The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-26 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION .

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—Our Tory Contemporaries, after complain-
"-g bitterly that the name of her Majesty is affecting their
Prospects in the coming contest, and representing that fact
as a culpable association of her name with the fierceness of po-
litical partisanship, very ingeniously suggest that their own
candidates and canvassers should employ her Majesty's name
to r the production of equal advantage to the Tory cause.
Were it not for the earnestness and diligence of the faction in
all kinds of falsehood, this suggestion might be taken for
what is commonly called a quiz. But Tory lying is no
joke. It is the every-day hard work of writers and
speakers. And the more desperate the falsehood, the better
it accords with the desperate and final plunge for power
which Toryism is now making. For it is seen well enough
that unless immediate success be obtained, at what-
ever cost, the sordid bond that holds together the present hete-
rogeneous opposition is utterly dissolved. The Queen is with
the people, and for the people. That is the plain matter of
fact. If the people will support her, she will stand by them
in piomoting " the trade and industry of the country," and in
providing for the public service " in the manner least burden-
some to the community ;" and if not, not ; simply because in
that case she will have been deprived by themselves of the
power to aid them. That the case stands thus, would be
enough for any Tory who regarded truth ; it is nevertheless
very unsatisfactory to the organs of the party. But they
must pay the penalty of their conduct. Had they not been
against the peeple, the Queen could net slow have been against
them to any formidable purpose. Had they not been for
fresh taxation, her Majesty could not have appealed
from them to the nation to know whether it
preferred more taxation to the abolition of monopoly.
Libellers of her Majesty, as many of the party have continually
been, they cannot just at this moment seriously affirm, with
the hope of evidence, that the Queen is desirous of additional
taxes, that she goes to the people for fresh imposts which Par-
liament has refused to her or her Government, or that repre-
sentatives are sent back to their constituents because she is de-
termined, if possible, to sustain the bread-tax undiminished,
for the temporary advantage of a class at the expense of the
community. The Royal Speech is too plain, though their im-
pudence may not be too squeamish, far such glaring falsificas
tions. The Queen need not have spoken that speech ; the
vote of want of confidence had liberated her from all imaginary
compulsion of official etiquette; it was a personal and volun-
tary identification of herself with the people's cause; and no
political mystification can sever the holy alliance of Queen and
country. It is our rallying cry for the hustings ; and may
Heaven, for the sake of the toiling millions, " send her victo-
rious."
TIMES.— When England has a Government again, and the
relations of this empire with foreign countries and with its own
vast dependencies once more feel the guidance of that " steady
policy' to which her Majesty's gracious speech has recently
directed the hopes of her subjects, it will be discovered that
refractory convicts working the vessel of the state under jury.
masts until they shall have reached the penal colony for which
they are hound are not the fittest crew to pilot the national
ship and to man her guns. The vigilance of a Minister whose
attention is distracted by the pressing cares of sticking to his
place in the teeth of Parliament, and to his seat in the teeth of
his constituents, is not likely to keep the most effectual watch
at the very time when foreign Powers, in those happy coun-
tries where votes of censure and contested elections are un-
known, are naturally availing themselves of the relaxed
and uncertain state of our national policy during the
Ministerial interregnum. We know no whether the
sudden display of boldness and vigour which was in
preparation about twelvemonths ago has been warranted by
the necessity
.of the occasion or the magnitude of our suc-
cess ; but it is perfectly obvious that if necessities of tenfold
importance were to • arise at this conjuncture in our affairs,
there is no Government at all in the country able to meet them
by a course of action, which all the promptitude of the gallant
candidate for Marylebone would hardly bring to an issuebefore
the period at which the Ministers have themselves admitted
that patronage and power wilt have passed into other hands.
The consequence is, that the influence we were sup-
posed to have acquired in the Levant last year will have
been lost before the gun has gone round the zodiac ; and in
presence of these permanent designs, which are tenaciously
adhered to by Powers gifted with patience enough to await
the extinction of our outlived energy and our eccentric tri-
umphs, the policy of England is so intermittent and ember-
rassed,by the unconstitutional attempt to govern the country by a
minority, that we cannot hope to interpose any real opposition to
such undertakings as the artifices of Russia, the inaptitude of
the Porte, the intrigues of France, or the obstinacy of Mehe-
met Ali may set on foot. This state of things, which is bad
enough in itself, is made worse by the comparative independ-
ence of action which it confers on our strange Ambassador at
Constantinople, and his agents, who now lord it in Syria.
ADVERTISER.—It is certainly a matter of the first im-
portance, that the constituencies of the United Kingdom should
ponder well and deliberately on the respective merits of the
several candidates who may present themselves for their suf-
frages in the present election. In few, lamentably few, in-
stances, need it be expected that candidates will present them-
selves qualified in all respects to give faithful and effective
representation to the sentiments of the electoral body. The
course, therefore, for the latter to pursue, when they cannot
find as good a representative as they could wish, is evidently to
select the best of those who claim their confidence. A portion
of the Chartists, however—a portion fortunately becoming
small by degrees, and miserably less—appear resolved to pur-
sue an opposite course, and when they cannot find a candidata
cut out in exact precision to their own views, propose to sup-
port the worst of those who solicit their sweet voices. It is
on this insensate conduct of those who vaunt themselves
the elect champions of freedom, that the Tories base
their chief hope of triumphing over the public interests.
For our own part, being anxious only for the best men to win,
we would recommend that the candidates be chosen by the ap-
plication of a sliding scale, and let him found to stand highest
m the public confidence have the undivided voice of the Liberal
electors. The Chartist who, influenced by a different and per-
verse feeling, gives his vote to a Tory, is guilty of an act of
political suicide for which no plea nor palliation can be alleged
in excuse, save that of temporary insanity. It is not our in-
tention to plead the cause of the Whigs, and wherever better
men present themselves these men shall have our support ; but
are the Tories better men? This is the question. Are the
men 'whose lite has been passed in continual opposition to the
claims of the people, better than they who have always advo-
cated at least a gradual concession of these claims, and against
whom the chief accusation is a too great tendency to.couciliate
the very men to whom the suicidal Chartist would, in his
most stupid infatuation, now give a preference ? Before we
discard the Whigs, let us be prepared with better men to
supply their places ; but above all things, let not the represen-
tation be abandoned to the Tories.
Po.—Though we do not believe that Lord John Rus-
sell harenything like a good chance of getting into Parlia-
ment for the City, and do believe, on the contrary, that he
stands a very good chance of being, even among the Radical
candidates the lowest but one upon the poll, we are still sur.
prised that so many men of fair character are willing to give
him a vote. People talk of the political " pluck "of the man,
and really, if it were a genuine thing, we should be as willing
as any one else to give him credit for it. But surely, there is
some difference, and very important difference too, between
lord J. Russell's conduct and that stout English persever-
ance, which is described by the short word we have quoted.
There is no quality more respectable than that of cheerful
constancy to a settled purpose, in spite of checks, and rebuffs,
and all sorts of ill fortune, but we cannot find this quality
in Lord John Russell. Instead of that quality, we find a
careless impudence a complete insensibility to shame,
which is no more genuine English " pluck " than the
material of Brummagem jewellery is honest gold
and silver. Now it is really humiliating and disgraceful to find
men of decent character going about and trying to persuade
people to vote for this Russell as a friend of the people, and of
that noble thing British liberty. We defy any of these men—
and that they are, at least some of them, clever men in their
way, no one can deny—we say we defy any of them to point
oat a single instance in which this Russell has exhibited gene-
roes or manly feeling towards the people. We defy any one
to point out, either in his dull books or in his political ha-
rangues, the evidence of the possession of a single generous
sentiment in public matters, or of the slightest sympathy with
the comforts of the common people. No such thing is to be
found, but on the contrary a cold supercilious contempt of all
homely and kindly feeling, and a preference for certain theo-
ries, which are indeed fraught with the affectation of political
learning, but which treat the mass of the people as if they
were stocks and stones, or mathematical lines, to be regarded
by a public man as the insensible elements of abstract science.
GLOBE.—When the convulsions of ungovernable
passion have ceased, men begin to reflect, with more or
less of sobriety, upon the consequences of their conduct.
This is now the case with that violent section of the
united Tory party, which goaded the unhappy leader of
the body to measures repudiated by his better sense
arid greater caution. Never was a man of character and
ability more rudely and contemptuously treated by his
followers than Sir Robert Peel. The essence of his
policy was delay, and delay till he had attained an un-
uestioned superiority over his
opponents.politipealia
rto
the
From a great variety of circumstances, peculiar
existing position of things, this happened to be just pos-
sible ; while a premature exposure of the scheme was
quite sure to ruin all.
But the Stanle
nominalyites were im-
patient ; they forced their commander to risk
all upon one throw ; and the unwilling gamester won the
unwelcome and disastrous victory by a single vote.
Taking it as a matter of the highest probability that
the election will give Ministers a fair working ma-
jority, the question is, of course, at once settled. Their
measures will then be carried by acclamation ; the Lords
will eat their leek in calm aristocratical dudgeon . while
Sir Robert and Lord Stanley will quietly take their
places as Members of the new Opposition. And this is
now, perhaps, the very best thing that can happen for
their real interests. But suppose the contrary'. buppose
the elections give the Tories their hoped-for majoritys
,
ranging from 20 to 25. What follows ? An enormoi!
Whig Opposition, backed by the intelligence and public
spirit of the country to a degree never before witnessed,
and sustained besides by all the democracy of England,
Scotland, and Ireland. It would be amusing, but for
the appalling seriousness of the subject, to anticipate
Sir Robert's first appearance in the closet of his in-
sulted and persecuted Queen, after he had just
placed the Speaker in the chair, and heard Lord John
Russell give notice of a motion for a Committee of the
whole House on, the Corn-laws—to say nothing of those
other measures to which her Majesty's own refined and
vigorous
-anderstruiding has led her to feel distinctly and
a personally pledged ! Does Sir Robert mean to
"MY those measures, or does he not ? It' he say nay,
what does he mean to do with a distressed and discon-
tented nation ? If he say yes, why is the whole island
frighted from its propriety, and the Queen at this pe-
culiar juncture annoyed beyond expression, if the Whig
measures, or measures analogous to them, are after all
to be 'adopted? For Sir Robert to govern on the
old ultra-Tory system, with Orangeism for Ire-
land, Puseyism for the Church, Intrusiveness for
Scotland, Monopoly for England, and dear bread and
bayonets, for teeming starving Lancashire, is clearly an
impossibility. But neither his High Church friends at
Oxford (his friends:), nor his own little remaining con-
sistency, will allow him to liberalize ! Then what re-
mains, but hasty and inglorious retreat, followed in-
stantly by the triumph of a national ministry and Mo-
iiarch ? These are the galling topics upon which the
more sober-minded of the Tories are now beginning to
meditate. They now find that their too great eagerness
has ruined the Fabian tactics of their leader. If they
lose this election, there is an end of their party as at
present constituted : whereas, if their opponents are
defeated, their game is only beginning, with assured
success after a short interval. Hard is the lot of a party
to whom victory would be useless, and defeat disgraceful,
'and who yet have only to thank themselves for their mise-
rablerosition. The public, however, have an interest dis-
tinct roe all party squabbles. The country requires a so-
g_government ; and if it be clear that the med-
, Zbl-471ftLYantadarch very "striking opposites" as Sir
surely it beb,,,,,,,?'tanleY, cannot secure this object,
moderate
unsettle the Tore men to pause before they
measures
promiseto
_9:vernment, which in its domestic
the prosperity of all claarles,