The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-13 00:00:00

TEE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 13. 1840.

been made, to a certain extent, the dupe of Rus-
sia ; not as regards the Eastern question, as M.
TRIERS alleges, but in suffering herself to be de-
tached from the French alliance. The French
Minister contends that what France and England
understood by the integrity of the Ottoman em-
pire, immediately after the battle of Nezib, was
the keeping the Russians and Egyptians from
Constantinople, and that so eager was Lord
PALMERSTON to secure the safety of the Turkish
capital, that he offered, in conjunction with France,
to force the Straits of the Dardanelles—that Rus-
sia at first refused to join the alliance, and that she
was only prompted to join it when she ascertained
that by so doing she might detach England from
France—that France had no notice given her of
the existence of the Treaty of London till after it
was signed—and that no final effort was made, as
would appear there had been from the memorandum
of Lord PALMERSTON, to prevail upon France to
reunite with England. The words of the French
Minister upon this highly important point are
so explicit that we deem it of some moment to
quote them here :
•' France had every right to suppose that so long a
negotiation would not be terminated without some last
explanation ; that the great and advantageous alliance
which bad bound her for the last ten years to England
would not be broken asunder without a last attempt at
coming to some agreement. The suggestions which had
been made to her, tending to induce her to believe that
perhaps the possession of Syria for life would be granted
to the Viceroy, could not but confirm her in this ex-
pectation. All at once, on the 17th of July, Lord Pal-
merston invites the Ambassador of France to come to
the Foreign-offire, and informs him that the Treaty
had been signed two days before, and that without ac-
quainting him with the text of the Treaty. The French
Cabinet could not but be surprised at this. It was
certainly not ignorant that the three continental Courts
had concurred in the views of England, and that an
arrangement between the Four Courts was, conse-
quently, possible without France, but it could not sup-
pose that this arrangement would take place without
its being previously advised of it, and that the French
alliance would be thus promptly sacrificed."
The motives which induced Lord PALMER-
STON, or more properly speaking, betrayed his
Lordship into the act of thus suddenly and secretly
signing the Treaty of London, are thus indicated
by the French Minister :
_

" The offer made by the Viceroy to the Sultan in
the month of June, to restore the Turkish fleet, which
was feared to be the opening for a direct arrangement
proposed by us, and the possibility which presented
itself at that epoch of effecting an insurrection in Syria,
appear to have been the two motives which induced the
English Cabinet, after a long state of inaction, to come
all at once to a sudden resolution. If the British Ca-
binet had chosen to have a last frank explanation with
us, the French Cabinet would have been able to prove
to it that the offer of sending back the fleet was not a
combination of France in order to bring about a direct
arrangement, for she was ignorant of this offer until
after it was made ; and it might have succeeded also in
persuading it that the revolt in Syria was a measure
which was neither a dignified nor a sure one."

M. TILLERS thinks the restoration of harmony
between France and England not yet impossible ;
and promises that no efforts shall be wanting on
the part of Fiance to bring about so happy a
result. Notwithstanding the deposition of the
PACHA by the Porte, which so materially increases
the gravity of events, it appears to us that M.
TILLERS' memorandum, opens a door for fresh ne-
gotiations between France and England which we
sincerely trust will terminate in the renewal of the
most amicable relations.

The French Journals of Sunday have been re-
ceived. Extracts from them will be found in an-
other column. The memorandum (of M. LITERS
deprives the political articles in the French papers
of all interest.

CELGIAN UNDS—BaffeeEts, OCT. 10.
Actual Debt, 244's per Cent.
Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cant i.l
Loan of Thirty Millions, 4 per Cent...... —
--------- 3 per Cent. .....
47%
Lean of City. tics:La per Cent. ........
Society of Commerce, 45,,per Cent lo9
Bank of Belgium, 5 per Cent
National Society .
Exchange on London (short)
_Brussels Papers, Oct. 10.
AUSTRIAN FUNDS'.—VIENNA, OCT. 2.
rive per Cents. Metalliques
Four per Cents. 9934
Three per Cents ...•• ...... ..... .77
Bank shares IC3&
—Allgemeine Zeitung, Oct. 7.
PRUSSIAN FUNDS.— BERLIN, OCT. 5.

Buts.-- Money.
St. Schuld. Sch., 4y per cent. 10:>!6 MS
Prussian English Loan, 1s:30, 4 per cent 100 y,
hxchange on Landon, three months 6 16i 6 16%
—Prussian Slate Gazelle, Oct. 6.

If it were the fault of the Ministers that the re-
venue is falling off we should not be surprised at
the heat with which one of our Contemporaries re-
pels the attacks of the Tories, and at the silence
which another preserves regarding the effects of the
late increase of taxation. But what have the Mi-
nisters to do with the short crop of sugar in the
`West Indies ? Or how is it their fault that the du-
ties on sugar are not equalized when the West India
interest, in conjunction with our landed interest, or
rather identical with it, for the BUCKINGHAMS
HAREWOODS, CODRINGTONS, GouLBURNS,
&c., who own the land of England also own
the land of the West Indies—would not allow it ?
Why, too, should the Ministers be blamed for the
exertions of Father MATTHEW and the growth of
temperance in Ireland and England ? They may be
worthy of blame for having been too sanguine in
the resources of the country, confiding, like good
patriots, in its energies, even to surmount the incubus
of the Corn-laws and the Sugar-laws, but they are
no otherwise to blame. Our old fiscal system, dis-
criminating duties, and starvation laws, are at length
crippling the national resources, and though the de-
mand of justice and the voice of righteousness have
been unheeded, a failing revenue will compel the
monopolists to release the nation from their bonds.
The great defalcation in the Customs is caused
by the small supply and high price of sugar, which
again are caused by the discriminating duty, which
will not allow our supply to be increased from
other quarters. There is less to consume, and a
less quantity pays duty. This is an excellent illus.
tration of the operation of the Corn-law. Though
the food which is grown at home pays no duty of
itself, yet, as the people live on it, it is the founda-
tion of all revenue. By limiting the supply of
corn the progress of population is checked or
stopped, and with that the increase of the revenue.
Bread is probably the last thing people give up,
and the short supply and high price of bread of
course limit the consumption of every superfluity.
The working classes in the agricultural dis-
tricts, as well as in the manufacturing districts,
from the high price of food, have not
been able to buy themselves clothing ; and hence
no increase, if there be not an actual diminution, in
the duties levied on the dye stuffs and materials of
clothing. The people, too, must have bread before
tea, coffee, beer, and spirits, and the limitation of
the supply of bread cuts off the sources of revenue
in the duties on those other articles. As the work-
ing classes limit their consumption of those com-
modities, the grocers, brewers, distillers, and manu-
facturers find their income diminishing, and they
begin to check their consumption of wine, spirits,
and other articles which pay Excise and Custom
duties. Thus if there be no falling off in the re-
venue directly from a limited supply of corn, as
of sugar, there is an indirect falling off occasioned
by a drying up of many sources of revenue. The
limited supply of corn caused by the Corn-laws,
like the limited supply of sugar caused by the
discriminating sugar duties, is the chief cause of
our failing revenue, and we willingly avail ourselves
of the fact as to sugar, to illustrate the operation of
the Corn-laws.
Now, the Ministers, generally speaking, are not
in
responsible for the Corn-laws. If it had been •
their power we believe they would have modified,
if not abolished them ;. .1
bile the ones, one and
alt, strenuously maintamel them. Instead, there.

fore, of looking on the declining revenue as a fault
in Ministers, it is a homage to their wisdom, and
is one of the strongest condemnations (at least in
the city of London) we are acquainted with of the
mischievous policy of Sir ROBERT PEEL and the
landowners. To be angry at this proof of Tory
folly and landowning cupidity, is to betray a weak
and insincere conviction of the impolicy and injus-
tice of the starvation laws. In expressing our opi-
nion of the deficiency of the revenue, and of the
probability that it will not get much better, we do
not throw any slur on the Mini.3ters, but we bring
the mischief home to our selfish and sordid
landowners.

The following observations of the Journal des
Debats deserve the attention of Lord PALMER-
STON and the Foreign-office :
It is now ten days since Lord Palmerston caused to
be published in a Brussels newspaper the memorandum
communicated by the British Charge d'Affaires to the
President of the Council. This document, .which has
been allowed time to traverse Europe, is calculated to
give a very painful, and we trust incorrect, notion of the
policy pursued by our Government in the course of the
negotiations. We have reason to believe that a memo-
randum in reply to Lord Palmerston's, and in which
the whole course of the negotiations is explained, has
just been communicated to the British Government.
The Ministry will no doubt feel, that it interests them
not to delay the publication of these explanations ; and
we also hope that the President of the Council will not
follow the example set him, but will publish his memo-
randum in France, and in the official journals, and not in
Belgium, as if the document were forged or its publica-
tion prohibited.

This is said of a document which the unanimous
voice of the press declares does great honour to
Lord PALMERSTON. It has extorted the praise
and the admiration of his opponents. Why then
should a document of that nature be smuggled
before the public through a Brussels paper ? Why
should it not in due time, after it has reached
Paris, be openly sent to the English Journals,
challenging the approbation that is due to it, and
enabling those who think the Government right to
speak with boldness and confidence. We acquit
Lord PALMERSTON, indeed, of the charge of
having caused the document in question to be pub-
lished at Brussels ; it was most likely obtained from
the office of the President of the Council of Mi-
nisters in Paris, but at the same time we assert that
the Journal des Debats in its recommendations to
M. THIERS, points out to Lord PALMERSTON
what is due from him to the British public. In-

tense interest is involved in the discussion between
France and England, and all possible information
should be made public in the most authentic form
the instant that the publication would not injure
the public service. Without making the Ministers
responsible for such documents, by publishing
them in the Gazelle, or laying them before Par-
liament, there is a well-known means of giving
publicity to them, with all the authenticity of official
documents.

We are glad to see that the Lords of the Trea-
sury have refused the application of the hop-growers
to be allowed to use the public money, which they
have collected in the price of their last year's hops,
for another six months, without interest. My
Lords have decided justly, and their Minute is
founded on excellent reasons. Anything more
grasping and more unjust than the conduct of the
landowners who grow hops is not known to us.

Society is at present the prey of poverty and
crime. Endless are the complaints of growth of
immorality, and endless are the exertions to relieve
distress. We are almost continually threatened with
war abroad and plunder at home. Men live not as
friends and brothers, but as enemies. It has always
'-been scri --sclucc
before; theiugh there has been -at almost all' times a'
gradual but slow progress towards improvement.
But such a state of society is not theoretically ap-
proved of. It is universally condemned. The heart
of man tells him it is wrong. The many crimes in-
volved in it receive no sanction from his con-
science. He must be excited by violent passion, or
drunk, or inflated with vanity, to practise the
crimes he disapproves of, in his calm moments.
Under such circumstances, when neither our reli-
gion nor our political institutions answer to the
wotldly hopes and worldly objects of man, it is surely
allowable to inquire whether they be founded in
truth and righteousness. That is all which philo-
sophers ask for, and that little the Tories and the
bigots deny.
At least, if they allow inquiry, it is with the pro-
viso that we must all adopt their foregone conclu-
sions. If we depart from them we are to be ex-
cluded from all the advantages of society, and all
civic honours and , dignities. They prescribe the
conclusions we must adopt, and in reality proscribe
inquiry. If society were in a satisfactory condition
we might deem them correct ; but when discontent
pervades the mass, when no single institution, taken
by itself, and closely examined, merits approbation,
it seems illogical to conclude that the system, as a
whole, is perfect, and impolitic to limit by any test
the researches of the people.

The Times on Saturday, with a philosophy rarely
met with in that Journal, said that " the living
men of the present generation, have to do only
with what actually exists, to use for salutary pur-
poses the power which has descended to us." At
the same time it is one of the most forward ofthose
Journals which would deprive the living genera-
tion of the power and the right to inquire, and
in-
sists on their submitting blindfold to what their
forefathers decreed. Instead of allowing them to
look at what actually exists, its calls on them to guide
their conduct by what they never saw. It has
actually set up a test, and enforced it with great
ability, and greater success, which is based on no
actual existence—a perfect religion and a perfect
monarchy.

" The Marseillaise hymn is sung in chorus
throughout all France," says the National—a state-
ment which that Journal confirms by extracts from
, the French Provincial Press. In Toulouse the
war-party, following the example of JOHN BULL,
think grievances can be most comfortably discussed
over the wine with which patriotism washes down
a good dinner ; and accordingly in that town, in-
stead of a chorus of singing, the valiant inhabitants
give expression to the heroic sentiments with
which they are inspired by a clatter of knives and
forks and a jingle of glasses. The Anti-Anglican
fury which sharpens the appetite will come
home, if not to the hearts, at least to the
stomachs of the British public, whom the war ques-
tion has not yet prompted to the consumption of an
extra leg of mutton. What say our readers to re•
sewing French threats, as we do ministerial acts of
terOyersation, by a cDurse of hot public dinners
throughout the country ? The Michaelmas geese
are not yet all eaten ; and it would be taking a line
revenge on France to swallow a few tuns of her best
wines and brandies by way of preparative against the
colds of the approaching winter. Why not dine away
our national quarrels abroad, R: we do our public
grievances at home? Instead of dining on the Church-
rate say we'all dine on the Eastern ques-
tion pleasant variety. When we have
question,
v a f
charged our glasses for the fifth time, it will be
strange, indeed, if we do not yet make shorter•
work about settling it satisfactorily than M.
'CRIERS and Lord PALMERSTON are likely to
do, ions as they have been about it. Let us, for
the time to come, instead of threatening French-
men with threaten them with dimmers. Thq

have opened the campaign of knives and forks at
Toulouse. Let us see on whose side victory will
be at Christmas. JOHN BULL at a dinner-table
against the world !

We have little space for any comments on the
speeches made at the dinner given at Hull, in honour
of the Marquis of Normanhy, and we mutt therefore
refer our readers to the report itself. We ye glad;to
find the Reformers in that large and influential place
acting with unanimity and spirit, and conferring the
honourable appointment of Steward of the Borough on
a nobleman who has done more to cement the union
between England and Ireland, than any Acts of Parlia-
ment, or all the Viceroys together that have ever been
sent to rule over the sister island. He, in fact, esta-
blished a new system. He proved to both coun-
tries what may be done, even with defective
laws, by a wise and just Administration. His
successor has followed up that system, and no Tory
Viceroy of common sense would now venture to depart
from it. For this Lord Normanby deserves unqualified
praise. The speech of Mr. Hutt we recommend to
the men who call out for more Churches, while in many
parts of the country not one in ten of the inhabitants
can read or write. It was, as it merited, loudly re-
sponded to.

QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS.

A DIALOGUE BETWEEN WHIG AND TORY.

" The retainers of the Ministry, calculating from the
luck of the past, on like luck for the future, occasionally
ask the quc3tion, can you show how Ministers are to be got
out? To which our answer has always been, can you
show how they are to be kept in?"—Times of Yesterday.

WlllO.
Tory, who look'st as black as a crow,
Like the rest of your sullen, factious route,
For once in your life be frank, and show
Your scheme for forcing our Ministers out.

TORY.
Whig, who smilest so blandly. now,
At thought cf your well-paid kith and kin,
I'd! me—and tell me truly—how
You'll keep your ricketty Ministers in.

WHIG.
Wu'll keep them in by undoing all
That you have been doing for ages past;
Nor fear that the people at Reason's call
Will wake to a sense of the truth at list.

Where once they despaired, we'll bid them hope ;
Where once they were fallen, we'll bid them rise—
You stopped their indignant threats by the rope,
And when they were suppliants, d—d their eyes.

But We will combine their cause with ours,
Teach them how best that cause to win,
And thus, by our twin confederate powers,
We'll keep for life our Ministers in I