The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-28 00:00:00

THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN.

trIDEIiti;IIIAINTAGEMENT of MADAME VESTRIS.
THIS EVENING, APRIL 28.

Will be repeated the New Comedy, in Five Acts, entitled
LONDON ASSURANCE.

Sir Harcourt Courtly, Bart., Mr. W. Farren ; Max Hark.
away, Mr. Bartley ; Mr. Charles Courtly, Mr. Anderson ;
Mr. Adelphus Spanker, Mr. Keeley; Mr. Dazzle, Mr. C.
Mathews ; Mark Meddle, Mr. Harley ; Grace farkaway,
Madame Vest ris ; Lady Gay Spanker, Mrs. Nisbett ; Mrs.
Pert, Mrs. Humbr. • _

knot. which will be repeated, the Grand Romantie Fairy Ex.
travaganza, entitled
BEAUTY AND THE BEAST.

Beauty, Madame Vestris ; The Beast, Mr. W. Harrison ;
John Quill, Mr. Harley ; Dressalinda, Miss Rainforth ; Mar-
rygolda, Miss Grant ; Queen of the Roses, Miss Lee.
To-morrow, Ler.don Assurance, with Beauty and the Beast.

Doors to t e opened at half-past Six—the performances to
commence at Seven ®'Clock. _ _

Dress Boxes, 7s. ; Second Price, 3s. 6d.; First and Second
circles, ss. ; Second Price, .`ls. 6d. ; Pit, 33. ; Second Price.
25.; Gallery Is.
Tickets and places for the Boxes to be taken of Mr. Grogan
at the Box-office, from Ten till Four, where Season Tickets
inky ne had upon application.
Private Boxt, to be had so!ely of Mr. Andre,rs, bookseller,
167. New Bond-street.

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.

UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF MR. DAVIDGE
AND MR. WILLIS JONES.

Astcunding Novelty. The.greatest attraction ever presented to
the Public, supported by the most powerful Company in the
Metropolis.
THIS EVENING, APRIL 28, . _ _

Will be acted a New Grand Historical Drama, entitled
WARLSHA ; OR, THE SAXON SLAVE.

The Characters will include the whole of the splendid Com-
pany of this Establishment, magnificent Scenery, Costume,
and Appointments, in addition to which a greater assemblage
of Females than were ever engaged on the English Stage will
form the Army of Amazons.
After which, a Comedietta, called
THE LAUGHING PHILOSOPHER.

in which Mr. J. S. Balls will perform the principal Character.

To conclude with
EL HYDER.
Ben Tareb, Mr. 0. Smith.
Unequalled Splendour and Effects.

"THE CHINA SUN,"

WHICH WAS REPUBLISHED LATELY
IS NOW ON SALE,
With all the LATEST NEWS.

null RAILWAY SUN
WILL BE PUBLISHED IN A FEW
DAYS.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Morning 39 minutes after 6. f Evening 13 minutes after 7

LONDON:
WEDNESDAY. APRIL 28, 1841.

The Peers were last night occupied chiefly
with one of those little discussions touching the
character, veracity, and conduct of Irish Peers
and Irish gentlemen, which reflect equal honour
on the House, for entertaining it, and on the
individuals whom it concerned. The Marquis of
WESTMEATH began by accusing the Marquis of
NORMA NBY of having described a Catholic priest
as the Catholic rector.

The Marquis of NORMANDY said if he had
used the phrase it was from inadvertence. He
quoted letters from the Solicitor-General of
Ireland, and several barristers, to justify what he
had previously said of the case of Mr. BIDDULPH.
The Earl of Cu A RLEVILLE complained of the
subject having been brought before their Lord-
ships without notice to him. He insisted on his
own correctness, and that he knew there were
three Ribbonmen on the Jury in Mr. BID'
DULPH'S case.

The Earl of WICKLOW admitted that the Mar-
quis of NORMAN BYES justification was complete,
and the Marquis said he had written to the Earl
Of CHARLEVILLE to give him notice of his inten-
tion to make the statement. The discussion led
to nothing.
A little conversation also took place about Dart-
mouth having being selected as the port of de-
parture for the West India Mails, which ended
by the Report of the Commissioners to inquire
into the subject being ordered to be laid on the
table.

In the Commons Mr. FRESHFIELD occupied
the House, for a short time, with a motion for a
Committee to inquire into the port of departure
aid arrival of the 1,17( st India Mails.

The CHANCELLOR Of the EXCHEQUER opposed
th 1, motion, and said nothing was more disagree-
ahle to the Government than these personal ap.
peals. The motion was carried, on a division, by
54 to 50.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL obtained a Com-
mittee to inquire into the expediency of erect..
ing a building in the neighbourhood of the
Inns of Court, for the sittings of the Courts
of Law and Equity. The Learned Gentle-
man founded his motion on the inconvenience
of the present Courts, and on the convenience
of the Solicitors, whom he described as a long-
suffering race.
The House sat till Nine o'clock.

The Times on Saturday last said " If capital
and poverty are both let alone, Capital will in-
evitably make Poverty its slave." The Tory
journalist, therefore, implies that it is necessary
to restrain capital to prevent it from inflicting

an injury on poverty or labour. This sentiment
was echoed by the Post, and described as truly
Conservative. We acquiesce in it; we wish it were
always present to the minds of legislators, and ge-
nerally acted on. If capital, however, when let
alone is so powerful, it needs no help from le-
gislators to protect itself; and those who adopt
this sentiment can scarcely avoid the Chartist
conclusion, that at least labour ought to be fully
represented, if not exclusively represented, that
it may, by legislative power, repel the encroach-
ments of capital.
Do the Tories—or the Conservatives, as they
call themselves, in order to hide, under a new
name, their true character—act up to this sen-
timent? Do they demand legislative power for
poverty ? Do they place it on an equality even
with capital? Not they. They haul forth the
sentiment for a little holiday parade when they
wish to catch the suffrages of the people, and
when it has served that purpose they carefully
lock it up till it is wanted for a similar piece of
trickery. Far from giving poverty poli-
tical power their system turns on exclud-
ing poverty from political power, and on
arming capital or property exclusively with
legislative functions, in order that it may make

a slave of poverty. This is one of the incon-
sistencies of Toryism. When it needs the as-
sistance of the people, it pretends to love and
honour them, but it always acts on its own innate
attachment to despotism.

We have an illustration of this in the pro-
ceedings relative to the Parliamentary Voters
Bill. The Tories object to Lord MORPETH'S
Bill, that it will give legislative power to the
people, or enable poverty to keep capital at bay.
They say that it will endanger property by
making it share political power with poverty.
But we will allow the Standard, an organ of the
Tories, to explain the sentiments of its party. It
said on Monday night,
Should this revolutionary measure he carried—should the
Chartist principle, that mere occupation of a certain nominal
portion of property, independent of all profit or interest arising
from its possession, be once affirmed for Ireland ; what, we
would confidently ask, is to impede or even delay the introduc-
tion of the same description of franchise into England and
Scotland ? * • * * First, there is the Govern-
ment plan for a mere occupation franchise ;—in other words,
that a pauper who holds as much land as is worth eight pounds,
but who pays for it sixteen, that is twice as much as it is worth,
shall have the franchise ! and this is the sober proposition of
Lord Morpeth. We all in this country know well the prover.
bial anxiety of the Irish labourer to obtain possession of a por.
tion of land at any price. This is his highest ambition, and to
gratify this, to be the owner of his field, he will give such a
rent for it, as reduces his actual condition below the daily la-
bourer whom he hires. He will live in filth and misery to pay
this rack. rent to his landlord; and yet if such a human being
pays a sufficient amount of such rent—that is to say, eight
pounds a year—he is to be one of the constituency of Ireland.
To this proposal Lord Howick says so ! You shall not depart
from the principle of the English law and the nominal principle
of the existing Irish one. You shall see that the man not only
holds and occupies a sufficient portion of land, but that he shall
hold it at a such rent as to leave him as much profit, as great
a "beneficial interest," as will enable him to live like a human
being, and not like an Indian or a beast of burthen.
To give a vote to poverty is stigmatised by
the Tories as a Chartist principle, and is to be
resisted by them in the case of Ireland, lest the
contagion of -protecting poverty from capital
should extend to England. That a man is poor,
and unable to live like a gentleman, is the very
reason assigned by the Tories why he is to be
excluded from political power. The Tories, by
their words, acknowledge themselves sensible
that capital, if let alone, will enslave poverty,
and by their acts they confer political power on
it exclusively, to enable capital the more cer-
tainly to attain this end.
While the Tory party hypocritically pretends
to have a respect for the bulk of the people, it
treats them with undisguised contempt, They
are not worthy, in its eyes, to have any share in
our political rights. They are to be treated
with care, like cattle, for the sake of preserving
them in good working condition, but they are no
more to be allowed to enter the political castle
of the gentry than swine are tolerated in
the carpeted parlours of our opulent farmers.
Yet some of the Chartists, some of the working
classes, are now zealously engaged in helping the
Tories into office. A few fine and flattering
words from the Tories, for whom they seem to
have the habitual deference which slaves enter-

tain for their masters, are sufficient to carry the
Chartists off their feet, and make them follow
the Tories as charmed men, moving under the
direction of an enchanter's rod. In fact, the To-
ries use a powerful charm for the poor. Theirs
is a golden wand, and the excessive poverty, if
not the will, of some Chartists consents to do the

bidding of the rich enchanters. Had the aboli-
tion of the Corn-laws, a year ago, restored the
people to prosperity, Tory gold and Tory bland-
ishments would have lost their influence.

It has of late been repeatedly urged as a re-
proach to those manufacturers who demand a

repeal of the Corn-law, that they want to employ
the cheaper labour of foreigners and so throw the
dearer labour of our agricultural labourers out of
the market. The statement appears to us untrue,
and our readers will, on reflection, we think, be
of our opinion.
Our Anti-Corn-law manufacturers require the
repeal of the Corn-law that they may set
more English labourers to work. They demand
it that they may be enabled to employ more
English spinners, English weavers, English ma-
chine makers, English ships, and more English
seamen than at present. That is their wish. It
is quite an error, therefore, to assert that our ma-
nufacturers demand a repeal of the Corn-law in
order to employ the cheap labour of foreigners.
It is very true that were our manufacturers
enabled to employ more hands at home, and
were allowed to bring corn from abroad, that
they would, incidentally, give some employment
to foreign agricultural labourers ; but on what
ground is it asserted that their labour is cheaper
than that of English or Irish agricultural la-
bourers ? It appears from the evidence given
before the Select Committee on Machinery,
" that at present our artisans are greatly superior
to those of Belgium, the foremost manufacturing
country of the world next to England. An Eng-
lish 'puddler,' for example, with the same ma-
chinery and fuel, will produce one-seventh more
metal than a Belgian." From other evidence
the same fact is apparent, and it is generally as-
cribed to the more enterprising and persevering
habits of the Englishman than the foreigner.
Nov this characteristic is common to English
staote agricultural t
agricultural labourers, as well as to English arti-
nz andre also,la bo inur
labourer
oi
fl at
the
eContinentmuch superior r i
ao
ar
are English artisans to foreign artisans. Com-
paring the payment of an English agricultural
labourer and his produce with the payment of
any foreign agricultural labourer and his pro-
duce, there can be no doubt that agricultural la-
bour is cheaper in England than on the Conti-
nent. The English agricultural labourer receives
less in proportion to the value of his produce
than any Continental labourer. The supposition
that labour is cheaper on the Continent than in
England seems to us to be false, and the charge
founded on it is equally false.
But if labour be cheaper
in England than
other countries, some persons may ask, how
comes corn to he so dear ? The answer is, we
have a law expressly to make corn dear, which
is known to have that effect. It is the law which
makes provisions dear. It is a proof that labour
is cheap and abundant, that large quantities are
now continually exported. If the labour of the
Continent were so much cheaper than that of
England, would it not be exported like French
silks and Swiss watches, and beat the labour of
the English out of the colonial and foreign
market? Looking at the skill and steady, per-
severing habits of our people, English labour is,
we believe, now the cheapest on the face of the
globe, and the whole argument founded on its
being dearer than other labour, proceeds on a
false assumption.

The ceremony of presenting a sword to the
infant Count of PARIS, engrosses the serious at-
tention of the Parisian Magistracy. The sword
will be preceded by an address, which it is
hoped his little Royal Highness will listen to
without squalling) albeit too young either to tine

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