The Sun.
London, England, 1840-06-16 00:00:00

Mr. FOSTER. addressed a few observaticns to the
Convention, as to the order of their pro eedings.
The Secretary then stated the progrminme of the
business to be first the subject of Committees, and then

American Slavery.
Mr. BOULTBEE said, he was anxious to adopt the
advice of their zealous friend, Mr. O'Connell, to 'ollow
practical measures. He felt the great importance of dif-
fusing full and cu►recr information as to the immense
benefits which would result, even to the planters, from
the abolition of slavery. With that view, he moved the
appointment of a committee to collect and arrange facts,
showing the advantage of free, over slave labour, and
to devise the most effectual means of procuring the

adoption of the former.
Mr. W. KAY seconded the motion, which was
unanimously agreed to.
RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION.
Mr. S. Bowr.ev moved the appointment of a com-
mittee to obtain and arrange evidence on the results of
emancipation in our colonies, and the best means of
procuring universal freedom in those colonies.
This was also carried.
J. G. BURNEY, Esq., of New York, was then called
upon to introduce the subject of American slavery. He
had been one of the Committee appointed to digest and
prepare the question, but they had not had time to
produce it in the most compact form. They would,
however, detail the principal points on which they
wished the action of the Convention, and the whole
might be a pretty fair view of American slavery, He
would state as succinctly as possible the different rela-
tions of the American Central and State Governments,
the various orbits, so to speak, of which were often
confounded.--( Hear, hear.) The 13 colonies, before
the Charter of Independence, acted under incorporations ;
they then procured each several forms of State Govern-
ment. In 1788, the second year after the struggle for in-
dependence, there were articles of confederation, the ex-
periment of which satisfied the people that it was not
sufficient for all Government purposes, and, with the
advice of General Washington, a more compact union
was adopted, for States could each make war or peace,
coin money, without reference to the whole. The
attempt was made to form the Constitution of what was
now called the United States. To this end there was
a Convention in 1789, composed of Delegates selected
by the people at large. They were to confer such
powers as they thought proper on the Geacral Govern-
ment, the remaining powers being reserved for the Lo-
cal Governments. Thus, se far from the Constitution
of the United States being the original, it was merely
secondary, and could only carry out powers which had
been conferred upon it. For instance, as to the collect-
ing revenue, the power was conferred, the means, though
not defined, following, as far as necessary. Now,
complaints had occurred of the Central Government not
sufficiently repressing abuses, as of slavery ; but the reason
was that the requisite power had not been conferred upon
it. From 1797 there was a general opiedon that slavery
should not be of long duration ; hence slavery was not men-
tioned in the Constitution.—(" Hear, hear," from Mr.
O'Connell.) He would not dwell minutely on the present
state of public feeling, or the conduct of Congress for past
years on the subject, but on the reason why the influence of
slavery had so far guided and governed powers intended
for the preservation of liberty. Prior to 1787 the cotton
manufacture had not advanced to any great extent, so that
the demand for slave labour had not been large. Massa-
chusetts alone had adopted a glorious principle of freedom,
which eventually triumphed over slavery. In the other
States, no obstacle had been then interposed to what was
unwisely hoped would have been the gradual extinction of
slavery. Hence the inutility of yielding to expediency in
opposition to principle.—( Hear, hear.) Such minds as
Franklin had been deceived by the delusion, and were not
prepared for the event which upset all their expectations,
namely, the invention in 1793 of the cotton gin, which
greatly increased the productive powers of labour—the la-
bour of 1,000 hands being performed by one. This opened a
door to a prodigious demand for what otherwise would have
been a slight article of trade. From that moment might
be traced the influence of slavery on the public mind, and
the General Governraent.—(Hear.) This did not of
course allow of any excuse to the Government for net act-
ing when they could, particularly for not preventing the
re-delivery of slaves escaped to free Staters Congress had
also the right (though not undisputed by slave-holders) of
abolishing slavery in Colombia, where there were 6,000 or
7,000 slaves. So, also, in the territories, as they were
called, in opposition to the States—as in the territory of
Florida. No excuse could be offered for the neglect of
Congress on these subjects. Now for the immediate ob-
ject to be presented to the Convention. The slave-holding
interest in America was to be distinguished from the great
mass of public opinion which was opposed to them—( Hear,
hear, hear)—and this interest was greatly alarmed at
the agitation upon the subject, but trusted to the influence
of self-interest on the Government of America to
maintain the system. To this end the slave-holders were
always endeavouring, by every means, to commit the Go-
vernment to the maintenance of that system. In the pro-
secution of this design, they had tried to commit the
Government to a claim for compensation against the
British Government on account of slaves libel ated through
their having been thrown, by stress of weather, on the
coasts of British settlements. Negotiations had, accord-
ingly, been carried on between the two Governments on
this subject, which bad terminated thus In cases before
the Emancipation Act the British Government agreed to
give proper compensation. In another case, which oc-
curred since that Act, the British Government refused,
declaring that they would not recognise any property in
human kind.—( Loud cheers.) In this state of the case
Mr. Calhoun moved, in the American Senate, the follow-
ing resolution : " That ships on the high seas, in time of
peace, engaged in lawful traffic, are, according to the laws
of nations, under the exclusive jurisdiction of the State
to which they belong, as much so as if constituting a part
of its own dominion, and that if such ships be cast by stress
of weather or other unavoidable cause, into the port of
any friendly power, they are under the same laws, and
the persons and property on board are under the protec-
tion of those laws ; and further, that the brig Enterprise
( the slave-ship in question, the last of those negotiated
about), having been forced into a part of the Bermudas,
while on a lawful voyage from an American port, is ee,-
hraccd within the principle laid down in these resolutions
awl that the detention of the negroes on board that vessel,
and their subsequent liberation, were in violation of the
laws of nations, and unjust to American citizens." These
resolutions were substantially agreed to, March 13, 1840,
with no dissenting voice.—( Hear, hear.) The object of
these resolutions was not so much the expectation (which
could hardly be entertained) that foreign States would
bring tho rights (so called) of slave-holders into the laws
of nations, as to commit the American Government to the
support of slaveholders' claims. Now it was a most
important thing that this Convention should admonish
England and the world of the real design and effect of
the doctrines set forth in these resolutions—( Hear,
hear, hear)—and to expose the flagitious principles in-
volved in them.—( Cheers.) Witk this view he should
move a preamble and certain resolutions, to express the
sense of the Convention upon the subject. He would
here state that the Congress did really possess the power
of preventing the carrying on of the infamous slave
trade ; for though the power to abolish internal and do-
, mestic slavery had not been reserved to the Congress,
there had been expressly reserved to teem the power of
regulating commerce, not only with foreign states, but
with other states of the Union. And the best jurists of
America held that this enabled them to put down the
traffic in slavery be their own citizens. Now, in respect
to the means of influencing the public mind to the sup-
pression of slavery in America, he wished to observe
that the main difficulty was in bringing before the public
mini the real state of the question; and the diffusion, by
the press, of information, and appeals upon it, was one of
the most powerful influences that could be brought to
bear on behalf of the abolition cause.—( Hear, hear.)
The legislative body of the Union was completely under
the mercy and dominion of the slaveholders, who, by a
refinement of criminal ingenuity, were actually entitled
to the elective franchise in proportion to the slaves they
possessed ; that is, five slaves gave a vote.—( Loud ex-
pressions of surprise and indignation.) Thus in the Se-
nate there was a slave party of twenty-four that
could turn any of the great State questions of policy.
—( Hear, hear, hear,) A very important element in the
consideration of this subject was the proposed annexation
of the Texas--( Hear, hear)—an attempted act of violence
and wrong, which if it had been successful would have
rendered the abolition cause less hopeful than ever.
Blessed be Providence however, that the project had not
succeeded ; and this was one among the many proofs of
the greatly beneficial results which followed from the ex-
ertion of the influence of other nations on the side of jus-
tice, and humanity, and sound policy. Let it be the effort
of this country, then, who would be followed by Franco in
the noble example—(Cheers)—and then by other Euro-
pean States, to exert all possible influence on the
American people to induce the abolition of the slave sys-
tem. That system was only to be reached by the
influence of external appliances ; for the result of a
long experience in American abolition exertions enabled
him, sorrowfully yet confidently to state, that unaided by
such external influences, the exertions of the American
abolitionists would be hopeless.—( Hear, hear, hear.)
How then was this external influence to be exerted on
our part? Let us exhibit to America the glorious spec-
tacle of our emancipated negroes in the British colonies—
especially the West Indies—supplied with all the advan-
tages of education, and right moral tr-ining, and religious
instruction—peaceful, prosperous, happy communities ; and
r_rehstienihttyshe noble example shouldihave been imitated by other
E worthy States, the principles of freedom carried out with
system
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would Loud
cheers.) This was the crisis so ardently desired by the
abolitionists, and to bring
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ould toin
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action on the part of its Government. That could not
)fhFrance, and she
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tyobeiand the noblejd
would influence Spain ; and so the mighty
mn
spirit of freedom would travel through the
cheers.) In this view he begged to propose to theu
con-
vention the consideration of the following Resolutions
Whereas, since the termination of the negotiations of
the American with the British Government, under which
the British Government refused to grant indemnity for
certain slaves who, on their passage from certain ports in
the United States to other ports within the same, were
providentially cast on the Bahama and the Bermeda
Islands, and, therefore, made free by the operation of
British law, the slave-bolding interest in the United
States is attempting, in the Congress of the United States,
to stir up the American Government to resist the principle
on which such indemnity was refused. And whereas, in
the prosecution of this attempt, a resolution was recently
received in the House of Representatives of the United
States, urging that Government to insist on an arrange-
ment with the British Government, by which slaves escap-
ing from their masters in the United States into the British