The Sun.
London, England, 1840-05-28 00:00:00

STEAM TO

The resolution was then put from the chair and carried una-
nimously.
:Mr. L. FIRYWORTH rose to move the next resolution, which
The Delegates met yesterday at I3eown's Hotel. Among those was es follows:
present we noticed Air. O'Connell, M.P., Mr. Gibson, Mr. " That we adopt and repeat our former declaration, that
`Villiers. AI.P., Dr. Bowringe-Mr. Vigors, M.P., and Mr. the Deputies are not discouraged by the result of the late de-
Greg, M.P.
! bate ; that they derive new determination, as they find new
Mr. J. B. Sanest, on taking the Chair, stated that the un- motives for exertion in all that has occurred ; that they feel
expected termination of the debate in the House of Commons, their various arguments are unanswered—their case strength-
on the Corn-laws, last night, had given so short a time to pre- j ened—their confidence in ultimate triumph unabated—and
pare the resolutions that had be- 'n entrusted to the Executive they pledge themselves to one another, and to the nation, not
Committee, that they must be excused if they had not per- to relax until the mighty grievance under which the conenu-
formed that duty so fully as they might have done. He under- nity is suffering be removed."
stood that the division of last night sleeved an accession over He for one was determined not to relax in his efforts until the
that of last year of 24. The majority last year was 147, object they were aiming at was fully attained.—(Cheers.) He
while on the present it was only 123.—( Hear.) thought the speech of Lord John Russell last night was an ex-
A DEIRCATE wished to know the number of Members on cellent speech as regarded the object they had in view. His
each occasion.
Lordship stated that there was no interest in the nation that
The SECRETARY' saidisthat last year the number of Members would not be benefited by the repeal of the Corn-laws
present was 541, and in the present 477, added to which there
were 19 pairs. —nut even the landed interest itself.—( Hear, hear. )
It was true, as had been stated by several Gentlemen who had
The CHAIRMAN said it now became the duty cf the Dele- preceded liim that there was not that element in the Constie
gates to decide upon what course they should pursue, and what tution of the 'House of Commons to enable their measures to
resolutions they should come to. be carried at the present moment, and therefore it might have
The SECRETARY suggested that the minutes of the last been inexpedient for him to bring it forward as a Minister of
meeting should be first read. State, but they should not have prevented him from fully stet-
The minutes of the last meeting having been read, ing hiss views as a man. The Leaders of both parties in the
The CHAIRMAN said, that as the debate had terminated so House of Commons had borne testimony to the good effects pf
unexpectedly, it might be interesting to hear from Mr. O'Con- free trade, and yet, notwithstanding this, they were defeated in
nell what were the reasons that had led to the termination of a way that was disgraceful. When he spoke of the humanity
the debate. of their cause, he could not but state that the ce-
Mr. O'Coesseee said that Mr. Villiers was in the room a few mets ries of the metropolis were mouldering the skeletons
minutes ago, and he could have given a much better account of those who, but for the accursed Corn-laws, might have been
than he could, but as he had been called on to in the enjoyment of excellent health. If that was the case in
do so, he was bound to say that he could not but consider the metropolis, it was doubly so in the provincial towns. The
that during the whole evening there appeared in the House the evils of these laws were great in the extreme. The poor were
greatest disrelish to have any further debate oe the subject. not only deprived of their food, but of all the other neeessa-
The feeling of the House seemed to be that it was an oblrusioe ries of life. If they wished to prevent their fellow-creatures
or intrusion upon them, to bring the subject a second time be- from being destroyed by thousands, they must instil into the
fore them, that there had been sufficient talk before; in short, minds of the people the necessity of not voting for those
he thought that the Delegates and the subject had been treated who would not pledge themselves to vote for the repeal
with something like contempt.—( Hear. ) Even a persoa of of the Corn-laws.—(Loud cheers ) These objects could not
the standing of Mr. M. Phillips was not listened to, and there- be obtained without expense, and lie trusted, therefore, that all
leresceadjostrerebeetiebate wieltestieh a disposition on the part would subscribe liberally for the great work.
of the House, would be entirely unavailing, and would Mr. COATES seconded the resolution. One of the sapienes
only give a triumph to the enemies of humanity. Un- over the way considered that, by the decision of last night the
der these circumstances it was for the people of Eng- question of the Corn-laws would be set at rest. He thought
land to consider what next step they would 'take. the way to set the question at rest was to set their bellies at
They had to consider whether it would be any use rest- He contended the course the Parliament was pursuing
persevering in obtaining a repeal of the Corn- laws without a was one calculated to bring them into contempt, and that they
further improvement in the representation of the country. The were doing for themselves worse than their worst enemies could
House of Commons did not sympathize with the people of Eng- do against them. A good deal had been said about eaten-
land.—(Cheers.) There never was a subject. better brought sion of the suffrage, and good many allusions had been
forward than the subject of the Corn-laws during the present made to a Reform in Parliament. Conduct such as
Session, and never was a subject more improperly treated. The their's must of necessity lead to that resolution to which
Delegates had dose all they could do, and it was for Mr. O'Connell had adverted, and he told those who were ini-
them now to consider what further they would do, mical to Reform in Parliament, the way to stave that off would
Without altering their course they could not expect to come be to grant the people their prayer for bread.—( Hear, hear.)
more favourably before Parliament again. These were It would be politic in them to adopt that course. He was re-
his opinions. He despaired of their being able to do anything minded of an expression of Dr. South, who, in his Sermon
there until they became apprehensive for their other monopolies. eOn the Efficacy of Prayer," said, that " Praying would
All the monopolisieg interests of the country were on the side destroy sin, or site would destroy praying." Now he said the
of the House of Commons. The aristocracy of course were so— House of Commons must destroy the Corn-laws, or the
the greet body of the Established Clergy—(he said it without Corn-laws would destroy the House of Commons.—( Cheers.)
any disparagement to them)—their interests were adverse to He would not touch upon the extension of the suffrage—
those of the League, as was in short everything that was a Abstractedly he agreed to all that had been said on that side
monopoly. Ile had again respectfully to ask them what they of the question, and in principle as a Reformer he would
would do ? It was not for him to advise them ; but under go as far as most people ; but at present, by the constitution
such circumstances he could do nothing more than recommend of their Association he was not at liberty to go into that sub.
the infusing some more potent ingredient into their agitation jeet, and therefore they must make the greatest use they could
than they had hitherto done.—( Cheers. ) of their present means. They were to make this an electioneer-
Mr. STOOGE then proposed the following resolution : ing question. Those who possessed votes were to employ them
Resolved--" That this meeting of Deputies of the National to further the objects of the League. Now be had the good
Anti-Corn-law League, regard the rejection of the people's fortune to possess four votes—one for the Tower Hamlets—one
petitions for the repeal of the Bread-tax, or even 'to take into for the city of London—one for the county of Middlesex, anti one
coesideration the existing. Corn-law,' with regret and indigna- for East Surrey, and he declared he never would give avo. eto any
tion, but without surprise or dismay—with regret because they Member of that House, whatever his other merits might be, if
feel assured the general prosperity of the country can never be he was opposed to the repeal of the Corn-laws. And on
realised until the exchange of labour for food is free and unre- the other side, he said he would not look very nicely at the de-
strieted ; with indignation, because it is a tyrannical exercise of fects and errors of men who might solicit his votes, provided
the power of the landed Aristocracy, for the purpose of upheld- they would pledge. themselves to use all their exertions
ing their supposed interests at the expense of the intense and against the accursed Corn-laws.—(Chsers.) On this ques-
increasing suffering of all other classes of the community; non he felt like a grave character described by Pope in one
without sum prise, because they are accustomed to see the Legis- of his Satires :
lation of this country conducted upon the principle of sacri-
ficing the interests of the subject many to the interests of the
ruling few ; and without dismay, because they perceive the
`people generally are becoming sensible of the burdens under
which they groan, and when once thoroughly aroused to a
sense of the intolerable and crushing effects of the oppressive
Bread-tax, no Government will be able to uphold or enforce it."
—He thought there never could have been a greater instance
given, than was given last night, of the contempt. with which
this great questiun was treated by the House of Commons. If
anything more than another could convince the people that that
House did not fairly represent them, or possess their sempae
thieo, their conduct last night must have proved it.—( near.)
He confessed he was one of those who hoped the extension
of knowledge in this country would make it impossible
for any House of Commons to go on for any lengths of time
without the confidence of the people. That the present House
did not possess that, they could no longer coaceal from themselves.
Perhaps he should not be out of order, though he was aware it
was the desire of the League to confine themselves closely to the
object they had in view, if he said he did believe that the
time was not far distant when their object would be obtained,
but he believed it would only be by infusing into the House a
more full, fair, and equal representation of the people.
Mr. TAYLOR had much pleasure in seconding the resolu-
tion. He thought the exhibition in the House of Commons
last night—the utter absence of all argument, or attempt at
argument—the production over and over again—the ten
thousand times repeated and answered objections—the impa-
tience manifested, and that in the face of petitions, signed,
perhaps, more numerously and influentially than petitions on
any other subject in the same time was signed—all must lead
to one conclusion, that until there was a re!Ormation in the
construction of that House there was no certainty, nor could
there be any feeling of security among the people, that they
could obtain justice, or that their cries for relief would be at-
tended to. A: the same time he was satisfied that if that League
were to merge their peculiar characteristic of an anti-Corn-law
Association in any question of general politica, a great portion
of the power that Association had exercised would be weak-
ened from that which it, possessed in calling the attention of
the people to the grinding effect of that atrocious tax. Ile ap-
prehended this would be the effect if they were to merge this
question altogether, and join the ranks of the advanced guard
towards a greater extension of the suffrage. He was altogether
a friend to this himself, but he did not believe that if from the
16th January to the present time they had combined with their
peculiar object the extension of the Suffrage, they would have
been able to pcint to a million and a half of sigoatures obtained
for such purpeses. He had looked into the deb_tes of last
night, in the hope of finding somethit g like approximation to
an argument from their opponents. In Sir C. Burrell's speech
he found the reiteration of the absurdities they had been
favoured with in their interview with Lord Melbourne, when he
told them if they granted free trade in Corn, the Prussian
league would not alter their tariff. They were actually told
that although we received the productions of European nations,
they would not in return take back our manufactures. Now in
all the countries of Europe the executive power was not in the
hands of the manufacturers but the lignded aristocracy, and yet
Sir C. Burrell would have them believe the landed aristocracy in
those countries said " Nomatter how advantageous to us might be
the selling of our corn, and the finding a market for the product of
our land, we will accept of no such advantage—we will not
reap any such gain, fo: such is our love for the manufactures of
the country, we will act in a way that will injure ourselves ;"
thereby forming a strong contrast indeed with that of the ari-
stocracy of this country, for they, adopting a different princi-
ple, suppose, and attempt to make them believe, that the
aristocracy of an infant State would foster and encourage their
manufactures at their own expense. That was the crudity
which they wished the country to believe. Mr. Heathcote
se med very anxious that all agitation on this subject should
erase • he thought it was time that the question should be
seelinl, and people's minds allowed to go to rest, as if it was a
matter of mere balance—a scarcely estimated advantage, wile-•
ther the question were carried or not; as if it was not a question
of the real existence of the country as a powerful and wealty na-
tion ; as if it was not a question upon which depended
the very livelihood of the nation. The Hon. Gentleman might
turn the tide or stop the sun, but while the working classes of
this country continued to take sound and correct views of the
Corn-laws, and while the growing intelligence continued to
spread with increased power; it was impossible for him new to
quiet the minds of the people while the Corn-laws stood as at
present. Mr. Heathcote must be a strange statesman, or have
read history with a perverted understanding if he did not know
that a question which has taken such hold of the public mind
—which had taken complete possession of the heart of
the country —a question which had been petitioned
for during the present Session by upwards of
a million and a half of people, never did fail, could not fail, and
it was only a question of time when it should be carried. With
respect to a speech attributed to the Member for Birmingham,
be did not know what to say—it was the most extraordinary
one he had ever read.—(Bear, hear.) Surely even Mr.
Munts must know, that if a tax upon tea, a tax upon spirits
or tobacco, raised the prices of those articles, a tax
.upon corn
must raise the price of food. He seemed to argue as if a tax
upon a luxury stood in the same situation as a tax upon the
food of a nation. If that Hon. Gentlemen had only those cru-
dities to advance, the men of Birmingham did not deserve well
of their countrymen, in preferring to return him in opposition
to a gentleman who offered himself who would have ilme them
honotr.—( Hear, hear.)
He had proved that he was totally
unacquainted with the first principles o f political economy.
The Resolution was put, and carried unanimously.
Mr. JAMES WILSON laid it gave him great pleasure to move
the following Resolution:—
rn
ebeeplates with the highest satisfac
1 " That this meeting cont
n made in the doe ugh under:
tion the progress
hatsnt question, and the deep,ggrowing
standing of this alhiimcht
and irresistible convictionlor ofa the necessity of a speedy and en:
grievance—a conviotion exhie
tire removal of this aggravated
bited in an increase of more than a million of signatures to the
petitions to Parliament
op_rfassetnted during the present Session,
year, and amounting in the ag-
es compared with those f
gregate to a greater number
umber than have been presented for and
against all other objects _. together."
The resolution
embethed , in his mind, the only mode in
which the friends of the cause had to agitate, in order to get
rid of the nuisance. It was most gratifying to see the interest
on this subject whiehht ad been roused by the increasinNgedthat
intel-
ligence of the people upon the subject. He fully belie
the strongest means they had in their power to use was to in-
form and enlighten the public mind—these were the
only means. that were
likely to be successful. —(Hear.)
He conceived that
with every
tradtiet,ano,r
hiswli eftrhietnn•dhseanwdasebaitldprreense,nitt
prospectively interested in
became a question of money interest whether the Corn-laws
should remain in existence or not,o fanddislNeirniaitncavteirnghe contributed
e
towards defraying the expenses
that ho was
_merely investing
return with a huge profit. 110
among the public, he con:l.seyi,red.
money which would one
was convinced there was no way. in which merchants and manu-
facturers could better invest their money. The immense num_
-
ber of signatures to the petitions of
.this year as compared witheased
interest the public took
those of last year were the
very hest evidence of the int,
in the question. That interest, how-
ever, had not been respondedto by the House of Commons,
and he could not help contrasting the conduct of that House
when the landed interest fell into great distress . from the ope-
ration of those very le"• fhe petitions of the agri-
culturists, however few the signatures to them, were
immediately listened to, and _
_every effort was made
to relieve them. If gentlemen would consult the evidence given
before the Committee of 1636, they would find there was not
an intelligent agriculturist called before that Committee who
did not admit the Corn-laws were the cause of their distress at
that moment.—( Hear.) As to the extension of the suffrage,
he did nut think they would be better off with a larger consti-
tuency than they were at
present. The people wore not true
to themselves, and before they agitated for an extension of the
suffrage, they ought to see if the present suffrage could not be
better exercised.
Mr. FAIIiBURN, of Leeds, seconded the resolu'ion.

" Ever moral, ever grave,

His greatest hatred always is a knave,
Except. at dinner, then prefers no doubt,
A rogue with venison, to a saint without.—(Laughter.)
Now this was a:dining question—(Laughter)—and he declared
that at the next election he should prefer a rogue who would
oppose the Corn-laws to a saint who came pledged against
them. That was the principle of action on which he would go.
He hoped their motto would be " Never despair." He was
quite sure all things urged them to go on. What esurse then
would become a rallying point for them ? The dissemination
of kno.s ledge, the removal of prejudices, the exposing of falla-
cies, and the dissemination of truth. Let them rest assured,
if they did this, whatever might be the ills in society,
whatever wrongs remained unredressed; their removal of ne-
cessity fellows the dissemination of truth, and the establishment
of right principles. He had great pleasure in seconding the
resolution.—(Cheers.)
Mr. PRENTICE, of Manchester, proposed the fourth re-
solution.—Although a Radical Reformer to the full extent
of the Charter, he rejoiced at the determinatioe of the
meeting to adhere to the original constitution of the Anti-
Corn-law League, and that they should persevere in ob-
taining the repeal of the Corn-laws, without joining with
that. agitation, an agitation for a reform in the reoresen-
tative system. Although collectively they pursued their
object with a view of combining all political parties,
they were not individually prevented from joining in other
agitations. Fur one he declared, so far from not doing so, he
should bid them God speed. At the formation of the League,
at Manchester, it was said their object vas to support the
Administration, and his answer was they would be most likely
to serve the cause of reform, by showing the great grievances
which the people endured, and induce them to petition, and
when they saw their petitions were treated with contempt,
every man would become a Reformer. There was a million and
a half of petitioners, and he had too high an opinion
of the English people to believe that so large a num-
ber would submit to be treated with such contempt. Their
sole inquiries on the hustings at the next election should be
not " are you Whig or Tory," but " are you of the faction
of the people or c.f the faction of the Aristocracy?"—( Cheers. )
Let them say to all candidates, " Are you a Corn-law re-
pealer? It you are, whether Whig or Tory, we shall help
you—if not, we help you not at all." That was the resolution
in his part of the country, and he trusted it would be acted
upon by every Corn-law repealer in the country. If they
were not allowed to expect anything from the Members' jus-
tice, probably they might from their fears. He did not mean
physical force—no, he meant to make them tremble, by whis-
pering in their ear upon the hustings, " Two or three hundred
votes will decide this election. Pledge yourself to the repeal of
the Corn-laws, and we will support you ; if not, we will drop
you gently_ down."—(A laugh. )
" That we renew our former declaration, that, dissociating
ourselves from all political parties, we hereby declare that we
will use every exertion to obtain the return of those Members
to Par:iament alone who will straort a repeal of the Corn-
laws."

Mr. JonNsos, Derby, seconded the motion, although he
did so with reluctance, for individually he was opposed to its
principles. However he saw that it was in vain to expect the
repeal with the present constituency. He was much afraid
they could' never get up the same number of petitions again,
unless they threw more spice into them. ''hey must join with
the Repeal, Household Suffrage, Triennial Parliaments, and
the ballot, and then they might succeed. What had they ever
got from the Conservative party? He believed they had only
one connected with them, and he was not sure that even that
one had voted with them last night.—(Cries of " Yes, yes.")
The resolution was agreed to.

Mr. A. JOHNSTONE, Glasgow, cordially agreed in the spirit
of the resolution, that the League should keep themselves apart
from any political party, and pursue their course as traders
or merchants, upon the pure principles of free trade.
By the dissemination of lectures, tracts, and other informa-
tion, they would accomplish their views without any further
extension of the suffrage. He was a friend of the extension,
but ha was afraid it might injure the cause if joined with their
demand. He believed it would hart their cause in Glasgow.
However, he fully believed that with the ballot and the present
constituency, along with continued agitation, their cause would
be triumphant in the House of Commons. With these ob-
servations he begged to move that the following address be ap-
proved of, and circulated throughout the various towns of the
kingdom :
THE DEPUTIES ON THE NATIONAL ANTI-CORN
LAW LEAGUE TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT
BRITAIN AND IRELAND,

Fellow-Countrymen—Your prayers for untaxed bread have
again been rejected by those who call themselves your representa-
tives. The voice of justice is not yet loud enough. The signatures
ofa million and a half of petioncrs are not numerous enough. The
union of the middle and working classes is not yet compact
enough. The cry must be more piercing, and the effort more
strenuous, before the sinister interests of a Legislative majority
give way to the wants of a nation and the claims of everlasting
justice.

The vote of the House of Commons is only a temporary post.
ponement, not a final decision. The Creator of the earth, when he
endowed it with fert►lity, ordained that man should obtain bread by
the sweat of his brow. The Corn Monopoly interferes to prevent
that result. It forbids the industrious to receive the food they
have earned, should it have been grown upon a foreign soil. It
contravenes their right to live by the labour of their hands. It
violates a law of God and Nature ; and no human authority has
the actual power, any more than the moral right, to render such a
violation perpetual.
The doom of the Bread Tax is pronounced. The infamous im-
post must perish beneath the universal execration of the people.
The utmost power of Parliament can only prolong its death
struggle. It can no viore survive than did the Slave Trade the
general sentiment of righteous abhorrence. As against those who
profited by the sale of their fellow-creatures, so against those who
profit by the starvation of their fellow-creatures, must the moral
power of enlightened perseverance finally prevail. The House of
Commons has only achieved a brief respite for the most atrocious of
monopolies.

But in that brief respite how much of mischief will be perpe-
trated, and how much of misery endured.
For the present it is resolved by the House of Commons that
everyinhabitant shall continue to eat taxed bread. No one is
exempt. The impost falls on the possessor of countless thousands
per annum, and on the hand loom weaver, or the farm labourer,
with his 9s. a week for the entire support of his family. It falls,
comparatively unfelt indeed, on the luxuries of a palace; and it is
also levied on the parish allowance of the pauper. It diminishes
the quantity and deteriorates the quality of the food by which ten-
der infancy and infirm age should be nourished, and of that by
which the healthy should be invigorated to toil for their support..
Its demon grasp cannot be evaded. Taxed luxuries may be relin.
quished, and often arc, even by the wealthy; in taxing the food of
all monopoly is sure of its heartless aim, and wrings its sordid gains
even from the poorest.
For the present, the House of Commons wills that the increas.
ing competition of foreign nations with our manufactures shall
be encouraged. Our Capitalists must, therefore, be yet further
crippled. Production must be diminished, wages lowered, and
hands thrown out of work. Instead of furnishing manufactured
goods to the foreigner, we must be contented to export material,
machinery, skill, and capital. Manufactures are confessed to have
made the wealth and greatness of the nation ; they have hitherto
fed its multiplying multitudes, and they have more than trebled the
value of the land. But it is coolly and nicely calculated that their
prosperity
may bear to be tampered with yet longer for the advan-
tages of a class, and the country peradventure escape the horrors of
a famine or the bloodshed of a revolution.
For the present, the House of Commons determines to keep
the farmer subject to all the ruinous uncertainties of an irregular
trade in foreign corn, the extent of which can never be calculated
upon—of enormous fluctuations in prices—of a popular agitation,
already penetrating amongst its justly dissatisfied labourers and
of a tottering system, which the Legislature cannot uphold, and yet
reftises to renounce. From this state of things the nominal and
bankrupt landlord may derive a temporary convenience ; but to
the permanent interests of agriculture, as represented in the culti.