The Sun.
London, England, 1847-07-21 00:00:00

of the citizens of London if, asking for their suffrages for
myself, I should presume to tell them who should be the
other candidates, and who they should think worthy of
their suffrages to make up the number of four candidates
to represent the city of London in Parliament.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, it is for the electors themselves to decide ;
it is for those who have their confidence, and who are
forward amongst them, in the conduct of elections—it is
for them, I say, to decide what is the strength of the
party with which they are connected; and for myself I
may say, that I never was acquainted with any party in
this country which, being of opinion that they could
command the whole of the representatives, were ever
satisfied with one-half.—(Cheers and laughter.) I am
sure that in the election of 1841 there were none who
said in the counties of England, " These Whigs will be
too much beaten—let us give them one-half of the re-
presentation ; let us take care they are not too
much defeated when they come to the poll."
No such indulgence, I think, was afforded to the Liberals
in 1841, and therefore I say, gentlemen, it is for those
who know the strength of the different parties—which I
certainly have not the means of ascertaining—it is for
them to judge whether they have the strength to return
four Liberal Members. It is a matter with which I have no
right to interfere ; and, therefore, it is for the electors,
and for the electors alone, to judge.—(Cheers.) But,
gentlemen, there is another charge—namely, that I have
in presuming to appear myself before you, after being
twice elected to the honour of representing you in
Parliament, allowed the Liberal Association of this city
to join my name with those of three other gentlemen,
most respectable and intelligent men no one doubts—
(Cheers)—but one of whom, it is said, being disqualified
by law to take his seat in Parliament.—(flear, hear.)
Why one should have thought that my friend Baron
Lionel de Rothschild was about to come by " force of
'arms" to break open the door of the House of Com-
mons—(Cheers and laughter)—and to get himself
admitted into the House by violence.—(Laughter.) I
am sure there is no man in this country who will take
care to obey the law more implicitly than my friend
Baron Rothschild—(Cheers)—but what he says is, that
"if you, the citizens of London think proper to elect me,
it will be after that for the law to decide whether I am
able to take my seat in Parliament or no."—(Cheers.)
And, gentlemen, upon general principles it is not for me
to find fault with his pretensions.— (Applause.) Gentle-
men, from the beginning of my political life I have al-
ways followed that great doctrine of Fox, that " acts
and not opinions ought to be the subject of punishment"
—(Cheers)—that religious opinions formed no ground
For civil disqualifications.—(Applause.) It was upon
that ground, taking my stand on that principle many
years ego—l believe it is now twenty years ago—
! that I proposed to the House of Commons to
abrogate those civil disqualiticetions that barred the
way to office of Protestant Dissenters.—(Cheers.)
,Gentlemen, it was upon the same principle, braving the
obloquy which attended that opinion, that I always gave
my vote for removing the disabilities which affected our
Roman Catholic fellow-subjects.—(Loud cheers.) And,
gentlemen, I know no limit to that principle.—
(Cheers.) I say—and I have repeatedly said in
Parliament what I now declare to you that
there ought to be no disqualification for civil officers
or for seats in Parliament on account of religious
opinions.—(Cheers, and a cry of "No Popery.") It
was on the ground of this general principle that I could
not repudiate or disavow the alliance which the " Liberal
Association" have made of my name with that of the
gentleman who solicits your suffrages, and to whom I
have already alluded. Gentlemen there are other ques-
tions—(Hear, hear)—which have been in agitation
since I was first elected to the honour of a seat in Par-
liament. I remember declaring in this room that
[ thought if the weaver of Lancashire produced
piece of cloth, and the husbandmen on the
banks of the Ohio grew a quarter of wheat, that these
two men ought to be at liberty to exchange their pro-
ducts, and that no law ought to prevent that interchange.
—(Loud cheers.) That which I stated here in 1841,
[ proposed again in the House of Commons in 1842. I
pointed out bow fertile were the countries beyond the
Atiaertic, and how desirable it was in any difficulty of
procuring food for this country that the abundant har-
vests of America should be brought over to this country, '
while the manufacturing industry of this country should
;end over their products in exchange.—(Hear,
hear.) And, gentlemen, what I then asserted has
in the present year come to pass for the be •
sloth of this country.—(Loud cheers.) For I believe
no less than 4,000,000 of quarters of grain of various
kinds will have been brought over, for the assistance of
this country, from America during the year.—(Loud
' cheers.) And I, therefore, assert that even in press-
ing what I then proposed, a compromise— that in
supporting that which I afterwards supported, when
I saw that there was no room or time for compromise—
a total abrogation of the duties on corn, I served your
interests, and did that which was for the general
welfare of the country.—(Loud cheers.) But, gentle-
men, it has been said, and papers have been circu-
lated —actually in print! —of which the lan-
guage, in plain English, is this,—" These men
—the Whigs and the Liberals—have served you in
former times. They have helped you to get rid of the
links and fetters of religious intolerance—they have
helped to shake off the chain of commercial monopoly ;
but that business is done, that service is ren-
dered, and, therefore, it is to our interest now to

turn off' the servants who have done these things,
And endeavour to look for others by whom some other
service is to be performed.—(Cries of " No, no," and
prolonged cheering.) Gentlemen, I don't wish to dwell
upon this topic, because I am sure that the hearts of
Englishmen never would cherish so base, so unworthy a
sentiment—(Prolonged cheering)—and I feel sure that
zhe same principles which have animated men in your
service in past times are likely to animate them in future
times, when new questions arise through these nevv circum-
stances, and that they will apply the same principles to
them by which they have heretofore been guided.—
(Cheers, and " Don't let us have a final question.") But,
gentlemen, there have been questions which have of late
divided public opinion, and upon which public opinion is
not, so settled as I could wish ; but I should say that it
is generally upon those questions of religious disabilities
and commercial monopolies to which I have referred, and
foremost among them is the great question of education.
Gentlemen, I am not here to deny that for many years
past I have looked anxiously to the increase of educa-
tion in this country. For that purpose I have taken an
active part in the British and Foreign School Society,
an institution which has done much to promote the
cause of education. I have considered education as a
Good in itself. I have considered it as connected with

Chet cause of liberty—with the increase of liberty in this
country; and let me for a moment call your attention,
in order to show how deeply education is connected with
liberty, to that which takes place in the northern and
southern states of America.—(Cheers.) In the northern
states, where there prevails the utmost freedom—
(Cheers)—the State is most busy in favouring, in encou-
raging, and in promoting the cause of education, and
there the great' proportion, the great body of the people
do receive in the schools there established a moral and
religious education.—(A Voice—" Why don't they
ematicipate the slaves?") And, upon the other hand,
in the southern states of America, where slavery pre-
vails, there education is discouraged—there education
is in many cases actually prohibited, because, as
knowledge is connected with freedom, so is igno-
rance connected with slavery.—(Loud cheering.) Gen-
tlemen, in promoting the cause of education, therefore, I
have sought to promote the liberty of the country. I
was aware, if not otherwise, at least by the failure of the
late Government in its well-meant attempts for that
purpose, that no one system imposed by the Legislature
would answer, or wculd be embraced by the various
religious persuasions in this country, and therefore we
have taken the plan of adopting and favouring all the
,arious schools which the various religious societies
have set up, and in this manner doing our utmost to
promote the general ohject.—(Great uproar.) We were
told, that with regard to a great portion of the com-
munity—viz., Protestants dissenting from the Church—
that they would not accept any plan of education which
authorised any interference with their religious instruc-
tions.—(A Voice—" Of course not.") The minutes
which we had framed were intended to avoid that
interference. But I now hold in my hand a sup-
plBle3m, nwt ahriye h
emn ianeut
st e ,t h
afot und
whileed woen
as
kt h ef
rdtehcel arati o n
inspection of
of all schools to which Parliamentaryint aid is granted, we
inquirena nadny vs,inspectay o only
meddle
,rnoin)stErsuiftelrvaruere
instruction
instruction,
aua
inquire
into the nature of the religiousathnodselsueshkooylos.u—w(Litohudeocnhaeedreinege.,
whettnetrmu,riiihtoileaswkeyaorue,
omoney—nearlyfdefen ee twenty
for
every
gi
yeargiving g
for millions
the
purposes
our army, for
navy, for our courts of justice, and they' variousueh
other purposes of civil government, it is too
to have sought for a grant of 100,0001. to promotem the
better education and instruction of the people?—(Loud
cheering.) Of this I feel confident, that some misap-
prehension must have prevailed among the great body of
Protestant Dissenters, because, as I have said in that
society—the British and Foreign School Society, to
which I belong—and in every other society, I have
always found the Protestant Dissenters of this country
roost eager and forward in promoting the general cause
of education ; and therefore, if we differ at all, it must
not be in our objects, but in some misconstruction or
misapprehension of a particular measure—a miscon-
struction and misapprehension which further in-
quiry and further reflection will, I think, not fail to
dissipate.—(Cheers and counter cheers, Sec., with cries
of " No, no.") Other questions have been started with-
out, as I think, any necessity, and upon which the other
candidates for the city of London, who do not profess
thosesee liberal principles which those gentlemen whom I
near me
Now, gentlemen, refls a have
o beennot myself,
gf
general pledges.
Tiestions apart
the unfortunate re
giving of pledges, from"yofficial position, partial to the
the character of these because I have seen in my time
the reputation of those pledge dof
results both to themselves, to
removal
ai o personsf Catholicpledgdei s
at the
Commons, and to
ritsieeslvees
nevlerhatov ag esereeen
to the
—but when that great man theCLiuekseO'io"f Wellington,
ePlolipnegrtyo'n'),
with his sagacious observation,
disabilities
that the time
presfeorr. to encouuter
the safety
was come to remove those disara
civil dissensions, those gentlemen,
of the country to keeping their own pledZg
aWis.ely, but
not very much to their own credit, voted',
engagements they had entered into.—(Cheers.)amlsthathe
s• en gentlemen a little later pledge themselves to takee
cff the malt tax; but when the Prime Minister declared
that the malt-tax was indispensably necessary to be re-
tained, they voted for its retention. I have seen also
but very lately gentlemen who bad come to the House of
Commons, but very lately declared that they
thought the sliding scale esscnitialsitoertheeciinteerd of
hesttsath
the
country; yet, whn a wise Sinister declared
corn-laws should be repealed—(Great cheering)—l have
seen them follow that Minister, and utterly forfeit the
pledges they had given. I think, therefore, gentlemen,
generally speaking, that pledges are not for the credit of
those who give them, and they tend nothing to the se-

THE SUN,'

curity of those who require them.—(Cheers.) But,
gentlemen, I will say further, that standing in the posi-
tion which I do as the Minister of this great country, I
should think myself undeserving of that trust if I
fettered my own hand, and were not at liberty
to give to nay- Sovereign at any time that advice which
I think most conducive to the public welfare.—(Loud
cheers.) And now, gentlemen, I will only say further,
that I think pledges which have been required on the
subject of Roman Catholic endowment are peculiarly
unnecessary— (Cheers)—because, as far as I am ac-
quainted, there is no intention of proposing any measure
tor that purpose to Parliament, nor do I know that there
is any probability of its being proposed.—(Cheers and
counter cheers.) Thus much, gentlemen, I have said,
but I must say further, with respect to all these subjects,
that I think the Roman Catholics are fully entitled to all
the privileges which the rest of the community possess.
and that a man's religious opinions should be no bar to
his obtaining that to which he would otherwise have a
fair and just claim.—(Great cheering). Now, gentle-
men, with respect to general subjects I can only profess
that which I have always professed—that I am upon the
one hand zealously attached to the institutions of the
country—and, upon the other hand, I wish to see those
institutions from time to time conformed to the spirit of
the age and to the advance of knowledge and liberty—
an advance which must take place.—(TremenBous cheers.)
Gentlemen, I ask you then for your suffrages upon the
ground of the general agreement of our opinions.—
(. Voice—" No endowment.") I will not be bound to
endeavcur to make every opinion of mine—to make
every advice which I may give to the Crown—to make
every measure which I may propose to Parliament
square with the opinions which may be the prevailing
opinions among my constituents. All I say is, I trust
that there is identity in our general opinions. I think
that you would gain no advantage by having merely
servile representatives, to exercise no judgment of their
own—who will not venture, if the occasion calls for it,
to state what in their opinions the safety of the country
requires, and trust to that country to confirm or to
reverse that opinion.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I stand, as
I said, in a position which is one of great responsibility—
one of great eminence—but one which is by no means
one of ease or pleasure.—(Cheers.) It has' been asked
poetically

" What is grandeur, what is power,
But heavier toil, superior pain ?"
I confess, however, with that very " toil"—with that
" superior pain"—there are charms in power to which I
do not profess myself insensible. It is a charm to be
able to advance in any way the prosperity, to promote
the interests, or to enlarge the liberties of such an
empire as the British empire.—(Loud and protracted
cheering.) It is for such objects, pursuing my own
conscientious course, taking counsel always from
all that public opinion can teach me, of that
which is just among an enlightened public, but
judging of that opinion with the force of my own un•
derstanding, however imperfect that force may be ; but
thus judging, and by the dictates of my own heart, and
the results of my own understanding, I shall endeavour
as I have hitherto endeavoured, to promote those great
objects.—(Loud cheers.) And as in former days I have
had the honour of moving and carrying the repeal of
those disabilities which affected the Protestant Dis-
senters with degradation—as in former days I have had
the honour of opening to Manchester, to Leeds, to
Birmingham, and to the vast proportion of the house-
holders of this country the power of the franchise, while
at the same time I succeeded in disfranchising Gatton,
Old Sarum, end other seats of corruption, so it is in the
same spirit that I shall hope in the future, if elected by
your suffrages, to endeavour to subserve the best inter-
ests of the country.—(Loud cheers.) It will be for you,
gentlemen, to decide. So long as I can hold power—so
long as I hold the post of being a representative for the
benefit of this great country, I am content, and even will-
ing to cold it ; when I can no longer do so, I shall refer
with proud satisfaction to my having acted with a pure
conscience in every respect.
The Noble Lord sat down amidst loud cheers, which
lasted for some minutes. When the cheering had par-
tially subsided,
Mr. PATTISON came forward, and was received with
renewed cheers, and stated that the meeting had heard
the speech of his noble colleague, which he believed
would not soon be forgotten ; and when they would read
it to-morrow in the newspapers, they would think over
it again and again. For himself, the Hon. Member said
he had but little to say to the meeting. Lie was
as he had always been, except that he was a
good deal older.—(Cheers.) The _Honourable Member
then proceeded to state to the meeting the course which
he had felt it his duty to adopt with respect to the prin-
cipal measures which had been recently brought before
the public.

Tile meeting was subsequently addressed by Sir G.
Larpent, and Baron Lionel de Rothschild, who having so
recently publicly addressed the electors upon various
occasions, their sentiments must, of course, be well
known.

Other gentlemen having addressed the meeting amid
considerable uproar, a resolution was agreed to approving
of the four Liberal candidates being put forward to
represent the city of London in Parliament, and pledging
the meeting to support them at the ensuing election.
The meeting then broke up.

MARKET INTELLIGENCE.
(From the London New Price Current of July 20.)
SUGAR.—To-day the home trade came forward with
greater freedom, and the purchases made in Sugar for
exportation were also upon a more extended scale, and
in several instances better prices were obtained. There
was an extensive demand for West India Muscovado,
both for grocery and refining purposes, while the rates
paid were in several cases 63 per cwt above those of
Friday for all sorts. The total quantity sold amounted
to 1,350 hhds and trcs, including, at puble sale, 219 hhds
13 tics and 8 brls Barbadoes, which sold at full rates.
REFINED.—To•day there was much desire evinced by
the home trade to operate in all sorts of refined goods,
indeed they nearly cleared the market of all sorts pay-
ing advanced rates—brown grocery lumps were sold at
.58s 6d to 595, and standard lumps 59s 6d to 60s per cwt.
Bended crushed Sugar is dull of sale, first quality at
31s Gd to 32s per cwt.
MAuarrros.—This afternoon the public sales of
\Euritius Sugar consisted of 5,187 bags 18 casks, nearly
the whole being inferior kinds of yellow grey and brown,
which sold at former rates, the few piles of middling and
good yellow selling 6d per cwt. higher.
EAST INDIA.—This afternoon Madras Sugar was
more in demand privately at former rates, and 80 bags
at public sale sold at 37s 6d to 38s for good damp and
washed yellow. Of Bengal 3,605 bags were offered,
when the whole sold at full rates, indeed white went 6d
to is per cwt higher.
FOREIGN.—To-day sales to a fair extent were made
in Foreign Sugar by exporters and the home trade
privately, and full rates were paid; at public sale 13
cases 470 bags damaged Maceio sold.
Cocoa.—To-day at public sale 400 bags Para Cocoa
were sold at 39s to 40s for good dark greyish red, which
is cheaper, but chiefly at 39s per cwt.
COFFEE.—This afternoon, at public sale, 1,230 bags
Native Ceylon were offered, and all sold at full rates;
real good ordinary at 37s 6d to 38s, good ordinary 37s 6d;
one lot 375, sea damaged, first class 36s to 375, second
and third 34s to 365, fourth ditto 31s 6d, ditto and re-
packed 30s 6d to 31s 6d. OF Penang 20 bags at public
sale went at 26s 6d to 27s 6d for good ordinary brown
heated, and at 23s 6d to 26s for damaged.
TEA.—Holders of Congou are not inclined to take
lower rates, but the demand has been less active for all
kinds, and only a small amount of business has been
transacted during the last few days ; still common
quality cannot be obtained under 93, and good
common 9id per lb cash ; there is not a large
quantity on offer of any sort. Pouchong is dull
of sale, but not offered upon lower terms. Fine
green Tea has been in good request at the rates of last
Tuesday, but the lower kinds met with little attention,
still there are not sellers upon lower terms, and there is
not a large quantity on offer; the lowest price of sound
Twankay is 7d, and of Hyson Is 4d. At public sale on
Thursday, 5,750 chests were offered, but only 400 sold.
The arrivals since this day week are 21,000 pkgs, whilst
duty was paid on 537,9661bs during that time.
RICE.—To-day the purchases made in Rice were upon
a more extended scale, and at stiffer rates ; 15s 6d to
185 6d paid for low to fine white Bengal ; 1,099 bags
yellow from the Mauritius at public sale were, however,
mostly taken in.
SAGO.—This afternoon there was not much desire
shown to operate ; and 999 boxes at public sale went
2s to 3s under former rates—fine large pearl selling at
22s 6d to 23s 6d, fine small white 20s 6d to 21s 6d, good
19s 6d to 20s ; but the whole found buyers.
SPICES.—To-day at public sale 1,800 bags of Zanzibar
Cloves were all sold, but at a fall in prices of Id per lb.
SPIRITS.—There are still willing sellers of all descrip-
tions of Jamaica Rum, and the rates accepted show a
further decline of 2d per gallon, making the fall from
the highest point of the market this year of Is 3d to Is
6d per:gallon ; still exporters have operated with much
caution since our last report, while the home trade only
purchase sufficient for present wants. Over proof 3s Id
to 3s 101 In Leeviard Island the purchases made
have been very trifling. East India is heavy of
disposal, whilst prices continue to give way. Demerara
is little required, and is offered upon further reduced
terms. There is still a large quantity of all kinds of
Rum on offer, and an impression exists that prices have
not yet arrived at their lowest point. Brandy of all
sorts has been operated in with caution by exporters
and the home trade, whilst holders are willing to sell
upon previous reduced terms, as the stock is heavy and
greater than last year. The older Brandies, and those
of the vintage of 1844 are still the most pressed for sale.
Geneva is in good request for exportation. For British
Coro Spirits the demand is dull.
Isznioo.—To-c:ay during the progress of the sale 510
chests were withdrawn ; 1,094 chests (second hand
goods) have passed this day. This afternoon at public
sale 75 sercns Spanish Indigo were offered, and mostly
sold at 2s 8d to 4s for ord and good sobres, being Id to
2d per lb dearer.
COCHINEAL.—The public sale this day consisted of
dtotogsosodoa—nd3ofinmeidAdlleinxgicatno
gbllolaoBcdkbs:,,ghasiltieslso.iilzld:ear3sto, from
bought in at from 5s to 5s ld-58
ordinary to good and fine Honduras silvers, all sold at
from 5s 43 to 5s 93, being very full prices.
SALTPETRE.—By private treaty Rough has been
largely dealt in since our last report, and the advanced
rates previously established are well supported. This
afternoon at public sale 676 bags of Calcutta were taken
in Is above the value.
OILS.—A further decline has taken place in the value
of Cocoa Nut Oil, the supply having exceeded the
demand. By private treaty few purchases have been
made, and at public sale part only of 30 tons of
Cochin repacked out of tanks sold. Rapeseed
Oil is less required, and prices have declined.
For Palm prices have slightly given way, and
the stock been further increased, but a good business
has been transacted. Linseed Oil is little required for
home consumption at present, whilst only trifling parcels