The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-25 00:00:00

EVEN ING EDITION

CORN-LAWS.

'MEETING OF THi74ll----IVRD OF FARRINGDON
----------

A meeting WITHOUT.
gof the inhabitants of the 'Ward of Far-
ringdon Without was held yesterday in the New Court,
Old Bailey, in conformity with a requisition presented
that purpose to Sir James Duke; the worthy Alder-
man of the ward.
Sir James Duke having taken the chair at 12 o'clock
and the usual preliminary business having been gone
through,
Mr. GALLOWAY in a very neat speech in which he ad-
3'ocated the principles of free trade and expressed a hope
that all party distinctions would now be sunk in the great
fight against monopoly, proposed a series of resolutions
expressing the approbation of the meeting of the mea-
Siires proposed by the Government with respect to the
duties on sugar and timber, and to the substitution of a
*mall fixed duty on corn for the sliding scale—(Cheers.)
Mr. POSTIFEX, in seconding the resolution, defended
the conduct of the Ministry from the time of their taking
Sup up to the present moment. They now threw them-
selves upon the people for support in opposition to the
class interests, and he hoped the country would re-
s Pond to the call.—(Loud cheers.) During the course
of his speech Mr. Pontifex was interrupted occasion-
"LY by a little knot of Chartists and Tories, who
expressed their disapprobation in a most vociferous man-
ner, particularly when the name of Lord John Russell
Was mentioned. Every hiss, however, was only a signal
for a burst of applause from the body of the hall, which
completely drowned the disapprobation of the dissentients.
Mr. TYTE defended the Corn-laws, and expressed a
hope that a modified property tax would be proposed.
Mr.:IV-m.l.s, before commencing his address, said, that
if his opinions were not in accordance with those of his
constituents, he would at once resign. He thought it
impossible that this country, with such a heavy debt,
conkl compete with foreigners. He contended that ex-
rience showed that when foreign corn was imported,
as always paid for in gold, and that the Bank of
n was
had been embarrassed in consequence. As to
a fixed duty, who was to tell what would be sufficient
pbe
ro4chtiewon or not ? Were the mill-factors of the people to
against the landed interest of the country ?
(Hisses.) The prosperity of the Ward depended upon
h_e landed interest, who were their best customers.—
iiterruption.) He would shut up when they liked, for
e felt he should not convince.—(Cheers.) They were
beginning at the wrong end. He was for cheap Govern-
ment, and he knew the poor never could have their rights
they had a cheap Government.—(Cheers.) The
revenue in 1792 was 16,000,000/, and he thought it ought
° be brought back to the 16,000,0001. again ; and it
kight be brought back without doing wrong to anybody.
Tories
cries of " Question.") He thought Whigs and
-;ories were both equally bad. The consequence of the
debt rerdered it impossible for them to have cheap
corn from abroad, and their great object ought to be to
u
.ain cheap Government. He was against any altera-
°ll in the Corn-laws—(Loud hisses and great uproar)—
and he would move as an amendment a resolution, stating
that it would be impossible for the manufacturers of this
of
to compete with foreigners so long as a revenue
r fifty millions was wrung from the productive classes
to be given to the unproductive classes.
Mr. Basias, of Hosier-lane, seconded the amendment.
.Mr. WOOD complained of the attempt of Mr. Wells to
Shirk the question as one unworthy of the meeting. If
ule 11 millions taken out of the pockets of the people an-
of bpi e present Corn-law were kept in the pockets
?the ple, and out of the grasp of the mono-
?lists, there would be no great difficulty in obtaining
.;"..4e al) Government.—(Cheers.) The measures of the
aovernment must -be taken as a whole.--(Cheers.)
ere was now a prohibition against the importation of
the and of meat. The landed interest were a class
that nothing could ever satisfy. They had even upheld
tidlitY upon eggs and sausages.—(Cheers and laughter.)
l addition to the eleven millions taken by the Co-
re rns, there was no less than 20,000,0001. taken out of
tft Pockets of the people of this country by indirect
ration, for the purposes of protection. It was neces-
St)' to reduce the duty on foreign sugar in order to pre-
Oat the East and West India monopolists combining to
7,eeP these sugars out of the market so as to keep up the
Lte. He contended that the change proposed in the
ertil-laWs would not reduce wages but would in-
le ease the present consumption of corn by at
2ist one-fourth.—{Hear, hear.) The poor labourer
, -°liid not then be obliged to give his children vegetables
uSe he could not give them bread. Mehemet Ali
cargopan to Napier that he could not send a
In of his corn here and take our manufactured goods
1;" return, on account of the uncertainty as to the duty
41e should have to pay when the corn arrived here._
iTheers.) Would they give up their trade with the
'irazils on the hypocritical pretext that free labour could
dote compete with slave labour. Why, the estates in the
" eatlndies had increased in value since the emancipa-
lion, and the way to increase free labour was td let it
why
freely with slave labour all over the world.
why did they refuse to encourage the free labour of
Borth America by refusing the corn, and yet encourage
the slave labour of the South states by taking the cot-
ton ?—(Cheers.) Why because they were the victims
44 the sugar, the timber, and the corn monopolists.
kr: Deacon Hume, who was no party man,
Ilatt said that if we did not get rid of our monopolies,
our commercial empire would be lost.—(Cheers.) The
Vilrect taxation which did not go to the purpose of
-t)°.,_ernment, was greater than the direct taxation. The
wing
population had been taxed to its utmost ex-
tent Tlil
' e Government saw this and had long concocted
thing reat and mighty measure.L(Cheers.) „If they fol-
owed Mr. Goulburn's advice W leave things alone,
Would the public creditor be quite safe ? With the po-
pulation of the manufacturing towns starving, were things
0e let alone.—(Cheers.) The proposed measures
°IQ, produce an increased demand for labour, and con-
seqluent)y increased wages.—(Loud cheers.)
'lr. B. PDXTIFEX contended that more persons would
tiel called into employment in the manufacturing districts,
torsi
would be thrown out of employment in the agricul-
ea' districts bv. a repeal of the Corn-laws. Belgium was
fatter worthy to the East Indies, and it was a
,rter worthy of swious consideration how the prosperity
I,er,Ur manufactures was to be maintained. Our pros-
anr.;tiow depended upon maintaining our foreign commerce,
continuedotylllod that be maintained as long as these prohi-
f ? and they ought to take the earliest
doing away with the incubus which was
fixes,
_.;lPon us. Mr. Wells had complained of the
t.;(4::::urre,talnveveirne
sauclpdpitivoinngto them he was for imposing on
•b-e
conntry an additional tax by the Corn-laws. The
Thal forme to h._ supplied customers in Holland, who used
from the city of London. Feeling
Co"alLt_as necessary to take measures to maintain our
linur.q? e, he should support the resolution,—(Cheers.)
into a hitst ,he
supported the resolutions and went
they weretcPt°f the Corn-laws, and stated that when
(tans consideredalbe ?s- enacted the attempt to make corn dear
et:ocious that the Corporation of Lon-
,tires,sedwdast
saht that time the Lord Mayor was a Tory, ad-
theThsr::
13-UfloLodo praying the law might not pass.
,ed on that occasion. The Tories of the City
aThe 111/41. Guaed.,always been. oppo.sed to the Corn-laws.
ueSeripti nelliall, having given a most humorous
fusinall of the absurd conduct of John Bull in re-
• elicit;d ear' e,orn, good timber, and cheap sugar, which
of the
revenue.great laughter, went on to account for the failure
osta The Ministers had given them cheap
for Had there ever been such a glorious cause
did
,i,411,2; Fevenue? The revenue was failing, and what
increulase• Ministers say ? We will raise the revenue by
.Azonoing the comforts of the people.—(Loud cheers.),
all the henefits of the change in the postage this
Was
the
atnioenol the gre3test.—(Cheers.) At the present mo-
Inent the • idinisters had put themselves at the head of the
elar 11°Pe of the country.—(Loud cheers.) The de-
of Lord John :Russell was a proof of it ; and
poly. g
all to join him in storming the citadel of mono-
IVY. lie had placed himself at the head, and would they
.41 Fs? to follow him ?—(Cheers.) They should help him,
fre_n,eYP themselves.—(Cheers.) Had he introduced some
110 so measure of taxation the Tories would have sup-
coll:ted Ithu•—(Cheers.) The people of England should
Toi.lleder 'hat lie had done for them, and Whigs and
en' s connected with trade ought to join in putting an
to the odious system of monopoly.—(Loud cheers.)
in, \lva s glad of the opportunity afforded him of express-
lee I's sense of the conduct of the worthy Aldermen
themeuvening the meeting, and would say once more, let
BuPPort the Ministers. Let them rally . roumccli
71,-,.; John Russell—(Cries of " No, drowned drowned in lou
schen' -Jig, which continued some time)—and they would
liec„ced in storming the strongholds of monopoly.
ye 15LAKE defended the Corn-laws as having pre-
te-eqed flectuations of price, and as necessary for the pro-
pof the home grower. He denied that high rents
Ltoe a disadvantage to the country—(Disapprobation)—
- contended that it was the duty of the Government to
ec°,hisel the home market to the English labourer. The
of COaws were necessary for the maintenance
horde State.—(criee of " No," and hisses.) It was a
Cries
absolutely noceesary.—(" No, no," and hisses.
le °f " Down, down," " Off, off," and great uproar.)
of ci., happy to say that a vast majority of the House
Wh,f linons was in favour of the existing Corn-laws
0-/i7 'le held to be for the bone& of the country.—
talesssoese,and uproar.) They weeeafeeady amused with

- - -
olaan of manufacturing distress.—{gear, hear.) lOl
ff
i,sed, because—(Loud cries of " Tuna out ,
_hisses, and disapprobation).
Sir j". DUKE hoped it was a slip, that he Old not mean
that tales of distress would amuse any one.
BLAKE had made use of the word because those
nt,e,S. had nothing to do with the question.—(Loud vies
Off, off," " Turn him out.")
Mr, YONTIFEX interfered to procure him a hearing.
after a few words from Sir JAMES DUKE,
43*. BLAKE continued, and said he made use of the
15ut 11;1 amuse, not because he did not feel for the distress,
because ft had nothing to do with the argument. He
mellied that the doing away with the Corn-laws would in-
theiease
manufactures It foreign nations did not want our
allufactures, no difference in price would make them,
It d they would never take more than they were obliged.
Was not fair to take away the protection from English
.udustry.—Misapprobation, and cries of " Off, off," and
Time, time.") It was useless to have cheap bread if
they could not purchase it.—(Cries of
2Pea‘ "Downh , d
ich the
er sat down.)
LyNull denied the preponderance of the agricul-
tural e: eases. The majority of the community was en-
tßaged in !:rade.—(Cheers.) How did it happen that the
o:rest continental labourer had more comforts than the
' glishlabourer ? Our merchants connected with America
Nv€Te ruined, because we would not take the American
‘'or`l in exchange for our manufactures. One-third
`3Alkf the labourers of Manchester were out of employ.
i mat proportion of the population of
/luau_
fie towns were living in cellars in the greatest
14„1-44ery and wretchedness, and in that very town he found
Lue poor the victims of disease ; and the only means of
Providing' against them was by giving them good bread
Ch ammil food.—(Cheers, mixed with hisses from the
•Alartists,) It was miserable to reflect that the taxes
!lift God's blessings prevented the poor men from en-
*Ming them,—{Considerable confusion was created at this

period by several Chartists insisting on putting on their hats
and refusing to take them off ; a gentleman at length tool:
off one of their hats, which was the signal for a general
'• physical force" attack on the part of the Chartists,
which ended, however, in their being speedily ejected
from the meeting.)
Mr. E. PONTIFEX said there were a knot of persons
who had come for the purpose of disturbing the meeting.
Sir JAMES DUKE said that if he found any person
who was not an inhabitant of the ward attempting to in-
terrupt the proceedings of the meeting he should give
him in charge of the police. Up to two o'clock they had
been very quiet, and he trusted the meeting would sup-
port him.—(Loud cheers.)
A man in the body of the meeting here rose, but
on being asked if he was an inhabitant of the ward, he
said he was not, and was consequently not permitted to
speak.
A GENTLEMAN present said he knew him to be a
hired Chartist, who went about for the purpose of dis-
turbing public meetings.
Mr. E. PONTIFEX trusted it would be understood that
every one of those interruptions had proceeded from per-
sons not connected with the ward.
The CHAIRMAN then put the amendment, for which
four hands only were held up. For the original resolu-
tions a forest of hands were held up, and they were de-
clared to be carried amidst the loudest acclamations. A
petition, founded on them, was ordered to be presented
to the House of Lords by the Earl of Fitzwilliam, and
to the House of Commons by Sir James Duke.
Mr. FEARON, considering it not improbable, from the
previous conduct of the Tories, that they might go the
length of voting against the Annual Sugar Duties Bill,
which would be tantamount to refusing the supplies, and
having the greatest faith in the greatness of soul and
magnanimity of Lord John Russell, he would pro-
pose a resolution to the effect that, should the
House of Commons impede the passing of the Annual
Sugar Duties Bill, her Majesty's Ministers be entreated
to adopt every measure to carry into effect measures
which they had proposed.
The resolution having been seconded, was put and
carried with one dissentient only.
The resolutions were then ordered to be advertised in
the usual Morning and Evening Papers.
Mr. Deputy BLACKETT, after paying a high and well
merited compliment to the worthy Alderman for his
conduct in the chair, moved a vote of thanks to him,
which was carried without a dissentient voice.

On the mdtion of Mr. PRENDERGAST, a resolution was
proposed and carried, requesting the mover and seconder
of the petition to take charge of it, for the purpose of
procuring signatures.
Sir J. DUKE acknowledged the vote of thanks in a
very neat speech, and the meeting, after giving three
cheers for the Ministry and the measure, separated at
four o'clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FRO3I THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

GLOBE.—Both by their speeches in Parliament, and
by their organs out of doors, the Tories exult over what
they call " the crisis of the Ministry." There is, how-
ever, another crisis, of infinitely higher moment, to which
they affect insensibility. They find it convenient to over-
look the crisis of the country. To this they make no allu-
sion. They are so engrossed by the contemplation of
the private advantages which place and power yield to
its possessors, as to be insensible to the responsibility of
Government, and the duty which it involves of encoun-
tering difficulties, and being prepared to counteract
them. They cannot, forsooth, consent to descend from
the Pisgah to which they have ascended, and from which
they behold, spread wide before them, the Canaan of
their hopes, the land of corn, and wine, and oil, in which
they expect ere long to revel in enjoyment. An in-
creasing expenditure, with a revenue decreasing year
after year, notwithstanding increased taxation, has no
terrors for inveterate place-hunters—although statesmen
who had less of the spirit of faction would merge party
feeling in patriotism, and assist in providing a remedy
for evils which are preying on the vitals of the country.
The recent debate laid bare to the quick the rottenness
of the old system of national finance, and exhibited to
public scorn the selfishness and hypocrisy of its sup-
porters. By bolstering up a monopoly in corn, and in
the other articles of general consumption, for the " pro-
tection," as it was contended, of class interests, com-
merce, the true source of national prosperity, is crip-
pled—our manufacturers impoverished—thousands of
operatives thrown out of employment in consequence of
the diminished demand for labour—wages, ruinously
depressed, no longer enable even those who find
employment to obtain sufficient food, and thus
the labouring classes of the community, who would
be, and ought to be, the greatest consumers of taxa-
ble commodities, are prevented by poverty from becom-
ing purchasers—they cannot obtain a sufficiency of bread.
Thus, on the one hand, while many of the manufac-
turers are ruined, being excluded from foreign markets
by the prohibitory duties which shut out the produce of
foreigners from our own, the national Exchequer is gra-
dually impoverished by the diminution of consumption
in those articles from which the revenue would other-
wise derive its principal receipts.
STANDARD.—" The idea of a coup d'etat is start-
ling, we know ; but for what do the prerogatives of the
Crown exist if not for exercise upon such an occasion as
that imagined, in arrest of the factious triumphs
of the banded monopolists, and in protection of
the most important interests of the people ?"
These are the words of.yesterday's Examiner, and
our Contemporary has given the right name to the
act of the Ministers. It is a " coup d'etat," a des-
perate and " startling" stroke of wicked policy on
the part of a wicked Cabinet, having no other
end than to save its own existence. It is well to
have the truth thus plainly confessed. But only
half the criminality of this policy is seen in its tendency
to divide and disturb the people, to array interest against
interest, and, as Lord Melbourne himself said, to
throw the country into confusion. Another and a
more pressing, if not a greater, evil flowing from
such tampering, is the creation and aggravation
of distress in every department of national industry. The
Ministers and their supporters in Parliament and in the
Press dwell with unconcealed satisfaction upon the proof
of suffering among the people, more particularly among
the manufacturing population ; and well may they
exult in it, for it is in the greater part their own
work. Over-trading had, doubtless, done something to
produce the affliction—an affliction which over-trading
periodically renews—but the ill effect of over-
trading must be as nothing compared with the de-
solating operation of that total banishment of
confidence from all commercial transactions pro-
duced by. the Ministerial propositions. No man
will manufacture, or buy, or export, until he knows what
is to be the market to which he is to send his goods, and
of course what is to be their quality, upon what terms
he is to export them, what returns he is to expect, and
when he is to expect them. Such uncertainty is equivalent
to the complete privation of a market ; and it is unneces-
sary to look further to account for an universal stagnation
of the industry of the people, and for all the indescribable
misery which such a stagnation must produce. It is
thus that Ministers hope to accomplish their object.
They halloo the manufacturers upon the trade, the agri-
culture, and the property of the nation, and they starve
them, as animals used for the chase are sometimes
starved, that they may be keener and more fierce in the
pursuit. To call this simply a wicked policy is to treat
it too mildly—it is diabolical.
COURlER.—According to the new reading of the Con-
stitution to be gathered from the public conduct of Govern-
ment, it is quite clear that the people neither have, nor are
intended to have, the slightest influence in the direction
of their own affairs. The extraordinary spectacle is
now for the first time presented of a Ministry tenaciously
clinging to office, against the more than ten times re-
corded sense of their own House of Commons, without
taking into account their long-continued contemptuous
defiance of adverse opinion as notoriously existing in
the higher House of Parliament. Nay more, as if the
no-confidence votes of the House of their own calling
were not the faithful reflection of the public voice
without its walls, they have the temerity to hazard
the dangerous experiment of a pretended appeal to
the very constituencies whom, at the same moment,
they are vilely outraging in the persons of their repre-
sentatives, whose decisions, clothed with a popular and
public mission as they are, are treated with disdainful
disregard. We say a pretended appeal, for it is noto-
rious, and the fact neither denied nor concealed by Minis-
ters or their supporters of the press, that not the slight-
est hope is entertained of stealing a majority through
this unprecedented manoeuvre of a dissolution, the cer-
tain prospect of which alone, assuming the end could
justify resort to means however disgraceful, might
afford some plausible grounds for justification. On
the reverse, a confirmed minority only is anticipated
in the new Parliament, and this we gather, not from
Conservative sources alone, in which reliance may be
securely placed, not from the querulous and desponding
tones of Ministers and their adherents of the press,
which are sufficiently expressive, but from the unreserved
avowals both of journals and Ministers.

THE IRON TRADE.—A meeting of the princi-
pal ironmasters of the neighbourhood of Wolverhampton was
held on Monday, the sth instant, at which it was determined
(we are informed) that fifty furnaces should be " blown out,"
viz., thirty-five in Staffordshire and fifteen in Shropshire.
Although this resolution is much to be regretted, as evincing
the depressed state of trade at the present moment, we are
glad to learn that but few of the work people will be thrown
quite out of work, as they will, for the most part, be partially
emnloyed a short time ; the alteration, we believe, will take
place immediately.—Monmouthshire Merlin.
GERMAN AND ENGLISH COMMERCE.—
Most of the German papers are hostile to the commercial
treaty between Great Britain and the States of the German
Customs' Union, which has been signed, but not ratified. They
expect few advantages to be derived to the latter from the con-
vention, and the Augsburg Gazette in particular, after discus-
sing the subject at some length, and saying that
England is not sincere in her wishes for mutual (commer-
cial freedom, makes the following observations :—" Germany
has no interest in making concessions to England,
and it would be inopportune for the Customs' Union to
conclude a treaty of commerce with any country before
the Union is rendered complete by the accession of all those
German States which border on the North Sea, and by the ac-
cessions, easily afterwards to be obtained, of Holland and Den-
mark, before, indeed, it shall have obtained the command of
all its natural outlets of rivers, ports, and straits, and also
created a navy. Then only will be the time for speaking out,
and speaking with firmness; for, between this and then, ideas
will be ripened, and the horizon cleared. All that might vi,pw
be done would he fatal to the future, and the career of Ger-
many towards its full grandeur and. power would be stopped."
KIRKCALDY.—The petitions from this place
and neighbourhood for the total repeal of the obnoxious' Corn-
laws have got 2,811 names adhibited to them, which is above
100 more signatures than was appended to the former one.—
Edinburgh Tiredly Chronicle.
A petition from the Rigg of Gretna for a total
and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws, was signed by
447
.Amongst them were 38 farmers, some
ti
of whom vgy rents to the amount of 500/. or 6001 a
year. The whole of the tenants of the Earl of Mans-
od, with one exe.9l3#9P2
Ogrigd the petition.—Carlisle
Jr. 4 /71d,