The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-25 00:00:00

devise some means to remedy the existing dis-
tress. Such a petition, eii his opinion, was en-
titled to something more than being simply laid
upon the table of the House.—(l-fear, hear.) The pre-
sent Government should nut blame those who preceded
them in the management of affairs for that distress, be-
cause the best Government might he unable to prevent
such a state of things ; but any Government holding
the reins of office in this country, was bound to devise
some means. for its remedy.—(Hear, hear.) What he
(Mr. Stewart) complained of, was that silent system
pursued by Hon. Gentlemen opposite. A Noble Lord
had remarked, in conversation, that the late Govern-
ment bad been strangled by mutes ; and the remark ap-
peared to him a just one. When the Noble Lord the
Member for London had protested against the proroga-
tion of Parliament until something had been done to
relieve the distress of the country, the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet the Member for Tainworth rose and addressed the
House, ably and forcibly no doubt, but no other voice
was heard from the Ministerial benches ; and the Right
Hon. Baronet himself would pardon him when he said
that his speech amounted to little more than a declare-
don that he would not reveal the course of policy which
he meant to pursue. Let him remind the House
that the late trensfer of power had not been
made upon an ordinary question.—(Hear, hear.)
Ministers had formerly resigned upon the ques-
tion of a Civil List or on an appropriation clause ; but,
in the late instance, it was upon a vital question of fiscal
reform and commercial relief that the Government had
been changed. It was admitted upon both sides of the
House that distress prevailed to an alarming extent in
the country—a distress which ought to be relieved with
the least poseible delay. At the close of the last Session
of Parliament, the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for
Tamworth protested against even a month's delay in the
settlement of the Corn-law question. It was said by
him that the measures of the Government so seriously
endangered the commercial relations and the best inte-
rests of the country, that the new Parliament ought to
be immediately assembled to settle the matter. The late
Government had devised a plan fir the relief of the na-
tional distress, which, in the opinion of all practical men,
was well fitted for meeting the exigencies of the case.—
(Ironical cheers from the Opposition benches.) He un-
derstood the meaning of that cheer, but he must say
that, although the Right Hon. Baronet was supported by
a majority in that House, yet that majority was entirely
a landlords' majority.—(Cheering, and counter-cheering. )
He said it advisedly ; and although he believed that,
personally and politically, be represented as large a stake
in the landed interest as any Honourable Gentleman op-
posite, yet he would contend that the majority returned
at the last election was to all intents and purposes a land-
lords' majority.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition,
mingled with cries of " No, no," from the Ministerial
benches.) Now, what were the facts ? The counties
of England constituted that majority.—(Loud cheers.)
Ireland had returned a majority of Members in favour
of the much-abused Budget of the late Government.
Scotland had returned a majority favourable to that
Budget. The towns and boroughs of England had also
returned a majority favourable to that Budget, and it
was to the counties of England that the majority in op-
position to that Budget had been returned.—(Cheers.)
Was he not justified, therefore, in calling it a landlords'
majority ?—(Loud cheers.) He knew that he might be
told to look to the large towns—to Leeds divided—to the
representatives of Liverpool, both in opposition to the
Budget of the late Government, and to London divided ;
but his two Hon. Friends opposite (the Members for
London) knew as well as he did that there was a certain
class of watermen whose votes were purchaseable
(Hear, hear)—and et Liverpool a large proportion of the
'Ad freemen.—(Cheers.) He would confess that he had
voted for the old freemen retaining their franchise under
he Reform Bill, because at that time he represented a
arge section of them.—(Cheers and laughter.) The
reason why he had so voted was because they had re-
turned him four times to Parliament ; but he would con-
fess, as indeed he-had confessed at the time, that by
voting for retaining them he was retaining a weak, if not a
rotten, plank in the Constitution. He must therefore repeat
that, however respectable that majority might be, it
was, to all intents and purposes, a landlords' majority.—
(Cheers.) He would also say that they were now, by
their conduct, torturing the feelings of the country on
tenterhooks, and if they were determined to fight the
battle of the landlords against what were called the
"Cotton Lords," all the great interests of the country
must suffer.—(Cheers.) In the absence of all state-
ments in that House, he had looked to what had been
said on the hustings, to see if he could gather any hope
if relief, and first of all he had read the speech of the
Right Hon. Gentleman the Vice-President of the Board
of Trade, delivered in Newark, in which, after entering
into a catalogue of the crimes of the Whig Government,
he said it was quite sufficient merit for the Tory Go-
vernment that it had been the means of displacing the
Whig Government.—(Cheers and laughter.) Then he
had looked to the certainly able and eloquent speech of
the Noble Lord the ember for North Lancashire, but
he could find no comfort from its perusal.—(Hear, hear.)
He could not tell in what degree the agricultural con-
stituency of the Noble Lord might be able to judge of
the questions which the Noble Lord had discussed be-
fore them. The Noble Lord had attributed the distress
of the country to over-production, but he never pointed
out how we were to be delivered from that distress by
extending our markets. But with regard to the Corn-
laws, the Noble Lord had justified the principle of the
sliding scale, and he appeared to be almost as firm a sup-
porter of the present system as a Noble Duke in the
other House.--(Hear, hear.) But the Noble Lord had
not attempted to show how the grinding effects of the
present Corn-laws were to be obviated.—(Hear, hear.)
tic had also sought for information from the speech of
the Right Hon. Baronet opposite to his constituents at
Dorchester, but. he had been disappointed.—(Hear,
i•-ar.) The Right Honourable Baronet had said
that the secrets of the Cabinet must not be re-
peated, or, to use his own words, that he must observe
that reserve under which he had accepted office.—
(Cheers and laughter.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had
argued in favour of the present Corn-law, indeed, on the
question of protection it was hard to say how far the
Right Hone Gentleman might be inclined to go, for all
his arguments fur protection tended to vindicate absolute
prohibition, and it wes impossible to say how his advice
would be given on the question. He, indeed, indulged in
a simile which, although it might amuse, could not, he
should imagine, satisty the country. He had congratu-
lated his constituents on the :lemony indicated in the
present Government. Queen, Lords, and Commons were
now,. be said, in happy unison, and the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet the Member for Tamworth, with the master hand
of a musician, was placed at this harmonious musical in-
strument, to the delight of the people and the country.—
(Cheers and laughter.) He did not know how he was to
play on t his grand political piano-forte, unless he placed
the two Dukes as pedals under his feet.—(Cheers and
laughter.) The fanners would listen with a hope of hear-
ing him, with the assistance of his pedals, play the old air of
" Speed the Plough."—(Loud laughter.) But while the
people were expecting some exquisite harmony, the only
tune the Right Hon. Baronet played to them was the
mawkish melody. " Oh! no! we never mention it."—
(Cheers and laughter.) He thought that the opinion Of
the Hon. Baronet the Member for Dorchester must be
like that of the poet, that—
. " The harmony of things
Like that of sounds, from discord springs.'
_

—(Cheers and laughter.) If some explan:ttimi were not
given as to the intentions of her Majesty's Government
—if the Right Honourable Baronet attempted to
prorogue the Parliam,nt before proposing some measure
fOr remedying the widely spread distresses of the manu-
facturi4g districts, it would be in vain hereafter to at-
tempt to restore the prosperity, or to maintain the peace
of the country.—(Cheers.) If such a course were
adopted the results would be disastrous in the extreme.
It was a course which did not become them, either as
men or as Ministers—as men it was cruelly inhuman,
and as Ministers it was unwise and fraught with danger
to the country.—(Loud cheers.)

Mr. GIBSON. thought the House was indebted to the
Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down for the statements
which he had made, and the manner in which he had
brought the subject under the attention of the House.
The country felt disgusted with the silent system which
had been purSued by the other side of the House. It
was not treating subjects of such vast importance with
the attention or the consideration which they deserved.
—(Cheers.) He would admit, however, that silence
was the safest defence in a had case ; and he dared to
sly that the adVice given to Hon. Gentlemen on the other
side was something the same us that given by the counsel
to the defendant in a bad case—to hold his tongue.
—(Cheers and laughter.) So far from consi-
dering that the subject ought not to be brought
forward, he (Mr. Gibson) was of opinion that the
House could not appear to be more usefully em-
ployed than in endeavouring to devise a remedy for the
distresses of the people. With regard to financial mea-
sures, be did not press the Right Hon. Baronet to submit
to them his financial schemes that very moment. He
was aware of the plausible pretext that might be urged,
such as that he had not-been a month in office ; that he
had not had access to those official documents which it
was necessary he should consult before bringing forward
a permanent financial scheme. But if to consult those
documents were really so necessary, he could not but re-
gret that more deference had not been shown to those
who had those facilities when they had proposed their
financial schemes—(Loud cheers)—but that they had
been interrupted in the very outset, and cut off even
before their measures were fully developed.—(Loud
cheers.) But knowing that in all probability, the
the result of. the Right Honourable Baronet's finan-
cial meditations, and of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer's lucubration, would end in bringing forward
some propositions for new taxes, he did not care how
long the proposition of the financial scheme was put off,
or it' he never heard of it at all. But although it had
been stated that even if the Budget of the late Ministry
had been adopted a loan would be necessary. yet it had
never been shown that that Budget would not produce an
increased revenue, and if the proposition for an Bs. fixed
duty on corn had been adopted within the last week,
there would have been an addition to the revenue of half
a million. whilst corn would have been purchased from
the foreigner at a cheaper rate.--(Cheers.) But the
financial question was, comparatively speaking, of no
importance compared with the consideration of the dis-
tress of the country. The Member for Renfrewshire had
laid before them a most interesting- statement relating to
the distress in the county which he represented, and if he
were not fearful of fatiguing the:. House he could relate
statements of the distress existing at Manchester which ex-
ceeded even those made by that Hon. Gentleman. In that
town there were warehouses piled withgoods, of which no
profitable sale could be effected ; insolvencies and bank-
ruptcies were of daily occurrence ; thousands were de •
prived of employment—thousands were suffering from
typhus, brought on solely through the want of sufficient
food ; and there were 8,000 residing in one district
living upon a miserable pittance of ls. 3d. per head per
week. If they looked to the agricultural districts, what
did they see ? A state of prosperity, produced by the high
price of corn, occasioned by those laws which the far-

neer was told were enacted for his advantage ? No ; they
beheld a fearful competition among the farmers fin: forms,
and complaints that there were no getting farms except
under such terms as placed the farmer in the condition (74
a serf under his landlord—(Cheers, and counter cheers)
—complaints of the depressed state of trade, so blocking
up all channels of employment that they could
nut get their sons engaged in the different depart-
ments of business. Then let them look at the
small pittance awarded to the labourer in the
agricultural districts.—(lronical cheers.) Why, what
did the Agricultural Associations do ? and in alluding
to these Associations he could not but regret that
associations, established professedly for the improve-
ment of agriculture, should have lapsed into Conserva-
tive Associations.—(Cries of " Name, name.") Since
he was called upon to name an Association, he would
desire them to look at the proceedings at the Agricul-
tural Association at Saxmundhame the other day, which
exhibited all the symptoms of a Political Association. In
the first place, the usual insult had been paid to her
Majesty.—(Cheering and counter-cheering.) Her name
had been received with cold indifference, and with some
hisses, while the health of the Queen-Dowager had
been drunk with nine times nine, and one cheer more.
—(Loud cheering and counter-cheering.) Now, what
had they done after drinking the usual toasts ? He
beseeched the House to mark this. They had intro-
duced a collection of labourers, to whom they had given
rewards for having been able to bring up a small
family without having had recourse to parochial relief.
—(Cheers from; the Tory side.) What then ? They
admitted that the condition of the agricultural labourer
was one of such wretchedness that it was a matter of
astonishment, and worthy of a reward, if he were able
to bring up a small family without having recourse to
parochial relief.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Were
not the Agricultural Associations always striving to get
rid of the labourers from the agricultural districts ? Were
not propositions frequently made at the union boards to
vote money to send labourers to Manchester ?—(Cheers.)
Why, the Duke of Buckingham himself had recently
subscribed 1/. to get rid of a family of labourers, in
which there were six sons, all capable of labour, and all
of good character—for the subscription had been raised
for them because they were of good character—to pay
their expenses from Buckinghamshire, where they could
obtain no work, to Manchester, in order that they might
endeavour to find employment there ?—(Cheers.) How
could they maintain such an argument, when they
knew that in the agricultural districts in Devonshire,
Wiltshire, and Buckinghamshire, the wages of
the labourer amounted only to six, seven, eight,
or nine shillings a week ? In Norfolk and Suffolk they
might perhaps be somewhat higher, but in consequence
of the high price of bread the agricultural labourer was
barely able to provide food for his family, and after
paying his rent he had nothing left to expendin clothing,
or to afford an education for his children, so that he
could in many instances scarcely afford to appear
decently clad in a place of worship. He defied Hon.
Gentlemen opposite to contradict these statements.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, what did Hon. Gentlemen do when
they talked of the distress ? Oh, they talked of the
causes of it—they said it was occasioned by over-produc-
tion—that the reason the people were out of employ-
ment was, that the manufacturers had employed too many
of them, and that if a few more were thrown out of em-
ployment there would be no distress at all. That, he
believed, was what the over-production argument
amounted to. Another attributed the distress to
Joint-stock Banks, fictitious capital, and things of that
sort. They speculated as to the causes of the distress ;
but what, he wanted to know, was the remedy ?—(Loud
cheers.) They were satisfied as to the existence of the
distress. Hon. Gentlemen opposite admitted that, and
he contended that, being satisfied that the distress ex-
isted, it was their duty, without loss of time, to devise
some remedy.—(Cheers.) On his side of the House
they suggested a remedy.—(Loud cheers.) They said
the best thing was to extend the foreign trade of the
country, to seek for fresh customers abroad, and thus to
ensure unlimited employment to the population. On the
other side it was argued that the labourers ought to seek
for employment on the land. The answer to that was,
that the field of employment on land must necessarily
in an island be limited, but that it was impossible to set
bounds to the foreigis trade, for that, as long as the
world continued to want manufactures, it must
go on increasing.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
but that, if that were checked, to expect to find employ-
ment for all in the land, would be contrary to common
sense.—(Cheers.) But the Right Hon. Baronet says,
look at Leeds, Hull, Liverpool, and London—the Mem-
bers for those places are to be found among the op-
ponents of the late Government—what do those
places say to free trade ? It was certainly true
that the Members of many commercial places
might be found among the supporters of the Right
Honourable Baronet.—(Cheers.) That was true ; but
that could not be taken as an argument against the opi-
nion of the country, in favour of free trade. Under
what circumstances had those Members been returned ?
The Right Hon. Baronet had been particularly careful
not to say what his policy would be, and that had given
his supporters an opportunity of talking fast and loose
on the subject of free trade. Some of the Conservative
free-traders had said the Right Hon. Baronet was as
willing to grant free trade as the Melbourne Ministry
—that he had both the power and the will ; while they
had only the will without the power. Why, what had
been done at Manchester ? He had been opposed there
by the Right Hon. Gentleman now holding high office
under the Right Hon. Baronet's Government, and what
had been his conduct with regard to free trade? Had he
raised the cry "No free trade ?" No such thing ; he had
in substance said that the Right Hon. Baronet was at
heart a free trader.—(Cheers.) Many Conservatives,
free traders, had been induced to vote for Conservative
candidates, by the assurance that the Right Hon. Baronet
was only watching his opportunity to throw overboard
the landed interest; and quotations from a speech of illy
Right Hon. Baronet in that House had been printed and
extensively circulated, with a view of showing that the
Right lion. Baronet was actually against the Corn-laws.
The passage quoted was to the effect that the manufac-
turers were the main stay of the prosperity of the country,
and that the landed interest derived their prosperity
more from the prosperity of the manufacturing interest
than frozn the Corn-laws. That extract was made a
copious use of during the late elections, and had induced
many Conservative manufacturers to believe that the
Right Hon. Bart. was really disposed to support a free
trade policy. They had been told that Mr. Huskisson
was a Conservative and a free trader—that all the free
trade measures had been introduced by Conservatives;
and that the Whig Government had adopted free trade
only to save itself in its last agony. He would not im-
pute to the Right Hon. Bart. that he had given instruc-
Lions on the subject, but certainly a system had been
adopted in the manufacturing districts to induce a belief
that the Right Hon. Bart. was disposed to a free trade
policy.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Why, in Manchester
placards had been issued, inscribed with Free Trade,"
" Ch. ap Bread," " High Wages," " Vote for Murray and
Entwisle," " Ne Whigs," No Poor-law." That placard had
never been disavowed, although it had been alluded to
over and over again. Indeed there had been no reason
to disavow it, for the speeches and statements made were
in accordance with the placard. Now what would those
who had been induced by such means to support the
Right Hon. Baronet think when they saw the Duke of
Buckingham a Member of his Cabinet—(Cheers)—and
heard that Noble Duke declaring, as he had done the
other day to the farmers of Buckinghamshire, that he
had not changed one iota of his opinions, but that he was
determined to maintain the Corn-law in its presentstate?
—(Cheers.) Could they help feeling that there had
been some misunderstanding "on the subject ? The Right
Honourable Baronet had talked of examining minor
details—of altering the modes of taking the ave-
rages—but the Duke of Buckingham had raised
the cry of " No surrender."—(Great cheers.) How
could they reconcile these things with the idea that the
Right Hon. Baronet was the head of an united Cabinet?
—(Loud cheering.) But what did they propose to do
to remedy the existing distress ? Did the Right Hon.
Baronet mean to trust to the chapter of accidents ?
Did he mean to prorogue without proposing any remedy ?
And did he imagine that by doing nothing trade would
come round—(Cries of "Hear, hear," and cheering.)
Must the poor man be left to the charitable relief of the
middle classes ? Did they not think, after the efforts
male- to raise the independence of the labouring popula-
tion, that it would be unwise to leave the pour to charita-
ble relief and alms? Would they assign any reasonable
time for the recovery of trade ? Did they hope that
this relief would recover trade ? He had no such hope,
and there was an authority on the subject which Hon.
Gentleman on either side of the House would not be
disposed to question. He alluded to the Hon. and Rev.
Baptist Noel—(Cheers)—an authority whom they would
submit to with respect, an ornament to the Church, and
a leader of religious opinions.—(Laughter from the Mi-
nisterial side of the House.) He asks " What is to be
done ? Tickets for coals and potatoes would not be suf-
ficient—charity sermons would not fatten, but the earth
was amply sufficient for the production of food, and would
reward the poor with its riches ; and they had skill and
industry to work, if they had the opportunity, for the
food with which Europe could supply them if only the duty
on foreign corn was fixed." That Rev. Gentleman pro-
posed the remedy—the true remedy—for the distress of
the country ; and they should recollect it was not safe
to leave the country in its present state of intelligence and
knowledge, in such a state.—(Hear, heiir.) He said it
was not safe, because the country was beginning to un-
derstand the question of the Penny Postage, and' other
measures had spread.: tracts and information on the sub-
ject through the country, and every class was becoming
acquainted with the injustice of the Corn-law. He also
kirlw that the Government of the Right Hon. Baronet was
aware of that injustice; and he would read the state-
ments made by the Noble Lord the Member for North Lan-
cashire at his late election, where he was opposed by Mr,
Acland.—(Laughter.) What was there to laugh at ?
He had only read the papers, and lie found that Mr.
Acland had been proposed and seconded, and had a show
of hands almost equal to the Noble Lord.—(" No, no.")
But the electors were able to put questions to the
Noble Lord, which was a convenient mode of eliciting
what were the opinions of her Majesty's Government.
The first question put was, "Does the Corn-law raise
the price of bread ?" And the Noble Lord said it was
the object of the Corn-law to raise it above its natural
level. He went
.on to say " that the effect of this was an
increase in the rental of the landlords. Ile did not say
it was the intention of the Legislature to produce such
an effect." They would assume it was an incidental ef-
fect—(Cheers)—but all they wanted to know was, did
it raise the price of bread ? The third position was,
"lie admitted freely and distinctly that the price of
bread had no effect on the rise or fall of wages•"—
(Cheers.) Now, mark that ! The very principle
for which the Corn-law League and the political
economists were contending. What would be the
reflection of the hand-loom weavers when they heard
this ? Would they not argue thus :—" These laws in-
crease the rental of land, and do not increase wages."
Would he not come to the conclusion that the dainties of
the rich were purchased by his tears 2—(Cheers)—that
the tax on bread enabled the landlords to revel in

luxury at his expense ?--(Cheers.) Was it unnatural
to come to such conclusions? He did not think it was, I
but he would not impute any motives. But the Noble
Lord would say, " Yes, but this tax increases the de-
mand for labour in the agricultural districts, and it there-
fore raises the rate of wages in those districts." His
(Mr. Gibson's) answer to that was, that those very agri-
culturists employed a Mr. Muggridge as their agent, for
the express purpose of transferring the agricultural la-
bourers to the manufacturing districts, and were sub-
scribing to get rid of them.—(Loud cheers.) He an-
swered by facts, but he could not answer by reason
also.—(Hear, hear.) It was impossible for a limited
country to produce sufficient food for a conti-
nually increasing population. Misery and dis-
tress to a large amount would follow the ap-
plication of such a principle. He was afraid
he was detaining the House.—(Hear, hear) But it was
not only the poor, but the middle classes and capitalists
who suffered. They would no, longer endure to live by
sufferance, and to , have their 'food doled out to them,
that the landed proprietors might have their tables splen-
didly spread out before them.—(Hear, hear.) Why
should not they who had no land be allowed to produce
corn in the cheapest way they could by the medium of
exchange ?—(Cheers.) The landed proprietors had no
right to the exclusive privilege of giving bread—of
being the licensed victuallers of the country.—(Cheers.)
The commercial world would not consent to be a mere
secondary class in society. Distress or no distress, they
were entitled to the full and fair reward of their indus-
try.—(Hear, hear.) Let all make the most of what
they had—the agriculturists of their estates, the capis
talists of their capital, the labourer of his labour.—
(Cheers.) There was nothing improper—nothing du-
bious in this doctrine, that each class should be satisfied
with his own, and with what Providence placed within
his reach.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. PARKED, called upon the Right Hon. Bart. not
to leave the country in doubt and uncertainty as to the
measures he meant to propose. He did not require any
large exposition of his propositions, but he did not think
it right that he should keep entirely concealed the mea-
sures he intended for the removal, of the acknowledged
distresses of the nation. He thought, the Right Hon.
Bart. was bound to say more than that he would make
some slight alteration in the averages, and should make
a small development of his views on the subject of the
Corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) The country would not be
satisfied with such obscurity. The country generally
attributed its distress to the Corn-law. He himself
believed there were other causes besides, but there was
no doubt the Corn-law was instrumental in creating that
distress.—(Hear, hear.) He wondered how the Right
Hon. Gentleman who had been learned in politics could
come down to that House and meet the distresses
of the country with a blank sheet of paper,
It had a right to know the policy of the Right Hon.
Gentleman on the subject.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL rose and said—Sir, if the Right Hon.
Gentleman who has just set down demanded of me
a fuller. exposition of my views, which he seems to think
necessary, I do not think it would be more unreasonable
than the demand of the " little development " which he
has made.—(Cheers and laughter.) I see no great ad-
vantage to be derived from that little development. The
course I take is amore rational, one than his.- <Hear.)
It was the position I assumed on being called on, with
my colleagues, in the administration of public affairs,
to repair some of the enormous embarrassments—(Lond
cheers).-.--in which his party has involved the couatry,
as far as its financial policy is concerned. The course
I pursued was to ask from the House of Commons and
from the country sufficient confidence to take compre-
hensive views of the condition of the country, and a
short, a comparatively short, period, when I think of the
importance of the question, to mature our policy, and
submit it to the consideration of Parliament. And that
seems to me to be a more rational course than to make a
little development. Why, what should I say on the subject
of the Corn-law--on this demand of a " little develope-
ment" 'of my views on the subject. Was I, after saying
the Corn-laws should be considered, and announcing the
plan and intention of Government on the subject, to
submit them at once for consideration? Could there be
any advantage in going into details 'and postponing the
consideration of them? It was only the other night I was
told from the other side that nothing could be more un-
wise than to discuss the Corn-laws without taking into
simultaneous consideration the question of the Poor-law.
I was told that these two questions were closely and in-
timately connected together, and was advised, on no ac-
count to develop what the views of Government were on
the One question without explaining my views on the
other.—(Hear, hear.) And what was I told last Session?
Why, that the Corn-law was essential to a comprehen-
sive system of finance.—(Hear.) It the finances were so
intimately connected with the Corn-law that they could not
be separated, what fair demand could be made on the Go-
vernment to bring them forward now ? If they be so
essential to the finances of the country, as stated by the
other side, what claim can be made on me to produce the
plan of Government with respect to them when the
finances are yet to be considered.—(flear.) I stated last
Session that I would not be forced, in case our opposition
to the late Government was successful, into a premature
declaration of the intentions of Government.—(Hear.)
I made that statement repeatedly. The sense of the
country was taken, by means of an election, under the
auspices of the late Government, since I made that de-
claration of my intention, and the opinion of the country,
as evinced by the late elections, was clearly in favour of
the course I pursued. I stated at the time that if succes-
: ful in opposing the measures of the late Government
I would ask for a temporary means of repairing the deft-
ficiency of the country, and would not bring for-
ward any general plan.—(Hear, hear.) I stated
that before the general election the constituen-
cies were aware of my intention, and the consequence
of the general election was, that her Majesty's lute Go-
vernment were left in a minority, that made it impos-
sible for them to carry on the Government. The Hon.
Member for Manchester says I maintain reserve. Well,
the country was aware of that reserve, and the country
demanded no more explicit declaration than the one .1
gave ; and notwithstanding that reserve, her Majesty's
late Ministers were left in a minority that obliged them
to quit office.
Mr. HAWES—By means of the county constituency.

Sir R. PEEL—Yes; but that county constituency was
left by the Noble Lord, the author of the Reform Bill—
(Cheers.) But this is always the mode of reasoning
when a party is deprived of public confidence. That
confidence was lost to them, be it recollected, notwith-
standing the Reform Bill. They say the real opinion of
the country is with them notwithstanding their defeats.
Why, since the change of Government there have been
nearly thirty new vacancies in the Administration, and
those thirty Members appealed to their constituencies,
and the returns have been entirely in their favour.—
(Cheers.) Nay more, with the exception of that for-
midable opponent with whom I and my Noble Friend
had to contend—(Laughter)—not a single member of
that Administration had been opposed.—(Loud cheers.)
The lion. Member for Manchester was therefore right
to make the most of that opposition of Mr. Acland. I
am not surprised at his dwelling on him with so much
exultation.—(Laughter.) He had been proposed and
seconded.

Mr. GIBSON-The show of hands in his favour was
equal to that on the part of the Noble Lord.
Sir R. PEEL—Yes; but he had not, i: appears, suffi-
cient confidence in that show of hands.—(Cheers.) Now,
with regard to my silence, I can assure the Hon. Gen-
tleman that there was no intention of showing any in-
dividual disrespect, or any want of a just appreciation of
the importance of that subject, in me or my colleagues
forbearing immediately to follow Hon. Gentlemen oFpo-
site; but I think, after the decision come to the other
night, that it is not quite fair to take this opportunity of
again referring to the subject before they went into a
Committee of Ways and Means. This discussion
would lead to no result, and I thought the Hon.
Gentleman did not intend to provoke a general
debate of the subject, but would confine him-
self to the unfortunate circumstances in his own
locality. I considered he felt a deep sympathy in the
distresses of his constituency, but I was surprised that
he had time to concoct that series of very bad jokes on
musical instruments fir which he hoped to attain the
character of a wag, and, by his jacoseness, to re-
commend himself to his constituency.—(Hear.)
Sir, the Hon. Gentleman convinces me also that, not-
withstanding die prominent position which he occupies.
his counsel as an adviser under the present difficulties
is not altogether to be followed. For the Hon. Gentle
inan says he attributes a great part of the defects
which exist in the present constituencies to the retention
of freemen in the boroughs ; and yet the Hon. Gentle-
man was resolved at first to maintain the rights of the
freemen, and he has no better reason for justifying the
part which he took against his own conviction, than the
personal obligations which he owed to these people for
having returned him four successive times to Parliament.
Therefore the Hon. Gentleman clearly proves to us, that
whatever course the temporary interests of his consti-
tuents may require him to take, those interests will pre-
vail in his mind against his more enlarged views.—
(Hear, hear.) So for does the Hon. Gentleman carry
this principle, that having to repair the vessel of the
State, which he says was in danger from the rottenness
of its planks, he purposely inserted a rotten plank in
the vessel of the Constitution.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Gentleman will permit me to detract considerably from
his authority after that candid declaration. Sir, I have
said before, that I do sympathise with .the distress
which exists in certain parts of the country. But it
is
most important that those upon whom the duty is
imPt)sillst
of laying :,the foundation of a remedy for thoseeasesv
should not be driven to hasty and precipitate
theure of
m country
relief. lam certain that the gogoof[seanrsee ofentrusted with
affairs,
is in favour of giving tothtise
vho
time and opportunity to
the administratiou of
investigate the causes to which the distress is really attri
butable.—(lear.) Why, I have heard those who are
now the most active in the Anti-Corn-law repeal—l have
heard them attribute that distress mainly to a cause
which we are now ridiculed for alluding to. namely, the
artificial stimulus applied to production by means of an
excessive issue of bank notes. That very Chamber of
Commerce, of the town which the lion. Gentleman re-
presents,
distinctly stated that manufactures, and the cot-
ton manufacture in
particular, were in a state of great pros-
}writ); up to the year 1836.—(Hear.) That prosperity
was co-existent with the present system of Corn-laths.
Bet the Chambyr of Commerce declared that in conse-
quence of the misconduct of the Bank of England, fol-
lowed by the misconduct of Joint Stock Banks, the most
extravagant stimulus was given to manufactures ; ad
vances are made by Joint 'Stock Banks to manufac-
turers, cotton mills are built, machinery is placed in those
cotton mills ; the machinery and the building are con-
signed as security for the issue ; then comes a revulsion
in trade, and then a demand for money ; the mills arc
stopped, the security is of little worth, the mills and the
machinery sell for a comparatively small sum on account
of the nature of the security ; and then it is said that
the Corn-laws are the cause of all this distress.—(Hear,
hear.) Now I say it is material to ascertain
to what extent other causes operate and produce that.
distress. The Hon. Gentleman with his opinions upon
free trade, and the iniquity of the Provision laws, asks me