The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROld THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. •
(From the Times.)
To those who have watched the progress and direc-
tion of the war frenzy among the desperadoes across
the Channel (we gladly except the wiser and better
part of the French nation), nothing can be more mani-
fest than that it has just as much to do with any ques-
tion at issue between the Porte and Mehemet Ali—
ay, or between France and the Allied Powers, anis-
ine: out of or connected with the adjustment of such
difference—as it has with the event of any speculative
collision between a comet and a planet in our solar sys-
tem. Were both Mahometan Powers annihilated to-
morrow, the materials of violence on the part of a
certain portion of the French people against some
one or more of their neighbours—it scarcely matters
against whom—would be not less abundant than they
are at this moment, and the eagerness of the multi-
tude to employ them would be not a whit less
furious. The French revolutionists are alike wearied
of peace with Foreign States, and with inter-
nal: tranquillity, both which conditions of society have
pressed upon them with the weight and irksomeness of
handcuffs. almost ever since France was relieved from
the army of occupation, some twenty years ago, or
more. The two watchwords of those disturbers tre
liberty and glory.—" French liberty," which met, :3
the absence or impotence of law—" French glor;•,"
which imports the unbridled exercise of rapine and e ,-
pression over every other people. At present the di,-
turbance in the east of Europe, and in the contiguou;
parts of Asia and Africa, is the accident which ha;
served to accompany rather than occasion this frightful
tempest from north to south of France. But the
description given of the reigning malady by those
most familiar with its symptoms leads to no such
expectation, as that if the Turkish question were
ever so formally settled, or ever so favourably for
the ostensible views of France, the agitated Mind of
that country would subside into tranquillity, and leave
surrounding States without cause of anxiety and alarm.
If a sense of injustice or disparagement to France, in:-
volved in the Turkish questiou, and limited to that
question, were the real motive to all the priroxysms
of rage that we have witnessed, the expression of the
current feeling would point specifically to that one
subject, and be satisfied without travelling beyond it.
But is it so We do not precisely concur with
M. Thiers in his assimilation of the present treaty
between the Powers of Europe, to which France was
earnestly invited to accede, for the enforcement of a
principle, too, which she had confessedly recognized
and approved of—in his assimilation, we say, of
such a treaty to a coalition of the same Powers half a
century ago for purposes avowedly of resistance to
French schemes of universal agrression—zve see, once
more, on the part of the Allied Governments, no such
resemblance, although the subtlety of Mr. Tillers, in ex
tracting the fancied likeness, might raise odd suspicions
that there did exist, on the side of France at least,
seine sort of conscious analogy between the cases, so fat
as she was concerned. But sure we are, that there :s
in the apparent state of France every conceivable fea-
ture of the closest analogy between the France of 1790
and her of 1840, with reference to the passions which
have wrought within her, and overflowed upon other
countries at both those periods, separated by an interval
of almost two entire generations. Turn first to the
annals of French history, as presented by Alison, 13.1
Thiers himself, and by a thousand contemporary records.
riiien take notice of the following passages from the gra-
phic page of the Journal des Debuts of last Monday, and
abswer us, were we not right in asserting, that the ques-
tion of the East is but a hollow pretext for violence in
every quarter ; that there is indeed a faction at work,
which win force both King and Chambers into forcign
war, into " universal war,' on pain of death ; but that
t is not so much a war factiau, as a levelling and revo-

,utionary faction, which seeks the whirlwind of univer•
sal war abroad as an instrument only for the overthrow
of ,all domestic institutions, of King and Chambers, and
law, and constitutional liberty. Read but the Journal
des Dcbals, an organ of enlightened opinion (we wish
there were many sash) in Paris—a Paper with
which the King of the French need not disdain
to acknowledge a community of sentiment, and you
will there lied it asked, with every mark of astonish-
ment at the convulsive fury of the democratic
Journals, whether there are still in France " either
!awe, or charter, or monarchy, or government of
any description, or are we at this instant under the full
:eves' of anarchy ?" You will see it rellirmed by that, the
rust of French journals, that " there is on every side
the most Furilus excitement to insurrection, the most
incredible outbreak of unbridlcd pas,ions ; that already
whoever is suspected of being favourable to peace is de-
nounced as a traitor, a coward, an enemy to France ;
and twit they are the journals of the Ministers them-
selves which circulate this shameful scandal. As for
the laws ?—they arc openly set at deft nee. The char-
ter ?—the Ministerial democrats declare their contempt
fir it. The Crown they insult without measure or re-
morse. Toe Chambers they threaten, and show them
in perspective the vengeance of the people. On all
sides the independence of the Legislature is attacks&
Tile revolutionary faction seeaks as the universal
master. No roan is permitted to have an opinion of his
He who is not for irtnnsdiate war—universal
war—is a partisan of foreign Powers. :Filui by vio- '
knee of speech do they prepare for violence of action.
Ocr long experience shows us the meaning of such
symptoms, and we should have reproached ourselves
with a failure of our duty had we not given warning of
them to the King's Government and to France." Were
we not justified, then, we ask once more, in appealing
to public opinion, and demanding what cares a re-
volutionary band like this for the right or wrong,
the just or unjust, in an Eastern, or any foreign
question ? .All the world sees that they dream
not of reasoning upon it. They declaim, they de-
nounce, they abuse, they slander, they threaten,
they arm, they wilt have war, war abroad, for th-e
sake of revolution at home, the overturn of all forms of
constitution but one, and that one the recognized des-
potism of democracy. It is not what the King of the
French may wish or do that we distrust—he is a man of
honour, and a bold man ; nor is it the Chambers, for
they have a stake in the public welfare, and are friends
POST,—The Bank has heretofore been in the habit by necessity to order and to pea.ee : buteit is the faction
of discounting three months' hills, in common with above referred to, from whom we hope for nothing, who
others of a shorter date, and the above notice is, there- have no interest in peace or order, and who may, though
fere, one of very considerable importance to the country. God forfend it, prove too strong for king and Chambers
We had prepared our readers for the adoption, on —a faction, the daily mouthpieces of whose violence are
the part of the Directors, of somewhat decisive reca- the same Newspapers, two of which are averred to be
sures in the event of the drain on their bullion under the direct influence and control of the very
coffers continuing, which appears to be the case. Minister with whom the Allied Governments are actu-
We bear that several of our commercial firms are ally negotiating a peace in Europe, and at whose feet
exporting gold to the Continent upon an extensive the British Cabinet is deprecating the displeasure of the
scale, chiefly on speculation ; but, independently of 'Paris revolutionists.
the large amounts that are disappearing in this (From the Morning Chronicle.)
way, there are parties in France who have em- Not onl did France first propose to associate Aug-
ployed their moneys in England for some years past in trig, Prussia, a
La, ly _
ton Y nd Ru ith herself and England, but
perfect confidence of its security, who, in consequence
we are told that ~ Lord Palmerston
of the great political excitement which exists at the was less disposed
in France to brine about this general concurrence
present time, deem it prudent to withdraw them.
ofh' the Five Powers ; t
and it is s only with the liveliest
These wirldrawals cannot but operate with an incon-
" reflect when comparing thatjsiriod with the present
venient pressure upon the bullion reserves of the Bulk " '
one, that the Frgipli CIA, recalls to mind that it was
of England, and accordingly toe step taken to-day for
more especi4gilpon France that the English Cabinet
the limitation of credit is admitted, even by commer-
considered that it ought to re% in order to insure Me
cial men in general, to be a very salutary and proper
safety of the Turkish empire." 13ut the French had
one. The only doubt seems to be whether the Direc- . than the • the in
other views tnc securing in dependence of Tur-
tois would not have acted still better had they carne key. iii. ~ Ali L
Key. atenemet was to be p rotected coute qui
to the resolution of suspending for a period their dig-
coute. The mode in which he obtr tined possession of
counts altogether, and this some weeks ago. Extraor-
dinary times and circumstances justify extraordinary the Turkish fleet can never be eel ough reprobated.
" The British Cabinet proposed to force the Turk-
expedients, and no person can reasonably complain
of the stand now made against the demand ish fleet out of the hat ads of Mehemet Ali.
France refused its assent to'
this." Then " the
upork our chief monetary institution for the small
amount of treasure of which she remains in possession, difference of opinion between the views of France
' of
" end those England manifested , Itself more and more.
It 4 not in the contraction of discounts alone that
Lord Palmerston declared that, a ccording to him, the
the Bank Directors are arming themselves • •rst the
effects of the political crisis. From all accountsagaL they Viceroy ought to receive the here saitary possession of
Sor this, he ought
have called in a million of money which had been .Egypt, but that, as a compensation
borrowed of them I .
discounting
.
• in Lam- to abandon immediately the Holy (riffles, the island of
renewable
intervals
firmm.
bard-street, renew Cendia, the district of Adana, and t be whole of Syria."
of sixty day,, .l'he This opinion his Lordship, however, Afterwards mo-
same to be paid Op in the course of a week from the
(~ , far leave les i t lieli the Pacha-
present time. lam so as to to e eaenae.
Parn;es sengaged in foreiee lorals jabbing and other .. 1
. lie of Acre without the fortress.. The French
spurious pursuits requiring fibers! Governenent, no doubt, thought ad !WI managed
cannot fail to be vitally affected by suppliesof'''aPit''''
in tho Brnk policy. Until the po Atm l horizon shad from approvine
ylt
.ea alteration made with great adroitness in bringing ire Russia to
, the rescue against afgland. Russia was " fir
have awls-lied a more satisfactory
having credits in England will co
tappearance,inu f‘o reign ers the eagerness of
Powers to interfere in the cues flan of the East,"
the Western
to ca, .or specie
rernittancte, but we shall hear nothing "'Fire Emperor," said M. de Nesseloodc on the 6ti, Au-
projects in embryo. .gust, 1839, "in no way despairs 0.. tc e safety or the
..___.
Paine provided that the Powers cif i surope de but
N SU.—There was an appeare.nce of • '
uneasmess in leave it in repose, and do not by choir untimely eeita-
the Stock Market all day, and money Stock was •
pressed non compromise its tranquillity in thei,- t lesire to sr ore
somewhat ireely. from quarters,.
. too, whence to the F, eich
, there w,w, it." " Besides" said .M. de Nesselrode
previously 'nothing offering, viz., the private and joint- Ambassador at the commencement of Aug ust, -183 "a
sock banner. Tois beton; pay ay among the speculators little more or a to or t. -en
little less of Syria given
in Consols, there were sales also upon their account, to from the Pore affects us but little." F ranee thought .he
mike good the h•thvices arising from past operatioes• had already rea;;zed the object for -which .ore thr,,, a
'e:k: cause os tne unsettled snits, or the quotati,lns ipu•self on Bessie area;nst England. Fa, gl, [ld V. 93
1.3,!Cil nil! sufficiently evident towards the afternoon, when thoroughly disinterected. From first to i..'"t it
the Barztz Directors issued their notices respecting the vaned to secure the ;ndependenets an,/ integra.tY "'
resolution tiny had come to to discount for the present Turkey. believing that it could not fall to pieces with"
no Linger dated bills than those' at two months, and out eatinling t'he most fearful calamities •on Europ.
which, by compelling many parties to fell back upen i Lot France was not d;sinsereste,i. Sfir : had the
theit' oyst, resources, will have the effect of inert ree iedependence of Turkey it. i her rnerath ; hut , her object.
the 'lemma for tnea,.y in the City, and of tissoriene : etearty was to mile, up a; the espsn s : of Tu. rieey a et,ite
thlit)yaress Pleine
y out of the Bank, as interest 00 •;„;in i he Les., nominally subject to t; to Porte, but air rea-
ii':soteo'nl!hte As rewards the Consol settlement, it l bty a dependency of France. She , vas Willi ers to evert
,if hs'tter than had been anticipated I an! tb: ,
herself to check the marchof '-s . " . '
Ibra hen on Constanti-
hem, of ern •
S• one failure of nmenitude For i;nined: •to ; mile, bee use ;diet would bring aP • ,
meeran anal), to unit
vender this stuck declined • • - • - e '
from 87-k to 86:i Li and Ide : capital ; but beyond this she had • '
evernber from 8 in , Sqsll to go. Lord
, . 71 to 86-3. i • the market ' •
•los,oe. .t ; Palmerston perseverance, and his . t - 'l,tt d
tj;.-5 , concoue. ate,.
Stock 4 , e . , a.
~
rl 1 rate . orwar ?ro-
, e ,v., end lenie n'.,,,, dropped from 165 to 164 - ,
~,,,,,,,(:ing.,, however, produced result s which the French
• Eeeb„or es.sk was depressed to 244,1; to : Government did not anticipate. S:. , 74. hr from obtain;lne
bills were steady at two of the Three P 0.., ~E, rs to the further-
,reineine, and lodia Bends
Nes- 'litre:.-aced-.:-Half and a
-.e ! e ~. . -- -a- Af at 103. to 145. discount. ince of her prespc's tor eeerapeizing • Mehemet Ali, a
' " „ • Per Cents declined to common aceore4 task place betiveen .Et igland, Austria,
06
_„.
0u,,, oe, and the, ttcducei, le . . -
• ' e uree per Cents. to Prussie, and Russia. Engle:id, actor di eg,. to the Rhos'-
65e, ti, Zi•
ing of M. 'niers, has been coesistent el iroughout.

0.~:r..

2 1,5

(From the Morning Herald.)
If M. Thiers, in his reply to Lord Palmerston's
diplomatic epistle on the Eastern question, bad dealt in
hard names instead of hard arguments, he might have
described our Foreign Secretary as belonging to that
class of persons who are proverbially said to be gifted
with " short memories," and who can, therefore, conve-

niently forget facts when they find it troublesome to I
grapple with them in controversy. Let us come to '
particulars. Lord Palmerston asserted that France had
assented to a principle in the beginning of the negotia-
tions of the Powers on the Eastern question from which
she subsequently departed. M. Thiers denies it.
Lord Palmerston had asserted that France pos-
sessed a desire to preserve the integrity and inde-
pendence of the Ottoman Empire, and afterwards pro-
posed to violate that integrity which Lit had affected
to be anxious to defend. (These are not the words,
but this is a concise interpretation of a very prolix
and laboured statement of Lord Palmerston to the
same effect.) M. Theirs denies it. Lord Palmer-
ston had asserted that the Four Powers had made
considerable and repeated sacrifices of their views
to those of France. M. Theirs denies it. Lord
Palmerston bad asserted that the Four Powers
at last offered France an ultimatum based upon a
former proposal of her own Ambassador, M. Sebastiani.
M. Thiers denies it. Lord Palmerston had asserted that
the Four Powers did not ratify the treaty of the Isth July
until that ultimatum had been refused. M. Thiers
denies it. Lord Palmerston had asserted that the Four
Powers have reason to be surprised at the manner in
which France has received that treaty, her former de-
clarations having given them reason to expect that she
would have given to that treaty more than a passive
assent—at least her moral support. M. Thiers denies
it. As to the first and second of these assertions and
denials, they concern rather a dispute about the
meaning of words, than issues taken upon matters of
fact. Before any specific propositions were submit-
ted by any of the Powers respecting the territories
under the sway of Mehemet Ali, France, as well as
the other Powers, expressed her desire to protect the
integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire. At
that time it was dreaded that the use which Ibrahim
Pacha would have made of his successes in Syria
against the late Sultan, who was the aggressor, would
have been such as to have afforded Russia a pretext
for occupying Constantinople. M. Thies declares
that " no one was at that time disposed to con-
sider that the integrity of the Ottoman empire con-
sisted in Me limit which might separate the possess-
sions (f the Sultan and the Viceroy in Syria, but
that every one considered it to consist in these two
facts—the preventing Ibrahim from menacing the capi-
tal, and depriving the Russians of a pretext for coming
to its succour." In short, when France, at first, pro-
posed that all the Five Powers should take part in the
settlement of the Eastern question, she wished to save
Constantinople from one or both of two great dangers,
then apparently imminent—its capture by Ibrahim, or,
what would have been much worse, its exclusive "pro-

tection" ly Russia. In the view which M. Thiers Cake:,
of the dangerous character of Russian protection to
Turkey, more especially when exclusive, we perfectly
concur. The protection of the rattlesnake to the fasci-
nated bird that drops into its distended jaws could not
be more fatal.

(From the Morning Post.)

It cannot be too frequently proclaimed by the press o,
this country that the universal sense of the nation is
against the settlement of the Turco-Egyptian question
by means of European war. If there must be war, the
responsibility will rest with France, or with the predc-
minating party in France. The British nation is willing
to do everything that is reasonable in respect to the re-
presentations of France, without being urged thereto by
lemonstrations of war ; and what she does not deem
reasonable, on threats of war, nor war itself, will force
her to do. Is it possible that France can dream of
coercing Great Britain into any line of policy or specific
measure by warlike means ? The idea is absurd,
and 111 Groat Britain regards it with calm scorn.
Wherefore, then, the mad cry of certain of the French
for war ? It is to gratify malignant passion. It
is a blind, inconsiderate fury, instigated by knaves
and operating upon fools. The miss of the French
war party, or revolutionary party—for they are the same
—;hough possessed of knowledge within a limited
sphere, and endowed with a certa;ri dexterity and
adroitness in small talk and small affairs, are, with re-
spect to political philosophy and the real state of other
nations, as ignorant as hogs and as fierce as ravening
wolves. Meanwhile- the British look calmly on, pro.
testing against war as utterly irrational and uncalled for
by existing circumstances. But let not the French
war party deceive themselves by the supposition that,
because we are averse from commencing war when
we deem it needless, we should lack the determined
spirit to carry it on if it became necessary. If war
be forced upon us, and upon Earope, France and
Europe will again sea what a calm nation can do
when the cause for energetic action has arisen.
Let •Frauce-,remember. that the storm- does not burst
the less destructively -because of the- c.l-In which
precedes it. One word more. Let. revolutionary
France remember what it may be found necessary to co
with a nation which shall show itself the unreclaimable
' pest of civilised Europe. If there be a nation in Europe
' which shall show, after repeated trials, that the exist-
ence of ins power is incompatible with the existence of
European peace, a method may be taken with that na-
tion which self-preservation will justify, and which power
will not be wituting to accomplish. The family interest
which in 1814 and 1815 prevented such a punishment
from being inflicted exists no longer. An incorrigibly
wicked nation may accomplish its destiny sooner than
politicians could have calculated upon. No one of
common sensibility could refrain from lamenting over
the obliteration of a once great and gallant nation
from the catalogue of European States ; but, when
nothing else will suffice, the last and mast painful re-
medy must be resorted to. Let France remember
her previous escapes, and beware. Turn we now
from these general reflections to some further con-
siderations respecting the last official expose of '
France upon the Eastern question, namely, the
lately-published letter of M. Thiers. ' An English
Ministerial journal has indulged in some congratula-
tions of the age we live in, founded upon the cir-
cumstance of those appeals " to the world" which
have been made by the British and French Ministers
in their general details of the negotiations upon the
Turco-Egyptian question. These appeals to public
opinion are described as being a happy alteration
from the mode of managing such affairs in former
times. Be it so. If, however, the verdict of public
opinion upon the cases submitted to the public is to be
of any value at all, it must be founded upon some true
statement. It can be of no use that the public should
form an opinion upon a statement which contains im-
portant errors. We therefore think that it is very
essential to the public to learn whether the account
which Lord Palmerston has given of the negotiations
upon the Eastern question, or that which M. Thiers
has given, be the true one. They cannot both be true,
for they are contradictory. We have already given our
opinion, and some of the reasons for that opinion, that
Lord Palmerston's statement is rather to be relied upon
than that of M. Thiers.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)

Much as has been written on the merits of the ques-
tion now pending between the French and English Ca-
binets, they are as yet so imperfectly understood, and
their thorough appreciation is so essential to a just, sa-
tisfactory, and permanent settlement of a dispute in-
volving the dearest interests of the civilised world, that
our readers can need no apology for the continuance of
our endeavours to place the subject before them in a
light so clear, as to prevent, to the utmost of our power,
all possibility of mistake or misconception. To this end,
it is in the first instance necessary to clear away the in-
cendiary materials with which many of the French, and
some of the English, journals attempt to overlay it.
On the promulgation of the treaty of London, an
outcry was raised throughout France that the other
European powers had conspired against her honour and
interests ; and, without stopping for one moment to
ascertain the truth of the imputation or the cause of
war, the whole kingdom from its centre to its confines,
resounded with the dreadful note of preparation. As
facts were unfolded, however, it was found, and even
the Constitutinnnel—the most bellicose of the French
Journals—now confesses that France had no just cause
of complaint. Unfortunately, before this discovery was
made, the martial zeal of that portion of the French
people, to whom " war is a trade," was awakened, and can-
not easily belulled to repose until it has found a subject on
which to exhaust itself. This is an awkward dilemma into
which France has been led by the selfish stock jobbing
propensities of her Premier, who speculated in the feel-
ings of the French people as he did in the Three per
Cents.. and now labours with Machiavellian subtlety to
balance his account by reconciling his loss in the
estimation of France with his profits on the Bourse.
France, thus infuriated by factious and fictitious in-
centives, madly girded on her armeur, and now being
ready to strike, looks round to inquirefortheagcaaisnusst
Belli ; and receiving no satisfactory reply from her
Minister, is more likely to turn her indignation
her oxia Government than against those to whom it
ould have insidiously directed her hostility. Every
party, and oven segment of a party, in France now de-
sirous of war, seeks rather the promotion of some
domestic change than the vindication of any insult or
wrong supposed to be designed by Foreign Poweri.
As the Capitols, whose own Voice is still loud for war, ob-
serves :—'• Here we have LegitimistJ, Republicans, and
Buonapartists, all shouting for war, and under the same
pretext, as the maintenance of national dignity, and
vet they arc all as much disagreed iu their plans, and
are in their principles as much opposed to each other 33
it they were going to war with themselves, and not
viah what they affect to call a common enemy." If
Francg sill only direct her wrath against the " coin•
mon enemy,' there ii littleor no danger to the peace
of Europe, though the 'riders Cabinet is certain of
extinction. Itis within, and not without, her frontiers
that France Las her deadliest fa ; and M. Thicrs was
conscious of the fact Vi h n ho directed the fortification
of Paris.