The Sun.
London, England, 1847-05-08 00:00:00

ff° 131
sick, through the valley of the Esk to Langholm
AN,
,th,e line
Theugit.Culisle, whence the line itied the Caledonian.
tents were generally good. The country between
and the Caledonian was of an impassable character.
iluare was rather a steep gradient to the west of Netherby,
the that route was pursued in contequence of
request of Sir James Graham. Ilis property
rlatioe-
,ase
.traversed for about eleven miles, and lie supported
The independent station at Carlisle, near the
market, was likely to be a very importam: accommo
%n to the town—the general terinlnus was already email
r'i'h• The character of the country between Hawick
.an
in his opinion, justified the cnnstruction a .
der, P°rtion front LangSohn to Carlisle would principally
„"eud on local traffic • but without that link he did not think
line felptapany would :nake a line down to Langholrn. The
rnm illwick to Ca,lisl'e would be hest worked by the same
Edlin•,l•l3' that possessed. the line to the north of that up to
'lr"irgh, as there the main source of traffic arose by the
it!.:lct_on. of the line with Selkirk, Gahishie.s, &c.
letlenia„`it-IBLEN cross-examined the, witnesses for the Ca-
The Cu'
otatnittee adjourned till Tuesday.
C AtA, di
"4-LTUTTEES ()it PRIVATE BILLS
This ,-, s •I'ANSEA DOCKS.
evil ‘Ammittee up to its rising was engaged with hearing
:nee on behalf of this scheme. No decision was given.
'IRKENIIEAD COMMISSIONERS DOCK ACTS
This r, AMENDMENT.
Ca AMENDMENT.
met again yesterday at 12 o'clock ;
1.,t1
erayter in the chair.
Waft. Object of the Bill is to construct a sea-wall along
davii!•Y1)001. The preamble has been passed; but several
with`,ave been occupied with the clauses of the Bill, and
the e4riaas amendments; which were not completed when
°Mtnittee rose, at four o'clock, until Monday.
S 'l'
ING ORDERS COMMITTEE.
Th• .IANCHESTER. AND SOUTHAMPTON- .
Bill • rnittee wag thrown out by the Standing Orders Corn-
Proved ,sterf!
ut the secrim-is.
av, several material mistakes having bein

L PA KLI 21.-I-V1 EN T Pm

Th HOUSE OF LOUDS, May 7.
eFire o'cLO
IoeRD CriecE Leon took his seat on the Woolsack at
k. st
esN•Tetsengers from the Commons brought up several Bills,
'deb were ordered to lie an the table.
esPIOOB. RELIEF (IRELAND)—COMMITTEE.
jorirt(roletietntilhien
.:otion of the Marquis of LANSDOt‘ NE, t e
Ilejtr °I the day for resuming the eon-ideration of th. e Poor
Committee was read, and their Lordships went
rnmittee.
,0 Tile Earl of CLANCARTY wished to ask a question in
been eseaion with what had fallen from a Noble Lord. It had
,_ said that the accommodation in unions and workhouses
Ras such that out_ accommodation relief would be very little required. He
tetal:s:frlthoef
BCillal,ntehaertcy)oniberngig:d to ask whether, under the 4th
io ntoer,sh:v,ere to support•a relieving
°facer who should have nothing
peed
e Marquis of CLANRICARDE said the clause was ex-
_fi.tngly simple ; it gave the Commissioners power to ap-
-4! Itp r
repersoes to dissense relief in particular districts. Ont.
resn!s.alief was only intended to be given under special cir-
trerices.-.—(Hear.) For instance, where impotent poor
dispenset
_dEoarreilief, it would be necessary to appoint persons to
the necessary relief.
The Earl of CLANCAR TY then proposed the omission of
tinder • ause, which provided for the relief of destitute persons
ernpowPeeuliar circumstances, and the substitution of another,
Pitals. .r_eing the Commissioners to construct and aid fever hos-
tia,
relies said his object. was not to curtail the means of substan-
cia;;:lw'
Who to those who stood in need of it, but to protect another
:itiminegin o, would be much injured by the Bill as it stood,
of froJa'ntr industrious persons for whom the medical charities.
...er were established ; by the aid of such institutions
fit stlit s°os would be afforded relief until they were in
In er. 4 e to labour for their subsistence.—',Hear, hear.)
Z,r °posing this amendment, he was testing the desire of the
eudlisur_tirnent to afford relief to the Irish people through the
Wow sut of a Medical Relief Bill. The present Fever Bill
urcest ternainate in November, and therefore he wished to
sinsilaraPntin the
Government to promote a measure for a
4t
eiisesn surPose. which might come into
terminstied : thus thee might lay the foundation of
thou t rnedeal charities in Ireland .It was because he
,eght the clause would interfere With these charities that
.1
hrOep?rd its omission.
,valtsciben_etaoapreqruatisionof. LANSDOWNE said that he thought it
se, , e essary that the clause should remain in the Bill for its
4,1-;17,,d 113 N TEAG LE said, that as far as the Bill was in-
lays, hue to be a practical remedy for the working of the Poor-
thesaet,ritalteht the amendments should be of a permanent
tarfilhfte, E;rlof WICKLOW said, that the vote to which they
114d_ 'an night limited the operation of the whole Bill as, he
e,ttaerstood, to 1848. But in fact the whole matter was in such
te of confusion, that no two men could agree as to the na-
4iSeeaor effect of the vote which they had come to last night.—
‘1
rr.. hear, and cheers
,chased MONTEAGLE denied there was any confusion
elf ver, unless the confusion of ideas of the .Noble Earl him-
ftilThe Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that after a most care-
vaetonsideration of the vote last night, it was difficult to say
e,!, part of the Bill was to be temporary and what part per-
4nent,
_Aft er a few words from Lord INIONTEAGLE.
oftl
r
GREY said he perfectly comprehended his amendment
bieesie_vening ; it was to make the Bill a temporary measure.
to e Noble Lord had given notice of amendments applying
sec(Part,s merely of the Bill, and these toe eine7 hese parts permanent. The Noble Lord now pressedpthehs
bvilat,ntthacierndents to night ; exhibiting that his object last nu t
it.ill'ltabiseplistiellateivtserevarliest course. He was successful,.
pular este of manmuvre was too high in the po-
.Essi ern that it should fail.
Nss FIT 7 WILLIAM disapproved of the course of the
°futi Earl's remarks ; for it was very possible that, on a Bill
ere sole,al import Noble Lords might differ, and differ; consei-
esse°,uslY• The Bill was evidently affected by last night , amend
bs','' in vvholes It bad been determined that the Bill should
Lord MONTEAGLE disclaimed the imputation, and
that i-
Itliuded their Lordships he intimated last night his wish
to make the general Bill temporary
Earl ST. GEE MANS it due
and parts of it permanent.
to himself to say that he
uistinctly understood the Noblefrltt
Lord to have intimated as
ratich last night.
Lord CAMPBELL said the clause would be a new source
of difficulty, and would admit of so many different interpreta-
tions that a judge find it most difficult to arrive at a de-
tiths. He hoped
his Noble Friend would consent to pro-
Posew
the clause merely temporary one. as a
Lord MONTEAGLE declared that the meaning of the
clause
might be easily interpreted.
The Marquis of CLAN RICARDE said the amendment
promote the confusion which had been already intro-
duced
at into the Bill.
The Earl of CLANCARTY consented to propose the clause
a temporary erne.
After a few words from the Marquis of WESTN.IEATH,
ItlLisord STANLEY said the Noble Marquis opposite (the.dMara-,
s of Lansdowne) had expressed a wish, saetheiebhushineessaaiwiwth..
u'erY near his heart, that they should comm.en
rti-tlit any unneeessary conversation. He
nwoLldnenobt.
yadaOntyo
dthee.
seiner that might already have been Initory conversation which might have taken
epialuae,ee,
.
and would confine himself to the sat .. .
e Would not put their Lordships to the trouble of dividing
uPen the amendment if it did not appear to meet with their
~°ttetirrence, but he believed that if it were adopteNd
hitl would
5 found to have a most beneficial effect. The s o e L
folt
s°dee by moving that the following clause be substituted
r elu
clauseenacted, that in every eleetora!
4ilisiiin of each union there shall be a relief eommittee ; which
relief
Zsidcommittee shall consist of the guardians such uluiondi
iZent of or having rateable property within such electora
en, together with the (two) highest ratepayers therein, not
shall ng gliardians of such union ; and every such committee.
IL P 5 board on some day other than that of the meeting
IYuardians ; and every such relief committee
isho:'"ah;eiutiawlley't)kielegct a chairman ; and every relieving officer
such 8'" be appointed as hereinbefore directed, shall at
ease oleeklY meeting report to such relief committee any
as shall ,
thider
be,
or urgent nee essity, and shall have
an order signed by the chairman, or such person
pro tempore, acting as chairman, of such re-
-Inr,t, committee, to give provisional relief in such case of
,-"'en arid urgent necessity, either by an order of
-11'ssion
l' to the worksouse or fever hospital of the union, pro-
be room therein respectively, and by conveying any
eestitute poor person thereto,
medical mediate
necessary, or by affording such
Poor person immediate and temporary relief in food, lodging, or
attendance, until the next ordinary meeting of the
board of guardians, at which meeting he shall report the case, and the nature and cost of the relief so afforded, in such form
and manner as the Poor- law Commissioners shallprescribe,
and after such report shall give no further reliefseso otherwisethan
reported t
by direction of the board of guardians in the
and the guardians of the union shall furnishfuenatdhse
forchairman
a ff odi
nof
such relief committee with nefornetcheessary
relief of those destitute
relief in manner aforesaid,
relief shall be granted by the board of
Poor persons to whom
guardians, at such
ltitmdere,teseramndinien
asnudchdirmecatn.t,irr as the Poor-law
Commissioners
114liaorTurias shall
aL
A N S D O W Nf Eh hopeder
x itheai
est NobleGovernment.Lor(l w ould
leave the matter in the hands o
He thought the object of the
of large Noble Lord
ioourndmnis to appoint
baeppjatin
attained
com-
mittees ' nedbs
enabling boards of guardians
of their own bodies to exercise the check which he re-
quired.
Lord STANLEY said that the proposition oftheZeosib(,le
Marquis was so nearly what he himself previously had proposed,
that he had no difficulty in acquiescing in such an arrangement.
After a fee words from the Marquis of LANSDOWNE,
Lord STANLEY said the only object which he had in view
Was to give the board of guardians ar. intermediate control
public interests
over the relieving officer, in order that t
tight be protected.
t..lause 6 was then agreed to, and ordered to stand part of
the Bill.
On clause seven being read,
Lord BROUGHAM considered that
ithesnlnantitbuedeenmgreanso wtedeil
to
paupers was by far too great, they wto
°a. as obe envie' by the landlords. His d
great obj
to see,ectiontothe
,„,the
m
'eashie arose trom the fact of his being
unable
-ay in wlsich it was to be carried out. The Government did
not follow the old principle, of resting while they were in the
as e
jf 1..
; but they said, " because we areswo.mlet
';aughter ) Because we do not see our s ,
alone,l:nitsusgodonsnL—e-
-4' It was often
rated
he" eh
tiot lute
dent h
very aoriftneont
tnquuietie,
Iv because
Orse• The more he considered the question,
theressed with the necessity of Government nltclitesiennt.teorrfeerhinegwaina
Tinanner which was proposed to do by the c a.O
t%ght; '''°rd LANSDOWNE said that the Act did.
hntotreiosen,fearnad
to relief. Individual eases of hardship
es,IY way to remedy it was by leaving thn rtgeghleitaptoonrrellaiewf
'retionary in the poor-law guardians anti t
Commission( rs
Chines 7 and 8 were then agreed to.
clause 9,
hitaa rl FITZWILLIANI moved the amendment, of which he
ahu.tEllaogrrltiv,Geetrit.Efinocteiere., to the effect, that the surrender of the
quarter acre should take place to the landlord, or someproperly
is Nobleit Ei.Y.ries,adid thartpotrhteedprinthcalptalifclaause as proposedwere bby,
tenant
and a
I)ossession of a
underlihouse,ur r en d
e therl,t eh
„P
so:oh:on-nil
dal( idwuPaur tAt-' 'i
tor tt, to any f relief
oblige(
an acre of land
re_
e_
of an
entitled
(least • surrenderantdhe entire e
i ye v ide I, t that if the tenant chose tohv'sou'ledrrtrenegn,defrorthiet land was
1:0-itt.di:Tit,,I:eml,!ripensoeb,
iiitgetwdoutiod beeeea
tgtrheaetsniurjruesntdiceer toot. tthheelalannti
ee•onut the house. If therea were to be a surrender, there
°l.:l2,,ishattgritytheibleitertehire to be a surrender of the whole of the holding.
Lord,IIROUGHAM w Trete° posedto the whole principle
daectiiiiisseliodenfldoeirytli riot believeP that any arrangement could
thheeregirantirig out-door relief without work-
vrrco of, irt reducing
for
o question
zit \: ILL I A M said, that his Noble and Learned
bratsennd appeared to have quite mistaken the character of the
jct. u. lbdeni
no
at have
put, the effect of increasing pauperism,
, JthlieetEialirl of St. GERMANS said that the whole operation
s would be oppressive, for if a man were in the pot-

fl

session of half, or three quarters cf an acre of
land, he might be obliged to come to the board
of guardians for retie', and the real question, therefore,
was what was the amount of the relief, and what was the kind
of relief, which the Board of Guardians were to administer.
Under the pressure of en insuperable calamity a man holding a
small portion of ground might be obliged to apply for parochial
relief, and then there was no alt ernaeve whatever but that, he
must give up his land, and he must either go into the work-
house, and thus become a permanent pauper, for without either
house or land he must be in a state of destitution, and he
must therefore either go into the workhouse or else throw his
exertions into an already overstocked labour-market. For
those reasons he had formed the opinion that it would be unwise
to limit the relief to those who were not in the possession of
any portion of land. He had shown, as he thought, that he
had not come to his conclusions with,,ut sufficient grounds, and
certain he was that some limitation should be placed on the
power vested in the board of guardians, and with this expres-
sion of his feeling lie would leave the clause in the hands of
their Lordships.
The Earl of RODEN said that he believed sorne limit
should be put on the lavish expenditure of the board of guar-
'ens, fur he believed that abuses must prevail, unless the pro
visions of the law was strictly carried out. He would state a
case which occurred during the last autumn in the district of
the board of guardians, of which he was a member. A man
in that district had unfortunately fallen into great distress, an•d
he applied to the board for relief, atJhough lie was at the time
in possession of the holding from which his subsistence had
been chiefly derived. The guardians had nevertheless granted
the relief, although he had himself asserted, that if it were
given, he should put his protest on the books against the pro-
ceedim s. He had gone further, for he had written to the
Poor-law Commissioners, but had unfortunately received no
reply, although he had had a letter from the Assistant Com-
missioner. For his own part, he believed that the Act could
never be effectually carried out without out-door relief, and he
should, therefore, oppose the amendment.
Lord BROUGHAM said that it was very evident that the
relief was granted in the very teeth of the law, and that the
Bill would, therefore, be ineffectual without some stringent
regulation for preventing the board of guardians from grant-
ing assistance contrary to the regulations of the Act of
'arliament.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE thought that the case
which had been made out by the Noble Earl opposite, quite
showed the necessity for granting out-door relief ; but yet, it
was perfectly evident that the small piece of land, held by these
small tenants, would, at no either in the days of pros-
perity or under the pressure of calamity, suffice for their sup-
port, and therefore the clause was directly applicable to the
purpose.
'I he Earl of CLANCARTY thought that his Noble Friend
was mistaken in the view which he had taken.
The amendment being withdrawn, the clause was agreed to,
as well as clause 10.
On clause 1 l being read,
The Earl of WICKLOW said that the result of this clause
would be the effect of preventing the landlords improving their
lands. He would move that the words out-door should be
omitted.
Lout BEAUMONT said, that they had now this rate
hanging over their heads, the whole of their united interests
would be to keep down the interest. The case was totally
different in England and Ireland.
The Earl of DEVON said, that he considered that this Bill
would have the effect of giving employment to the people of
Ireland, by making the landlords of Ireland desirous to employ
the people, and by that means prevent the increase of the poor-

rate.
Lord MONTEAGLE said, he believed that the out-door
relief was the most likely to be the most successful as well as
the most required. If they enabled the Town Council to
make a rate for out-door relief, they would find it would be
the most efficacious provision of the whole measure. What
would be the effect of this clause? Why they would tax the
electoral division cn which capital had been expended, and
where improvement had taken place; while they expended
money on those electoral divisions where pauperism existed in
proportion to the amount of population, which was, in fact, in
proportion to its pauperism, no matter how that pauperism might
be created. He knew that he was advocating an unpopular view
of the subject, and one that was opposed to the expressed
opinion of Mr. O'Connell. On these grounds he saw no
reason to adopt the amendment of the Noble Lord.
The Earl of HAT HEATON said that. the proposed amend-
ment would be a distinct warning to all English capitalists not
to make an investment of their mone,j in Ireland.
The Marquis of CONINGII AM made a few observations.
Lord STANLEY wished to know from the Noble Earl who
proposed the amendment whether it was his intention to
proceed with it before the amendment which he (Lord Stan..
ley) intended to propose, for the omission of the clause alto-
gether, was disposed of ?
The Earl of WICKLOW said if he found the Government
disposed, to oppose his amendment he would in that case with-
draw it, and support the amendment of his Noble Friend (Lord
Stanley), but until he heard from them what course they in-
tended to pursue he could not withdraw it.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would not accede to the
amendment of the Noble Earl as the effect would be to induce
boards of guardians; to increase the expenses for out-door relief,
so as to throw the whole burden of the rates upon the unions

at large.
The Earl of WICKLOW said that after what had fallen
from the Noble Marquis, he would withdraw his amendment.
Lord STANLEY then moved the rejection of the clause
altogether. It appeared to him to be both unjust and impoli-
tic to introduce such a clause. It applied generally to all
eases—to rack-renters, proprietors, and to liberal landlords. The
former would have this clause as the premium for poverty,
which their neglect of their duties had occasioned. The
effect of the clause would, therefore, be unjust. He would
state in illustration of this how he himself was circumstanced.
The greater part of his property was situated in one electoral
division, and comprised the half of the land in that division.
Now, he was accountable for the half of the rates in that
division, while the pauperism on his property was only one-
fifteenth part of the whole. The area of England, as com-
pared with Ireland, was in the proportion of fifty-three to one
hundred and forty-six—which meant that in Ireland they were
nearly threefold, and he now put it to their Lordships whether
any of them could think that they could carry on their estates
with any power over their property, or the well being of
their tenantry ; if every person was entitled to charge the
excesset
thehe they ed
adjoininge dtoot of
sg.eh sd
71, 'priaina.ll:tsehhUr
fine vdooeruronnt
assistance;dh
,ea
then pwr ee s el
trhmte2yaß:wiaiGgel
,dre.ed7wehers,:ttnai
ttltih:tieahtrnooawt,:maswl,lnee:or
nez
derate taxation, but he firmly believed ihat,ekifawtahhenielh)rewsenutldlibilel
underpsss ed ,2st.h6e they w 0
Theultngerveeart
eh:
ive l
oaf trhaetaeleactrtuoral districts at pre-
sent was, that they were too large.--( Hear, hear.) By
the present Bill they were about to increase them
twenty-fold.--( Hear, hear.) There was, at the present
a real law of settlement in Ireland. It ran thus—that any
person who, for the period of twelvemonths out of the last
eighteen, shall have occupied any tenement within the union,
or not having occupied a tenement, but being resident in it,
shall have a claim to be relieved by the electoral dis-
trict. Consequently, if he sent a number of per-
sons into a neighbouring town, they should have no
claim upon it, but upon the district where they last,
lived. With regard to the injustice of the clause, he would
not say a word upon it, as he had not heard it denied. It
simply imposed additional discouragement on the improvement
of property and additional premiums on poverty. It would
also discourage the investment of English capital in Ireland ;
and a circumstance came to his knowledge the other
day of a gentleman about to purchase property in Ire-
land, who asked as a preliminary question whether
this clause would he inserted or not. For his own part, al-
though he had a pecuniary interest in the country, and much
more, a personal interest in the welfare of his tenants, he,
thank God, could give up his estates and retire on his other
resources, relieving himself from the hopelessness of conduct-
ing his property without any benefit to himself or his tenantry.
Earl GREY said that, if they considered this clause well,
they would see good reason for retaining it; and he could
assure them that they would inflict great injury by rejecting it.
He held in his hand a petition from Killarney, in which it was
stated, that up to a recent period there had been three tithes'
rates collected, and since that, in 1846, the rate collected in
the town was Is. lid. in the pound, and in the rural districts,
only sixpence in the pound. He would prove, not alone from
this, but from many other instances, that they would
inflict great injustice by the rejection of this
clause. Until the calamity of the potato-blight, the
average amount of rates was sevenpence in the pound.
He for one could not see upon what ground this calculation
with regard to the state of Ireland was formed. It was as-
sumed that Ireland was a country above all others in the world
where the labourer was to be supported by charity. If he be-
lieved that he should indeed have a most fearful apprehension of
the future. The population of Ireland could not be employed
under such a charitable system. Their labour would be used
by those who expected a profitable return for it. In Ireland,
which was said to possess such facilities for the maintenance of
its population, proper employment would, by the operation of this
measure, be gradually introduced. His Noble Friend told them
that even under the law as it now stood only one-half of the
electoral division in which his estate was situated was taxed for
the maintenance of the poor. The legitimate conclusion to
which they would be drawn by his Noble Friend's argument
would be to make every man responsible for the conduct of the
people upon his own estate, and that their employ-
ment, whether profitab'e or not, was a duty upon
the proprietor. Such a system would bring about the state of
things which existed in the southern portion of this kingdom in
18.33. and which it was the object of the Act of 1834 to remove.
Under that system each small district held itself responsible for
its own po,r, and thus the circulation of labour was put an end
to, and a serious evil brought upon the country. This present
Act, as it stood, was a fair compromise between conflicting
difficulties and existing interests; it prevented the extreme
either of charitable support by any district, or by any indivi-
dual. When the rate rose to a certain height, the burden was
to fall upon a more extended district, and thus much distress
end misery was removed from many small districts and
parishes in that country. He hoped and trusted that their
Lerdships would consent to take this clause whole, and alto-
gether.
Lord BROUGHAM said that it required much self-com-
mand to repress his desire to grapple with the argument
which his Noble Friend had so ingeniously woven,
and so impressively delivered, but he should confine
himself to the 'store general details of the Bill. The assump-
tion that the labourers of Ir. land were to be supported by
charity, was not the assumption of those who opposed, but of
those who favoured it. The Bill, itself, was founded upon that
assumption. The Bill was not a charity, which would be bene-
ficial to the labourer, but a compulsory one, which cursed
those who received it, and oppresseik those who gave it. It
taught the labourer to rely, not upon his own industry, but
upon this compulsory assistance which this Bill was about to
give them. In the argument upon this measure, as indeed
upon all argument of this kind, they forsot the original prin-
ciple of the poor law, which had been long forgotten, and
which was consigned to a still deeper shade of oblivion by this
measure. What was that first principle? not that the land
should support the poor, and all other property should be
exempt, nor that the landlord and tenant should be
rated at a rack-rent to support the paupers which
the wealthy manufacturer sent forth as locusts from
his soil. Such was not the law of Elizabeth. That was an
income-tax, and it called upon all property of any description
whatever to support the poor man. The measure was one of
gross and flagrant. injustice—injustice and partial in its opera-
tion.
halfpennyd(b
to
that
hwa ht ht existedhe original at
system
etmi
of of f za b
poor-ratingeth,
There was 800,000,000/. of property in existence, not a
could
begun in 1847, instead of at the end of the sixteenth century,
that a most effectual bar would have been put to the grist
injustice which trey were now about to inflict the country.
to say that a worse case could not possibly take place The average in Ireland being 109 1 ' hada
thann d whote ht,,an.t
to 00, and he would venture
which
ty hadto his Nobleda,l
withthe
iFriendt saidir took place in'his own union. Then
he Irish landlords landlords
m, a more improvident,
it might be a more thoughtless, set of
o age
m pound,t
of
their and
estates, who, if
who, although careless of th ein •ir ' erests en—but still men ;
were still aware of
he difftetrrse,ncleesbsetpsrvueednenhtelifn ;hele • w
mna
nand a
e n
-
a
tthey w
were not less anxious than their more •
prudent
neighbours fur
the welfare of their country.
The Marquis of CLAN RICARDE had the highest respect
for the opinions of his Noble and Learned Friend, but he could
not possibly agree in the expression of an opinion that
every estate ought to be made to support the labourine poor
who were born upon it, for if that was not to be the rule the whole
principles of political economy would be set aside, and he
thought that all the el jections to the clause had been fully
answered in the speech of his Noble Friend the Secretary for
the Colonies (Earl Grey). Unquestionably there vial a

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