The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-14 00:00:00

MORNING ED ITION

TOTAL REPEAL OF THE CORN

LAWS.

(From the Liverpool Times of Tuesday.)
A public meeting of the inhabitants of Liverpool was
held yesterday, at noon, in Clayton-square, to consider
the
propriety of petitioning the Legislature for a total
ePeal of the Corn-laws. There was a considerable
body of gentlemen belonging to the Liberal party in
town present, including Sir Joshua Walmsley (who
acted as chairman), Mr. Thomas Thornely, M.P., Mr.
Charles
Holland, Mr. R. V. Yates, Colonel Williams,
bars W. Rathbone, Mr. J. Rosson, Mr. Alderman
Shed, Mr. James Nlulleneux, &c.
SL! J. WALMSLEY took the chair. He said this
Public meeting of the inhabitants of Liverpool had been
convened for the purpose of considering the propriety of
_etittoning the Legislatnre for a total repeal of the
He trusted that tbe time was not far dis-
tant when we might reasonably look for a more just and
equal mode of taxation. The evidence which had been
recently adduced before a Committee of the House of
Commons would, he thought, tend greatly to facilitate
that desirable object. That evidence was of a most
L!nportant character ; and if not altogether conclu•
i
on the necessity of a thorough reform in our tariff,
it had at least made out a strong case for deep and
serious inquiry. For his own part he had been long
satisfied that unless the restrictions and prohibitions
which bore so hard on the middle and productive classes
eif the country were removed, they would not only en-
danger the commerce and manufactures of the country,
but the very safety of the empire. We must ever re-
member that monopoly and exclusion were mere apolo-
gies for robbing one portion of the community for the
BuPPosed benefit of the other; and that no article was
Worth protecting at home which, from climate or other
circumstances, could be imported cheaper from abroad.
England possessed great and overwhelming advantages
over most other countries ; but neither the superiority
of her coal and her mineral productions, nor the skill,
capital, or enterprise of her people could long avail
against the present ruinous system of restrictions, and
the consequent retaliation. We should never lose sight
°f this fact, that it was to our commerce and manufaes
loses we owed our present position in the scale of nations,
and that if we cease to be an exporting country of mane-
rtures, we should sink as rapidly as we have risen.
must be borne in mind that our present exports
.tilt‘l":etea to between forty and fifty millions per annum ;
three-fourths of the cctton imported into this coon-
- was exported again in the shape of twist and cotton
pr,
.7°Ll,,s. For what were we hazarding this great branch
national wealth ? For what were we refusing to take
the grain of the United States, the coffee and sugar of
I}le Brazils, and the timber of the north of Europe ?
or what were we restricting the labour and enhancing
40 price of the food for the people ? It was in order
that the rent-roll of a comparatively small number of
landlords, and the revenue of a few colonial monopolists,
might be increased. It was urged that we should sup-
Port our colonies ; but we might support them at too
great a cost, and at the sacrifice of the mother country.
Give them free trade, and they would support them-
selves. Some were afraid that, by an alteration in our
tariff, and in the Corn-laws, we might endanger the
revenues of the country. Perhaps there was no set
of men in the world more tenacious of national faith
and honour than Englishmen, and especially British
rnerchants. Now they were perfectly satisfied upon
this subject, and had openly expressed their sentiments
again and again, that by the removal of restrictions
knd prohibitions, commerce would be increased, and
With it the revenue of the country. That meeting,
llowever, had higher and more sacred objects—they
thought that the people should enjoy some portion of
those luxuries and of those comforts which they so
?idly produced. This was their object in the repeal
of the Corn-laws ; and they could fairly cal upon all
classes of the community—upon the rich and the poor,
Who were the most particularly interested—upon the
Working man, and upon those whom they had a right
to regard as the best men in the community—to assist
them in this labour of love, in this great work of jus-
tice to themselves and their fellow-men. He trusted
they should have every man's helping hand, that no
rum might be said to be supporting the Corn-laws, lest
haply he might be sinning and fighting against Him
to whom he lifted up his prayer—" Give us this day
our daily bread."
Col. WILLIAMS moved the first resolution in an ad-
dress of considerable length. The gallant Colonel de-
scribed the circumstances under which the Corn-law
Passed in 1814-15, observing that the people strongly
remonstrated, but in vain, the plot which was then
hatched in the House of Commons against them to
raise the price of bread, in order to enable the land-
lords to pay their taxes. That was the principle upon
Which the " illustrious Duke " afterwards " improved "
,the measure, and it would continue to be the principle so
Long as the people were silly enough to send only lords
and lawyers into the Commons' House to further their
leterests.—(Cheers.)
Mr. WM. RATHBONE seconded the resolution. He
said that the meeting had assembled upon one of the
roost important subjects on which they could meet.
On every ground he was an advocate for the prompt
and total repeal of the Corn-laws, believing that those
laws were at once in contradiction to the decrees of the
Almighty, and to the interests of the people of every class.
He was opposed to those laws because they gene-
rated in the people a feeling of dissatis:action, a feeling
of injustice, which was at once subversive of religion, at
once subversive of morality, at once subversive of any
thing like loyalty, and subversive of principle of every
kind. He must, however remember that it was not
one abuse only under which we laboured, but that they
were like the bundle of sticks of the old man of the
fable. He attempted to break them when they were
all bound together, and he could not ; but if they
broke them one by one, the bundle would become
smaller, and at last it would be broken altogether. Now,
why was it that the children of light did not act thus
for their own interests as well as the children of dark-
ness ? Why was it that they did not fellow the right
course when they had a right end in view ? Yet they
did not do it, he was sorry to say—they did not often
look after their own interests, and they often threw those
from therm who were really their friends. Look at ten
Years ago, when the timber duties were proposed to be
altered, which was one of our great abuses The whole
country was in arms, and the administration was very
nearly put out, because the people rose to prevent the tim-
ber duties being altered and improved. If, 10 years ago,
the people had petitioned for a repeal of the timber
duties, he believed we should at this moment have been
very much nearer the repeal of the Corn-laws—nay, in
his conscience he believed that those Corn-laws would
not have existed at this moment if that administration
had been supported in the repeal of those timber duties.
Next to the Corn-laws the timber duties were the most
important. They bad now some hope. The revenue
was beginning to fad off ; these terrible restrictions upon
commerce had destroyed any profit to capital, and they
were grinding the poor man clown to the dust, so that
as an Irishman had once said from that place—" You
will begin to have a nation of ventriloquists—that
speak from their bellies."—(Cheers and laughter.)
But it was womlerful, that curtailed as she had
been by laws laid down for what was called pro-
tection, but which were in effect restrictive of every-
thing that was good, that England had maintained
.her place as she had ; but she could not maintain it
tnueh longer if she went on as she was doing. We
should. have manufacturers in Germany and Switzerland
to contend with, and when it was too late we might re-
pent. Let the people petition for free corn to our colo-
nies ; let them support the present Government in the
plan they were taking to let our colonies have cheap
bread ; then let the people turn round upon them and
say, " Why are you worse than.the heathen ? Will you
neglect your own ? Will you give to the West Indies
cheap bread and deny it to our suffering manufacturers at
home?" Did not the meeting feel—and if they did feel
they would be ready to petition for the removal of every-
thing that was an abuse—did they not know, that the
bundle of sticks, that was, the bundle of abuses, at every
twig that was broken became less? If they felt this,
they would come forward in a different way from that in
which they hitherto have done ; they would feel that if
they wished for success in any pursuit they must give
time and exertion to it themselves ; that they must not
be like the poor unfortunate carter who, when his cart
was fast in the rut, lay down in the ditch, and began to
pray to Jupiter. Jupiter said to him, " You lazy lout,
put your shoulder to the wheel, and then I will listen
to your prayers." In like manner they must put their
shoulder to the wheel if they wished the Corn-laws to
be repealed.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put
and carried.
Mr. CHARLES HOLLAND, in moving the next reso-
lution, said they were again met to protest against the
iniquitous Corn-laws, against the most inhuman and un•
righteous laws ever enacted by any sect or class of men,
to attempt for their own selfish purposes, and to im-
pose a badge of slavery, misery, and degradation upon
their fellow-men. Was that meeting prepared to sub-
mit to that? If they were, how long were they going
to submit ? Was it not an undisputed fact, that the mi-
sery and destitution of the lowest industrious classes,
the losses which the manufacturers were sustaining, the
diminution of our manufacturing profit'. and the small
returns which the capitalists were now receiving, were
attributable mainly to these laws? They no longer ven-
tured to meet us in the field of argument ; but they
trusted, with too much reason he feared, to the
apathy which he was sorry to say distinguished the in-
dustrious classes, who seemed to think it was not a
question which concerned them. Alas ! too soon
would they feel it. Suppose two bad seasons were to
visit this country, where then would be theindustri-
ous lower orders ; where would they leek for bread,
when the foreigner was prohibited from growing
food for them ? He was sorry to say that their oppo-
nents were not only trusting to that apathy, but they
lead bribed the leaders of a certain portion of the in-
dustrious classes—the leaders of the Chartists, to try
to, prevent the repeal of these laws.—(Cries of " No.")
'there were many among us who joined in the senti-
ments of the Chartists, who thought to obtain political
rights ; but it was a sad mistake on their part to sup-
pose they would sooner obtain those political rights with

1

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an empty belly than a full one.—(Hear, hear.) Were
they more likely to fight the battle for political privi-
leges with cheap bread or not ? But hitherto he was
sorry to say the landlords had been able to obtain the
co-operation
of some of the leaders of that party. He
trusted, however, that their next appeal would receive
a million and a half of signatures. Mr. Holland con-
cluded by calling upon the meeting to come forward
with a demonstration of moral, not physical force
against the Corn-laws, like that which carried the Re-
form Bilk.
Mr. DUFFIE seconded it, and said, that if any thing
was pleasing to him in the character of that meeting,
it was the fact that there were united in it the middle
and working classes, the two greatest and most influen-
tial classes in the community. They bad, he was glad
to say, combined their strength together for the express
purpose of removing the odious Corn-laws from our
Statute-book. They had been told it was for the inte-
rest of the working classes to support the Corn-laws.
because dear bread made high wages ; but every work-
ing man knew as well as he did, from sad experience,
that this was not true. Mr. Duffie then proceeded to
argue on this position, and to show the absurdity of
protective duties. The decrees of Milan and Berlin,
he observed, rendered it necessary for us to destroy
Napoleon in order to open continental Europe to our
commerce ; but when that had been accomplished, the
landed aristocracy re-enacted those decrees by the in-
famous Corn-laws. He called on the meeting, with re-
ference to the Corn-laws, to assert the great principle,
that whatever was morally wrong could not be politi-
cally right, and to hold that man disgraced who re-
fused to support the leaders who were contending for
this object.
Mr. T. THORNELY, M.P., said before he read the
resolution which the Committee had placed in his hands,
he begged to say how great a gratification it was to him
to meet so large an assemblage of his fellow-townsmen,
met to assert, in the face of the public, their deter-
mination to procure by fair, just, and constitutional
means, the repeal of those Corn-laws which had en-
tailed so much misery upon the labouring classes, and
which from year to year were fettering so much of the
industry and the commerce of the country. They were
probably not ail aware of the operation of the present
Corn-laws. The duty upon corn was a fluctuating duty,
which was fixed every week : it might be a shilling a
quarter, or it might be much higher. Now, the opera-
tion of the Corn-laws was this, that in proportion as
the price of corn falls the duty rises, and it was only
when corn was of so high a price as to threaten famine,
that it was admitted at a nominal duty. This arrange-
ment of the duties might appear a very insidious one,
but he thought it a very barefaced one, because it had
this effect—always to prevent the people from having
corn as cheap as they could buy it from foreign countries,
if the law did not prevent them. Did they know what
the duty upon the importation of wheat was at this very
day ? It was 235. Bd. a quarter, or nearly 3s. a bushel.
That was a prohibitory duty : it brought in no revenue,
and prevented the people from having corn at that price.
He was happy that. the intention of the House of Com-
mons, and he believed of the Ministry too, was now
being directed to the state of the tariff of this country ;
by the tariff he meant the duties upon the importa-
tion of goods. It was singular enough that we, who
were so great a commercial and manufacturing people,
had really the most anti commercial tariff in the
world ! Whenever the goods of any foreign country were
cheap and good, our tariff prevented their importation ;
but whenever they were dear and bad, then we were
compelled to consume them. He was a very old free-
trader. He had long experience as a commercial man,
and, from his boyhood to the present time, he never
had but one opinion, that all duties upo❑ imports should
be fur the sake of revenue, and not for protection—
that that meeting, and all the merchants and manufac
turers in the country should freely exchange with every
foreign market the produce of their industry—that it
should be for them to seek out in every foreign market
the cheapest and best articles those countries produced,
and that they were entitled to enjoy the cheapness and
the abundauce of those commodities. If they would
walk round the docks, they would see a great number
of vessels advertised to take emigrants from the la-
bouring portion of the population, to labour in the
United States and in Canada. Would these la-
bourers go to the United States and to Canada if
wages were lower than they were in this country ? No,
indeed, they would not. They were going there to get
better wages, or they had much better stay at home.
But all those vessels which took out emigrants to
Canada were going to bring back flour from Canada to
this country ; and the meeting might be sure that flour
was brought from Canada, because it would bring a
greater price in this market. Therefore, these very
voyages across the Atlantic and back again, in which
labourers were going from this country to get better
wages than they could at home—those same vessels
bringing back cheap flour to a better market showed
that all the representations about the cheapness of
corn bringing down wages was a complete delusion.
Upon this question of free trade hung, in his opinion,
a great deal more than the mere cheapness or dear-
ness of prices. The social condition of the people, the
independence of the labouring classes, their desire to
educate their children, their desire to keep out of the
workhouse, were all included in the great question
of free trade. An annual grant was made by the
House of Commons of 30,0001. for educating the
people ; it was a mere trifle and an insignificant sum ;
they were now legislating upon the Poor-law Amend-
ment Bill, and night after night, when ho had sat in
that House, it often occurred to him if they adopted
the principle of free trade i❑ corn, and in every other
article, the people, the honest labouring classes of this
country, would be able to sustain themselves without
parish relief. Aye, 'and they would educate their chil-
dren too, without grants from the House of Commons.
In fact, it was lamentable that the time of Parliament
should be taken up in reconciling what was abso-
lutely irreconcileable. They were adopting measures
about the administration of the Poor-law ; they were
educating the people ; but the first thing they did
was was to tie the hands of the people from main
taining themselves. However, he was not without
hope ; on the contrary, he never felt more strongly
than he did that he was right on the principle of free
trade, whether with regard to corn or anything
else ; and he assured them, that if the people of this
country would do their duty to themselves, that he
thought in the present session something would be
done, some great step taken towards the improvement
of our great restrictive code. It was his happiness, in
Parliament, to be associated with Mr. Villiers, who had
taken the lead, and was prepared to do so this session,
in endeavouring to procure the repeal of the Corn-laws.
He had, he assured them, great confidence that if the
people out of doors would exert themselves by petition-
ing—for the cause was so good that it was absolutely
unanswerable—great good must arise to them speedily.
Mr. JONES, an operative, seconded the resolution,
and it was carried.
Mr. JOHN RossoN, in moving the next resolution,
quoted a passage from Dr. Verity's work, published
last year, to prove that nothing but a diminution of
the supply of food could prevent this country from at-
taining a degree of prosperity which no nation, ancient
or modern, had ever arrived at. He concluded by de-
claring that free trade could alone save the empire, and
snake her continue what she had hitherto been, the envy
of surrounding nations, and the admiration of the

world.
Mr. JAMES MULLENEUX seconded the resolution,
and said, that at all times and in all places he was, and
should be, ready to raise his voice against the Corn-
laws ; for he considered them the most selfish and
wicked monopoly ever inflicted upon a country.
The resolution was then carried.
Mr. R. V. YATES read a draft of the petition, and
moved its adoption.
Mr. M'INTEEa seconded the motion, and it was
carried.
A vote of thanks was presented to Sir Joshua
Walmsley, for his conduct in the chair, and the pro-
ceedings terminated.