pleases, nor continue to charge us more millions a year to
revenge our stopping his slavery atrocities. It is much
that the idle landlord can indulge no more his luxurious
and demoralizing appetites from the starvation prices extorted
out of the poor man's loaf. Yes, believe us, Electors, there is
much of good in the charges themselves, and there is more in
the changes they must lead to.
Have you ever compared the condition of our corn-growing
landlords with those on the Continent ? The foreign land-
lords' agricultural skill is less, their machinery more imperfect,
yet they sell their produce to the poor and the destitute nearly
two-thirds cheaper titan our luxurious aristocrats. Clothing and
everything else we make in this country is cheaper than on the
Continent. Why, then, are the prices of agricultural manu-
factures so enormously disproportionate ? Not, as our land-
lords say, because they pay one-third more wages, for their
poor labourers pay the difference back twice over. They pay
it in that more than doubled price of food ; they pay it in
working one-third longer than the foreign labourer ; they pay
it working one-third harder. The explanation was in the
landlords' exclusive power of law-making. Their legislatori-
cal legerdemain gets them first more produce for less money,
it gets them, secondly, more money fur less produce, and thus
they win, and the people of England lose, more than a hundred
millions a year. Happy power, most disinterestedly exercised !
And yet men wonder why there is wretchedness in the land.
If in national works, then, there be much in a commence-
ment, it i 3 something to have begun the business of humbling
our corn-growing aristocracy. No business ever more required
commencement; Europe holds no aristocracy so dispropor-
tionately rich, so demoralised, so insolent. They monopolize
the whole State ; the land is their's, the Army is their's, the
Navy is their's, the Church is their's, the Excise and Customs
are their's, the Colonies are their's, the Universities are
their's, the two Houses of Parliament are their's, the rob-
bery of commerce is their's, the plunder of the people
is their's, the revenues of the State are their's, the honours
of the Government are their's' the power of the empire is
heir's, everything is their's but drudgery and taxation.
t Remember this against them, Englishmen, now that it may
tell against them, in your elections. Be not seduced by their
septennial practice ofvarnishing over their wrongs to you with
professions of anxiety for your welfare. To every specious as-
surance, to every sophistical defence, indignantly reply, " You
are the richest landlords of Europe ; why are your peasantry
among the most wretched? You have governed the country
as you liked the last 70 years. • How is it that there is no class
in it happy but your own ? The disinterestedness of your rule
is proved by your own overgrown luxury and insolence ; its
wisdom in our wretchedness and discontent. It is time to
humble you."
Yes. Electors, it is time, high time, to humble them. And
now is the moment ; circumstances aid us. The measures of
Ministers put the means in our hands ; they are not perfect.
but they are serviceable—as such let us use them—let us we
them with energy ; they deserve it; let us use them with prd-
dence—there is no success without it. Be united. Take any
man's aid who will fight your battle with the enemy. Forget for
a while your more or less extensive views of Constitutional
Reform.
This is not their time. There 18 a practical good within
our reach. Our powers concentrated, 'tis won ; and the victory
of justice can hurt no good theory. Disunited, 'tis lost,
and with it our common good. If the enemy win, it will mat-
ter little which of our theories is the best.
We advise you, therefore, first to give no vote to any candi-
date who will not support the proposed financial changes;
their utility may be limited, but we cannot afford to forego it
for unlikely chances of greater.
2. To support no candidate, however liberal, who will divide
the popular party without any reasonable chance of success.
In such a ease to seek an impracticable good, is to find prac-
tical evil. Let us love democracy, but love it wisely.
3. To elect a stanch Radical wherever it is possible. We
want men who will fight the aristocracy at all points.
4. Where you cannot return a Radical, to influence the
eleetors to select the most liberal candidate that can be pro-
cured. He will fight the aristocracy at some points, and, next
to the importance of having a good Member, is the having a
Member not bad.
5. Wherever there are two rival Liberal candidates, to decide
their pretensions forthwith by ballet. Our first principle is to
give the enemy no victory.
Finally, To adopt, as the great rule in your policy in these
elections, as in all other public proceedings, the question which
will most serve the cause of the
.people.
Electors of England !—Now is your time to serve that noble
eause. Arouse ye, then. Be no longer the tools or slaves of
your tyrant aristocracy. Stand now for the people. United,
prudent, energetic ; show by your conduct that you are
worthy of the occasion with which fortune now tries you.
Prove that you understand the character of the war—that you
appreciate the nature of the crisis. Crush the monopolies—
take the fang out of the aristocrats—that is your mission of to-
day. A in,d,sler mission awaits you—to which this but opens
the way. Fulfil boldly the vocation of the present, and the
day is not far within the future, when you will find yourselves
again united, teaching your insolent masters that ye, the
millions, are men and Englishmen as they, as much created
for the blessings of nature, as much entitled to the powers of
self-government as they, when ye will declare to them, with the
resistless voice of an aroused and mighty people, that ye will
submit no more to their usurped and abused superiority—for
that tke hour has at length arrived in which, rising in the
peaceful poiver of your right. you are calmly to vindicate the
dignity of manhood and the justice of Providence, impugned by
their long-borne oppressions.
(Signed on behalf of the Members)
T. PIERS HEALEY
JOHN HUAIFFREYS PARRY.
A. MORTON.
EDWARD EDW ARDS.
W. SM A RT.
T. WILLIAMS, M.D.
A. WALKER.
Provisional Committee.