The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-10 00:00:00

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vertisements.

*." Orders received by all Booksellers.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN.
JNDER the lIANAGEMENT of MADAME VESTRIS

THIS EVENING, MAY 10

Will be repeated_the New Comedy, in Five Acts, entitled

LONDON ASSURANCE.

Sir Harcourt Courtly, Bart., Mr. W. Farren ; Max Hark-
away, Mr. Bartley; Mr. Charles Courtly, Mr. Anderson ;
Mr. Adolphus Spanker, Mr. Keeley; Mr. Dazzle, Mr. C.
Mathews ; Mark Meddle, Mr. Harley ; Grace Harkaway,
Madame Vestris ; Lady Gay Spanker, Mrs. Nisbett ; Mrs.
pert, Mrs. Humbv.

Atter which will be repeated, the Grand Romantie Fairy Ex.

travaganza, entitled
BEAUTY AND THE BEAST.

Beauty, Madame Vestris : The Beast, Mr. W. Harrison ;
.*hn Quill, Mr. Harley ; Dressalinda, Miss Rainforth ; Mar-
rygnlda, Miss Grant; Queen of the Roses, Miss Lee.
To-morrow, London Assurance, with Beauty and the Beast.
Door, t' t e orene4 at half-past Six—the performances to
commence at Seven o'Clock.

Dress Bores, 7s. ; Second Price, 33. 6d.; First and Second
Circles, ss. ; Second Price, al. 6d. ; Pit, 3s. ; Second Price,
2e.; Gallery, Is.

Tickets slid places for the Boxes to be taken of Mr. Grogan.
at the Box-office, from Ten till Four, where Season Tickets
msy oe had upon application.
Private BoxcA to be had so'ely of Mr. Andrews, bookseller,
167. New Bond-street.

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.

UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF MR7DAVIDGE

AND MR. WILLIS JONES.
Wonderful success ! Haine's " Claude Du Val, the Ladies'
Highwayman," decided to be a greater hit than ' Jack Shep-
Fard ;" thousands have already witnessed the startling situa-
tions, intense interest, and extraordinary effects. The cur-
tain falls nightly amid the cheers of crowded audiences.
THIS EVENING, MAY 10,
Will be acted an Historical and Domestic Drama, entitled
CLAUDE DU VAL, THE LADIES' HIGHWAYMAN.
With entirely new local and luautiful Scenery, extensive Ma-
chinery, real horses and carriages, &c.
Claude Duval, Mr. J. S. Balls.
Supported by the most powerful Company in London.
After which, a New Comedietta, entitled

THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOAX ; OR:AWEDDING

NIGHT DILEMMA.

Characters by Mr. J. S. Balls, Johnson, Neville, Mrs. H.
Hughes, Mrs. Hicks, and Miss Martin.

To conclude with

FREDERICK THE GREAT ; OR, THE KING AND

THE DESERTER.
Frederick, Mr. Neville ; The Deserter, Mr. N. T. Hicks
With Combats, Conff3grations, &c.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
II :nting 31 minutes after 4. I Evening __AS minutes after 4

can negroes is cheaper to the planter than the
hired labour of the intelligent black labourer'
born and bred amidst all the arts of our own

colonies.
But it will be said you are mad, or you deceive
yourselves wilfully. Do you not see by the re-
turns of the sugar market, that Brazilian and
Cuba sugar are 100 per cent. cheaper than sugar
imported from Jamaica? We see that. But we
also see that the agricultural labourer of Eng-
land is worse paid in proportion to his toil
and skill than any labourer of the world, ex-
cept an Irish labourer, or a Hill Cooly.
One English or Scotch labourer does as
much as two labourers in France or Ger-
many, but he gets only the wages of one. At
the same time the price of corn in England is
higher than in any other country. We all know
the cause of this, and that it has no reference
whatever to the cheapness or dearness of labour.
In England labour is most abundant, and wages
low, while the price of corn is exorbitantly
high. With that example before us we are
neither mad nor blind, we think, when we assert
that the price at which foreign and colonial
sugars are offered fur sale in our market is no
index whatever to the cost of their production.
The price of Jamaica sugar is a monopoly
price; the price of Cuba and Brazilian sugar
is the price of an article in an overstocked
marked, wanting a vent. Our Jamaica planters
are making large profits out of the tax they levy
on us, but it does not therefore follow that the
Brazilians are even paid the cost of their pro-
duce. Let the market be opened to both sugars,
and the chances are that Brazilian would rise as
much as Jamaica sugar would fall. The average
price of wheat—to quote an illustration—in
Dantzic, for upwards of forty years, was about
455., but in 1838 and 1839, in consequence of our
demand, it rose to 58s. The same would be the
case with Brazilian sugar, were there a demand
for it. The Brazilians are now obliged to send it
to Europe in payment for the European luxuries
they require. As long as it is excluded from
our market, its price must be merely nominal;
and were the duties altered, the price would rise,
and in proportion to its quality sell for as much
as Jamaica sugar.
In fact, it is idle to institute a comparison be-
tween the two, for as long as our colonial sugar
is protected by a heavy discriminating duty, we
never shall, and never can know, and never have
known, what it really costs in comparison to the
sugar of foreign countries. We hold all deduc-
tions, therefore, against the cheapness of free
labour, drawn from the monopoly price of Ja-
maica sugar in our market, and the glut price of
Brazilian or Cuba sugar, to be irrelevant to the
great question at issue. We know, too, that
when the two meet in the foreign market, they
sell for about the same price. We have faith in
the principles of justice, and we have faith in all
the doctrines taught by the anti-slavery people,
and we therefore abide by our conviction that
free labour is cheaper even now in the West
Indies than slave labour.
It is said, however, that by reducing the duty
on foreign sugar, the planters will be less able to
pay, and employ their negroes, and that less
wages will fall to the share of the negroes. The
argument referring to them, means that, or it
means nothing. This is the argument of those
who maintain that the abolition of the Corn-
laws would throw land out of cultivation and
labourers out of work, and would lower their
wages, if that be possible.
It is no argument of ours ; and there is a case
in which our opponents maintain the very oppo-
site deduction. They say that if the Corn-laws
were abolished, the manufacturers would allow
none of the advantages of the fall in the price of
provisions to go to the labourers, but they
would reduce wages in proportion. How
can they at the same time maintain
that other manufacturers, namely, the plan-
ters or the landlords, will allow the advan-
tage of a rise in the price of what they sell to go
to the labourer? The fact is that wages are de-
termined by the demand and the supply both in
the West Indies and here, and unless the demand
for negro labour be increased by the bounty on
sugar grown in our colonies, or the supply of
negro labour be lessened, the alteration of the
sugar duties will have no effect whatever in
lowering wages or depriving the negroes of work.
The universal effect of competition, such as
that proposed by allowing foreign sugars to come
into our market, is to stimulate exertions to com-
pete with a rival. The manufacturer, grower, or
planter, previously secure in his monopoly, and
quite at his ease, living on taxation, is alarmed,
and casts about to see how he can get more of
his commodity. He racks his invention for new
contrivances, he tries to produce more, and to pro-
duce it cheaper, he offers rewards to his labourers
and overseers to exert themselves, and the result is
an increased, not a diminished, demand for la-
bour. Such, as Lord JOHN RUSSELL observes,
has been the case in the silk and several other
trades, which have thriven by the competition
with the French manufacturer. Such, too, would
be the result of allowing slave-grown sugar to
come freely into our market. The Ministerial
plan proposes to leave it with a protecting duty
of 12s. per cwt. We believe that the planters
would have nothing to fear from the freest com-
petition, but they are still to be protected at the
amount of 50 per cent.

Nay, we believe that it is only by competition
that the full advantage—the ingenious contri-
vances—the division of employment—of free la-
bour can be brought into operation. Far
from joining Dr. LUSHINGTON in supposing that
such a competition would increase the slave-
trade, it would do, we think, more to extinguish
it than all Sir FOWELL BUXTON'S expeditions.
It would stimulate free labour to exertion, which,
as long as it is protected by a monopoly of our
market, it will not make, and would compel and
enable it at no distant time to extinguish the
slave-trade, by making it unprofitable, and under-
selling the productions of slavery.
But supposing that free labour has not all the
I advantages we have attributed to it, surely there
is some reason to doubt, at least, whether all those
evil consequences in the encouragement of sla-
very will ensue which Dr. LUSHINGTON supposes,
from merely reducing the duty on foreign sugar.
He has no business to look on the question like
Mr. GURNEY, merely with the eyes of a philan-
thropist; he is bound also to consider it as a le-
gislator and a statesman. He is bound to
con-
sider the interests of his constituents, paying
twice as much for sugar as they
ought
to obtain it for, were the planter's tax removed.
Being under these obligations, and seeing, as lie
must see, unless he be a mere one-sided fanatic,
that there is some doubt as to the effect of the
measure, he was also bound, if out of strait-laced
consistency lie gave his vote against the Ministers,
not to mislead the House and the country by a
great crop of fallacies. We admit Dr. LUSH-
INGTON'S sincerity, we admire his boldness, but
we blame his great indiscretion. He spoke like
an impassioned advocate, and did not disprove
the general opinion that a practising lawyer very
seldom makes a good legislator. He forgot too,
who is hisclient ; and,while the Reformerssent him
to Parliament to advocate the interests of the
England, he pleaded only for the
people of
Degrees, and is to vote with the Tories. Admit-
tinghis intention to be good, we must conclude
from his speech and his promised vote that he
is terribly wrong-headed.

Our readers will see by our various extracts,
that the provincial papers very generally agree
in promoting Corn-law agitation, and in demand-
ing a total repeal of the Corn-laws. That and
that alone will now satisfy the people, because
that alone will satisfy the justice of the case.
But we are told that no Government ever
dreamed, or ever will dream, of giving the total
abolition. Wherefore then does any Goverment
exist? What is it for but to do justice, and to
see justice done? And to say that no Government
will grant the total abolition of the bread-tax is

toaffirm that Government abdicates its functions,
makes common cause with the oppressor, and
ought itself to be destroyed. We cannot, how-
ever, believe that any Government will come to
such a conclusion, or that any leading Ministers
of this country will venture to continue even a
rag of the bread-tax in existence, if the people
manfully assert that it shall be totally repealed.
Great complaints are made, too, of the disturb-
ance which will be caused by the great change ;
but what right has any man to complain of that
disturbance which consists in redressing awrong?
No doubt, Mother BROWNRIGG, when she was
stopped by the hangman in her benevolent plan
of starving and whipping her apprentices to
death, complained of the great disturbance
which was caused in her useful occupations.
How shocking it was, on the same principle, to
interfere with the career of HARE and BURKE,
and BISIIOP and WILLIA:us. We do not ask,
though we remember Colonel THOMPSON did, to
visit the legislating landowners with any punish-
ment for doing that on a large scale, and by a
slow process, which BURKE and %\' ILLIAMS did on
a very limited scale, and by a sudden means—
put human beings out of existence ; we only
ask that they should be stopped in their guilty
career, and be told that they must sin no more. Dis-

turbance forsooth! Who that does right fears to
be disturbed ! The apprehension and the corn-
plaint are the wailings of conscience-stricken

men.

We see, too, by the Irish papers that the
Orange landlords and the Orange press are
foaming with rage and fright at the possibility of
the Corn-laws being repealed. That is an unan-
swerable proof of the public and national ac:van-
tage of the measure. A more heartless, mischie-
vous set of tyrants than the landlords of
Ireland, never were endowed with power.
Their whole history is one of merciless
oppression. The last trait in it, is clearing their
estates, turning out hundreds and thousands of
poor wretches to die in the highways. Such men
deserve no respect, and if the abolition of the
Corn-laws would set bounds to their power, that
should be a strong recommendation to all the
friends of humanity.
As Mr. BAZLEY said at the Liverpool meeting,
the abolitionists had with bated breath and
bended knee asked for an inquiry, and they were
taunted with being unreasonable ; they humbly
asked permission to grind foreign corn in bond,
and they were dismissed with reproaches. It is
high time such contumelious conduct should
have an end; and those who would listen to no
reasonable application, should now be corn-

manded, by the nation, to repeal the Corn-laws.
The people, by now submitting to the bread-
tax, will fasten, for ever, the landlords' yoke on
their own necks.

The Bill of the Duke of ARGYLL to regulate
the exercise of Church Patronage in Scotland is
now before the public, and justifies our worst sus-
picions. It is the Veto Act clothed in the garb of
an Act of Parliament, and though ostensibly
brought forward for the spiritual relief of the peo-
ple, and the peace and prosperity of the Presby-
terian Church, its sole object is the supremacy of
the clergy ; it contains seeds of endless strife and
animosities, and, if carried into effect, would sub-
ject the Church-going people of Scotland to a
system of injustice and tyranny, compared with
which all the evils of the most unrestricted pa-
tronage are but as "a drop of a bucket." In order
that our readers may judge for themselves, we will
briefly analyze this healing measure. The ground-
work of the Bill, every one will perceive, is the
mode of appointing the constituency who are en-
titled to vote for the election of a minister ; but
the qualifications for this important trust the Bill
not only does not define, but does not make the
slightest allusion to. The franchise is to be fixed
by the Church, alias the Non-intrusionist clergy.
" And be it further enacted, that the individuals
comprising in each congregation the body of
male communicants hereinbefore mentioned as
entitled to dissent from the call, shall be
ascertained, and the mode of stating their
dissent before the Presbytery shall be
fixed and regulated in such a manner as the
Church may direct." Now we will venture to
say that in the whole history of the grasping at-
tempts of the Church at power, and they are
neither few nor small, there is not one that ap-
proaches this in audacity and selfishness. Under
the sanctified name of religion an ecclesiastical
revolution is to be created in Scotland for the os-
tensible purpose of giving the people the choice of
their ministers and destroying patronage, but, in
reality, to transfer the patronage from the Crown
and the principal heritors who maintain the Esta-
blishment to the dominant clergy. They claim
the unrestricted right of fixing the franchise, and
shortening or lengthening the roll of electors at
pleasure. They will strike one off because he is
an Intrusionist ; a second, because he does not
make family worship thrice a-day ; a third, be-
cause he dances; and a fourth, because he goes
to a play. There is no limit set to their power,
and were the House of Lords to sanction such a
measure as this they would establish in one
corner of her Majesty's dominions, and among
the most faithful, moral, and peaceable of her
subjects, a system of despotism that would be
reckoned too severe for the most abandoned con-
victs and the most lawless banditti. Of this
we are certain, that under such a regime
neither the Prime Minister nor the Home
Secretary would have a vole, one-half of
the House of Lords would be disfranchised,
CITALIFIERS or CANDLNH would address them in
the words of the arch-hypocrite CROMWELL,
" Get you gone ; give place to honester men.
The LORD deliver me from the Earl of ABER-
DEEN." To one he would say, "Thou art a
whoremaster ;" to another, "Thou art an adul-
terer;" to a third, " Thou art a drunkard and a
glutton;" and "Thou art an extortioner" to a
fourth. In the parish of Daviot, in the north, con-
sisting of 1,800 inhabitants, there are at present
only ten righteous men; and were their Lord-
_

ships' House purged, as this parish has been
purged, we know not if one Peer would be left,
excepting always the Duke of ARGYLL and the

Marquis of BREADALBANE. Independent, how-
ever, of this radical and insurmountable objec-
tion, the Bill has great defects. In case the

patron should present a person not agreeable to
the inhabitants, he and the presentee may appeal
from the Presbytery to a higher Church Judi-
_

catory—from Presbytery to Synod, and from
Synod to General Assembly; and after all this

_ _ • ._
troublesome and expensive litigation, the patron
is allowed six months to present another, not in-

eluding in these six months the interval between
lodging the presentation and the final de-
liverance by the Church Judicatory. Thus a
parish may be vacant for 18 months, exposed to
e-

e evils of agitation and party spirit, nay it
may be vacant for three years, for the Bill declares

only that the patron's right to present shall
cease, if it is not exercised within six months.
Can rational men sanction such an absurdity as
this ? The General Assembly no doubt will, for
it is the work of their hands; but the people of
Scotland, thank God, are not yet left to the
tender mercies of such a tribunal.
While on this subject we may notice a strange
article which has appeared in an Evening Con-
temporary, the Globe, the organ of the 'Non-in-
trusion party in London, and in order that our
remarks may be understood, we
length : give it at

The Times of this morning has an article on the case
of the Strathbogie ministers, who are about to be de-
posed by the General Assembly for disobeying their
ecclesiastical superiors, and violating their ordination
vows. Let it not be dreamt that these gentlemen are to
be punished merely for obeying the civil courts, and
disobeying the ecclesiastical courts of Scotland. Be-
sides
their contumacy, they have been guilty of inflict-
ing great practical evils on the Church and people of
Scotland. They have injured the people in turning out
all the parishioners of Marnoch from the edifice in which
their fathers worshipped for centuries, by intruding into
his pulpit the moral nuisance of an
obnoxious clergy-
man. They have injured the Church, whose vows they
have taken by dis-establishing the parish of Marnoch,

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