The Sun.
London, England, 1840-11-26 00:00:00

DOCTRINE of ROYAL SUCCESSION.

(From Blackstone.—Book 1, cap. 3 and 4 )
The great fundamental maxim upon which the jus
corona, or right of succession to the throne of these
kingdoms depends, I take to be this: " that the Crown I
is, by common, hereditary. and this, in a manner peculiar
to itself ; but that the right of inheritance may, from
time to time, be changed or limited 14 Act of Parlia-
ment, under which limitations the Crown.still continues
hereditary. . . . As to the
particular mode of inheritance, it in general corresponds
with the feodal descents chalked out by the common
law, in the succession to landed estates ; yet, with one
or two material exceptions, like estates, the Crown will
descend lineally to the issue of the reigning Monarch, as
it did from King John to Richard the Second, through
a regular pedigree of six lineal generations, as in com-
mon descents the preference of males to females, and the
right of primogeniture among the males are strictly ad-
hered to. Thus Edward the Fifth succeeded to the t
Crown in preference to Richard, his younger brother,
and Elizabeth, his eldest sister. Like lands or tene-
ments, the Crown, on failure of the male line, descends
to the issue of female, according to the ancient British
custom remarked by Tacitus : soknt fwininaruni ductu
bellare, et sexutn in inzperiis non discernare. Thus
Mary the First succeeded to Edward the Sixth.
And the line of Margaret, Queen of Scots, the
daughter of Henry the Seventh, succeeded on failure of
the line of Henry the Eighth, his son. But, among the
females, the Crown descended by right of primogeni-
ture to the eldest daughter only and her issue ; and
not, as in common inheritance, to all the daughters at
opce ; the evident necessity of a sole succession to the
Throne having occasioned the Royal law of descent to
depart from the common law in this respect ; and,
therefore, Queen Mary, on the death of her brother,
succeeded to the Crown alone, and not in partnership
with her sister Elizabeth. Again, the doctrine of re-
presentation prevails in the descent of the Crown as it
does in other inheritances ; whereby the lineal descen-
dants of any person deceased stand in the same place
as their ancestor, if living, would have done. Thus
Richard the Second succeeded the grandfather, Ed-
ward the Third, in right of his father, the Black Prince,
to the exclusion of all his uncles, his grandfather's younger
children. Lastly, on the failure of lineal descendants,
the Crown goes to the next collateral relations of the
late King, provided they are lineally descended from the
blood Royal—that is, from that Royal stock which ori-
ginally acquired the Crown. Thus Henry I. succeeded
to William 11., John to Richard 1., and James to Eliza-
beth, being all derived from the Conqueror, who was
then the only regal stock. But herein there is no ob-
jection, as in the case of common descents, to the suc-
cession of a brother, an uncle, or other collateral rela-
tion of the half blood ; that is, where relationship pro-
ceeds, not from the same couple of ancestors (which
constitute a kinsman of the whole blood), but from a
single ancestor only ; as when two persons are derived
from the same father, and not from the same mother,
or vice versa ; provided only that the one ancestor from
whom both are descended be that from whose veins the
blood royal is communicated to each. Thus Mary I.
inhesited to Edward VI., and Elizabeth inherited to
Mary ; all children of the same father, Henry VIII.,
but all by different mothers.

TO DANIEL O'CONNELL, ESQ., AND THE
REPEALERS OF IRELAND.
77': (From the Leeds Times of Saturday.)
1 IBRETHREN,—Tbe deep interest which we fed in the
prosperity and good government of Ireland, and in the
improvement of the condition of her people, induce us
thus publicly to address you on the present occasion.
There is every reason why the people of England and
Iroland should fully know each others sentiments, and
cultivate a feeling of mutual friendship and good will.
We arc subjects of the same State ; our interests are
twin interests ; we prosper and suffer, we wax and wane
together.
Science is day by day annihilating the space which se-
parates your land from ours, and is bringing us into
closer and friendlier contact. Thanks to the progress of
the arts of peace, England and Ireland are now enabled
almost to shake hands with each other ; our steam in-
ventions have cast a floating bridge across the Irish
Channel, which is traversed by hundreds and thousands
of our respective peoples.
Civilization is removing those prejudices of places,
of creed, of sect, and of country, which have too long
caused divisions and enmities between us. Knowledge
now sheds its light into the minds even of the humblest,
enabling the people of both countries to exercise that
power which arises from union and co-operation, and
in which civilization itself consists. Religion and morality
also tend to -unite us; for-are we not brethren, Members
of the one great human family, and children of the same
common Parent and Father ? I
Science, civilization, knowledge, and religion—those
mighty agencies which have made man the great being
that he is—contribute therefore to draw us into closer
and friendlier union with each other. To oppose their
influence, by sowing abroad the seeds of national dissen-
sion and distrust, would be base and impious. We
trust that the time when separation could be either
useful or practicable, is happily gone by—that already i
have civilizing influences so far joined and amalgamated
us, that we cannot be aliens and enemies to each other,
even if we would.
We confess that we look upon your present political
movement with the deepest possible interest. We re-
spect you not the less that you loudly demand for your-
selves the privileges of freemen, and ask to be placed
on a footing of equality, in respect to civil rights, with
the people of England and Scotland ; though we have
many and most serious doubts as to whether the en-
franchisement of the whole is in reality to be obtained
through that separation and disuniting of the countries
to which your efforts are now so strenuously devoted.
We fully recognise the right of every people to agi-
tate for that constitution and form of government which
they consider as the most suited to the attainment of
the great end of national happiness and prosperity.
Deeply indeed do we deplore that the oppressive treat-
ment of Ireland should have furnished the Irish people
with so many cogent reasons for seeking to be freed
from the influence of British Government. Our sur-
prise is not at your restlessness and impatience under
such a Government, but rather at the long-suffering of
the mass of the Irish people, and their submissiveness to
the bard lot to which centuries of misgovernment have
doomed them.
But we would calmly and seriously ask you to pause
yet a while ere you commit yourselves to a course of
policy which may alienate from you the aid and the sym- 1
pathics of the great mass of the English' and Scotch
Reformers. We would entreat you to hesitate before
you involve yourselves and us in a contest which, by
- creating disunion and dissension, threatens our common
cause with ruin, discomfiture, and defeat. Let us try
rather whether there be not some common ground of
union on which to combine the popular strength, and
make an united effort on behalf of political freedom and
national improvement and regeneration.
How then does the matter stand oith us ? You
complain, and with reason, of the grievous incubus of
a State Church, which is that only of a fraction of the
Irish people. We, too, are burdened with a State
Church, which, as now constituted, is inimical Co na-
tional improvement, a drag upon the progress of so-
ciety, and the stronghold and defence of the abuses and
corruptions of aristocratic Government. Here, then,
we have the same matter of complaint, and a similar
reason for demanding reform and improvement.
You protest, and with equal reason, against the
glaring injustice done to Ireland by the Irish Union
Act, in respect of the unproportionable number of seats
allotted to it, as well as against the gross inequality in
the representation of Ireland, as compared with the
other portions of the United—Kingdom. We-also pro-.
test against the same inequality of representation—an
1 inquality which places Leeds on the same footing with
I Harwich and Richmond, and gives the West Riding of
York no greater share in the representation of the
country than the counties of Rutland and Huntingdon.
Here, again, then we have equal ground for com-
plaint, and equal reason for demanding reform and im-
provement.
But we need not enumerate to you the evils, which
now bear with equal weight upon the people of Eng-
land, Scotland, and Ireland. t The corrupt influences of
bad government have made themselves felt in all quar-
ters, and among the industrious classes, of all kinds and
orders. The trading and commercial classes, the agri-
cultural and manufacturing classes, the middle and ope-
rative classes, in all parts of the United Kingdom,
now suffer alike from aristocratic and irresponsible go-
vernment. How innumerable are the drains upon the
industry of the people which have been established, and
are now kept up by a ruling class, which, from the fact
of being possessed of exclusive and irresponsible power,
has no interest in good government, but the reverse,
and which exists only by converting the persons and
properties of the community into tools, to be used for
their own selfish ends and purposes ! The shameful
waste of public money on needless places, pensions, and
sinecures ; the extravagance in all the departments of
government ; the sustenance of immense war establish-
ments in time of peace, and the wanton squandering of
life and property in time of war, affect alike the people
of all portions of the empire, and loudly call for a radi-
cal and searching reform.
We are suffering then from a common evil, and are
victims of the same common oppression and misrule. Is
there no common remedy for us ? Can we not make
common cause in resistance to the great tyranny which
is alike rolling over us all ? Yes ! There is such a re-
medy, there is such a cause—in which the Reformers
of England, Scotland, and Ireland can cordially joie,
for the amelioration of the condition of the people, and
for the accomplishment of equal justice to all portions
of the United Kingdom ; and that is—REFoRm IN THE
REPRESENTATION of THE PEOPLE IN PARLIAMENT.
In order that a Government should act in consistence
with the wishes of the people, framing its laws and en-
actments with a view to the general happiness, it is ne-
cessary that Government should be responsible to the
great mass of the people. Whatever form the Execu-
cutive Government may assume, it is at least indispen-
sable that the power which controls its acts should
lie in the hands of those whose only interest is
in using it so as to increase the general well-being ;
in short, that the people should snake the Government;
and that to the people the Government should be res-
ponsible for all its acts.
The Reform Bill was an important step towards the ac-
complishment of this most desirable object ; but, need we
say how greatly its working has fallen short of the expec-
tations of those who framed, supported, and triumphantly
carried it. It has done little or nothing for the great mass of
the people of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and has
left the working classes as much unrepresented in the
British Legislature, as at any former period. The bri-
bery, corruption, and intimidation practised at elections ;
the shamefully unequal division of the electoral districts ;
the obstructions thrown in the way of the registration
of voters ; have contributed to render the representa-
tion conferred by the Reform Bill, in too large a pro-
portion of instances, a sham, a delusion, and a mockery.
The time we consider has now fully arrived for ac-
complishing another great step towards responsible and
representative government. There is every considera-
tion at present to urge the masses to a movement in fa-
vour of progressive reform and improvement. The hoof
of Toryism again threatens to plant itself on the neck of
the British people, and the abettors of arbitrary govern-
ment are again at the very threshold of power. Reform
has come to a dead stand, and we are even now being
" GRAND JUNCTION RAILWAY. driven helpless into the hated policy of past Govern-
" NOTICE.—The public are informed, that after Sa- meets.
turday the 14th instant, and until further notice, the 12 It is therefore full time that the people were bestirring
15 pot. train from Liverpool and Manchester, and the themselves,• and endeavouring again to rally their
2 15 p.m. train from Birmingham, will be discontinued. strength in resistance to the common enemy, and to
carry
"By order of the Directors. forward the cause of popular liberty. The Reformers
" Liverpool, Nov. 4, 1840." of Leeds, urged by strong convictions of duty, have ac -
What do our readers think of this Company ? They cordingly formed themselves into an
association, and re-
are at this present time dividing fourteen per cent. per solved to make the great experiment
of whether
the
annum on their capital. They carry more passengers whole people,
consisting
nee-scary
both middle and operative
than almost any other line ; with one exception their
claices, can be united in working out the ne,,,ary
weekly receipts are greater than on any other line ; reforms in the Constitution, and in removing the burdens
and they have the monopoly of the whole traffic in the which now press with such fearful weight upon all classes
Midland Counties—the richest and most populous dis- of the community. We ask you to unite with us—to
trict of England ; and yet it is an absolute fact that they aid us by your power, your numbers, and your morel
have fewer passenger trains on their line than any other influence. Let our watchword be, ~ JuSTICE, FOR
railway of similar extent, and from those few they have i EACH AND FOR ALL."
this week taken away two of the day trains to which The principles upon which we have based our new
the public have been wont to attach most importance. movement are :—Extension of the Parliamentary
How much per cent- in addition to their last dividend Sufirrage to all Houzeholders ; Vote by Ballot ; Tried- 1
this Company expect to divide next year, we will not nial Parliaments ; Re-distribution
of the Electoral
venture to say : but it is to be hoped that Parliament Districts equally throul.,iliout the United Kingdom ; and
will step in for the public protection in the matter, and se- no Property
cure to us those benefits which it was the intention of i I The attainment of these objects we consider would
as Sir Frederick Pollock
the Act to give, but which, furnish us with ample
for Members of Parliament.
' ith ample and efficient means of securing
points out, are, under the present system, wholly out of for all classes, just and wholesome legislation.
our reach.—Staffordshire Examiner. i Wlel coupon you, Mr. O'Connell, to come forward

RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES OF THE PRIN-
CESS ROYAL.
The Prince(FroofmWthe Wales, or same—Cap.
heir. 4.)
apparent to the
Crown, and also his Royal Consort, and the Princess
Royal, or eldest daughter of the King, are likewise
peculiarly regarded by the laws. For by the statute
25th Edward 111., to compass or conspire the death
of the former, or to violate the chastity of either of the
latter, are as much high treason as to conspire the death
of the King, or violate the chastity of the Queen. And
this upon the same reason as was before given : because
the Prince of Wales is next in succession to the Crown,
and to violate his wife might taint the blood royal with
bastardy ; and the eldest daughter of the King is also
alone inheritable to the Crown on the failure of issue
male, and therefore more respected by the laws than
any of her younger sisters ; insomuch that upon this,
united with other (feudal) principles, while our military
tenures were in force, the King might levy an aid for
marrying his eldest daughter, and her only.