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London, England, 1841-01-25 00:00:00

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POST-OFFICE ORDERS AND BANKERS.
rrriTTE wish—(for ideal mistrust)—is father
• to the thought." For as much as, by the in and
;Inet administration of the present Whig and Tory Governments
ing
„individually se well as collectively concerned in the
tn'n-honse kstablishments of the y and provincial
Cwita---is the secret reason for the lax and winking system,
11 regard to the immediate delivery of "MONEY ORDERS"
cannelmi through the medium of the hitherto official
t,ein each post town throughout the empire, agreeable to
antient and modern Legislation, to that intent. The
e lng interest monopoly, together with their new-born
:?n,ftederates " The Joint-stock Bankers," wishing, for the sake
71 turning a penny,' on 'Change, to become the sole (insol-
nt).go-betweens of the humbler classes in money matters in
opposition to (a public security by) a general government as
ought to be, and is, desired by all—under "No mistake."
Hence ! arises amongst " the little ones" of both town and
country the present commercial inconvenience—now felt by
Veratives of Leeds, Glasgow, and Birmingham, in whose
rhtlf this advertisement is set forth, by CHARLES ACKER-
FLY, Author and Patentee of the Asthmatic Breast Lamp,
;Or the aged sufferer under a difficulty of breathing, as giving
'natant ease.
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Now ready, Third Edition, post free, Is. 4d., Five Plztes, with
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HE LIFE and EXPLOITS of COMMO-
DORE NAPIER, K.C.8., OFF ALEXANDRIA.

The smartest affair is yet to be told. Charles Napier, on
Viday, the 25th, talking with the :Admiral, remarked that
Sidon was not in our possession, and said, " If you like I will
I-° down and take it, and be back again in forty-eight hours."
e started, and was as good as his word. Napier was most dar-
l°g. On the tops of the houses be made his way, waving his
;kat on the point of his sword, and cheering on the men to vie-
,rY.—(Vide Plate I.)
selle
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able THE
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4kk es
itsrthe Digns of the celebrated George Crinkshanks.
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wl", "RR AND THE SPELL-BOUND GOSLINGS.
taiiii;:hwt.ll,? astonishing and incradible evolutions
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d_(-4 gltiL

LONDON:
MONDAY, JANUARY 25, IE4I.
WI

e refer our readers to thc report of the meet-
-I,IIR at Leicester for the abolition of Church-rates
ithe speech of that consistent and unflinching
f ef°ruler, Mr. HUME, deserves es attention
or the soup o
d advice p it contains, and the just cen-
,itlre it casts on certain Dissenters, and on Mem-
uere of
the House of Commons calling themselves
Liberal, But for the apathy of one party and the
Inshness of the other, the Bill introduced by the
hate CILANcELLoft of the EXCHEQUER would
h" Passed into a law, Church property would
470 been better managed, and an end put
tlthose unseemly squabbles in churches and chapels
I°ne 18 'this obnoxious and unjust tax on Dissenters.
Government, it is true, were not to bame
" this score, but they were to blame in not using

every exertion to remove the causes of their failure.,
to extend the suffrage and purify those smaller
boroughs now as rotten as Old Sarum. We there—
fore do not view their defeat without some mixt► ire
of gratification, because it must convince the peoi )1e
of Leicester, and Leeds, and other large towns, Who
arc now crying out for Reform, that with such a
House of Commons, or any one returned under the
present state of the electoral franchise, no redress, '
not even the removal of this miserable impost can
be rationally expected. Let them, therefore, rally
their forces, not for petty skirmishes against
Church-rates or partial. grievances, but against the
q,reat grievance, the defective state of the represen-
tation. Till that is removed they will find the
clergy, the aristocracy, and those who thrive by
corruption too many for them.

Mr. O'CoNNELL's reception at Leeds which—
notwithstanding the efforts made to excite a preju-
dice against him by some of the more misguided
Chartists—was in every respect a triumphant one,
will, we hope, help to disabuse him of the strange
notion he has lately taken up, that the majority of
Englishmen are indifferent to the welfare of Ireland.
Never was a public man listened to with more

respectful attention by an immense assembly ; and
never did his cursory references to the present
condition of the sister country elicit more heart-
felt sympathy. Much of this was of course owing
to his own impassioned and persuasive eloquence;
but more—much morc—was attributable to a con-
viction on the part of his audience that he was
pleading the cause, not of sophistry, but of com-
mon sense—not of ascendancy, but of equal jus-
tice. for his Catholic fellow-countrymen. Yet,
flattering as it was, the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man's reception at Leeds was not one jot more
flattering than it would have been at any other
great English town he had visited. Everywhere
he would have found the same kindly disposition
towards Ireland, combined with the same readiness
to assist her in preserving those rights of which
Lord STANLEY th7eatens to dispossess her ; for
JOHN BULL, if not a very quick-witted, is at any
rate a very sagacious, old gentleman ; he knows full
well the difference between right and wrong ; can
distinguish between a hawk and a hand-saw ; and,

above all, is remarkable for his love of fair-play.
This is a truth which Mr. O'CONNELL might
have known long ago. He need not have travelled
to Leeds to ascertain it ; but having once—accord-
ing to his own confession—found that the case
really is as we state it, we trust he will henceforth
be cautious how he accuses " the Saxons" of
being indifferent to the interests of the sister
country. The Conservative party, he should re-
member, is not England, any more than the noisy
Republican faction in Paris, is France.

The Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speech was
in his most lively, spirited, and pointed manner.
He told his Leeds audience many useful truths,
especially on the subject of the 'Elective Franchise
and the Ballot, which, he observed, must go hand-
in-hand together, otherwise they would do more
harm than good. "On whatever side," said Mr.
O'CONNLLL, " the poor man gives his vote, ruin
threatens him on the other ; give him the franchise
without the protection of the Ballot, and
you but tempt him to plunge himself and
his children into destruction." A shrewd, per-

anent hint this to those Reformers of one
idea, who conceive that in the Banot alone

lies a sufficient remedy for all the evils growing,
out of the present system of election I In his al-
lusions to the House of Lords, the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman was, we think, rather too
lenient. Considering that this body is essentially
Tory in character, and distinguished by its hos-
tility to Ireland and everything Irish, they were
let off much too easily. Their " hereditary wis-
dom" should hare been insisted on with more
vigour, and its blessed effects on Reform
have been pointed out with more minute-
ness of detail. The House of Lords
is no friend to Mr. O'CONNELL, and lie will not
disarm its hostility by t►cating it with forbearance.
He had better, therefore, strike hard, whenever the
opportunity offers, for it is only by a severe course
of discipline that refractory and prejudiced bodies of
men can be rendered amenable to reason. When
a Russian officer—says a recent traveller—wishes
effectually to reform a disobedient subaltern, he does
not gently remonstrate with him, but at once gives
him the knout, which effects all the good he could
desire ; and in like manner, if Mr. O'CONNELL
wishes to render their Lordships more tractable,

he must give them the knout, for he may rely
on it, all his moderation will be thrown away, and
this is the only hint they will take either from him
or from any one else. It was by knouting the
collective " hereditary wisdom " that we wrung
from it the Reform Bill ; and it is by the knout—
and the knout only—that Mr. O'CONNELL will
ever be able to induce it to turn a favourable ear
to the supplications of Ireland.

Ms. O'CONNELL'S remark that the:advocates
of Reform ought to have a Central Association in
in London acting in concert with the Leeds and
other provincial societies, is one that de-
serves every attention. By such means, una-
nimity of sentiment and opinion will be greatly

increased among the Reformers ; their moral in-
fluence will be multiplied tenfold ; they
will be brought more into contact with each other ;
their mutual asperities will be softened ; their re-
solution, instead of flagging as it has so often done
of late, will hare a constant stimulus imparted to
it ; the &rculation of useful intelligence will be
quicker and easier among them ; and instead of
moving in separate orbits, they will move altogether
as one compact, majestic, irresistible body.

As the approaching meeting of Parliament will
probably prevent us from saying anything further
on the Corn-laws, we must now state some of our
objections to a fixed duty of any amount. We put
entirely out of view, fur the present, the injustice
of such a duty, intended to benefit the landowners
at the expense of the rest of the people ; we put
out of view the injury it will do our trade, by keep-
ing prices here higher than in other nations, and
to that extent encouraging their trade, and depress-
ing ours ; we put out of view the religious, or
popular, part of the question, though all these are
of great importance, and we shall confine ourselves
entirely to the consideration of the effects of a fixed
duty on the agriculturists themselves. In their
name, then, we protest against it.

The intended effect of a fixed duty is to keep up
the price of corn in this country higher than it
would be by the whole amount of the duty. The
landlords and the farmers believe that the in-
tended effect will be produced, and the former will
demand, and the latter will be willing to pay, a
higher rent than they would pay were there no
fixed duty. By the higher sum, which the farmer
contracts to pay, his obligations will be enhanced.
But that is not the only mode in which
his obligations will be enhanced. On the
seed corn he uses, whether he grow it_ or
not, a higher rent will have been paid than would
have been without a fixed duty, which he must pay.
A similar fact is true of all his outgoings. Money
wages, poor-rates, sadlers' and iromongers' bills,
groceries, everything he buys, will be somewhat
raised in price by the tax on food. In short all his
obligations will be increased by the tax; the ques-
tion for him to consider is, can he recover the tax
-from the public in the price of his crops so as COlll-

pletely to cover himself, and reader the tax advan-
tageous, or even not a loss to him ?
We speak only of the fat mer—of the tenant who
hires the land ; for by the supposition the rent re-
ceiver, the mere owner of the land, who does no-
thing whatever towards raising the crop—whose
smiles are not sun-shine, and whose sweat is not
ramp, is benefited by the tax. His rent is increased.
But the farmer, it is our opinion, will not be
to recover from the public, in the price of his crops,
the additional obligations he will incur by the tax
enhancing the rent. Practically our view_ is borne
out by what has taken place under the present law,
which having been intended to secure a protection
to the farmer of 30s. Bd. when wheat sells for
565. id., the average of the last eleven years has, in
fact, only secured him a protection of ss. sd. The
present law has cheated the farmer, and so will a
fixed duty.
The peculiar condition of the farmer seems to us
to be overlooked. He first of all contracts with his
landlord to pay him a certain sum at Lady-day
perhaps, and Michaelmas. That is one certain
obligation, from which he cannot escape. Next
come all the rates, which are fixed and cannot be
avoided. Then he has to make great advances for
seed corn, for stock, for labour, having to look to
the growing crops for his remuneration. His
obligations and his advances are certain, the
remuneration is contingent and uncertain. Now,
this certainty on the one hand, and this con-
tingency on the other, must, on an average of years,
tell against the farmer, provided his obligations be
enhanced, as they will be, by any tax on food, whe-
ther fixed or fluctuating. Under the most favourable
circumstances, it may be doubted whether the con-
tingencies would not, in the long run, beat the far-
mer ; but, under the circumstance of his obligations
being enhanced, as we have mentioned, he
must lose.

It is plain that the consequence of the certain
obligations which the farmer contracts is to com-
pel him, as soon as his crops are harvested and
thrashed, to sell. The majority of farmers have not
capital to carry them over two years ; they have
not capital sufficient to retain their own crops in
their own hands, pay their debts, and carry on the
cultivation of the land for another year. if they
had so much capital,- it is clear that they
might, without any law, exact their own terms
for food, and enrich themselves, or starve
the people. On the contrary, the approach of
every harvest finds the bulk of the farmers a deeply
indebted race. They are indebted for rent, in-
debted for many shop-bills, indebted, for rates and
taxes, and, to pay their debts, they must sell their
crops. Now, whatever enhances, like a tax on
food, the obligations of the farmer, makes the com-
pulsion that lays on him to sell the more stringent,
and places him more certainly at the mercy of the
capitalist. •
IF he had to deal directly with the consumer,
whose want of food is probably as urgent as his
want of money, it might not be so bad for him.
But the farmer sells to the capitalist, who buys not
to eat, but to make a profit en selling again. He
is well aware of the necessities of the farmer and of
the consumer, and will only buy and sell when it is
advantageous to himself. On both sides he gains.
The grower must sell, the consumer must eat, and
the capitalist makes it his business to profit by the ne-
cessities of both. We do not object to his occupation,.
we think it fair and legitimate ; it equalises prices
through the year, and, like the fly-wheel of a steam-
engine, spreads an irregular jerking force equally and
smoothly over the whole machine. But the tax,
by enhancing the obligations of the farmer, and
making it more difficult for the consumer to get
food, inereaseQ the power of the capitalist over both,
and he is enabled to make better terms for him-
self, both with the person he buys from and
the person he sells to. To the farmer, the advan-
tage given to the capitalist is most injurious, be-
cause his obligations cannot be shaken off. The
law, pretending to benefit him, adds to his debt,
and makes the debtor farmer the servant or slave of
the capitalist.
There is still another consideration. Population
adapts itself, and sometimes by a most painful
process, as at present, to the supply of food. The
result of that adaptation is, that, on an average of
years, the supply equals the demand. The people
get about enough to eat, according to their own ideas
and customs, and there is none to spare. But now
comes a scanty year. The price being higher in
England by the fixed duty than in countries
where there is no such duty, corn will flow
in abundantly, and prevent our farmers
from getting a rise in price commensurate to the
shortness of the crop. If the price had not been
previously raised by the duty, it is clear that the
competition betwixt the English and the foreign
farmer would be equal, and the prices would rise to
remunerate the former as well as the latter.. The
tax in scanty years operates as a bounty for the fo,
reigner to enter our markets, and so prevents our
farmers from realizing the price necessary with the
short clop to meet their obligations enhanced by
the tax. They lose, therefore, and will be unable
to recover from the public in the price of the corn
the amount of the tax they have agreed to pay the
landlords.

Again, let us suppose an abundant season ar-
rives. The people being fed by an average crop,
and our prices being by the tax higher than prices
on the Continent, the farmer can find no vent for
11;s abundance, but by lowering the price. He is
at the mercy of the capitalist ; he must have money
to carry on cultivation ; he must clear his stack-yard
to make room for the next year's crop ; his pro-
duce wastes and deteriorates by being kept, and on
these accounts he is obliged to sell. If the price on
the Continent on an average year were equal to prices
here, the surplus crop might be exported, but the
effect of the fixed duty will be, to keep our prices
higher than 'on the Continent, and render it im-
possible for the farmer to find a market abroad.
Down, then, will go prices, far more than
is commensurate to the surplus of the crop,
and the farmer will not be able to re-
cover from the public the tax he has
agreed to pay the landlord. So well known is this
process, that it has generally been customary to
unite a bounty on exportation, when prices fell below
a certain point, with a fixed duty. There is now
no probability, however, that a bounty will be con-
ceded, and, consequently, a fixed duty must be as
injurious to the farmer as is the present fluctuating
scale, which has impoverished and degraded him.
We remain therefore firmly attached to the
TOTAL repeal of all the taxes on food ; and if this
were not the end of a long article it might be
shown that an immediate as well as a total repeal,
whatever evil it might inflict on spendthrifts who
have mortgaged their estates, would be most bene-
ficial to the agriculturists.

'What is the reason the aristocracy are so dread-
fully suspicious of the people ? They are conscious
of wronging them. Why do the aristocracy, and the
writers connected with the aristocracy, continually
attribute to the people, in relation to the Govern-
ment, the worst designs ? The aristocracy borrow
the imputations from their own practices. We men-
tioned on Thursday that the aristocracy knowingly.
and designedly, passed the Corn-law to keep
down the manufacturing, the new or demo-
cratic population. They have an insuperab!(
version to our Birminghams and Manchesters, as
he pedlars had an aversion to good roads and

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