The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-08 00:00:00

footing of equality with their Protestant brethren
and the object of his Bill was to place the Roman Ca-
thc,lies upon the same footing hi all respects as the Jews.
With respect to the 31st of George 111., commonly
called Mr. Burke's Act, he proposed to repeal so much
of that Act as made it a condition precedent to any
relief or benefit conferred by that Act, that the oath
prescribed should be taken by the party desiring the
benefit of the Act. He also proposed to repeat those
parts of the Act of the 31st of George 111. which
visited Catholic priests with severe punishment who
officiated on the burial of the dead in private ceme-
teries and other places. Then, with respect to the
10th of George FY., commonly callcd the Roman
Catholic Relief Act, the first clause of that Act,
which the Bill he had introduced proposed
to repeal, enacted that if any Roman Catholic
ecclesiastic, or member of religious community,
should, after the passing of the present Act, exercise
any of the rights of the Roman Catholic religion in
certain places, such ecclesiastic, if he should' be
convicted in due course of law of doing so, should
forfeit 501. He also proposed to repeal so much of
the Act of 1829 as provided for the final abolition of
Jesuits and other religious orders of the Church of
Rome resident in the kingdom. These clausesaffected
not only the Jesuits, but those devoted men the
Christian Brothers, who, under it, were subject to
transportation, and such being the case he thought
he had made out a strong case to induce the House
to adopt his Bill. On what ground his Bill could be
objected to he was at a loss to discover. The law, as
it at present stood, had nothing of antiquity to re-
commend it, but everything to call for its repeal.
He proposed the repeal of enactments the injustice
of which was admitted on all hands, and he trusted
that the House would adopt the measure of which he
now moved the second reading. He thought that
every security the Protestants could require would
exist after the passing of this Bill. If he thought
the present Bill would take rights from one class
and give them to another, he should be the last to
bring it forward. He would oppose every measure
that would take away from the dignity of either the
Protestant or the Roman Catholic establishment, or
deprive either of them of their efficiency. The non.
Member concluded by moving the second reading of
the Bill.

Sir R. INGLIS, while he admitted that the
speech
of the Hon. and Learned Member was a business-
like one, could not agree with any of its conclusions-
The object of the Learned Gentleman was to increase
the power and influence of the Church of Rome, and
to decrease that of the Protestant Church.—(Hear')
Blind the question as they would, that was the
object and the main object of his Bill.—(clear.)lt
was one of a series of aggressive measures by
which the Church of Rome sought to raise itself in
this country, and proportionately to lower the Pro-
testent Church.—(Hear, hear.) If he met the Hoe'
and Learned Member on his own ground only."
should be able to show sufficient, he thought, to in-
duce the House to reject the measure.—(Hear, hear)
He trusted nothing had occurred to induce the
present House of Commons to alter the views which
their predecessors took upon this subject. But the
provisions of the Bill were really so absurd, so utterly
at variance with the views of former Parliaments,
that he was sure the House could not with any
reason or justice pass the second reading of this Bill.
—(Hear.) But he doubted whether this Bill did
not affect the supremacy of the Crown whether
it did not, in point of fact, indirectly repeal the Bill
of Rights, and he, therfore, should be glad to have
the opinion of the Attorney-General upon that point!
He had already asked the question, indeed almost.
immediately after the opening of Parliament, but he
could get no answer from any member of her
Majesty's Ministry. The question, however, a°,
struck Mr. Watson at the moment, that he
said, "If that he so, let us alter it le
Committee," but for his own part, he said, let then
rather throw out the Bill altogether. The Catholics
of this country had been treated as fellow-subject!
with Protestants, and since the year 1829 they had
enjoyed most extensive privileges. The House, how-
ever, befOre it extended these privileges by passing
this Bill, would do well to pause, and 21
if its provisions would not indirectly, 1
not directly, endanger the rights of the
Crown and the safety of the Established Church.
Pass the Bill, and they could not consistently refuse
to extend its provisions to other sects than Roman
Catholics, and this was an additional reason why they
should pause before they agreed to the second reading.
Then, with regard to the processions in the streets,
which the Bill now before the House proposed to
legalize, would they not prove dangerous to the
Established Church, as well as derogatory to the good
sense and religion of the country ? Even in Paris
these processions were disallowed, and it would be
the height of impudence to suffer them to be intro•
duced into this country. Religious processions la
this country never had, nor ever would be productive
of good; and he hoped such ridiculous and desecrating
ceremonies never would be tolerated by the people, let
alone sanctioned by an Act of Parliament.—(Hear.)
Under the existing law a Roman Catholic'clergyrnaa
was liable to be transported for discharging certain
functions connected with the Church of Rome, but
this law was never enforced, and he confessed be
could not see upon what grounds the claim for this
Bill could be founded. The Church of Rome had
been suffered to create new dioceses, not only in the
British colonies, but in the very heart of this country,
and this Bill was nothing more than part of an eaten._
sive system for extending the power of the Church 4.
Rome. These new sees were created in violation of
her Majesty's supremacy, and it was therefore neces-
sary, as these encroachments upon her rights were
allowed to pass unnoticed by the Government, that
the friends of the Church of England should bestir
themselves to resist any further inroads upon the
constitution.—(Hear, hear.) :4
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