The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-18 00:00:00

TT-i SUN,' LONDON. FRIIIAY, JUNE Is. P 441

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—The " Committee for conducting the
election of the four Conservative candidates " for the City of
London has put forth an Address, accompanied by and adopt-
ing a well-known fraudulent statement on the comparative
" reduction of taxation " by the Reform Ministries, and by the
Tory Ministry which preceded them. On this statement they
rely for showing "who they are that add to the taxation and
burdens of the country, and which party it is that. really prac-
tises economy and retrenchment." That is to say; they rely on
it for a deception. Can any Government be fairly praised for
comparative economy, as this document praises the Tories,
which, having the power to effect every possible reduction, and
professing to have actually effected every im-sible reduction,
i 'ayes its successors the opportunity of retrenching to the
amount of three millions more annually? Now this is what the
Tory Government did, by the figures in the Conservative do-
cument. After ten years of settled peace, the transition from
war having had time previously to subside, holding power con.
tinuously, and supported in every attempt at economy by their
political opponents, they cowess to not having carried re-
trencament so far as they might have done by three mil-
lions of pounds sterling per annum. In economising, every
thing depends upon the first trial. The Whigs had not the
expenditure of 1821 to reduce from. They only came in after
ten years of retrenchment professedly carried to the uttermost.
Tory economy had knocked up. Had it been as vigorous as Whig
economy, nothing would have been left for reduction. Yet
Messrs. Lyall and Company confess to three millions left. The
balance, which ie that of their own figures, demolishes their own
argument. ,The character of the reductions has something to
do with the question. The Tories, resting on the corn mono-
poly for support, while they enabled that monopoly to tax the
people's bread for the increase of rents, also consulted the in-
crease of lents by untaxing agricultural horses, malt, hides,
&c., thus working the fiscal machinery of Government both
ways for the benefit of a class. Their opponents have taken a
different course, untaxing, for instance, the means of informa-
tion, in newspapers and correspondence, for the whole commu-
nity, and at length laying the axe to the root of fiscal misgo-
vernment by striking at the imposts which keep down industry.
Besides, what an omission from the debtor side of the Tory ao-
count is this monster tax of all, the bread-tax itself ! Whose
wok is that? Or is it the less onerous because the revenue
gets nothing by it? As to the party which nut on that, it
matters very little what else such a party may have taken off.
TIMES.—The wretched insincerity of the Whigs as a poll-
tical coterie has long been proverbial, even among those who,
from various motives, still continue to support them. t When
their conduct is talked over tete-a-tete in the Liberal clubs,
the prevalent feeling respecting them, how much soever a re-
gard to party interests may refrain from giving it publicity, is
one of reproachful and deep-rooted distrait. Same of the
more plain-spoken Radicals, such as Sir W. Moleswoith, Mr.
Leader, and Mr. Wakley, have, on various occasions, had
the manliness to tell the Whigs in Parliament what their no-
minal followers really think of them—nay, even Joseph
Hume himself has sometimes culled the selected
phrases of . invective, to hold them up to the scorn
and detestation of the country. " What signify their fine
promises and professions," (say the club oracles of liberalism,)
we cannot trust to one of them. Like all other hypocrites,
their disclaimers and pledges are invariably a time-serving
cloak for baits deception and perfidy." Whether they promise
to organize a free and easy style of education, or assure the
Dissenters that Church-rates shall be abolished, or positively
declare that there shall be no settlement of the Irish Tithe
question without an appropriation clause; or vociferously depre-
cate the insanity of altering the Corn-laws—these vows of theirs
have either vanished into nothing, or ended in absolute evil.
Perhaps, however, there are few things that more palpa-
bly illustrate the political profligacy of the Whigs than
their pharisaical diatribes against bribery and corruption.
" Purity of election" has been their cant cry for a good many
years past. In professing an anxiety to secure that object,
which of course is infinitely desirable in itself, they have uni-
formly cast the most foul and slanderous aspersions upon the '
great constitutional party who, on other roans, are opposed to
their Min sterial policy. Toryism and bribery, they have re-
peatedly declared, are synonymous terms ; and although the
Conservatives have either devised or supported every feasible
measure that could tend to suppress a practice which
they generally hold in abhorrence, still the Whigs have
perseveringly calumniated them as the systematic abet
tore of corruption and perjury ; nor have the Government
Newspapers been slow to insinuate that they have gained their
preponderance in Parliament rather by the lures of filthy lucre
than by the spontaneous and unbought suffrages of the coun-
try. Now, language like this in the mouth of the Whigs
the Whigs who bought Mr. Kennedy out of Tiverton—the
Whigs who purchased elonel Fox out of Stroud—the Whigs
who bartered Sir Leith Hay out of Elgin—is surely not very
decent. The humiliating fact, too, that they have recently
beers compelled to cyder their own Attorney-General
to prosecute the nefarious bribery whereby, in a sore strait,
they secured St. Alban's for one of their Bedchamber de-
pendents, will not soon be forgotten.
HERA LD.—lt is especially in the practices of the phari -
saical Reformers—who are so rigid, so punctilious, so delicately
susceptible to the paramount claims of the elective franchise to
be exercised its its unspotted putity and freedom—that the
political hypocrisy of our days is most monstrous. Show us
the man, representative or elector—show us the constituency,
county. or borough—who are most declamatory on the hustings
or in Parliament—or who expatiate ever most largely and
indignantly in placards, letters, and hat dbills, on " triumph of
the representative principle;" "duty of electors ;" " integrity
of the elective franchise," ; and we shall venture, in three
cases out of five, to detect the most wholesale
jobbers in " seats," in " candidates." in " votes,"
in the "establishment of influences" (as local bribery
is delicately called), in all the dark and crooked ma-
nagement by which men's consciences are bought, sold, and
" worked to profit." To this set of- intriguers belong your
political agitators, of every class, under whatever denomina-
tion. To obtain some objects which the law will not enable
them to accomplish, and to the accomplishment of which they
cannot bend the law—they agitate by means that are in them-
selves unlawful. On these principles (we speak now only of
English ele tions and proceedings connected with them), the
Whig-R dical Registration Clubs, such as that preposterous or,
cle which has established its mummeries and its Juggles initial-) le-
bone, and the lulicrous but active lodges of the Anti-Corn-law
Association,— avail themselves of means which neither the law
of the land nor the theory of the Constitution, nor the antici-
pations of common sense ever recognised,—or can recognise as
compatible with the very notion of " election." Where ex-
ternal forces like these are brought into action, with all the
intimidation that accompanies, and ail the bad faith that re-
sults from them, what becomes of that free will-that un-
biassed judgment,—that unrestricted declaration of conscien-
tious opinion which are of the very essence of " election," in
the proper acceptation of that word ? Such forces,—like
pledges exacted from candidates who are trembling in a balance
of return or rejection, that is controlled by the finger of the lead •
ing constituent or body who demand those pledges,—such forces
really eliminate no " election." Returns thus proeured,
and pledges thus extorted, are results due to intimidation,
and to " duresse," not to choice. There is, however, another
section of this class of pseudo-purists, who are not guilty of
bribery, who abstain from all intimidation, who (for aught we
know to the contrary) are not even members of Registration
Clubs, nor Anti-Corn-law Associations ; and yen who ley their
very acts and deeds, and even still morn by the influence of
their example—do quite as much violence to the real principle
of election. There are two notable facts to be remembered of
this section, to which we respectfully invite the serious atten-
tion of the Citizens of London. They are, That the offenders
we speak of are among the most strenuous advocates, and the
most eager chosen champions of " purity of election :" That
the most deeply-committed of such offenders, and, in his own
person. the most flagrant violator of that principle, is—Lord
John Russell.
POS . We never read anything more grossly unjust and
unreasonable than the complaints of the beaten Ministerial
party, that the Conservatives will tint encourage any dis-
cussion in the House of Commons upon the Corn-law ques-
tion. Do not these_ complainers remember that they and
their leaders have appealed to the country ? Why, then, do
they not go to the country? Lord John Russell bas himself
stated that, circumstanced as he and his party art, n diteussion in
the House of Commons would be wrongs Hellas declared that he
had advised his colleagues in the Cabinet to that effect. What,
then, can be more absurdly unjust than the complaint of his party
that -the Conservatives give no encouragement to such a dis-
cussion, but rather avoid it? To be sure they do, The)
want to go to the country. The Ministers have said that the
country is with them, though the House of Commons is not.
The Conservatives deny the truth of the assertion, and de-
mand that it be pat to the proof with as little delay as possible.
But from this proof the Ministerial party recoil. They are very
reluctant to make that appeal which they say will show that the
country is with them.• They shirk it open all sorts of
stnall excuses. They invite the battle, and then seem
much disposed to run away from it, or at all events to keep it
off as long as possible. They are like condemned criminals
crying out in the dock, " A long day, my Lord." The Con-
servatives have no fear of the discussion ; but they wish to have
it in the place to which Ministers themselves have appealed,
namely, the hustings in the first instance, and sttbseinuently in
the new Parliament. There we are ready and willing to figin
the battle, but our challengers seem afraid to come to the corn-
bat, even in the places and upon the terms which they them-
selves have fixed. They quake with fear, for they have a dis-
tinct presentiment that the hour of their defeat is at hand.
ADVERTISER.—Like Yorick's skull, "quite chop-fallen,
without a word to mark its own grinning," appeared the Times
yesterday morning, in reference to the glorious demonstration
at the London Tavern. The effects of this demonstration
were at once felt throughout the whole metropolis, inspiring the
advocates of free trade with confident hope, and overwhelming
the monopolists with bitter de err. Participating in the shock
sustained by their party the Times published the proceedings
ithout commentary, and the Herald and Post contented them-
selves with indulging in most doleful, yet ludicrous, complaint
of the impropriety and indelicacy of Lord John Russell al-
lowing himself to he put in nomination as a candi-
date for the representation of the City. With the impotent
indignation c drivelling scurrility, the Herold exclaims, "We
must takt leave to express, in /benne, one- strongest protest
against the step which Lord John Russell has adopted ir
offering himself to represent the City of London." And, in
support of this pompous protest, our querulous Cotemporary
continues to argue, " His Lordship is still a Minister of the
Crown, occupying, probably, among all its Ministers, the
second rank in the personal confidence of the Sovereign, anti
in virtue of his leading their party in the House of Com..
mons, filling, • perhaps, the first station in that Ad.
ministration in point of political importance, and of
public consideration. In this three-fold capacity of e. principal
Minister of the Crown—of a confidential sernant and adviser
of the Crown—and of the organ of comMunication, as it were,
between the Crown and people in virtue of his position in the
House of Commons—can Lord John Russell hope to discharge
the duties of a Representative of the City of London? Can he
at once discharge'bis Ministerial duties to the Crown, and his
representative duties to his constituency ? Can he, even with
all the advantages of the absolute wisdom attaching te
the Council of three' 'with which he hopes to be as-
sociated, by the coincident return of Mr. Crawford,
Sir M. Wood, and Mr. Pattison with him, can he equally
acquit himself of his duties as a Secretary fur the Colonies and
a Member of the great emporium of their produce—as a Mi-
nister sworn to uphold, maintain, and vindicate the privileges
of the Monarch, and on the delegate of a constituency at all
times to the lest degree jealous of and opposed to every distinct
assertion of them? Is there nothing indelicate in the leader
of the House of Commons, and in that position almost as
much as a Chancellor of the Exchequer controlling the
issues of the public pcessnv, constantly appealing to
urse, being Member for Lon-
dons which is, of te
the Legislature for advances 'from the national funds to
' cr able her to carry out public works and improvements of a
character more or less doubtful or disinterested, according to
circumstances—now anticipating its coal duty for the comple-
tion of a magnificent street, or mortgaging irs orphan dues'
to aid the erection of a stupendous bridge ; but not omitting,
ih:casionelly, to make sales of corporation lands or rents under
circumstances not absolutely free from the suspicion of jobbing,
to parties not always capable of showing what • reason-
ableai consideration' they have paid for their bargains ?"
there he any force in our Cotemporary's argu-
ment, the efficient discharge of the representative
function in the House of Commons is altogether inconsisten
with the allegiance due to the Sovereign. If, as implied in
the above extract, Fa Minister sworn to uphold, maintain, and
vindicate the privileges of the Monarch, cannot consistently
acquit himself of the duties incumbent on a delegate of the
Loudon constituency, then ought the metropolis to seek out
sore four r. bed sue: a, it c. have 110
culty its-finding amongst the Bradshaws and other malignere of
hit; tlajeity, with whore, as a faithful type of the Tory Char-

Notwithstanding that the''liallot" of Wednesday puts it out
of the limit of probability that the Tory candidates can have
the least chance at the approaching election, or that disunion
can again be raised in the ranks of the Reformers, . a new de-
vice has been resorted to to effect the purpose of the Conserve.
tives, by detaching a few Chartists from the Liberal body
to vote for a candidate professing their peculiar tenets.
The number of those who can be influenced by the
artifice must he insignificantly small, and cannot pos-
sibly affect the election. It acknowledged this morning
on all hands, that the supporters of Mr. Young included all
the extreme Radicals,. from whom a division could be appre-
hended, and that they polled yesterday almost to a man. Now
it is not to be supposed that many of them will violate the
pledge in which they most warmly engaged last night with
Air. Young, at the close of the poll, to give every support to
Sir Charles Napier and Sir Benjamin Hall. That pledge
was this morning renewed, in the most earnest and hand-
some manner by Mr. Young, who called at the Committee-
-room of tke Marylebone United Reformers, at the Cafe Co-
losseum, New-road, and offered his most zealous and active
service to promote the return of the two candidates.
The vast importance and conclusive character of the Ballot
last night may be inferred from these considerations. The ex-
tent of the borough is four miles from Westbourne, Bayswater,
to Maiden-lane, Islington, and four miles and-a-half from Ox-
ford-street to Highgate. Now it is to be observed that the poll-
ing was at one particular spot, not very central in this extensive
and populous area, the object not bang considered by a large pro-
portion of the Liberal electors to require the same degree of exertion
and sacrifice, as they would be prepared to make out the actual
election, for many of them thought too little of the force which
Mr. Young's perseverance could draw from the good cause.
It is not, therefore, too much to calculate, that when they will
have polling-booths in each of the nine districts into which the
borough is divided, and when the object of the poll will be the
actual election, at the very least double the number of
Liberals will vote. This would give full six thousand
votes to the Liberals, and 4,500 is an ample num-
ber to carry the election. We say six thousand, for the
number who came to poll was nearly three thousand—the dif-
ference above '2,876 who did actually poll being caused by
impediments of various kinds, impatience of delay, the loss of
balloting cards, and other unavoidable accidents on such an
occasion of haste and bustle. _ _ _ _ .

It is, however, of vital importance that the Reformers should
not make the matter too sure. The enemy is rich, prodigal,
united, atd numerous ; and it will even in this happy state of

our prospects, and with so imposing an array of our
forces as the manifestation of last night presented,
constant activity and energy on the part of the influential
Reformers is indispensable to prose: ye the victory, which seems
already to be half won. Every man who can influence his
neighbours should impress on them constantly, from this to
the grand day of battle, the necessity there is for every man to
go up early to the poll, and not to loiter, on the supposition
that there were enough without them.
The unbounded gratification which prevails throughout the
borough at the sph•ndid exhibition of ycstt•rday, aid its imme-
diate result, may beget a dangerous confidence, through which
all might be lost.
The Tory ladies are canvassing this morning in all direc-
tions with great skill and profuse liberality in purchases, at th,.:
shops of the smaller tradesmen.

e•
PUBLIC DEBT, &c.
On the motion of Mr. More 0' Ferrell, the followin
accounts were ordered on Wednesday night by the::
House
Ccounts showing the unredeemed
182,14,
capital
of the Public Funded Debt on the sth day of
January,January, 1835,
piBL ofw Commons
m
the sth day of January, 1831, the sth day of Jan
and the sth day of January, 1841 ; specifying,
several heads, the amounts of increase and decrease on each
the
each
during the three periods, from 1828 to 1831, from 1831 to
1835, and from 1835 to 1841 :
Showing the charge of the unreemed Public Funded Debt
at the same periods ; specifying also the charge for Annuities
for lives and for terms of years, together with the charge fur
management ; stating the heads and amounts of increase and
decrease during the three periods, and showing the cause of
increase and decrease in each case, and the authority under
which made : (these Accounts to be prepared so as to show
the state of the Public Debt, both as to capital and charge,
1. including the Loans raised for the Emancipation of the
Slave Population in the Colonies; 2. excluding those Loans;
also, to show, for each of the periods, the amount, both as to
capital and charge, supposing the terminable Annuities be con-
verted into equivalent perpetual Annuities).
Similar Accounts of the Unfunded Debt, for each of the
above periods.
PUBLIC INCOME AND EXPENDITURE.—Account of the
Public Income and Expenditure of then United Kingdom in
each year, freest 1822 to 1840, bath iclusive. showing the
total receipt, af;or deducting drawbacks and repayments; the
charges of collection, and other payments out of the Revenue,
in its progress to the Exchequer ; the charge of the Public
Debt, funded and unfunded ; the total Expenditure, exclusive
of the above charges ; and the actual surplus or deficiency of
Income.
PUBLIC INCOME AND EEFENDITURE.—Account showing
the amount of Public Indbrne and Expenditure in the year
ending the sth day of January, 1832, exclusive of any altera-
tions which had taken place in the said Income in consequence
of any Act passed between the sth day of January, 1831, and
the sth day of January, 1832.

Mr. Ba ley, M.P., M. Bailey, and family have
left Belz-we:None for their seat, Glanusk Park, Brecon:hip .

tist union, might appropriately be associated one or two of the
most violent of those now suffering penalty for politi•al offences.
GLOBE.—What the Tories want, anti what we have
got, in the present contest, is a good cause—a rallying
cry which can procure them unpurehased supporters.
Thew will find this want expensive ; and find it already
enal;arrassing. When any Tory, anywhere, can excite
such an honest enthusiasm as greeted Lord John Rus-
sell, both inside and outside the London Tavern—when
any Tory, anywhere, can command such an address, so
signed, as that which. we publish in our to-day's columns,
pledging its authors, " individually and collectively, to
shrink from no sacrifices, and to spare no exertions by-
which we can promote the triumphant return of Lord
John Russell," then they may hope mere from the un-
stinted and unscrupulous exercise of those other means in
which we admit their undoubted superiority. But with this
utter want of a watchword-this utter bankruptcy, not
of purse, but of principles—we have good hope they
will have to exclaim, after all, " Truly our tine gold hath
perished ! It might as well have been 'fructifying' in our
pockets as spent on bribes and bullies. Lord John and
his colleagues have found out a bribe for the unbribeable
—they have bought, with a word, better efforts than
money can buy for us. And that word is one which we
dare not openly to contradict." Was ever " a great na-
tional party" so hard put to it for a cause or pretext ?
The Address to the City electors states' as -follows the
dilemma of the Tories :—" If the opponents of the
existing Government are thrust into power, either the
present measures will, under some specious disguise,
be carried by those who are now the loudest 'in de-
nouncing.them, hi which case not only the efficacy of
the measures themselves will be impaired, but all confi-
dence is pub\ men will be utterly subverted ; or, in
place of the wise and beneficial policy now recommend-
ed to you, we must look for a heavy increase of direct
taxation, accompanied by the 'retention of those corn.
mercial fetters by which your powei-of sustaining even
your present burthens is seriously crippled-" The man
document asks forcibly, " Why is it, with the multiplied
advantages which this country possesses—skill, capital,
machinery, coal, means of communication by land and
by sea, intelligence, industry, and a moral tone of feeling
superior to most other countries—we arc still thus dis-
tressed ? It is because, in the vain hope of serving a
few favoured interests, we interfere with trade, and make
that, which can only exist in a healthy state when left
free to pursue its own objects, the subject of restrictions
equally absurd and unjust."
ST,PTDARIi.—It has been subject of • complaint

against the Conservatives that there were but twenty •
four members of the House of Commons in attendance to
discuss Mr. Scholefield's motion ; and the fact is used as
an argument to show the unwillingness of the Conserva •
tive party to meet an investigation of the Corn-law
question. Such a charge against one-half the House of Com-
mons, where,if there be guilt, all must be equally guilty, is
at the least absurd. If it was criminal fur 317 Conservatives
to be absent,. was it not equally criminal for 317 Whig-
Radicals to neglect their. duty ? or, rather, was not the
negleet much more criminal on the part of Ministers
specially charged to watch over public interests, and
for a party professing to agree in Mr. Scholefield's
views. to desert that gentlman, than for Conser-
vatives, who have no - official obligation to be
present at all debates, and who have no political
relations with the Member for Birmingham ? Be-
sides, Conservatives had been told by the Ministerial
leader that the Corn-law • question, or any other 'ques-
tion affording a pretext for " hustings speeches,"
is not to be raised during the remnant of the
Session ; and on the faith of such an en-
gagement they might very well absent themselves,
though as much cannot be said for the members of
the party who sent down the President of. the Board of
Trade with a prepared speech in violation of the
engagement. When, therefore, it is said, as the Morning
Chronicle says with reference to the thin House of Tues-
day night—" What a party to have the assurance to lay
claim to the GOvernmentof this country, without having
the- manliness to meet' their 'political opponents on
the very question at issue between them ! Matters
are come to a strange pass, indeed, if conduct like
this finds favour in the eyes of the people of En'

aind"—we can retort, with a very slight change in
the words, " What a. party to have the assurance to
retain the Government of this , country, in defiance of
multiplied defeats and of a distinct vote of condemnation,
without having the manliness to meet their opponents,
though officially bound to be present, upon the very ques-
tion at issue between them—nay, having the meanness to
skulk from the fair discussion of that quesCon upon a false
engagement. Matters are come to a strange pass indeed,
if conduct like this finds favour in the eyes of the people
of England."
CO LIRIER.—The Chronicle, which has notoriously
long been complained of by its own party as intolerably
dull when not ridiculously ranting, has, we are glad to
see, taken to diversify the scene with a little fun and
foolery. In the very first paragraph of the first leader this
morning this first appearance of a new line is made, and
we must say a very promising commencement it is, al-
though, under any circumstances, first appearances are en-
titled to very charitable forbearance. Here is the extract
alluded to. "An eloquent address to the electors of the
City of London, to which the very first names in point of
wealth and Importance are attached, will be foand under
the head Elections.' This document cannot fail to pro-
duce a powerful impression on the electoral body of the
first City of the empire. And we need hardly observe,
the decision of London Must powerfully influence the re-
sult of other elections throughout the United Kingdom,"
Never in the least suspecting our heavy contemporary
of being a wag, and that this was his initiatory probate
in the school of Joe 'Miller, we turned to the address of
mighty import with something like the same solemn cu-
riosity as of yore the ancients waited for the fiat of fate
from the lips of the Delphic chronicle of their day. Great
was, not our chagrin, but our delight, on discovering the
fantastic cheat with which we and the public were taken
by surprise, and our readers will participate with us in
the feeling when we present the key of the riddle or
rather the glossary of the mysterious teat of the oracle.
Know, then, that the document in question, elevated
with burlesque gravity into the stilted dignity of an Ad-
dress to the " Electors of the City of London," purports
to be signed by some fifty-eight perscns firms, the
number of the latter being five, out of some fifty-eight
thousand persons and ants, who may be found in
this great iilbtfdpdl6 tie fifteen itiltidred thousand
souls, equally qualified by station, by wealth, by
electoral right, by education, by intellect, or by private
and public worth, to address the electors of the 'City, and
dictate the choice of a candidate. Some people may see
fit to challenge this memorable enterprise as an act and
a proof of the direst despefatitti Of the pan,* driven as a
last shift to embark in it, and assuredly the reasons for
such an assumption are by far too plausible to admit of
an attempt at refutation. We incline, nevertheless, to
view the matter in that more cheerily and amusing
shed on it by the, sportive lys of our Contempo-
rary's wit, when so glibly assuring ifs that " the very
first names in point of wealth and importance " are
attached to the instrument, in incontestable proof of
which we may add, that the list winds up with the for-
midable name of little " D. W. Wire ". himself, mem-
ber of tilt tidnini3ii edilileil, t Vet-tinder f4herill;
Attorney at law, and ex-counsellor of the late Hebrew
Legation to the Courts of Gr,init Cairo, Tyre'Sidon, and
Damascus, where so nobly he fleshed his forensic and
diplomatic blade in the pure idiom of Cockaigne to the
otter route of testified Turks and barbarously ignorant
Tartars. It.might seem an unkindly cut of the Chronicle
to thrust little David, " the tryst And foremost man
of all" the City, into the tail and as the very last joint
of this portentous agglomeration of great names, but
in this consists the exquisite touch of the enchant-
ing Chronicle's art, by which, with it noble sim-
plicity mote Pf*Cti*# than tett thousand rhetorical
dourishes, the beautiful accuracy of that eccentric pos-
tulate is thrown into bolder relief, according to which
we are taught that " from the sublime to the ridiculous
there is but Orie step," this achievement alone stiffiees
to establish the surprising progress made in so brid
.;pace by our right merry Contemporary, who is clearly
fualifying, and bids fair to distance all competition in
he race, for the long obsolete but shortly to be re-
vived post of " Master of the Revels," when will hap •
pily recommence the jocund reign of quips and cranks,
and gibes and jeers, and masques and mummery, with—
" Laughter holding both his sides"—
and happily putting to flight the—it we may be allowed
to borrow from the magnifcent imagery of the " eloquent
address" of the addressers, which is greatly in the heroics
of Mr. Samuel Jones Loyd—" demon form" of free trade
Mummery and roguery.

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE.
(LLOYD'S)

the demand no doubt, but if we bettered the eondition of the
purchasers by admit ing their staple articles of proddde into our HOUSE OF LuICDS, ja 17.
parts (their flour and bread stuffs," as the Anwricans tend :7,:
them) at a moderate fixed duty, the glut would dsappear, and Their Lorclshipi sat in a Committee of Privileges this
the demand would far exceed the supply. By the great in- morning. The Peen; present were the Lord Chancellor,
crease of our export trade, both with the old world and the the Earl of Shaftesbury; Lord Brougham, the Earl of
new, under a revised and liberal tariff, the Bank of Eng7atel
Rosslvn' the Duke of Rutland, Lord Sidney, Lord Bel-
would, in fact, be relieved from the recurrence of such a drain -
of bullion as that which nearly made her stop payment in
nester.
1839, and great additional scope for the employment of
capital in banking business would be oecasiened to supply
the wants of our extended production. This accounts
clearly and satisfactorily for the support welch the measures
of the Queen's Government have received from tai,
London capitalists and bankers. That support will not be
confined to the bankers within the City. It will be general,
we are confident, among all the country bankers, for gentle-
men of their practical knowlidge and intelligence cannot fail
to see that their interests and prosperity are identical in the
present crisis with those of the people. The joint-stock banks
here the same real grounds for adopting the same line of con-
duct, although these institutions stand, no doubt, rather in a
peculiar position. The interests of the proprietors as bankers
are plainly in favour of a free trade ; but in such extended
constituencies the class interests of many of the shareholders,
as part of the protected clan es, may be at variance with the
success of those measures, which would tend greatly to ex-
tend the business and profit of the banks in which they are
concerned. That is an anomaly unavoidable in suclees ablish-
ments, and it is for the shareholders to decide which interest
shall have the preponderance.
It is stated in the leading monopolie Journal to-day that the
deputies of the Joint Stock Banks luxe resolved not to take
any part in the approaching elections. This, perhaps, is the
ssfest course they could have resolved upon ; for it they should
interfere either way, some of their prqeietors would be offen-
ded, If, however, they saw the que,ten in its true and proper
light—if they would consider it simply on its mei its, and not
on political or private grounds,-we are iatisfied that, as bankers,
they could not hesitate to declare for ti s abolition of monopo-
lies, as tending most strongly to increase trade and monetary
transactions. The deputation threw ott a hint, th-ough their
organ (•ghat of monopoly), that although the Joint Stock Bank
Committee will " take no part in .be elections, there is
but little doubt that 41. bias will be gvon to the Directors
and shareholders—in their individua capacity—and that
they will give their votes to such candida• ee as they
may conceive favourable to their own vievs on banking." We
do not know the component parts of this Jaint Stock Bank Com-
mittee, but if the statement we have quoted be official we con-
sider them a very inconsistent body. They first say they will
take no part in the elections. and then, in the same breath,
very sagely announce that they will do the very reverse ; for
they conclude by stating, that they will endeavour to "bias"
the Directors and shareholders, in their inlividual capacity, and
" vote" for the candidates they conceive favourable to their
own views of banking. What those views may be we are not
informed, and we shall not attempt to gtess ; but the notion
of foisting in their " views of banking" as a bone of contention
in the coining contest is 'ither too much, particularly when
they do not take the trouble to tell us what they are. The
deputation of joint-stock banks will act most wisely and ju-
diciously, either by adhering fairly and honestly to their
declaration of -neutrality, and not bloving hot and cold
in the same breath, or they will at wee endeavour to
" bi 13 " their Directors and Shareholders tc give their " votes"
in favour of those candidates who denounce monopolies. and
support the Ministerial measures of fiscal aid financial reform.
The Deputation should do their best for the success of those
measure s, for their success is necessary to the development of
our national industry, and to cause a healthy action in the !do
ney Market. A stringent and limited course of banking must
continue until restriction gives place to fret trade, and they
should therefore be content to allow their teculiar views of
banking to remain in the back ground until amore fitting. and
Jones
Loyd, season. Let them follow the exanple of Mr.
Loyd, and other City bankers, by putting tleir shoulders to
the wheel, and lending their best assistance to the common
cause. We should then have the satisfaction• of seeing their
motives and actions vilified and denounced in columns where
the greatest abuse is looked upon as the greatest praise by
honest men. The Deputation of Joint-stock Banks have no
interests in common with the monopolists, ant the sooner they
leave their company they will be the more respected, and more
likely to meet with support for their " own views of banking,"
if they really be deserving of it, when the proper time for dis-
cussing them arrives."
TIMES.—The interest which is felt concerning the ap-
proaching election is so great, that not only foes it cause an
Interruption of business, but it is the all-engrossing subject of
conversation in the City. At the coffee-houses and other re-
sorts of gossips on 'Change, and even in the streets in the
vicinity, neth ng is heard but conjectures as to the success of
the contending parties and the obstinacy of the struggle. One
rumour is, that the Whig party feel them•elves so weak that
they have tried to come to a compromise with the Conserva-
tives, the result of which would be the election of two candi-
dates on each side; but that the Conservatives, strong in their
confidence as to the issue of the struggle, have refused all
overtures of thekind. Although it is believed that the victory
of the Con.ervatives will be .far more decisive than the ob-
taining a mere equality with their adversaries, still, such a
result even as this would be a serious loss to the Ministers, by
depriving them at once of the four votes for London.
It is scarcely possible to conceive the . existence of a mote
stagnent state of business than at present pervades the whole
of the Stock Market ; and if anything were wanting to abstrac
attention, nothing could more effectually do it than the excite
ment everywhere apparent connected with the elections. As
this is likely to bear away all parties, whether speculatively
inclined or not, the present struggle being one of more than
ordinary importance, the most experienced' dealers confidently
express the belief that, as the principal of the money required
for the several contests has already
.been withdrawn from the
market, there will be no material increase in business
or fluctuations in value till they are concluded. At least, if
fluctuation should occur, they only look to sue cause as likely
to produce it, which would be unfavourable news either front
China or the East Index presidencies. Money is easy at 4 to
5 per cent., as vie stated yesterday, and while there is little
business in the market it is likely to remain so, although it is
not impossible that large operations might occasion a temporary
scarcity.

LORD TRIMLESTOWN'S CLAIM.
Counsel were heard and witnesses examined on behalf
of Lord Trimlestown, who claimed the right of voting
at the election of Representative Peers for Scothull
Their Lordships resolved that the Noble Claimant had
made out his claim.—Claim allowed.
THE EARL OF STAIR'S CLAIM.
In this case the Earl of Stair claimed the right of vot-
ing at the election of Representative Peers for Scotland.
Counsel were heard, several witnesses were examined, and
several documents read, to prove the descent of the Noble
Earl, after which the Committee resolved that the claim-
ant had made out his right to vote.—Claim allowed.

EARL OF ATHLONE'S CLAIM.
The consideration of the claim of the Earl of Athlone
to vote at the election of Representative Peers, was ad-
journed to Monday next, in consequence of some defect
in the evidence.
The House then proceeded to hear appeals.
FOGO V. MATHIE.

The further arguments in this Scotch appeal were pro-
ceeded with,. but were not concluded when the Lord
Chancellor rose to attend the Drawing-room. His Lord-
ship, before leaving the House, intimated that he would
sit to-morrow (this day,) at half-past twelve o'clock, to
hear the remaining arguments in this appeal, and also
to give judgment in the case of Kay v. Marshall.

CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.

LONDON, JUNE 17.—Wind this day at noon, S.W.
DEAL, JUNE 16.—Wind, S. Arrived, the Dovecot,
Bull, from Mauritius; Enterprise, Moxey, Monte Video.
Arrived from the River and sailed, the Reliance, Green, for
Bombay.
LIVERPOOL, JUNE 16.—Wind variable. —Arrived the Tory's
Wife, from Jamaica ; Agnes Gilmore, Melville, New Orleans,
sailed 11 th ult. ; Hibernia. Hawkins, New York, sailed 25th
ult., passed several large icebergs 30th, lat. 43, lon. 49 ; Co-
lumbus, Barstow, New York. Sailed the President, for Cal-
cutta; Arab, Ceylon ; Lady Rowena, Rio Janeiro ; Alice
Jane, Vera Cruz; Frances Depau, New York ; Caroline, Am-
bercrombie, Consbrook, Safeguard, Magnificent, all for
Quebec; Mary, and Maria Ann, Smyrna; Alexander, Mes-
sina. Arrived off, the Reindeer.
BRIGHTON, JUNE 16.—Arrived off, the Mary Ann, Marsh,
from Hobart Town, sailed Feb. 3.
PORTSMOUTH, JUNE 16.—Wind E.S.E. to W.--Arrived
the Dart, A irth ,from Madeira, and sailed for Laudon; Pe-
kin, London for Madras. Sailed the City of Edinturgh, for
Bunouski.
DARTMOUTH, JUNE 15.—Sailed the Arab, for New Zea-
land. Arrived off, the Start, Nederlande, from Batavia, for
Rotterdam ; Helene, Bremen, for New York.
DUNGENESS, JUNE 13.—Arrived off, the Prosper, Bahr,
from Hatnburgh, fur Vera Cruz.
BRISTOL, Ji:NE .16.—Arrived the Niger, Merrett, from
Africa.
SCILLY, JUNE 12.—Arrived the Koophandel, from Bahia,
for Amsterdam ; Maria, Joseph, Fayal for Riga ; Forester,
Knudsen, Buenos Ayres for Havre ; Hebe, Bole, Brazil for
Hamburgh.
CLYDE, JUNE 13.—Arrived- the Belfast, Hindley, from
Mobile. Sailed the Queen, for Sydney, New South Wales ;
Talent, Forney, New South Wales; Bengalore, Bit nie, Ba-
tavia; Clydesdale, Campbell. Antigua; Alexo, Virginia.
YAMOUTH, JUNE 15.—Arrived the Sovereign. Tindle, for
Stockton, with loss of foremast, having been in contact.

VESSELS SPOKE. AvlTH.—The Hamburgh ship, Dia- •
na, on the Bth ult., lat. 14. long. 38 ; Louisa, from
Liverpool to Gibraltar, 12th inst., lat. 49, long. 84.-13 y
the Frances, arrived at Falmouth. Barque Cecrops,
15th 'ult.. off St. Paul's Island, bound to Quebec, by
the Teaser, arrived at Bay Chaleur. Johnson; Spence,
Liverpool to Calcutta, sth April, lat. 5 N., long. 18 ;
William, Portsmouth to Quebec, 22d uit., lat. 45, long.
59 ; Spring, Plymouth to Miramichi, same day, by the
Sandwich, arrived at Halifax. Thomas Dryden, of New-
castle, for Quebec, 28th ult., lat. 48, long. 32, by the
Lord Panmure, arrived in Pentland Frith. Ghazeado,
Pernambuco to Genoa, 10th ult., lat. 27 N., long. 39 W.;
Antelope, Batavia to Gottenburg, 17th ult., lat. 35 ;
I Aligence, Amsterdam to Batavia, 31st ult., lat. 48, long.
12, by !he Oud Nederland, arrived at Brouershaven.
William Ripon, *underland to Quebec, 22d ult., lat. 40,
long. ; sepima,
~-uortsmouth to Miramichi, and The-
10i
mas Young, o Nortii t.,elds, by the Chariot, arrived
Ayres to Cowes, Ist April,
at Halifax. Meta, Buenos _
of nyclool, 30th ult., stand-
lat. 34, long. 48 ; Queen, the Amicus, ac-
ing to the West, lat. 43, long. 25, by
rived at Liverpool.