The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-07 00:00:00

THE RAILWAY SUN,

AND THE
PARLIAMENTARY SUN,
ARE NOW RE-PUBLISHED,
PRICE SIXPENCE EACH.
San Office, Aug. 30, 1841.

HIGH ‘v ATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Al mug 11 minut is after 5 1 Evening ..... 31 minutes after 5.

TO CORRESYONDEN

The French translation of W.T.H. has already appeared

in The sun. The verses are declined, with thanks.
The population returns aro not yet published, though
a few of them have found their way into the public

papers.
We regret that the account from King's Lynn, with
which wa were favoured, d:d not reach us till we had
published an outlire of the meeting from the Norwich
Mercury.

LONDON:
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1841.

The Tory Journals now unite in saying, and
the Spectator echoes their assertion, that Sir
ROBERT is to be a true and active Prime Minis-
ter. That he may be the more at liberty to ex-
ercise a complete surveillance over every part of
the Government, and keep in his own hands all
the clues to an imperial policy which extends
over half the globe, he has separated the offices
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and First
Lord of the Treasury, which have been usually
held in conjunction when the latter has been held
by a Commoner. He is to play the lofty part of
a PITT or CFIATNIAM, or a WALPOLE, and there-
fore he consigns the drudgery of the finances to
Mr. GOULBURN. His nomination to office is to
be considered as a retrocession from a species of
democratic or republican Ministry to a real
Royal Administration, of which he is to be the
chief. The power of Government, it is averred by
the Spectator, has been transferred by the consti-
tuencies, not by the QUEEN, to Sir ROBERT PEEL,
and no other. Her MAJESTY has, therefore, only
one master, for all the other Ministers are little
better than Sir ROBERT PEEL'S clerks or ser-
vants. All the constituencies, it is said, have
cried out for PEEL. Away with all others, and
give us PEEL ! PEEL will we have, and PEEL is
therefore the great Commoner-King of our day,
the sole master of the QUEEN and the Govern-

meat.
The Tories and the Spectator exult at this ;
we cannot. What, is there only one man in the
nation capable of administering its affairs, and
lie little better than a red-tapist? Admitting
that the constituencies would have none other
than PEEL, that they voted for PEEL, what is
there in his conduct to justify their choice ? He
has been an excellent party leader, but what has
he done for the constituencies and the country?
Ile has laboured incessantly in oppositiou to
strengthen the Tories; in what way has he
served the public ? Has he in opposition forced
the Ministers to be economical ? Has he kept
them from encroaching on the public liberties?
and has lie extended the privileges of the people?
No, he has not. He has encouraged extrava-
gance. He has aimed at lessening the public li-
berties, and at preventing the Ministers from
enlarging them. He has kept no tyranny in check,
but whenyver the Ministers sought in any way to
be tyrannical, Sir ROBERT PEEL patted them on
the back. He has been instrumental in preserv-
ing all kinds of abuses. For this the constitu-
encies have rewarded him by bestowing on him
a mastership over the first servant of a free
people. That is less dishonourable to Sir Ho-
BERT PEEL than to the constituencies.
In apposition he was always the friend of
aristocracy and not of the people. He belonged
to the party of the House of Lords. He always
stretched forth his hand to shield the Church.
All its abuses found in him an advocate. He
always was on the side of the Whigs when they
were in the wrong. He was for restricting the
franchise in Ireland, and he resisted all measures
for extending it in England. His policy was to
uphold our institutions unaltered and unre-
proved; and as the Whigs approved of our in-
stitutions he assailed them with the weapons
they put into his hands. When they practically

professed themselves Conservatives, by opposing
further reform, they really gave ,up power to
him. He and his friends, and not Lord MEL-
BOURDIE and his friends, constitute the Conser-

vative party, and Lord MELBOURNE could only,
and did only, after professing Conservatism, re-
tain office in subserviency to Sir ROBERT PEEL.
Hence it was that subsequent to the period
when the Whigs dismissed themselves as it were
from power, the current of opinion set in deci-
dedly favourable to PEEL. All parties in Par-
liament, except the few Radicals, acknowledged
the necessity of a Conservative policy ; the ac-
knowledgment of parties in Parliament influ-
enced public opinion; every man who could read
traced in the speeches of Sir R. PEEL, a vast su-
periority as a man of business and a man of in-
dustry to Lord MELBOURNE, and the force that
carried him into power was like that of a general
law. It was a certain opinion pervading many
leading minds, including the Whig Ministers,
namely, that a Consevative policy was necessary,
and when that opinion was vouched for by the
Whigs, it was a necessary ,consequence that Sir
R. PEEL should be called on to carry it out. His
elevation to power has in it nothing miraculous;
nothing capricious, nothing of favoritism. It is
the plain result of the principle proclaimed by
the Whigs.
But will that principle suit the country? We
contend it will not, and we have always opposed
the finality doctrines. Is the Church such B
very useful institution that it ought to be pre-
served with all its abuses? Is the House of
Commons the mirror of the people ? Is the
House of Lords a well-ordered, well-arranged
senate, which deserves the confidence of en-
lightened men? Are all our laws as to trade so
perfect that they need no improvement ? We
answer no, a thousand times no; and, latterly,
when the Whigs began, from sheer necessity, to
attack our commercial policy, they proved that
they, on that part of the subject, had ceased to be
Conservatives.

Conservatism is a general principle, and if i t
will not now apply to trade, neither will it apply
fcr a long period to the Lords, the Commons, and

the Church. Lord ELDON, a consistent politi-
cian, resisted every change, because he was
aware that all our institutions hang together, and

that restrictions on trade cannot be removed
without enabling commerce to throw the
landed interest into the back ground, and

;he landed interest cannot be thrown into

the back grouhd without the Church and th e
aristocracy being bereft of their main support.
Lord ELDON'S principle still holds good, and the
Minister, whatever political creed he may pro-
fess, who aim a blow at our commercial restric-
tions is not a good Conservative. The Whigs,
therefore, when they proposed commercial re-

form, admitted the impracticability of that Con-
servative policy which they gave up power to

espouse.

We are not sure that the leader of the Tories

is not himself practically convinced of the hope-
lessness of strict Conservative policy. But who-
ever is opposed to our fiscal regulations and
commercial restrictions is, in fact, opposed to Con-
servative policy. In fact, while both parties pro-
fess Conservative principles, they also both
practically admit the impossibility of car-
rying out the Conservative policy. We
feel confident, therefore, that it is no
longer suitable to the circumstances of the
age, and that the most intimate union of the two
parties in Parliament, could that take place,
would not suffice to carry Conservative policy
into effect. The nation must go forward or go to
decay ; and those who dre such determined Con-
servatives that they will not amend our tariff
should prohibit the formation of railways and the
building of steam-ships.
It does not say much for the constituencies,
in our opinion, that they have carried a man
into power who has never conferred any benefit
on them, except they be benefited by the pre-
servation of abuses, and who professes an imprac-
ticable policy. The cause of his elevation, how-
ever, is not confidence in him, but mistrust of
others. The Ministers for the time being, let
them be who they may, are the organs for carry-
ing laws into execution which general opinion
pronounces to be erroneous or mischievous.
Those who administer them become invested with
the attributes of the law, and thus the very ex-
ercise of power, under our present system of
legislation, involves the loss of public confidence.
This is now the case with the Whigs, and the
public reject them. The Tories are now to begin
to carry the same laws into execution, and ere
long the public will withdraw its confidence from
Sir ROBERT PEEL. The dismissal of the Whigs,
therefore, is the certain beginning of the public
mistrust in him and his policy. For ten years
the Whigs have stood between the democracy
and the aristocracy, and protected the latter.
When the Tories again lose power the Whigs
will not again be allowed to throw their shield
over the public enemies; and hence the over-
throw of the Whigs, brought about by the Tories,
will ere long end in the complete overthrow of
the Conservative principles. At any rate we
have a thorough conviction of the truth of our
own principles, and we cannot for one moment
despair of their complete, speedy, and triumphant
success.

We have accused the Whigs of neglecting
their party interests, and the elections conse-
quent on the acceptance of office by the new Mi-
nisters will confirm or invalidate our charge. If
Sir RORERT PEEL be allowed to come in unop-
posed for Tamworth, if Lord STANLEY walk over
the course in Lancashire, if Sir EDWARD
KNATCHBULL be re-elected for East Kent
without opposition, if Sir JAMES GRAHAM be
not disturbed in Dorchester, if Exeter be
not won from Sir WILLIAM FOLLETT, we shall
conclude that the Whigs have made up their
minds to succumb completely to the Tories
and give up all party ties. In all these places,
by dint of exertion, they might find a large party
in their favour, and though they might not suc-
ceed in the first instance, they would gain
strength, and form a party which would ulti-
mately be successful.

Letters from Constantinople of the 17th ult.
state that instructions were sent on that day to
the CAPITAN PACHA at Candia, who had not
then completed the subjugation of the Spliakiote
mountaineers. The Peiki Schevket steamer,
which was to convey these instructions to the
Turkish Admiral, was laden with military stores
fur the purpose of arming the Osmanlis, who
have all made their submission to the SULTAN.
This measure is more likely than any other to
make the Greeks desperate. Only a few weeks
have elapsed since thousands of them voluntarily
delivered up their arms to the PACIIA, on the
faith of the most solemn promises of protection
and now to put arms in' the hands of the exas-
perated Turks falls little short of directly sanc-
tioning the slaughter of the defenceless objects of
their fear and hate. The population of the whole
island of Candia is estimated at 180,000 inhabi-
tants; of these 150,000 are Greeks, so that of
native Turks there are barely 30,000 in the
whole island. The Turks occupy the fortresses
and rich and fertile plains of the island, the
Greeks were early driven to the mountains,
where they maintained a sort of wild indepen-
dence, which they did not entirely lose even
after the Porte had, in 1826, bestowed the go-
vernment of Candia upon MEHEMET Am.
During the Greek Revolution the intervention
of the Great Powers was required to pre-
vent the Candiotes from achieving their
independence ; nor have they ever since
abandoned the prospect of sooner or later break_
ing the fetters which subjected them to the
tyranny of a race of unbelievers more ignorant
than themselves. Although the sway established
by MEHEMET Au over Candia was not so op-
pressive as that of the PORTE, yet so anxious
were the Christian inhabitants for freedom, and
so impatient were they of the state of thraldom

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