The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WVDNESDAY_MORNING, JANUARY 20, 1A47.

on the Continent of Europe, that generation had almost passed
by, which hr d witnessed for a brief space the horrors of war,
and that now rising had experienced the blessings of peace;
yet it had had the means of contrasting the horrors of the
one with the blessing of the other. He believed that on the
Continent, also, there was a general appreciation of the blessing
of peace, and a sincere desire that the tranquillity was not to
be frivolously and uselessly endangered. He could not say
that he looked with satisfaction on the state of our relations
with foreign countries. Amongst the Powers of Europe there
was one with which, in his humble judgment, it was more
essentially necessary for this crointry to be on terms—not of
amity merely, but of cordial co-operation and union. He re-
ferred to that great neighbouring state with which we had of
late been on good terms. Throughout the world, and in every
quarter of the globe, there were numerous points of contact,
and which, in the event of any bad understanding between
England and Fiance, would be turned into points of collision.
He did not intend to offer any lengthened observations on this
question, but he certainly could not refrain from expressing
his regret at much of what was contained in the correspond-
ence that had taken place between her Majesty's Government
and the Ministers of the other Governments. Up to a certain
period they had acted on a feeling of mutual confidence, and
there was a probability at the present moment of an interrup-
tion in that state of amicable feeling, from this course not
having been persevered in. He also must deplore that between
the representatives of the respective countries interested in
the question to which this correspondence referred (the mar-
riage of the Infanta of Spain), there should have been so much
recrimination and exhibition of petty feeling. He must confess
that he was of opinion, that what had taken place in refer-
ence to another question, had effected this subject. namely,
what had taken place with respect to Cracow. He did not
mean to express any opinion on the annexation that had
taken place, but he had no hesitation in saying, that there was
insult and discourtesy shown towards the Government; or
that, if France and England had been on amicable terms, that
that insult and discourtesy would not have taken place.
Now he approached a question which was unfortunately more
interesting and important to the people of this country than
anything that could be connected with foreign policy. He re-
ferred to that awful visitation which had afflicted from
one side to the other, the sister island. He was confident
of this, that for the prevention of the present evil, or the pal-
liation of the present misery, and for the purpose of rescuing
this country from the guilt of permitting a large portion of the
population of Ireland knowingly to starve, that there was no
sacrifice and no eft', irt which Government might call upon the
people to make which they would not willingly accede to,
whether these might originate with the members of their
Lordship's House or the other House of Parliament, and he
would further venture to assert that the sentiments of the re-
presentatives would be echoed by the public sense of the
country. He spoke not in any captious spirit of the measures
which had been already taken by her Majesty's Government.
He knew that the extent of the visitation had in a great mea-
sure come upon them by surprise,—he knew that when
that visitation came, there was a difficulty of
obtaining correct and trustworthy information on
the subject; he knew that even the best efforts of Govern-
ment there would have much of local interests to overcome,
because the best reparations of the Government would be more
than counteracted for the petty purposes of local advantages.
He knew—and he spoke it not disrespectfully of the people of
Ireland—that in the administration of relief, and more espe.
cially when that came from the public purse, that the distribu-
tion of these funds demanded a degree of circumspection not
required in any other country. That great errors had been
committed by the Government no further proof was required
than the speeches of the mover and the seconder of the Address,
and the
Passing of the Labour-rate Act had had only
the effect of diverting work from channels in which
it could have been more profitably employed. At a time
when every Ilndlord was using his best exertions
to meet the calamity with which his tenantry was
threatened, a power which he could not withstand interposed
to prevent his employing his capital in the mode most advan-
tageous to himself and useful to those around him ; and he was,
compelled instead to employ that capital in filling up impracti-
cable hollows, lowering invisible hills, and the effect was, that
enormous sams of money were scattered for the purpose of
making the face of the eonntry absolutely impassable.
Well, then, his Noble Friend, the mover of the address,
said (and he, Lord Stanley, might be permitted to say
that he did not concur with those who censured the Govern-
ment for the course they had taken) he thought that the Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland was justified, in the circumstances in
which he had found himself, in exercising a wise discretion to
remedy the effect of a law which he found so inconclusive, even
when his measures went beyond the strict letter of the law.
He had no fault to find with Government for abstaining in the
exercise of their discussion from calling l'arliament together
earlier than they had done, but if there were a point upon
which he should be disposed to take exception to the past pro-
ceedings of Government, it was, that they had adhered too
closely to the principles of political economy. The doctrines
of political economy were framed,
no doubt, to meet ventral
circumstances and general evils, but it was impossible fur any
man to say that eireumstences should not arise of so grave ace
important .a
complexion as to compel Government to discharge
the doctrines of political economy, and act according to the
dictates of political experience. Now, for instance, they learned
from one paragraph in the Speech which had been delivered
from the throne, that means had been taken to lessen the pres-
sure of want. What those means had been, he presumed
they would hereafter learn, but it was mani-
fest that there were large and populous dis-
tricts in Ireland whose sufferings had been considerably
augmented by the urbappy omissions of Government, through
the zeal they had exhibited in favour of political economy doc-
trines. Now, had Goverment established granaries and depots
in these large and populous districts, where the people could
have purchased food at reasonable, hut still profitable rates, is
would have had the effect of throwing into the market the
stocks of speculators who were waiting for famine rates.—
( Hear, hear.) He regretted that they did not avail them-
selves of their power, where there was an intention on the part
of certain individuals to withhold supplies from the market for
the purpose of raising prices higher. He heard his Nobie
Friend on the cross benches (the Duke of Wel-
lington)ter,riee,
suseahy
%,thhthadthreesieerresdtetpos,
handabdeenbaetetnemptteadk.er.,
Nov.:thehe said
de
t,
hGaotvtehri,nrtneewnta., believedntoleeffort
which
ha, this Gov
Government
ebnete thabeen
e 0
ca,e, and the kffect had been most advantageous in those
u quartersoz th
e whereco country"
n tary
t.
in scarcityak
make, which
sup pliews
existed,would not
t o relieve the distress.—( Hear. ) There were two or three mea-
sures which had been distinctly referred to in the Speech.
beor where
respondedi' et
One of them was stated to be a temporary Irmo
sure, and referred to the increasing for a limited
period the facilities for the importation of foreign corn.
There was an'ether measure, which as he stated was not
understood to be contemplated by her Majesty's Government,
but as a temporary measui e, and which, in that character, he
agreed would be less open to objection than a former one in-
troduced. He meant the temporary measure to be introducer
for the purpose of affording a greater amount of tonnage to
this country. Ile believed that if they examined into the re-
turns of the amount of corn in this country, and on that sub-
ject there were many conflicting statements-4 Hear; hear.)
they would find that the amount of corn in this country was
much underrated. There could be no doubt that in America
there was a very large proportion of corn waiting for transpor-
tation to this country, and there could be no doubt that the
transportation of large proportions of that corn was kept back
by the want of sufficient tonnage to bring it over to this
country under the existing laws, and the result had been an
enormous disproportion in the price of corn grown there and
of corn in this country.—( Hear, hear.) Large profits
were realised by the corn traders and importers,
and as a temporary measure be did not think that there coulu
be any general feeling of opposition to the introduction of a
large proportion of tonnage into this country. He hoped that
they would not think that those connected with the agricul-
tural interest were in the slightest degree opposed to it from
the consideration of the medium of protection, of which in
would deprive thern• He did not, however, wish to express
positive
any post
~ opinion with reference to that remedy. It had
been admitted, and he was glad of the admission, that thi
part of the difference of price would into the po
cket
of go poc-et
ot the foreign corn ter impor . For then they had prospects
that the measure being passed, the supply of corn would not
in the slightest degree increase, or the price in any way dimi-
nish, and the loss to the revenue would go into the
pockets of the importers. He die not understand whetliet
one of the measures referred to by her Majesty's Govern-
ment was of a temporary or permanent nature. ahe expression
used in the speech '' for a limited period" might refer to foreign
were introduced for the purpose of b • -
corn. If sugar being use,
in distilleries it would increase its price, and furnish an
argument for the abolition of the malt tax, which the Govern-
ment would not be likely to concede. It had also been oh
served, that the absence of all political excitement in the
land afforded a favourable opportunity for attempting to benefit
the country. that
.the
He thought although opportunity existed,
it would •
it was riot an eligible one, andbe impossible to fulfil
made without the fullest ce-operation of the
sweeping promises , .
two countries. In legislating on this subject they should pro-
ceed on two axioms.
they should proceed on this principle,
r
in the first place that the people of Ireland were entitled
to be supported out of the property of the landholder,
and be relieved there by the people o;
and that pauperism s
Ireland themselves. It had of late years been the habit to
grievously abuse the landlords of Irel nd. Now he did not
of
nt the Irish landlords. They
stand there as the detenda
of Ireland in the same
riot
h -
should not regard the landlords g des
The same di& •
they did those of this country. ties did not -
1, had not the same rights. Their
volve upon them, for ,-ey.
properties were in several Instances crowded with a class of
neither •
will, who would improve the land
persons, turncoats at
themselves, or permit their
landlords to do so, but remained
upon it in the same condition, wretched themselves, and 'repo-
was aware of several instances
when the land. He himself
landlordses
had been
thwarted the efforts of the most considerate.
should be
thwarted by this very character; and it
of recollected,
in favour the system. A
that public feeling in Ireland was
be blamed for the landlord in this country would not continu-
ance under such circum.
of the evils that afflicted Ireland,
they would
stances. He trusted, therefore, that%o
this not adopt
any rash or hasty steps in reference . to
ma de upon the subject.
He did hope that no rash attacks would b
•
laws of real property, but that they should rather be unani-
mous in adopting measures of a more useful
character and
more calculated to advance the permanent interests of Ireland.
thisbelieved
subject
re
which had been totally lost sight cf•
with some trifling aid and
associated companies prepared on re roduc •
assistance to embark large sums of money. up p tive
public works were
public works, and he thought as those P
liarly adapted to securing the permanent employment. of the
with the encourage-
people, he did hope that they would meet _
went of the Government who ought to give a sufficient ment mer-
cantile and political security to insure the due and proper in-
vestment of capital in those undertakings. He
did not think it necessary for him to occupy
their attention at any greater length, but he
must be allowed, in conclusion, to state what he set out with
at the commencement of his obseroations, namely, that pro-
vided Government would exclude from their measures those
religious arid political topics which had always abstracted the
mind of Ireland, and made it unhappily the battle field of party;
provided the sole aim of their measures should be the improve-
ment of Ireland; v, ee was satisfied that all matters of a party_
consideration would be sunk in a desire to assists the Govern-
ment, who might rely upon the cordial co-operation of those
who occupied the Opposition benches.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, that after the speeches
of the mover and seconder 01 the Address, which were replete
with information acquired personally, by reading, connected
or
as it was with one of the most painful topics that could
be met with in the course of their Lordships' ex-
perience, with these addresses so lately before
their Lordships, he did not feel himself called upon to add any-
thing to their statements, hut he remarked that in the course of
the Noble Lord's (Lord Stanley) speech, his Lordship was in-
duced to depart from the rule he laid down, the rule, in
fact, he had made with himself at the outset. The Noble
Lord had admitted the inexpediency of discussion on the sub-
ject, where no evidence was before their Lordships; but the
Noble Lord proceeded in his (Lord Lansdowne's) opinion to do
more, for he founded a series of observations on the most im-
perfect evidence, and asked their Lordships to express an
(pinion upon it. He (Lord Lansdowne) in the words of the
Noble Lord, would revert to the two great topics which at pre-
sent pressed themselves prominently on the attention of the
public, namely, those events which might so greatly affect
their foreign relations, and those which related to the
state of Ireland, on both of which he was prepared, at the
proper time, to afford the fullest information. He would ad-
dress but two or three words to their Lordships, not so much
n justification of the Ministry's past rneasures—for the:9