The Sun.
London, England, 1841-12-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON'', FRIDAY, DECEAIBER iO, 1841

would not be a temporary impulse, communicated to bu-
siness, but that it would be continuous, and might, hu-
manely speaking, be eternal.—(Renewed cheers.) I be-
lieve that, almost immediately upon the repeal of these
laws, the manufacturing interests of this country would
rise up like earth-born giants, and start forward with
newness of life, and that every year of our future exist-
ence would only teem with fresh and more convincing
evidences of local, social, and national happiness ; but if
they are not repealed, and that too in a short time, our
manufacturers will emigrate, or be overtaken with bank-

ruptcy and ruin, our operatives will be starved down to
the level of the Irish, or maintained as paupers on the
land ; or consequences may follow more serious and
fatal still—we may have the bonds of civil society torn
rudely asunder, and be overtaken with all the horrors of
a bloody revolution and a civil war.—(Great cheering.)
In the hope that our Legislators may take warning in
time, and that they may properly improve the informa-
tion, which it is the design of this meeting to make as
public as possible, I have pleasure in moving the resolu-
tion which has been placed in my hands.—(Cheers.)
Mr. Biggs concluded by moving the following resolution :
—" That the manufactures of the Midland districts have
for several years been gradually declining, and lately
with unexampled and fearful rapidity, particularly the
framework knitting branches, which have sunk into a
state of sad and unprecedented depression. That since
the year 1815 the wages of those employed have been
reduced nearly one half, an instance the more remark-
able, from its occurring in a manufacture in which the
principle of its machinery remains essentially the same ;
nor have its manual operations been interfered with by
steam power. That property in stocking frames is de-
preciated in value, and a large number now unemployed.
That our export trade in hosiery to the European States
(formerly important) is nearly extinct ; and the trade
with America is almost superseded by German competi-
tion. That unless some efficient measures of relief be
speedily adopted by the Legislature, the trade of the
Midland counties will be irremediably ruined, and the
manufacturing population reduced more and more in the
scanty pittance of their earnings, will be borne down to
tho extreme of penury and destitution, degraded in their
moral condition, and may be driven, it is feared, by the
miseries of starvation, into overt acts of treason and re-
bellion. That if social order be preserved, it can only
be by the fearful alternative of universal pauperism,
resting upon the resources. and produce of the land."
Mr. JOHN JOHriSTONE, of Derby, seconded the resolu-
tion. He had to submit to them details of a very affect-
ing nature on the part of the manufacturing interests of
Derby, which, although in a rapidly declining state, was
much less distressing than other districts that had been
referred to. It had often been observed that the poor of
Derby suffered less in times of distress than other places,
and that he believed arose from the great variety of em-
ployments, and the industry of its artisans; and its pre-
sent comparative prosperity might be ascribed to the
introduction of the great lines of railway, and which
had added between two and three thousand inhabitants
to the town within the last three years..-(Hear, hear.)
Therefore it should not go forth, although Derby was
not in great distress, that it was not free from the same
afflicting details. He would just take the jewellery trade,
when had been cultivated in that town with great suc-
cess. It appeared from the statement he held in his
hand, and which might be relied upon as accurate, be-
cause they had exercised the greatest caution in forming
the information, because they were aware that the
slightest over-statement in any one part would damage
and injure the whole.—(Hear, hear.) On that account
he believed that many of the statements were
rather under the truth. He would observe from
them that there was a great disinclination on the
part of many firms to give them any information. The
years 1835 and 1836 were years of great agricultural
distress and great commercial prosperity, and contrasted
with the year 1841, they showed the great influence of
cheap food on the manufacturing interests of the
country. In 1836 the average wages of the workmen
employed in that trade was 40s. per week, while at pre-
sent the average wages from short work of about two and
a half days per week was 14s. Bd. In 1936 there were
105 men employed in that manufacture, while at present
there were only fifty, although he believed the same care
and attention to business, which had obtained for the firm
so great a share of business, still prevailed. The diffe-
rence in wages paid between 105 men fully employed at
21. which was 210/. per week, and fifty men at 14s. 6d.
making 361. 55., was 173/. 15s. per week, or 1,8851. per
annum.—(Hear, hear.) The next case he would refer
to was that of a foundry, which had been established
nearly thirty years, and whose workmanship was equal
to any in the kingdom. Such was the rapid decay in
that concern, that the proprietor himself had stated to
him that while on the Ist of May in the present year he
had 144 persons employed full seven days in the week,
on the Ist December he had only eighty-five employed
five days in the week. The wages paid in May was 1801.
and in December only 76/. 10s. per week, making a yearly
reduction of 5,383/. in one firm alone. With these
important facts before them connected with the staple
trade of their town, which numbered 35,000 inhabitants,
it was clear that there was a considerable diminution of
employment for the working classes. In smiths' work
generally there were 244 employed last year; the number
now was only 150, making a reduction ofupwards of 7,000/.
per annum in the amount of wages paid. In one of these
establishments, where 60 or 70 of a superior class of
workmen were employed, and who were never without
full employment, they were obliged to send away one-
third, and had not sufficient work for the remainder.
In another branch, the making and repair of boilers,
where a few hands were enabled to do a large quantity of
work, where eighteen men were employed last year there
were now only nine, and these had very little to do, their
principal work being upon speculation. The reduction in
the millwrights' work was to the same extent. He would
now come now come to the frame-work-knitters' case,
which was the most important, as it employed the largest
number of hands of any trade in the borough, and he had
been at great pains to ascertain the truth of the state-
ments he was about to make. The number of silk-
frames partially at work was 346, in the shops unemployed
198, in warehouses unemployed 60, and in frame-
smiths' shops 134, making a total of 739. Now he
would take the total numbers actually under repair in
1836 at 39. The round number in full work in the year
was 700, while at present the total number was only 346,
leaving a balance of 354 frames standing still.—(Hear,
hear.) Each frame employed one man and one female,
and the average wages in 1835-6 was 18s. per week, and
7s. for the female, making 255. In 1841 he found, from
the reduction of price, and the shortness of work, that
the average wages of the men was Bs., and the females
4s. The weekly reduction in wages in that branch
amounted to 6671., or 10,803/. per annum.—(Hear, hear.)
Now he believed that was even a better case than could
be made out in many of the manufacturing districts, but
still it was evident that it must be productive of great
destitution and famine among the working classes. When
he saw the change that had taken place of late years,
when he saw how badly the ingenuity and skill of the
artisans was requited, he thought it was high time for
all those who had any good sense or humanity to lay
their shoulders to the wheel.—(Cheers.) There was one
house in the silk trade which was in the habit of paying
2001. per week in wages, and it did not now pay 10e
Another firm, a hosiery concern, which paid 2501. weekly,
the proprietor had given up the business, and he be-
lieved his successor did not pay one-tenth of that sum
now.—(Hear, hear.) That would show them the down-
ward progress of their manufactures. There was another
house in the sandal-hose trade, which manufactured 300
dozen per week, and exported largely to North Ame-
rica and the United States. Time after time their
orders had decreased, and at last Saxon hose had been
sent down to them in a brown state to be bleached and
then sent out as English goods, which they had entirely
beaten out of the market. That branch of export trade
was now utterly extinct and lost to the country.—
(Hear, hear.) In the ribbon trade the falling off was
so great that there were not half the number of looms

employed, and the houses that were paying from 1801.
to 2001. per week in wages were not now paying 501.
It appeared to him that the time was not far distant when
the same ruin would overtake tthe middle classes, and
when the landlords who persisted in continuiug these
iniquitous laws would be compelled to bow beneath the
storm tkey were creating.—(Cheers.) At Nottingham
the price of gloves, which in 1836 was 19s. 6d., was at
present only 7s. 6d.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Biggs had
clearly explained the cause of the tremendous reduction,

by the large increase of machinery on the Continent,
and the large quantity they had lying idle at home. The
distress might be inferred from the fact, that although
there was a great repugnance to go into the union work-
houses, where last year there were 168 inmates, there
were at present 245. He believed he could fully bear
out the statement of Mr. Biggs with regard to the Sav-
ings' Banks, from his own personal observation ; and he
hoped there were lion. Gentlemen present who would
set the Right Hon. Baronet right if he resorted to such

an argument on any future occasion. He was satisfied
that they were no test of manufacturing distress or pros-
perity ; and Sir Robert Peel might as well have appealed
to his cook, his footman, or his butler, as have referred

to the! Savings' Banks returns.—(Hear, hear.) There
was one other trade to which be would call their atten-

tion, and which had declined also, although the wealthier
classes might be supposed to be its chief customers. He
meant the hand silk weavers of Derby in plain and
figured gros de Naples, satins, velvets, and sarsenets. In
1835-6 one house employed 220 looms, which now em-
ploys only 120 ; another employed 140, which now em-
ployed only 90. In the years 1835-6, the average wages
of these workmen were 14s. per week ; the average now
was only 6s. Bd.—(Hear, hear.) It was well known in
the trade that although there was not a great reduction
in the price in velvets, yet the work being so much better
made, the reduction must be greater than it appeared. It
was said they were protected, but he would be glad to
show what protection the 30 per cent. duty was to these
unfortunate workmen, who received scarce 2s. a yard for
velvet worth 12s. The fact was, they were large ex-
porters, and the foreign price ruled the home price. He
believed the sooner they got rid of these fallacious and
miscalled protective duties altogether, which were an
insult and a mockery, the better, and simpler, and clearer
would be their progress.—(Cheers.) In Derby, there
were several mills wholly unemployed, one of them be-
longed to Lord Scargdale, and he was glad it was the pro-
perty of a nobleman, because it gave the fact greater
notoriety. That mill was filled with machinery, and
was valued at 1,2001., and had been unoccnpiod a consi-
derable time. It had been offered at the low price of 401.
per annum, and nobody could be got to take it.—(Loud
cries of " Hear, hear,") The machinery was ultimately
so a few years ago and although it cost
ld
1,2001., it fetched only 1501., and the mill
now remained with its broken windows, as a monument
of their manufacturing
decline,
be followed by agricultural decline if they did not take
good care.---:(Hear, hear.) There was another called
the Depot mill, which could not have cost the proprietor
less than 12,0001., and that had been standing still since
Christmas last. Surely it could not be said that they
were making artificial distress in this case, for the pro-
prietor was a staunch Conservative.—(" Hear," and a
laugh.) The distress in the trade of the town would, he

feared, go on at a fearfully rapid rate if it were not
speedily resisted. It behoved every man to make him-
self acquainted with the subject, which was a great poli-
tical but not a party question. It required every man
to use his best exertions to avert the impending evil, and
if he were an honest man he must be irresistibly led to
the conclusion that nothing but the repeal of the Corn-
laws would remedy a state of things that had ruined their
commerce and enslaved their operatives. Mr. Johnston
concluded, amidst loud cheers, by seconding the reso-
lution.
The resolution was then put and carried by acclama-
tion, and without a dissentient voice.
Mr. WAKEFIELD, of Nottingham, moved the second
resolution. Having been unexpectedly called upon, he
was not prepared with the same detailed statements re-
garding the trade of Nottingham as the two preceding
speakers had furnished regarding Leicester and Derby.
Their statements, however, were so satisfactory and so
convincing, that it was almost a waste of time to lay any
further detail of similar facts before them. He should
be enabled, however, by a ;very brief statement, to show
that the decline in his town had been similar to that in
Leicester and Derby. Experience had undoubtedly
proved that trade was most prosperous when food was at
a moderate price, and the details of the years 1834-5-6,
when food was cheap, were satisfactory evidence on that
point. It was also evident that if wages were the same
when food was cheap as when it was dear, the surplus
in the former case could be spent in, the purchase of ma -
nufactured goods, and, independently of foreign trade,
must make a difference in the circumstances of the
country and its manufacturing industry.—(Hear,
hear, hear.) Now he had referred to the periods
when subscriptions for the relief of the poor had
been set on foot in Nottingham, and also to the prices
of food in these years, and he found that when food was
dear, there was the greatest amount of distress, and when
it was cheap, the working classes were comparatively
well off. The first subscription to which he would refer
was that of 1812; there was another in 1816, and a third
in 1819. Then followed one in 1826-7, and a limited
one in 1829. From that period till 1836, during which
period provisions were cheap, there was no public sub-
scription. In 1836-7 there was one, in 1839-40 there
was another, and in the present year 1841 there was one
in progress.—(Hear, hear.) In 1812 the price of wheat
was 120 s. to 130 s. the quarter; in 1816 it was 84s. to
1245.; in 1819 it was 685.; in 1826 it was 585.; but the
subscription in that year was caused by the want of
employment resulting from the general panic of 1825.
In 1829 it was 605.; in 1836 it was 685.; in 1839 it was
785.; and at the present time they were all acquainted
with its price. This fully showed that the subscriptions
were in every case rendered necessary, except in 1826,
by ;the high price of food.— (Hear, hear.) These con-
stantly recurring periods of distress showed that
there was something wrong in the position
of the country, and that these laws require
some change by which they would no longer prevent
the free interchange of the surplus labour of that coun-
try, with the surplus produce of others. He held in his
hand a statement of the price of two descriptions of
cotton hose, from 1811 to the present time. The one
was termed thirty guage, and in 1811 it was 15s. per
dozen,'' since which period it had been gradually de-
clining in price down to the present time, when it was
only 7s. 6d.—(Hear, hear.) The price of thirty-six
guage was in 1811, 215., and at the present time it was
only 10s. 6d. Now, nothing could more clearly and
strongly prove that the manufacturing labourers must
be reduced to the greatest prisistioghand distress. Pro-
visions were from 20 to 30 per cc igher than when
prices were much better, and the inference was clear
that the distress of the labouring classes must be pro-
portionably increased. The price of labour did not de-
pend upon the price of food, but upon its being over or
below the demand that was'required. He had endea-
voured to obtain the number of frames employed in cotton
hosiery in Nottingham, and he found they were about
12,000, and these, at an average of one-and-a-half dozen
of cotton hose per week would give 18,000 dozen per
week. But, not to be under the statement, he would take
it at 20,000 dozen, and that was 12,480,000 pair of cotton
stockings per annum.—(Hear, gar.) He was sa-
tisfied that that was over the quantity acually pro-
duced, and it offered the extraordinary fact, that if
every individual in Great Britain were to purchase one
pair of cotton stockings, they would consume the whole
which the present trade was competent to produce.—
(Hear, hear.) The depreciation in the trade was caused
by the fact, that those who would be the chief con-
sumers had not their interests properly attended to—
justice had not been done them—class interests were too
much attended to.--(Loud cheers.) He contended that
if such was not the case, these persons would be then
the best customers, and increase the general wealth and
prosperity of the country.—(Cheers.) There had been
in Nottingham a gradual sinking and depression of trade
for some time past, and although there was not so great an
amount of suffering from the actual want of food, as was the
case in other parts of the country, he never knew a pe-
riod when there was greater privation and suffering
among the poorer classes. It was evident that distress
was beginning to be felt by those who had not hitherto
experienced it. Many with decent exteriors were suffer-
ing the greatest privations, rather than make it known.
Some of the details had been placed in his hands,
and he was sure that a few individual cases
would show the case in a stronger light than
any general and extensive details, without their
practical application. (Mr. Wakefield here read ex-
tracts of the reports from various wards of the town
of Nottingham, showing that the humbler classes were
without food, clothing, or bedding, and in many cases
literally starving.) He would not wound their feeling by
entering further upon the subject—they were not sin-
gular or isolated cases, nor were they confined to parti-
cular districts. Now under such distressing circum-
stances they appealed to the Legislature. They claimed
the right to a free trade in corn and provisions on the
highest ground.—(Cheers.) It was the duty of every
Government to afford the people over whom they ruled
every necessary of life at the cheapest possible rate.—
(Cheers.) It was for the many they ought to legislate,
and if they sacrificed their interests for the promotion of
class interests, they were neglecting the duties they had
been called to perform, and postponed to selfish consi-
derations the rights of justice, and the claims of equity.
--(Cheers.) He contended that whether the agricul-
tural interests or the commercial interests were bene-
fited or not, they were bound to give the people cheap
food ; and he was sure that whatever might be the opi-
nion of the various parties now, they would be confer-
ring a benefit upon all classes by bettering the condition
of the people, allaying the discontent, and giving the
landed interest a greater stability for their property, and
a greater security for their estates.—(Hear, and
cheers.) The resolution declared that they were
prepared to give up all so-called protection for them-
selves, and he was free to confess that he had not the
same fear of foreign competition that other individuals
had. He had no doubt that the talent, skill, industry,
and untiring perseverance, of their artizans would, had
it but free play, be able to compete with them success-
fully.—(Cheers.) He would give the instance of gloves,
the trade in which was at one time confinedto Notting-
ham. They were coarse and badly made, but the
Germans introduced a light fancy article, and it was
then stated and believed that the Leicester and Notting-
ham trade would necessarily be ruined. It, however,
only called forth the energies of their artisans—they
met the difficulty, and, by improved methods of manu-
facture, beat the Germans; and at the present moment
the manufacture was increased tenfold since the German
article had been introduced, and he believed there were
now very considerable orders for gloves to be sent to
Germany and America.—(Hear, hear.) If food were
cheaper he was satisfied they would be able to produce a
superior quality at a cheaper rate than the Germans.—
(Hear, hear.) He had no fears, that if the Corn-laws
were repealed land would go out of cultivation. He
believed if the same improvements were applied to agri-
culture, as had been applied to commerce, a very different
result would be produced.—(Cheers.) There were large
tracts of land which did not now produce wheat, but
might be made to do so by superior methods of cultiva-
tion.—(Cheers.) He had no doubt but that in agricul-
ture, as well as manufactures, they would be able suc-
cessfully to compete with foreign countries.—(Hear.)
The question no longer was, whether they would import
corn, for that had been already done. The only ques-
tion was, how ? And the Gentleman who would fol-
low him would show them that the sliding scale was one
of the most fatal inventions that ever man devised to in-
jure and oppress the labouring classes.—(Cheers.) He
did not look upon the result of the present struggle with
doubt. If the people could only see their true interests,
he was satisfied ; and endeavoured to attain them

peaceably but firmly, resolutely but constitutionalli,
they must ultimately triumph.—(Loud cheers.) The
works of monopoly were already shaken ; and, if they
could but make a steady and persevering attack, he was
satisfied that the fortress would be yielded up, and the
banners of free trade float in triumph on its walls.—
(Loud cheers.) If such should be the case, the people
of that county would once more receive a fair remunera-
tion for their labour ; they would once more enjoy the
comforts of life, and the prosperity of the country would
continue to increase, and all classes, even those
who thought their interests opposed to that of
the manufacturers, would be benefited, and the ge-
neral prosperity of the country would be based upon
the security of the Throne and the Constitution, and the
general happiness and welfare of the people.—(Loud
cheers.) Mr. W. concluded by moving the following
resolution :—" That experience has indisputably proved,
that our home and foreign trade have been uniformly
most prosperous, when food has been at moderate prices,
and that depression of trade has been the invariable re-
sult Ancurrent with a high price of provisions. That
dear seasons have always been times of suffering and dis-
tress, and a general depreciation of manufacturing pro-
perty. That facts warrant us in affirming, that the dis-
tress and misery arise mainly from the prohibitory and
restrictive taxes upon commerce, and the high price
of provisions ; and that; the wages of operatives, being
wholly consumed in the purchase-of food (and fre-
quently insufficient for that purpose), it becomes im-
possible for them to purchase manufactured goods.
Hence arises a great diminution in the demand for

home consumption' and the consequent augmen-
tation to a frightful extent, of the evils which are
caused by a scarcity of employment. That the restrictive
laws which have nearly prohibited the importation of
corn and provisions, and prevented foreigners from re-
ceiving British manufactures in return, have compelled
them to manufacture for themselves, and an active, vigor-
ous, and formidable competition has been created, which
has already partially
superseded us in neutral markets,
and threatens our commercial intercourse with other
nations with ruin. And that while this meeting claims
as a right the removal of all laws opposed to the free im-
portation of corn and other provisions, it is willing and de-
sirous that all so-called protective duties on foreign ma-
nufactures imposed professedly for the benefit of British
industry should he at the same time abolished, and that
the true and peaceful principle of Free Trade be applied
to the productions of this and all other countries."
Mr. CRIPPS, of Nottingham and New York, in second-
ing the resolution, said that he had to request their kind

indulgence in addressing them on the present occasion,
when he was wholly unprepared to do so. But some
facts had come to his knowledge connected with the mis-
chievous working of the Corn-laws, which he should not
hesitate to lay before them. But before he did so, he
would give them one case in corroboration of the state-
ment made by Mr. Wakefield—it was that of a poor
honest industrious workman, whose name was not on
the list of applicants for relief, but whose children
were 'stretched on the bed of sickness, and he (Mr.
Cripps) having requested an excellent medical man
to visit them, his reply was, " these children are
of good constitution, but they are sinking from
want of proper nourishment."—(Sensation.) Let them
-couple that fact with the statement he had received yes-
terday from his partner in New York. "In spite of the
Corn laws, and all artificial impediments, by and bye we
must open a market for our groaning granaries."—
(Cheers.) Let them couple that fact with the statement
of healthy children sinking for want of proper nourish-
ment.--(flear, hear.). " Only think of prime pork at a
cent. and a quarter," something less than three farthings,
"a pound at Cincinnati, and every thing else in propor-
tion."—(Hear, hear.) Now he would ask how any man
or any set of Men, dared to come between that poor
workman and his family who were sinking for want of
proper nourishment, and the man in Cincinnati, who had
prime pork at three farthings per pound?—(Hear, hear,
hear.) He would, however, only speak at present
of the ruinous results to the merchant of the present
system of Cern-laws. Although they might contend
that it was abstractedly right that there should be an
entirely free interchange of commodities between different
countries, he would say nothing of that but to wish to
show them that nothing could be more mischievously
devised than the present sliding scale.—(Cheers.) Lord
Stanley in his adBress on his recent election said that
from the United States they had not imported, nor could
they import,.a single quarter of wheat except in very ex-
traordinary harvests, and he added that the prices were
subject to greater fluctuations than in England, although
they had no Corn-laws there. That extraordinary state-
ment he wished to notice. It so happened that he had yes-
terday received by the Great Western a New York paper,
from which he would read a small extract : " The
flour trade of the States, and consequently the
Western currency, is in a deplorable state. There
have been heavy failures in the flour trade
and the commencement of the present difficulties in this
trade took their rise on the arrival of the Britannia from
Liverpool some weeks since, bringing accounts of short
crops in England, and consequently a rise in price. Im-
mediately speculation began, wheat rose rapidly in price,
and the next news we had was that there had been as
sudden a fall." Now he thought what he had read en-
tirely demolished the statement that Lord Stanley had
the temerity to make on that occasion ; but he would not
rely upon that alone. Lord Stanley said that not a quar-
ter of wheat had been imported, and of course he did not
mean to resort to the quibble that none had been import-
ed if flour had been imported ; and he would proceed to
upset that argument as well as the other. In the spring
of last year considerable difficulty had been experienced
by the American merchants as to the mode in
which they would remit funds when due, in con-
sequence of the universal failure of the Southern
banks. That had been followed by minor consequences
to the merchants, and it became matter of prudence not
to remit in the usual mode by bills of exchange, and
there were clearly sufficient reasons to induce them to
make *remittances in another form. Accordingly his
partner purchased 12,000 barrels of flour, and he held in
his hand an account of the sale of that flour. It had been
purchased chiefly in Baltimore. Of 6,624 barrels, the
net proceeds were 6,5751. 195., the expenses, independ-
ently of duty and without reckoning the interest of I
money, were 2,5391. 16s. 10d., or more than 38i per cent.
upon the net proceeds. Now he adduced that fact of the
expenses incurred independently of duty, in order to
show that when a free trade in corn was allowed the
farmer would not be without his protection.—(Loud
cheers.) He feared, however, to overstate the case, and
it was strong enough without it. An extraordinary
freight was paid, which swelled the expenses; but he would
take the average expenses of four different lots as some
part paid much lower freight, and they amounted to 4,0161.
or something more than 30 per cent. The great evil, how-
ever, was the sliding scale, and he would tell them how
it operated in that ease. If that flour duty was paid on
1,949 barrels amounting to 8011. 3s. 5d., the remaining
4,675 barrels were sold in bond; but had the duty been
paid on that also it would have been upwards of 2,7201.
That was between the 18th of April and the 15th of May
last year. In little more than three months the duty on
that lot of flour would have been, instead of that sum,
just 5201., making a difference of 2,2001., and had the
flour been in the hands of the capitalist or speculator, he
might have held it till then, and become enriched. But
the merchant, if he imported flour, got it as a remittance,
and it was nothing to him to say, " Wait by-and-bye till
there is a favourable turn in the corn trade." He could
not do so ; the manufacturers wanted their money to pay
their workmen, and the merchant must, when he
brought foreign produce to market, sell it.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Suppose instead of
importing it in May, and selling it, he had purchased the
same quantity in June, and shipped it to this country ;
if it had chanced to get here in September, the duty would
have been only as he had said 520/. If be had held it
till the first of October, or if the vessel had made a long
passage, instead of paying a duty of 5201. he would have
paid 4,112/. Bs.—(Loud cheers.) In November the duty
would have been 4,719/. 12s. 6d., and in December it
would have been 5,1331. 12s.—(Loud cheers.)—He asked
were the poor to starve, and the American granaries to
be groaning with flour and wheat, and was the merchant
to pay that penalty for bringing it to England, and for
exchanging the Stockings of Nottingham and Leicester
for what they wanted much more, for what they
wanted more than gold, for bread was the staff of life,
and gold was only valuable as it could purchase food?
—(Cheers.) They could easily conceive how embar-
rassing and totally ruinous the operation of these laws
was to the merchant, and he thought he had said
enough to convince them of that—(Hear, hear, hear)—
and although he ventured to forgive himself for doing
what he innocently hoped would be a benefit to those who
wereindebted to him, he would say that under the pre-
sent system, and with his past experience, he would de-
serve to be branded as a gambler, and his credit blasted
and destroyed, if, while the present awful system con-
tinued, he should be daring enough to venture on a like
expedient.—(Great cheering.) He knew of no method
on which to conduct the communication between two
countries but by a direct interchange of commodities.—
(Hear.) They had warehouses full of goods—the Ame-
ricans would take them from them. If they wanted to
be paid for them, that was another thing.—(Hear, and
laughter.) If they wished to be paid for their goods,
they must take that the Americans had to pay with.
They did not find gold and silver in the United States of
America ; and even if they did, it would be better for
the English to receive their flour and pork, and
those other things that were so essential to the com-
fort of the poor man ; but, having neither gold
nor silver, they must either take that they had got to
give, or they must take nothing. That must be evident
to every one. If they increased their exports to Ame-
rica, and disburthened their warehouses of their accu-
mulated stock, they must take what the Americans could
give them in exchange, and Providence seemed to have
placed her there for such a purpose ; but a power which
seemed to him to war against Providence forbid it.—
(Tremendous cheering.) A great deal had been said
about German competition. He had been engaged for
twenty years in the trade to New York, and for fifteen
years he had been exporting cotton hosiery to a consi-
derable extent. But year after year there had been a
steady and fatal progress downwards—they had found a
proportionate check, and their profit diminished by the
competition of Germany in the American market. To
such an extent was this carried now, that whereas in
1819, when he first embarked in the American trade,
three-fourths at least of all cotton hosiery in America
was sent from England, and more than that amount,
whilst, at least, seven-eights of all imported
was brought from Germany; and as he liked to appeal
to facts, he would tell them that in his warehouse in
Nottingham there was at the present moment a consi-
derable amount of Hinckley brown cotton hose, and
after going to New York and unsuccessfully struggling
against competition of the German manufacturer, had
been sent back here again, as the best means and more
prudent course than retaining them in New York ; and
he believed that it would be found that bringing them
back to England was safer, and subject to less loss than
retaining them there; and these came to swell the present
enormous stock of the Hinckley manufacturers.—(Much
cheering.) He only wished these statements to pass for
what they were worth, and he did hope and believe that
when these facts came to be more universally known,
they would have an overpowering influence upon those
who were to legislate for them. Their legislators must be
actuated by some feeling, and when they found that
their cause was based in truth and justice, they
must concede their claims. When they continued to
struggle to collect facts, and to present them before the
public, let them cherish the fond hope and belief that the
day was not far distant when free trade, administering to
the general wants of the world, would restore happiness,
content, and prosperity to their great but suffering peo-
ple.—(Loud and general cheering for some minutes.)
The CHAIRMAN said that having been himself for seve-
ral years engaged in the glove trade, he could bear tes-
timony to the accuracy of the statements made by Mr.
Biggs, and that the reduction of the price in Notting-
ham was similar to that in Leicester. And since he had
known the trade the reduction in wages was, as near as
possible, one half.—(Hear, hear.) The Executive Com-
mittee being anxious for some further information on
the subject of prices, wished to put a few questions to a
workman named Bannister.
Mr. BANNISTER then came upon the platform, and in
answer to questions from the Chairman, stated that in
1816 the prices paid for cotton drawers was 19s. per
dozen, and the present price was only 9s. 3d.; and that a
man must work twelve to fifteen hours a day to earn
that. There was the improvements in machinery since
then. The price for cut hose in 1819 was 6s. the dozen,
and the price then was ls. Bd.—(Laughter, and cries of
Shame.") A man might make six or seven dozen a
week. The general state of things in the trade during
the last two years was, that the average of wages had
been reduced one-half.
The CHAIRMAN then put the resolution, which was
carried unanimously and with loud cheering.
Mr. HANDCOCK, of Belper, came forward to move the
next resolution. As he had been invited to add something
towards substantiating the case they had endeavoured to
make out, he should therefore offer a few remarks upon
the branch of trade in which he was himself engaged. He
was engaged in the silk hose manufacture, and as the
aristocracy were the great consumers of that description
of goods, it ,might be supposed that when corn was
highest they would sell the largest quantity of silk
stockings, but his experience testified that the direct
contrary was the reverse, and that when corn was
cheapest they sold the greatest quantity.—(Cheers.)
That, he thought, would prove that neither the farmers
nor the labourers, nor even the aristocracy themselves were
their best customers, but that their best customers were

among themselves. He would now state to them what
was the actual diminution in the trade to which he re-
ferred, and he should offer such remarks as the subject
warranted. The silk hose manufacture of Derby was
at the present moment 108,000 i. per annum less than in
1833,4, and 5. Those who knew what the entire amount
of the trade was would be able to infer the miserable
remnant that was left ; but he would not state
it lest it might tell the creditors of some of the
manufacturers, that they were not worth half a crown
in the pound. It would seem, from this statement that
distress was gradually working its way upwards, and
that the middle classes were becoming involved in the
privations which had long since overtaken the humbler
ranks. Fashion might have had something to do with
it, but he believed distress was the great cause. He had
been particularly struck with the fact that the falling off
was principally in silk hose, and that the manufactur-
ers of these goods had lately turned to the making of
cotton hose. With regard to employment he found
that in one district there were. 191 frames all em-
ployed in making silk hose in the prosperous
times, but of these, at present, there were only forty-
seven now making silk hose. In another district there
were one hundred and sixty-seven frames, which, at the
same period, were making silk hose, while at the present
moment there were only fifteen in hat trade, and nearly
one hundred standing idle. In a third district there
were ninety-five frames, of which, at present, there
were only sixteen in that trade, and thirty-four turned
to the making of gloves. The average of the entire was
twenty-one out of twenty-seven unemployed. Mr.
Handcock then referred to other details showing the
same results, showing in the total seven hundred and
sixty-nine silk frames all employed at one time making
hose ; of these, one hundred and twenty-seven were still
going, one hundred and eighty-four were turned to making
gloves, and four hundred and fifty-eight were standing still.
The entire amount of silk frames was about 4,000, and he
had given them the details of one-fourth of the trade,
from which they might infer what the remainder was.—
(Hear, hear.) One thing struck him as being peculiar
to their case—that in order to ask the Legislature to
afford them relief they must show that the people were
actually starving.—(Hear.) He found that the persons
making the very finest description of silk stockings ob-
tained from 1 ts. 6d. to 95., and he believed there were
not in the above trade more than one hundred persons so
employed. The employment over the whole trade
did not exceed more than three-fourths of full
time, and the average wages would not exceed .6s.
to 6s. Bd. per week. In the three years, 1834-5-6, they
paid for their wheat 107 millions ; while in 18378-9
they paid 152 millions, and that would go far to account
for the great diminution that had taken place in the va-
rious branches of trade.—(Hear, hear.) In 1839 Mr.
Cayley, in the House of Commons, made some reference
to the hosiery trade, and inferred from the statements he
made that the manufacturers obtained 3s. 7d. profit on
the cotton stockings selling at 245. per dozen. That
statement was, he believed, quite unfounded, the
highest price for the description of stockings
to which he referred, being only 19s. 9d. .After re-
ferring to some other statements made by Dr. Holland,
which he contended were greatly exaggerated, Mr. Hand-
cock concluded by moving the third resolution—" That
the exchange of products between those portions of
mankind, whose fertile lands yield abundance of corn
and other food, and those whose skill and industry pro-
duce articles of manufacture, should be free as the air we
breathe to supply their reciprocal wants. That any
legislative obstruction to this natural right of man (ex-
cept by moderate duties, when absolutely required for
fiscal purposes) is a wanton infringement of one of the
most apparent and essential principles of justice, and
baneful in its consequences to society. That the odious
Corn and Provision-laws are notorious instances of such
impolitic and unjust legislation—selfish and tyrannous in
spirit—anti-christian and inhuman in principle—op-
pressive and ruinous in operation. That they have in-
flicted manifold and serious evils upon the industrious
classes of the empire, by greatly enhancing the price of
food, and by their destructive effects upon commerce and
manufactures ; and that they threaten to annihilate, if
not speedily repealed, the most important branches of
national industry. That to avert the evil consequences
of their continuance, and arrest the rapid progress of
distress and misery, it becomes the imperative duty of
the suffering millions, to unite in constant and increas-
ing exertions for their repeal. That as citizens of a
free State, firm in our loyalty and attachment to the
throne, we claim to be governed by impartial and equit-
able laws, enacted with a regard to the general beLefit,
and not to serve the peculiar or exclusive interests of
privileged classes. That in addition to our enormous
taxation for the support of the state, we are burthened
with monstrous imposts for the support of monopolies,
which are subverting our vital interests, depriving us of
the means of subsistence, and overwhelming this empire
with bankruptcy and ruin. That we hereby solemnly
declare and pledge ourselves, by the union of all our
energies, to employ every constitutional means of resist-
ance, to these barbarous, wicked, and oppressive laws,
and to persevere:with a firm, constant, and unremitting
determination, in demanding their total abolition."
Mr. S. BEAN, of Nottingham, seconded the resolution.
He trusted they would all put their shoulders to the
wheel ; that they would not cease their exertions until
these accursed laws were entirely repealed. He gave his
cordial concurrence to the resolution, and hoped it would
meet their approval.
The resolution was then put and carried unanimously.
Mr. Josapu STRUTT, of Derby, came forward amidst
loud cheers to move the next resolution—" That a peti-
tion to the House of Commons, founded upon the above
resolutions, be prepared by the Executive Committee,
and that they be requested to obtain the signatures of
the manufacturers of the Midland Counties thereto."
Mr. VICKERS, of Leeds, seconded the resolution,
which was also carried nem con

On the motion of Mr. JoRNsoN, a vote of thanks to
the Chairman, for his very able and dignified conduct in
the chair, was proposed and carried amidst loud accla-
mations.

The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks, and the meet
ing then separated.

THE DINNER.

In the evening about three hundred gentlemen sat
down to an excellent dinner in the great room of the
Royal Hotel. At four o'clock the chair was taken by
Edward Strutt, Esq., M.P., supported on his right by
Sir John Easthope, M.P., Dr. Bowring, M.P., and Mr.
Cobden, M.P. On his left by Sir George Larpent, M.P.,
Mr. Joseph Strutt, M.P., W. Evans, M.P., &c., &c.
Notwithstanding the arrangements that had been made
to provide accommodation for all who were expected to
attend, it was found necessary to have an additional
table laid in another room, fur nearly fifty gentlemen,
who could not find even standing room in the large
apartment. There was an excellent band in attendance.
The dinner and wines were of very superior quality, and
the festivities passed off in the most delightful manner.
After the cloth had been removed, the CHAIRMAN
gave the health of her Majesty the Queen.--(Great
cheering.) He believed it could be said of her Majesty,
that she was deeply interested in the sufferings of her
people. Unhappily the Ministry at present in power
were opposed to all plans for the promotion of the com-
mercial prosperity of the country; but he believed it
did not owe its existence to any spontaneous exercise of
the prerogative of the Crown.—(Cheers. The toast was
drank with tremendous cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN then gave the health of the Infant
Prince, heir to the throne of these realms, and he might
say with perfect truth, that never was there an heir ap-
parent to the Crown born with a better prospect of
receiving such an education as would fit him to exercise
the high powers that would some day, and he hoped it
was far distant, be committed 16 his charge.
The toast was drank with all the honours, as was also
the health of Prince Albert and the Princess Royal.
Then followed the Queen Dowager, and the rest of the
Royal Family.
The CHAIRMAN said he now came to the toast, which
was more particularly appropriate to the occasion which
had brought them together. The object of the great and
important meeting of that morning, was to increase the
means of subsistence and employment, and to promote
the general welfare of the people at large. He could
not, therefore, do better than give them, early in their
proceedings, " The People."
The toast was drank with much cheering.
Mr. COBDEN, M.P., then rose amidst loud and general
cheering, and proceeded to address the compahy as
follows :—Allow me to express the gratitude I feel to-
wards the gentlemen of the Midland Counties for the
most instructive meeting which I have attended this day.
—(Hear, hear.) But while listening to the details which
have gone back for a period of twenty-five years, show-
ing the consecutive deterioration in the condition of the
people, and the decline in your own interests, I could
not help saying that the agitation against the Corn and
Provision-laws should have begun long, long ago.—(Loud
cheers.) Why, Gentlemen, you have the whole case in
your own hand. We in Lancashire fought against great
disadvantages ; we were told that our distress arose from
our improvements in machinery. But what have we
been told to-day ? Why, "that the stocking-trade is
nearly in the same state as when it issued from the
hands of its inventor two centuries ago. At all events
for the last 25 years there has been no material improve-
ment in it, and there are no steam-engines with their
tall chimneys giving motion to your power-looms.—
(Hear, hear.) Then we are met in Manchester with the
over-production cry, which they say has been the cause
of the distress ; but here we are told that the production
has diminished, especially in Leicestershire. It was not,
therefore, over-production—it was not machinery that
has caused the distress here. But what else have we
heard caused the distress in Lancashire ? Why, the
joint-stock banks.—(Loud laughter.) They say that the
joint-stock banks have starved us in Manchester.—(Re-
newed laughter.) But here we find that no great mis-
chief has been done by the joint-stock banks ; and I
again repeat, Gentlemen, that you have the case in your
own hands. The whole of the fallacies of our opponents,
as applied to Manchester, are answered here; and hence-
forth it becomes the province of the Midland Counties to
take up the question, to lead in the van, and to be the
champions of this great cause.—.(Cheers.) I am glad
that upon this occasion you bare directed so many of
your inquiries to the subject of wages effecting the
largest and most important portion of the population of
those counties. I am glad that you have not confined
yourselves to the relative profits of the employer and the
decline of his business, but that you have given a clear
statement of the decline of wages and the distress of the
operatives in these counties. This will be one of the
strongest arguments which you can furnish to the House
of Commons in the ensuing session to justify the words
of the toast which I am now going to read to you—
The total and immediate repeal of the Corn and Pro-
vision laws. —(Loud cheers.) Oh I could not help
thinking as I listened to the details of the diminished
comforts and the waste of means of the working classes,
and the distress by which they are encompassed—l
could not help thinking as I heard of the con-
stantly diminishing resources of the hard-work-
ing frame-knitters of these counties—that our Le-
gislature had indeed departed from the spirit of that

EVENING SUN

Book, to which the Reverend Gentleman, Ish,°;;,
nounced a blessing upon our meat, had referrll,s4
they had forgotten_ the poor in their time of leeeu4d
they protected those who ought to have been,
lie,
in protecting others. Where Was the protecoo '„
frame-work knitter when he needed protectioniairer
(Hear, hear)—when the high price of food al
it more difficult for him to support his family? ,0 him'
we found that the Corn-laws were a protectionl coo.
No, we find that he got no protection from the
nssal
laws. They effected their object for those who tio
them, and in the same proportion they minister ,glad
misery and destitution of the working classes.._
cheering.) Sir, when Igo into that House agaish_eo
down, and hear a Chapter read before the be
.1:froll
the day commences from that Book which is no hi
igooa
first to last but a series of denunciations age, tlll
who wrest their bread from the poor, I will it 5111,
poor framework-knitters of Leicestershire, a log
look on with some degree of surprise and amazeth'„o 0
I shall express my doubts whether I do indeed
_too
the Rev. Gentleman has said, in a Christian" 7, old
llf I find them upholding a law to tax the 'lO
bread, in order to enrich themselves and to 0P1)1,,,er
destitute, will I not be justified in asking such a 4of
tion?—(;Much cheering.) I shall take the case...edi,ar
neighbouring nobleman, whose estate is in the ih"Pooes
vicinity of Hinckley, but I shall mention no
that the
There is a law on the statute book which enacts s car
corn grown on that estate shall be maintained ttalat Coro
tain adventitious artificial legislative price; an oar
is sold to whom? To the poor miserable star,
work-knitters of Hinckley. Now, Sir, I ask, is !.intsiroa
law in return that he should have his wages t"" I left t°
at a legal, adventitious, artificial rate, or is he 'leo hal
the competition of the German and the Saxon, "oh, cs!'`
their food at half the price ?—(Loud cheers.)t 01'1
this heathenism, Mahornetanism, Paganish"' bind this
not Christian.—(Great cheering.) But we arc the cui"
this law is necessary to enable the landlords soas ll°
tivators of the land to compete with foreigh,cbeersi
not you, too, compete with foreigners ?eid tbo
Have you not heard to-day from Mr. Wake glove,'
when the Saxon inundated you with his ehesP,„,ol,
what does the Englishman do ? He is JahharluEle
the disadvantage of producing at nearlY do
cost, but does he, therefore,l sit down 'flies and in,'
No; he calls to his aid all his natural elillionsl Per
herent intelligence ; he sets to work 14 ith aeu sotaeth',l"'
severance and ingenuity, until he has donee foreita":
which will again enable him to compete with `,lld and isr,a
He enters the common market of the won hisoar.,
he is met by foreigners, and still he has to ran which ;11
and to maintain this competition, escape frLlted
cannot ; and, therefore, I say, he is coteiheeartat;
time to a competition wth all the nations of ti!ow for 0,
(Hear, hear.) There is no legislative prot,e,etrid cue
labourer here ; and why should not the laa"olshotil
with foreigners as well as the manufacturing the nif
Did not the forefathers of those who are2r; 60flis
vatiors of the soil compete with foreigurj".....tbes°"o
years ago, this land exported its produw,A„kl OLIO
competition with foreigners ; and why 511"-t 1-:eet
be done now?—(Much cheering.) We are the 41
great increase in taxation had taken place 7ided, flaked
1770. 1770. We have had 500,000,0004 of debt a, 0 vis•
to the glory and the honour of those whi°,ll,.,f°rot°4
out aad achieved our conquests ; but of wd."-00,0u",- e 9,
am not proud. They have added -gel t,t-iist,
to the national debt ; they have put Wetehe 01)4;5 itt.
but did not the manufacturer, the artisah,' „re of t"; sal,
and the labourer, bear more than their sti`:oa 'e of
crease of taxation ? What said Mr. Wivor•
the last time, I believe, he ever spoks large j .sral
Commons ? "In no country in Europe is,- coo
tion of the taxation raised upon produet'venobertL'oe
labour as:in England." " Oh, but (says Sir„ the 'Olt if
look to the exclusive burdens imposed tir",te.' „sbeeto
ers—there is, for instance, the highwaY",'-eia.--(' use
they pay for the highways,'they also
buesettet'f, iettitoleolll7:etey.
and laughter)—and if it pleases them
the railroads, and allow the highways..ta- Say% tl;
But the townsmen also maintain the ,n,16-ehsvo:e.'far
pay for their streets, and they make n° in 015 diero
agriculturist when he bowls over the stßrie- over cod
gon, or the Squire, when he drives .o.iihouvveri
in his carriage. But when we visit the neir'a that sad
of the squirearchy they make us pay toll, elcheeop,,el,
frequently, when they exempt themselves.-- bet I
laughter.) " Oh, but, then," says Sir u'"°titiles',, be
" there are the tithes," the land par ,t,u.aeir
uY
wonder what the Bishop of Exeter '„reb,
hears: that statement of Sir Robert reeli;, Ch`;,eo
he will put in a prior claim to tithes for ,'ed IPPhea
However, I shall leave that point to be settiols, l 5
them, for I am sure the case is in very goo that to oot
we were told that there are Church-rates"; fif a c°reb'
pays Church-rates. I thought I had hear°„;,/ Chu ~a/
in the town of Birmingham for refusingl°l7oo,ilor,
rates, and I believe the towns are said to paytlief
Sir Robert Peel has not yet abolished ", tO the
hear.) Another claim upon the landowne:*.' is the
A this
have to maintain the poor ; and fiy-ra''',o7
quartet of protection claims—the reit °hl
Tithes, the Poor-rate, and thestocu Chu js
pato dogs?
I ask whether the town of thA v,
also paying poor-rat-s ? Aye, more 001E011 to;
what the land pays? And are not coor'll:the
Birmingham, and other towns, paYing„,`thea,l'ltO
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") And wher,j"9 Whifbo'
claim to an exclusive protection for the lan",:wts. „ohers
founded upon the most fallacious statell' P,
however, has opened the question, becau,,,se
„
Peel asks you, before you legislate upon w,
p inn 9
inquire into the relative burdens on land an u ",:#1
—(Loud cheers.) And if Sir Robert Peel
coal b~
trader, and desired to damage the landlords,
have more effectually stabbed them than a chee;fo
said 3-ou must inquire into this.—(Reneentire
My Hon. Friend, Dr. Bowring, has given the e'„gh
motion for a return of the land-tax paid in al"the
countries of Europe, and I shall tell you frio!"0,
how we stand. Of the whole revenue °' 0 f francs,
amounting to one: thousand millions
nil dealeoae
more than one half is raised from the boll ''6l,,te rev i go
In Prussia more than one half of the w..,bitivethe whrjet4tsate
is raised from the land. In Austria ":„If the
rho
raised. In Germany more thro! "Italy
revenue is raised from land. 11l „, In we eolne3
is raised from the same soti:f"tlic. revveolialsod
and in Denmark fully one-third oin -„f tare,
from land. And how stands the Os- 000/. cl-ta%*
(Loud cheering.) Of the 52,000', the lan
Paiti
raised in 1839, 1,170,000/. were paid this countr)differ
The thirty-third part of the revenue of
es the,..,froai
directly from the land ; and whence e.°--ra tax CS whjeli,
ence ? From the Excise and the Cul coffee, hest.'
the taxes upon sugar, and tea, an (gear, 0,11;1
are all raised upon the poor ine*--Anti-Co al
the Gentlemen, I predict that we of diate rere,
League, who now claim a total and imulenths 40'
the Corn-laws, will ire less than twelvent°
upon as a moderate and milk-and-water thata;ot
laughter and cheers.) Sir Robert Peel, and 'iwt of
for it, has directed my attention to another: queo6o°l4
it
lord legislation ; and when I look upon 'it time, II:
the land-tax, from its origin to the resent
_not e
exhibits an instance of selfish legislations 705e),0 of
audacity to the Corn and Provision-laws.---c (..„,titattge
land-tax in its origin was nothing but a rcislii LeiV
services when the Crown gave up the the TAO
One hundred and forty years ago, wile the Pero'
lords got possession of the Throne, lorieuso the
of King William, by what was called the gas i,tite,
lution, there were a thousand incumbrane of die falt;
land. It yielded nearly the whole revehhie }vas
—besides which the landlords had to fin% was 0011
to maintain them. At the time the lan try olsoi
and assessed the income of the entire We° You „sit°
nine millions a year ; and now, Gentieloenl: apa coot
middle clases, whose windows are counteu for ear}'
whom a new schedule is left every Year' for, calla
eg
dogs and horses,—you, who pay tax,at'
ounce of sugar and coffee you eons"oera,sea'
upon :you to remember that the fan the -prep?.
had their land re-valued from 1696 to •° g. ad
hoo e
time.—(Loud cheers.) Yes, they are Pa ape ••
tax upon a valuation which was made just ,lvbo ced
and forty-nine years ago, while the colleethr.ch 000+
round to you count the apertures through witvoar,fe 0°
light enters, and count your carriages ot re
`1
but who give the landowner no schedule, ifd 0110.0
assessment upon a valuation made one hued' c,e/
nine years ago !—(Cheers.). Tekhort the 0,1, rd' spoo
to look to it, for it is a war against their 10
(Cheers.) I hope I shall see petitions re 0.1 toP'
them to re-value the land, and that t',r the coo'
will go on collaterally with the agitation IS slabber'
and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws, lifers.) rf°
tribute my mite for such a purpose.—(Ch`pocl, lard;
must be a total abolition of all taxes upon o,4p'
should raise at least twenty millions a year 111;ther
and,then the owners woultd be richer than fo, i sou
~11Y
proprietary in the world.—(Cheers.) Thise,isted;
commend as compensation for what has for
iitori
friend Colonel Thompson indeed recon n or 15 les to
step, and that we should claim compensat°ll„,sll6°o6o
past.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it irelyenl "‘,. them,
get restitution, and of all funding fithwitson *lOO
difficult—(Great laughter)—but I see n° re:f a I°olol
should not have compensation in the shaPe, nar bud l°
which would release us from the whole 0, ',e pea,. er,
I should like to see that tax called for bytiti-d hoeoo,
England, and I have no doubt that we sh, as 5 9),°ter')
tal and immediate repeal of the Corn-taw" diatig'oJ°
compromise for the rest.—(Much cheering ahooto,colst
I listened with particular pleasure to the state,.
oaf
plan agreed upon for carrying on
this morning, but I did not hear anY, preole.
the
to the meeting of Parliament.—(Hear, 110100
agitatlO oe „1
men, you have nothing to hope from !",.ye the ob'
Commons in its present shape—(Cheers) tebeP 00504
themselves and they will do nothing, and, oh eltee oar
liged to you for letting them remain 50.—(-'11,.., by 016
and laughter.) If anything is done it wilot 0,0
own exertions, and I do confess that I d!eboellool
solicitous as to what course things will tans aueoPoo
meet in Parliament, and lam anxious "thaaoi,
should be well mooted out of doors, in order is t,,V
competine• parties may be influenced by what op,
piring. °Gentlemen, you know our op) spytPep
you know how vain it is to expectud Woof
from them but what we can extort.—V-- is aOl
diversity of opinion, and I am anxious tirL_4ll.o,,,r,
But even upon the Opposition benches t.h,ehrepir for
be rendered as unanimous as possible ; it 5.1,0, in !dt)
the country to give the tone to the OpP,oall'opposte'o
liament, and it is for them to let it, orel"l
know what principles should influence them in p
ensure support out of doors.—(Great chee %iv/ in
isvol
We have " 11,
a strong opinion on this subject. at a P-
ranks those who are in favour of no changei, but
of
those who prefer a fixed duty to a total rePeal„ sessle,ort
bold to say, that if the Opposition in the rie"iug
Parliament will take its stand upon any,,,, that7ts
of entire freedom of trade—l am bold to saYitir ot,pon'o.
position cannot stand against the poweffra`tha
they will have, because I cannot believe, tru a,of that de'
perience of the last two years, e Hell'o
ever again rally in defence of the semis sire
fined popular principle, and that the PeOP