The Sun.
London, England, 1841-10-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE DAILT PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
TIMES,---Various facts illustrative of Earl;: itzwilliam's
tyrannical interference with the freedom of election were
lately communicated to us by a correspondent ; but
really the particulars, though exhibiting all the usual
credentials of truth, appeared to implicate his Lordship '
in such foul political baseness, that, conceiving they
might possibly be tinged with the exaggerations into
which a defeated adversary is too often betrayed, we had
determined, for the present at least, to pass them by in
silence. To state with certainty any satisfactory reason
for having thus hesitated to give unreserved credence to
those particulars is wholly out of our power. Cer-
tainly there is nothing in the Noble Earl's position
betokening a priori his probable exemption from
the excesses of violent partisanship. On the con-
trary, considering the tenacious gripe with which,
in spite of the Reform Bill, his Lordship succeeded
in retaining his ancient boroughmongering in Milton
and Peterborough—considering the relentless dicta-
tion uniformly employed by him in forcing his own
nominees upon the constituencies under his influence—
and considering, moreover, the Noble Lord's zealous
co-operation with O'Connell and his myrmidons in the
county of Wicklow—we arc free to:admit that all the pre-
sumptions are in favour of the perfect accuracy of our
correspondents communication ; and as we see that our
circumspect ' neighbour, the Standard, has given pub-
licity to the same facts with a minuteness of detail which
seems to place their verisimilitude beyond suspicion, the
propriety of subjecting them to indignant exposure can
be no longer a question with any respectable Journal.
The narrative may be given in a word or two. At
the recent election for Peterborough, where Lord
Fitzwilliam considers himself the sole constituent,
his Lordship, by the instrumentality of his bailiffs
and agents, declared his intention to return his. own
son and Sir Robert Heron. The borough. how-
ever, happens to contain a goodly number of Con-
serratires remarkably indifferent to Lord Fitz-
william's wishes. Indeed, the disgust of the electors at
the arbitrary and unconstitutiona interference of his
Lordship has, in recent years, occasioned such an
extensive desertion from the Fitzwilliam ranks, that the
return of his Lorlehip's nominees was, with great diffi-
culty; effected, by no larger a majority than Ten. This
narrow escape, taken in connection with the humbling
defeat lately sustained by the Noble Lord's family, both
in the county of Northampton and in the West Riding
of Yorkshire, appears to have chafed the haughty Whig
feudalist out of his Fitz-legitimate into fits of a lees harm-
less kind. The Noble Lord has become impatient of
being disregarded by Ids tenants. His waning influence
has distracted him. Peterborough has asserted an inde-
pendence nut to be endured. To put an end to this
alarming freedom, his Lordship's refractory dependents
must . be punished; and accordingly their forcible eject-
ment from their respective tenements has been enjoined
by Lord Fitzwiltiam, and would instantaneously
be carried into effect, without leaving them a straw pal-
let to lie upon, were it not for the forms of law. Four
of the Fitzwilliam tenants, who had voted against his
Lordship's nominees (two of them being clergy men of
the Established Church, and two of them respectable
tradesmen) have been served with " notices to_ quit."
The affair, as might be expected. has made some stir in
Peterborough ; and as the Noble Lord's professed at-
tachment to freedom of election has been brought into
scandalous disrepute, his Lordship has endeavoured to
find a foil for his disgraceful proceedings, by pleading
the example which had been set him in the same
place by a
.virulent Tory partisan. And who, pray,
did the luckless and unexemplary Conservative hap-
pen to be ? A furious High-church magistrate—or a
powerful landed proprietor—or a busy intriguing par-
son ? No, indeed ; but there happens to be in Peter-
borough a staunch opponent of Intzwilliamism, in the
person of an elderly gentlewoman who has a mortal dislike
to the Whigs ; and because the aedent lady, with that al-
lowable self-will which everybody concedes to her sex,
discarded a tenant of hers who had voted for the Fitz-
williams, the Noble Lord seizes this solitary petticoat as
an example and shelter for his analogous practices. The
good wife of Peterborough, though deserving of all
honour for her loyal zeal, has undoubtedly carried it be-
yond the bounds of discretion. But' is this a precedent
to be followed by it Peer of the realm ? Are Lord
Fitzwilliam's borough politics to be regulated by the
mistaken caprices of a CensereatiVe matron ? Shame
upon Lord Fitzwilliam for hie unmanly and senseless re-
taliations ! Had the Noble Lord been actuated by a cor-
dial desire to uphold the independence of the electors,
rather than to glut his appetite for mean revenge, lie would
have shown a magnanimous superiority to female
weakness, seductive .and fascinating though it be. But
while his Lordship has been only too happy to find a
. precedent fur his tyranny in the pardonable thible of
'poor Mrs. Cornes, the piquant luxury of visiting his
wrath upon two defenceless clergymen, and sundry con-
stitutional shopkeepers who ventured to vote in accord-
ance with their conscieoces, was too tempting to be thre-
gone. Powerful opponents, whose resources enable them
to fight an equal battle. don't suit his Lordship. An up-
right clergyman who stands up for the Church, or a dis-
criminating tradesman who abhors O'Connellism, cannot
be permitted to ditthr from Lord Fitzwilliam without
incurring his Lordship's bitterest curse. Nay, the fact
that the two shopkeepers, Messrs. Speechley and Elling-
ton, though they refused to poll for Sir Robert Heron,
divided their votes between Lord Fitzwilliam's son
and the Conservative candidate, seems only to have
exposed them the more to his Lordship's remorseless
spleen. Hse ipily. however, there are still a few houses in
Peterborough whose doors the noble persecutor cannot
shut. The clergymen whom Lord Fitzwilliam's malig-
nity has hurried from their homes will yet peradventure
find a bed to lie upon. A place of business also, with a
great increase of customers oecasioned by public sympa-
thy, will doubtless be found for tiled:wave and. martyred
laymen. Let the inhabitants of Peterborough lay this
outrage to heart. The moral. which it teaches them is,
that, as long as they form part of the Fitzwifliain tenan-
try. they can have no will of their own—they are treated
as a "'sang of feudal serfs who must pay their votes to
their Lord superior as regularly as they pay their rent.
Surely it is impossible that high-spirited Englishmen can
long endure such degradation an this. Let them make
a united effort, and the tyranny of their oppressor will
be laid in the dust.
CHRONICLE.----No further light has been thrown by
the Ministerial organ upon the bold assertion which it
last week hazarded, that " there is no country in Europe
where the ordinary wages of labour command so much
bread as they do in England." The assertion may now
take its place amongst the random efforts of a cause,
desperate in argument, and relying wholly for support
in the numerical prepo, derance of interested legislators.
It is an impudent fallacy. Like others of its class; it is
easily disposed of, as we have already shown. In future,
it would be better for the scribes of monopoly to give
up these abortive attempts at argument, and obvious dis-
tortions of notorious fact. Let them rely upon the real
strength of their cause. Let them say at once, we are a
Parliamentary majority, and we command the Govern-
ment which, as we made, so we will unmake; if it dare
to touch our sordid interests. That is the true pro-
Corn-law argument. The merits of the case lie in a
nutshell.- 'Every other allegation in support of the sys-
tem is hors du comb:a. The field is cleared of them.

This assumption, that labour is worth more bread
in England than anywhere else in Europe, was.
,ti.te last
attempt at imposition. We gave the co:Ivey:1U; ciiitirttes
of wages in France and Belgium, from those of P c
workmen down to those of women and children in. fae-
tories, and the number of pounds weig'et of bread :vhi. a
those wages would purchase. The comparison sliows
our own working classes to be worse off by one-third of
their week's earnings, supposing them all turned, into
bread. There is an end of our Contemporary s argu-
ment. On the Continent the farm-labourer has generally
his lodging and food in addition to his money wages.
What would the Duke of Buckingham's nine-shilling
men say to that ? But it only happens to this fallacy as
to the rest. They have all shown themselves only to be
destroyed, so far as disproof is destruction. What has
been the effect of discussion upon the notion of producing
at home a sufficient and independent supply of food ? It
has just served to evince the not very recondite fact that
the more numerous the markets to which we resort, the
less danger there must be of failing and irregular supply,
or of fluctuating prices. The argument of independence
has 'passed over to the opposite side of the discussion.
Every tradesman feels the absurdity, or the bad faith of
the landed interest, when it modestly says to the com-
munity, " Give me a monopoly that you may be indepen-
dent." The necessity of finding employment for the
people, is another topic that served the turn for a short
P. It elicited the demonstrable fact that agriculture
provide employ runt adequate to the natitral in-
crease crease of its own population. The proportion which it
occupies becomes less and less. It produces surplus
c only resource is in manufactures. The
hands, ept)s...
sration steadily flows in the same direction.
stream o;
Corn-laws narrow.. this drain, and threaten to block]
The Cern-
h e effect .ts seen. and acknowledged and ex-
is up. tirades against overgrown factories. No-
cused by 5i11.," ,
how the people are to he employed
bod.t has explained
without them. Distress, we are told, prevails for want
of work.
wsh:lt work will Coen-laws make for the
1 kind, at least, as peaceful peo-
ple ?
..athem employed in ? The admis-
sion would wis(l);ftostsieei
mon of want of, wor is the epitaph of this argument.
as distinguished
also a stock
The burdens upon the land.a
theme. Their specification,., distinguiShed from
and pressing more h
called for, but vainly.
eavil)tan those of the.rest of
the community, has been loudly..
that index of the
People have consulted, however,,irtied
worth of land which by the history
_5 a.- -- TIDY
.of rent during the last half century;
has annihilated have not
found evidence that peculiar taxattoi
or reduced the worth of landed proye.otnes to the in-
heritor-.. In many
easesit yields double and even treble me
As in the story of rho
tree, it grog s
best depreciate on its load. The plea of depreciaon by being
snore heavily taxed, evaporates at the question i, h.ch it
has prompted of the amount of rents in 179 J. fihn,
Wages fallacy has vkorn out. Nov and then it terms n
but' 12ret3. 411 foO.IY in comparison with the use ;dat:.
of it in the earlier si.ages of the controversy. 14? r"
wit:s fairly questioned into its distinct monde:tem
et his late election. Even Chartists can no longer be
bribed at such paltry pay as a shilling per head to repeat
it at public meetings. The refutation Wag in the work-
people's own memories. In their experience there. has been
quite enough of low wages and high prices. Overborne
at first by the vehement reiteration of the falsehood,
they have since recovered, and recollected themselves.
And then the pretence sunk into utter worthlessnes;
The last defence of an abuse in this country always
is, that it works well. When every possible show of
justice, reasonableness, or utility, is exhausted, and
repelled, still there is that to fall back upon ; it works
well. On this ground, the Tories made their final
stand for boroughmongering. But even this is becom-
ing untenable. Why else do we hear of modifications.
and ," considerations ?"
.Every pretence under which
the Corn-laws were enacted has been falisfied by facts.
They, have not kept prices steady, nor even kept them
high.- They have mot• averted- repeated distress from
the agriculturists. They have not stimulated improve-

ment, nor exteneen cultivation so as to supply the wants I
of the community. And here is the country, after a
long trial of them, i
n undenied and undeniable distress.
The well-working argument has ceased to work well.
It fills back amongst the outworn. One veil i:f delusion
has been stripped °IT after another. The Corn-law dis-
cussion has only consisted of the successive exposure of
fallacies. Any defence of the monopoly has sunk into
the mere repetition of generalities. Whenever it has
been attempted to work out in detail, logically or sta-
tistically, any argument in its favour, the invariable re-
suit has been that such argument speedily became useless.
It is found convenient to rest in a few phrases. And in
this state of things is the question now, with a growing
interest in the subject, strengthening and deepening,
through all the industrious classes of the community.
The contest is that of power against opinion. By
power, we mean the possession of office and Parlia-
mentary majorities. It may yet be found, as it has be-
fore, that there is also a power in opinion.
lIEItALD.—It was currently rumoured in the city
yesterday afternoon, that Lord Ellenborough would be
this day announced as the proposed successor of the Earl
of Auckland in the Government of India. Our city
correspondent seems to intimate that the selection of the
new Governor-General of our vast empire in that distant
region, did not appear to be exceedingly acceptable oa
'Change. He alludes to some vague apprehensions which
are entertained in certain quarters lest the moderation
and affability which are now displayed by the noble Pre-
sident of the Board of Control should be lost in the more
exciting sphere of action wherein the qualifications of
the Governor-General must be testified—that the strong
inducement to any man who fills the latter position to
run a career of brilliant, but unprofitable achievement,
is too strong to be resisted by men of even the
highest capacity and discretion in other stations,
and under other exigencies. Of Lord Auckland's
Indian administration we are not prepared to speak with
all the decision and force of our able Correspondent.
At present it appears to us, in' many respects indefen-
sible. The immoderate extension of our frontier on the
north and north-west has a palpable tendency to weaken
our defences, to decompose the masses and, to neutralise
the strength of our military force-- to scatter and draw
out on an almost interminable line, instead of concentrat-
ing at akw commanding and well-secured points, our
means offensive and defensive, and an efficient chain of
communications. It is without doubt, moreover, the
most palpable objection among those which suggest
themselves to the policy pursued by Lord Auckland in
respect of the territorial and external relations of British
India, that he has engaged in half a dozen enterprises,
each fraught with greater diffienities, military, physical,
and political, than its predecessor, and each of them tend-
ing to increase the already overwhelming aggregate of
financial sacrifices which seemed to demand the undivided
and incessant application of his best energies for their re-
moval. But we must have Lord Auckland's personal
statement of the pressure under which he acted in inter-
posing in the affairs of Lahore; the feuds of the Ameers
of Sinde and the troubles of Affghanistan, before we can
fairly hold him responsible for all the waste of blood
and treasure which is certainly to be laid to the account
of the various campaigns and operations which have
been carried on, under his government, on the banks of
the Indus and in the'countries beyond it. Until we
have some connected account of this sort from his Lord-
ship founded—(nor could he avail himself of a finer
model for his purpose)—On the late Marquis of Hastings'
summary of his administration in India," we shall be
hardly warranted in proceeding to judgment on jhe po-
licy of Lord Auckland. It is notorious, that, for a cen-
tury past, the India Company's direction at home have
for ever been urging on their Governments in the Penin-
sula the indispensable policy of consolidating the terri-
tory previously acquired, and of abstaining from the ex-
tension of their frontier. It is equally notorious that the
force of circumstances and the incessant political revolu
tions of the native states of Hindostan on this side and
beyond the Ganges, have compelled the Supreme Go-
vernment in India to sanction successive and enormous
extensions of their inland frontier. From the Dewanny
grant down to the cession of the last Jaghire inscribed
on the Company's books, the same course—as if im-
pelled by an overruling necessity rather than the am-
bition or intrigues of European chiefs—(allowing to
these the utmost influence, even, which can be assigned
to them)—has been pursued. The same results have
followed. They have been contemporaneously de-
nounced by P.tt and achieved by Clive,—anathematised
by Burke and strengthened and connected by Warren
Hastings,—expanded by Wellesley and deplored by
Roinilly and Whitbread; immensely expanded under the
personal intervention of Lord Hastings and Lord
Auckland, and deprecated and condemned, at home, by
Canning and Lord Brougham. The truth is, that the
merits of every Anglo-Indian Government arc a ques-
tion almost purely practical ; but they are treated as a
I matter of mere speculative discussion.

POST.—In modern times the philosOphy of free trade
appears to have degenerated into- the blindness of
bigotry. In pursuing mere freedom, men forget that
there is a liability to excess, and that freedom itself ought
to he exercised under the government of reasonableness
and honesty. Freedom is an advantage, but net in itself
virtue, and except under the due government of reason
and justice it speedily runs into vice. Personal freedom,
for instance, is an advantage which we can scarcely prize
too highly, yet no man of sense will say that every one
should go everywhere that his fancy may happen to lead
him. The haunts of vice and profligacy ought to be
avoided, and he must be either devoid of all reason or de.
void of all morality who thinks it a denial of personal
liberty that he may not visit gambling-houses, or keep
company with persons of loose and disreputable charac-
ter.
It is to be lamented that the lessons which expe-
rience has taught as to the wholesomeness of certain
restraints upon personal freedom appear never to have
been thought of as equally applicable to the " freedom of
trade," which many people seem now to regard with a
kind of superstitious adoration which they do not vouch-
safe even to religion itself. Freedom of trade is 2 yr,y
good thing while under the restraint of moderatiowantl,

justice, biit honesty of trade is a much better thing, for it
cannot run into vicious excess ; and if its gains be less
rapid they are more certain, and never can be a disgrace
to their. possessor. That we are not note merely theoris-
ing every person conversant with business can testify.
We can safely appeal to their experience for confirma-
tion of the fact, that ever since the superstition about free
trade has gained possession of the public mind, there
has been such an amount of reckless gambling and dis-
honourable trickery in affairs of business, as never
was known before ; and patient, cautious, honest trade
has been, as it were, cast into the shade by the more
showy tricksters who make a dash at every thing. In
the commercial article of our paper of Friday last our
City Correspondent, with that zeal for honesty and fair
dealing which distinguishes all he writes, commended
one of the new regulations of the tariff of the Unite]
States of America relative to imitative articles which
are imported into the States. He said :
"In the tariff which has just passed the two Howes
of Congress, imposing 20 per cent. duty on imports
heretofore free, we find a clause for the taxation of imi-
tations of articles-of traie at the highest ad valorem rate
put upon the article imitated. This is an enactment that
goes at once to the root of manufacturing adulteration,
one of the most formidable vices of the age."
Every man who thinks honesty and real value better
than mere outside show will cordially agree in this sen-
timent. The passion for cheapness, which has grown
up along with the cant of free trade, gives continual en-
couragement to this system of manufacturing adultera-
tion, and the honest manufacturer actually loses his busi-
ness, while they Who get up cheap things with an outside
appearance of- gloss and finery upon them flourish and
make money. They do so, not by legitimate trade, but
by a combination of trade and trickery to which no man
can stoop without a forfeiture, more or less, of honesty
and conscientiousness.

GLOBE.—We extract from a Norwich journal a pain-'
fully instructive description of the interruption by a body
of Chartists,' and consequent dispersion, of a public
meeting of the friends and supporters of the Society
for the Propogation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, at
which Lord Wodehouse, the Lord Lieutenant of the
county, presided. The readers of the Globe will remem-
ber that on many occasions we warned the Tory party
of the danger of fraternizing with the Chartists, in the
hope of embarrassing. and eventually overthrowing, the
Whig Government. They rejoiced in the confederacy
—recounted with delight the successful interruptions by
the Chartists of meetings called in different places for
the purpose of petitioning for the removal of adminis=
trative evils, or for the diminution of fiscal burdens.
By the unprincipled use they made -of the New
Poor-law for mere party purpose, they fostered the pre-
judices and goaded the passions of the working classes,
among whom dissatisfaction with the social system had
been' extensively engendered by the deep and rapidly-
spreading distress which they experienced, and thus •
prepared them for, the reception of those wild and de-
structive theories respecting property which :strike at
• the very foundations of society, and would involve all
classes in one common and inevitable destruction. The
Tories were too much elated with the successes they
I,t.ithelwehtliebhyt.haeidwof these au :diaries, to be induced to
listen to the voice which • them of the facility
scrupulous assailaenatpsoNnvsouulstel,dwaatbi
accession of the Chartists ynneot(bdeissteainrtredgauyl,a
be
ea
turned
nu
cn:
against themselves.
a oNtlriset s cautionedt
their
rtahnekTs raineds , thatte th
ad-
vantagese
thus secured to them by the interruption of Re-
form and Free-trade meetings,ma were but temporary ; and
that the addition thus mane
etm.a
nod a rir.rt yns.
would speedily produce to their party strength
eventually discomfiture
114,e
teeth,no
weakness,
They persisted
andin
sowing to the wind, and the;
reaping a n fi theed "
armed.whirl-
wind.r
n e‘,2
whose. leld'
eh
et
wind. They planted dragons'
men starting up is hostile array 0
ever antipathy the Chartists niieinitehvae,ry side
to-
ward the Whigs, it was obviousto every have
s
-.:ere-ere not blinded to the most self-evi)d„ettmporritnediples and
fects, that Tory:ism was necessarily
nntagonistical to their claims, and thoroughlyecidedly
tested by them. This their leaders did dc.
STANDAHD.—In a rare h not conceal.
which we quoted
yesterday leoei the Gli:;e, are the following words__
With all the appliances and means to which we have
alluded, with the application of the screw by the cob
lector.; of the revenue to an unprecedented extent of
severity, the increase upon the year amounts to the small
sum of 118,14.81." When we quoted this passage we had
a strong conviction that the screw had not been applied
with unprecedented severity or applied at all by the pre-
sent Ministers, but we thought it Lest to rake sure upon
the point ; more particularly as we were aware that great.
dissatisfaction had been excited in more than one of the
metropolitan districts, by the unusal urgency of some of
the tax-collectors—the result of inquiry has realised
our conviction. We are abk to state with perfect cer-
tainty, that since the accession of the present Government
to qtfice,. the Treasury has issued no order whatever to
ac.',-?grate the col'ectioz of the assessed taxes. If, there-
for, "the screw has been applied to an unprecedented
extent of severity," as the Globe says it has been, and
as we believe that it has been, the late Ministers are the
parties applying it, and they -and-the-functionaries whom
they have L'ellticatl4ed to their successors in offiar

Must take all the ' responsibility for whatever in-
convenience and distress is produced by the system
of rigour lately pursued in the collection of
taxes. As we have had many complaints upon
this subject we think it necessary to make the
truth generally known, upon the just principle cuique
suum. Lord 2.lelbourne and Mr. Baring must answer
for the application of the screw, not Sir Robert Peel nor
Mr. Goulburn, neither of whom has touched it. But in
what a light does this view of the matter (and it is the
true one) exhibit the late Ministers. At the very
time when waving one hand in pathetic gesticulation
to move compassion for the sufferings of the people.
the other is, we find, furtively employed turning the
screw, to extract beds and chairs, and tables, and
wearing apparel from the sufferers, through the agency
of the tax man. The Globe is our witness as to
the fact that, during forty-six of the fifty-two
weeks ending last Sunday, " the screw was applied to an
unprecedented extent of severity," and many a ruined
householder can tell the effect of the operation. This,
however, is not the course that will be taken by a Con-
servative Administration. Such an Administration will
not ostentatiously exaggerate the public distress for
party purposes, nor will it aggravate that distress for
official convenience. Wise men know that all deception
is weakness in the. end ; and he is a shallow statesman
who does not see thrt extreme rigour in the exacting of
taxes leads to ultimate loss, by impairing those resources
from which luture taxes are to be obtained.

COURIER.—For some time past a report has been in
circulation, that a worthy Scotch Baronet, not now in
Parliament, is about to accomplish a feat which must
rank high among the patriotic exertions for which his
family is already distinguished. It is said that he is to
close the bleeding wounds of the Kirk ; and to re-
store peace and harmony among the clerical com-
batants that have so long and cruelly torn her
asunder. When we first heard this rumour circu-
lated with great confidence, and traced it to quar-
ters that ought to be well-informed, we (lid begin to
think that there vsas a prospect of the venerable
establishment on the north aide of the Tweed, continu-
ing. as it has long been, the honour and the boast of
Scotland. But our hopes have been not a little damped
by the accounts which we have within these two days
received of the conditions on which this peace is to be
brought about, namely, the sacrifice of the ministers
of Strathbogie—the men who have so nobly fought the
battle of civil and religious liberty, in the vigorous and
undaunted stand which they have made in support of
the supremacy of the law- of the land. Can this be ?
we ask ourselves. Is there a man in England who will
venture to propose to a British Parliament of the 19th
century, that it shall sanction the exercise of spiritual
powers by the Kirk, more arrogant and tyrannical, and
more subversive of civil and religious liberty, than were
ever claimed by the Council of Trent? Is there a Mi-
nister of the Crown of these Protestant realms that would
dare to countenance such a proposal? Let there be "no
mistake" as to the nature of this proposal on the part of
English Members of Parliament. The Kirk has deposed
from the holy office of the ministry no fewer than eight
clergymen of the Establishment, because they had ap-
pealed, in a matter touching their civil interests, to the
civil tribunals of the country; and the Kirk will agree to
no measure for healing the divisions which this outrage-
ous assumption of power has created among her own
members, unless her right to put forth these powers
on every occasion she may see fit is recognised and con-
firmed, and as a preliminary to a Bill in Parliament, to
provide for the future settlement of parishes in Scot-
land, which Bill is to be introduced or supported by her
Majesty's Government—this right is to be .so acknow-
ledged.

LATEST MANCHESTER BETTING.

MANCHETER.-TUESDAY EVENING.

THE MOSTYN MILE (TUESDAY NEXT.)—The advance
of the Squire to 5 to 1. repeatedly taken, is the leading
feature. 3to 1 was freely offered agst Lampoon, in one
instance 7 to 2 laid ; 5 to 1 against all the Marquis's lot,
bar her, and offered. 10 to 1 was laid against Satirist,
and offered again. 20 to 1 was, early on, laid agains:
the Squire winning the Cesarew•itch and the Mile,
after 100 to 6 offered. 14 to 8, twice over, was laid on
Iliona agst Welfare; the field agst three. We did not
hear a bet laid on the Clearwell Stakes. The very
latest accounts that we have received place Iliona as the
winner.

At the Post Office Hotel the muster was tolerable this
evening, but no business. The demand for the Squire
was "prodigious;" but not one offer was made.

STATE OF TRADE.
(From the Manchester Guardian.)

MANCIIESTER.—There was a rather quiet market yes-
terday for most descriptions of yarn. The season for
export to Russia being now at an end, the descriptions of
yarn suitable for that market were in little request ; but
there was a better inquiry for yarn suitable for the East
Indies. Low numbers, both of water and mule twist,
were also in demand for Germany, and the prices of these
showed rather more firmness. The goods market was
exceedingly flat, being injuriously affected by the unfa-
vourable political rumours in circulation, and some (19-„
scriptions, especially power-loom printing cloths, were'
sold at lower prices.
ROCIIDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MoNDAY, OCT. 11.—
The flannel market has been rather brisker to-day, oh
account of a few of the manufacturers who undertook
the late Government order, purchasing rather freely.
The workmen are employed at present. but at extremely
low wages. The Government order for half a million,
yards of flannel was to be completed. at the beginning •
of this month, and it is feared that work will then be-
come more scarce. There no change in the wool
Market ; manufacturers continue to buy for immediate
use only, at the old prices.
HUDDERSFIELD MARKET, TUESDAY, OCTODF.R 12.
This was a dull market ; but, considering the unsettled
state of the world, it exhibited a degree of buoyancy
that can only be accounted for by the great variety of
manufactures that are peculiar to this neighbourhood.
Prices remain tolerably firm. Business in the ware-
houses continues pretty fair; and the mills generally are
working full time.