The Sun.
London, England, 1840-08-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WVDNESDA V, AUGUST 12, 1840.

CENSUS OF IRELAND IN 1841.

TO THE VISCOUNT MORPETH.
62, George's-street, Limerick,
.Aug. 6th, 1840.
MY LORD,—As the census of 1841 will form the"
basis of many calculations of great importance to the
community, I beg to offer your Lordship a suggestion
regarding it which, as there is no registration of births,
deaths, and marriages Act for Ireland, appears to me of
the utmost consequence. This is, that the enumerators
besides the other questions, should be empowered to
ask what deaths occurred in each family within the past
twelve months.

This additional inquiry would be scarcely attended
with any additional trouble and with no additional ex-
pense, and, as I shall show presently, would be productive
of results of far greater utility, in many practical points
of view, than one would at all anticipate.
I have been for some time engaged in an inquiry
into the mortality occurring among the poor of this
city, particularly that class of persons that seek medi-
cal relief at the dispensary, and find it so frightful and
enormous, that I am disposed to believe that in the
absence of pestilence no such mortality occurs in any
part of the world.
It is unnecessary to trouble your Lordship with the
details of this inquiry, as I intend to lay them before
the public when 1 have all the facts arranged. It con-
tains many particulars so extraordinary as to the dura-
tion of human life among the poor, that it is of the
greatest consequence they should be tested. For my
present purpose, however, it will be sufficient to direct
your Lordship's attention to the following short table
taken from my book, which exhibits the deaths that
have occurred at particular ages in 1,022 families, taken
quite at random, and without the slightest selection,
except their being of the class specified, and their re-
siding in town. These deaths occurred within a mean
period of about 18 years :-
1 Deaths which have occurred at various ages
in 1,022 Families of the poorer class in
Limerick.

. Ages.
Under I Year.
1 and 2 ,

Males.
. 583
... 403

3 ... 4 ... 172
5 to 9 ... 145
10 ... 14 ... 33
15 ... 19 ... 28
20 ... 24 ... 21
25 ... 29 ... 24
30 ... 34 ... 40
35 ... 39 ... 27
40 ... 44 ... 43
45 ... 49 ... 13
50 ... 54 ... 23
55 ... 59 ... 12
60 ... 64 ... 25
65 ... 69 ... 2
70 ... 74 ... 3
75 ... 79 ... 3
80 ... 84 ... 1
85..89 ...
Ages Unknown ... 32
90 an upwards ..
Total ... 1633

Still Born ... 132
Do. sex unas-
certained ...

Females.
514
347
193
133
38
29

1381

Total.
1097
750
365
278

3041

I have obtained the number of the living in these fa-
mil:es out of which the above deaths occurred ; but,
without any reference to this at all, your Lordship will
see that the table contains all the characteristic marks
of an extremely high mortality. It is one of the cha-
racters of any influence which tends greatly to depress
the powers of human life, that, when thrown into
tables, it exhibits itself most upon the very young, and
the old : upon the former, because the powers of life
are not yet confirmed in them ; and upon the latter,
because they are declining. Every physician is familiar
with the danger of any illness at those ages, and could,
therefore, predict this effect from his experience. In
the above table, subtracting 71 deaths which occurred
at ages unrecor3ed, from 3,014, the total deaths, we
see that out of 2,943 deaths at all ages, there oc-
curred—

Under 1 Year... 1,097, or more than 1-3rd.
Under 3 ditto ... 1,847, or nearly s.Bths.
Under 5 ditto ... 2,218, or nearly 3-4ths.:
We sec also that there occurred
Between 60 and 70, only 34
Between 70 and 80, only 6
And above 80

According to the Registrar-General's first Report
for England and Wales, the number of deaths that
take place before five years, is less than half the total
number of deaths.

These conclusions are so extraordinary, that if we
consider them to represent, with any approach to fair-
ness, the state of the poorer classes, they raise a ques-
tion of extreme importance, namely, whether the in-
fluence of class or rank in life is not more powerful in
increasing or lessening mortality, than any other cir-
cumstance whatever, except, perhaps, age. The con-
clusions are, indeed, so startling, that they have excited
extreme surprise in the minds of many persons engaged
in the science of vital statistics with whom I have had a
correspondence on the subject—but I have always
pressed upon them the following consideration :—" The
mortality of England and Wales varies from 2 to 4 per
cent, annually in different districts, according to the R?-
gistrar General's first report ; if in those districts where
it is 4 per cent., you take away the mortality occurring
among the comfortable, the independent, and the
wealthy, and consider that alone which takes place among
the poorer classes—the mere strugglers for existence—
the question is, would the mortality be found to be less
among them than that which is exhibited in my tables ?"
I am convinced that but little difference would be found
between them, and I have no hesitation in expressing
my conviction that if your Lordship allows the addi-
tional inquiry I suggest, and for which I beg to submit
the accompanying form—to be made by the enumera-
tors, the facts it would bring will, not only bear out the
opinion I have arrived at, but will be the means of re-
moving many existing and impending evils, of which the
following are the principal :

Ist. The great mortality among the poor.—lt would
point distinctly to the causes of this, at least as far as
they are capable of being remedied by measures of public
health.—lt would give us the deaths occurring in every
street, lane, and alley, and that out of a number living
which would be absolute, and not as in the interval be-
tween one census and another, depending upon conjec-
ture, estimate, or calculation. The great advantages of
this are obvious and need no comment.

2.d. The state of Irish Friendly Societies,—All the
temperance societies throughout Ireland have, I believe,
without exception, formed themselves into friendly so-
cieties with many benevolent objects. They are under
the management of many kind-hearted persons, clergy
and others, who show a very praiseworthy zeel in carry-
ing out the views with which they were instituted, but
who know nothing whatever of the principles on which
they should be based. From the interest I have for
some time taken in calculations relative to the duration
of human life, and the information I have myself ob-
tained on the condition of the poor, and from what I
know also of the contributions, expenditure, and pro.
posed objects of those societies, I have no hesitation in
saying that they are all devoted to unavoidable destruc-
tion and ruin unless some steps are speedily taken
to obtain some data for their re-construction.
This evil, which every body mat lament, may be corn-
pletely avoided by allowing the trifling inquiry I have
above suggested to be included among the questions of
the enumerators.

3d. The sate of the Insurance Companies.—Many
Insurar,-;e Companies have suffered heavy losses in Ire-
law!. It would be, in the first place, an object to as-
certain whether this arises from mismanagement on the
part of the agents, or from an actual difference in the
mortality onf theEri class England.
Again,personws t
hthat a effectard to i:nn
rr
aann
ewe
ss
here and i
general, your Lordship is aware that the premiums
are founded upon a mortality taken without any selection
either as to rank or state of health, while the lives in-
sured are of the more independent class, and cautiously
selected ; now, if the difference of mortality is immense,
as I believe it is, between the poor and rich, it is evi-
dent that premiums founded on any general mortality
without distinction of class, must be much too high.
It would not only be a commercial bat a great
public advantage to ascertain the fact accurately.
It is true a registration of birkhs, deaths, and mar-
riages act would ie some sort accomplish this,
but independent of the time that must pass
before such an flee is got into efficient operation in Ire-
land, it 7iould between one census and another be always
subject to the uncertainty as to the exact number of
the living, to which I have above referred, and could
never until the census next following, afford the required
information with such precision as the measure I have
ventured to suggest.
As a further circumstance which may induce your
Lordship not to withhold from the public the informa-
tion this inquiry would bring, I may mention, that
though the enumerators would have to ask the question
as to deaths, of the heady of all families, they would not
have to make an entry on au average in more than one
family in every twenty, and this is on the supposition,
that there are five persons to a family, and that the mor-
tality of Ireland, in general, is three per cent. annually,
which I think is much higher than it will be found
to be.

I have the honour to be, my Lord,
Your Lordship's obedient servant,
DANIEL GRIFFIN, M. D.

NEWFOUNDLAND FISH ERI ES.—Some journals
having asserted that the authorities of St. Pierre et Mi-
quelon, off the St. Lawrence, had, by virtue of Ministerial
instruction, submitted to various encroachments by English
subjects on the right of fishery, the Moniteur contradicts
the statement, and sass that although the treaties deter-
mining the respective rights of France and England in the
Newfoundland fisheries have given rise to several difficul-
ties, no concession has been made by the French authori-
ties contrary to the legitimate pretensions of the country.
The line of limitation for the fishers of St. Pierre et Mique-
lon and those of England, on the south coast of Newfound
land, established in the maid channel, has nev'er, as for 10 1
120 authorities aro totare, ban broken,

THE LATE ATTEMPT AT BOU-
LOGNE.

The following is the report of Captain Puygollier, of
the 42d Regiment, who was in command of the barracks
at Boulogne :

" TO M. DEMARLE, COMMANDANT OF THE CITADEL OF

BOTILOGNE.

" I have the honour to send you a hasty account that,
at about a quarter before six this morning, Lieutenant
Aladenese, of the 42d, came in a great hurry to the
barracks, and cried out to Sergeant-Mojor Clement,
Quick, quick, to arms I Let the grenadiers and volti-
geurs come down with alacrity.' While the whole de-
tachment was coming down Prince Louis entered with
a numerous staff, and about forty men, armed and
equipped, and bearing the number 40 on their shakos.
He then drew up. the two companies in line, called
out the non-commissioned officers to Prince Louis, who,
embracing them right and left, told them that they were
all officers, and promised that all the soldiers should be
decorated, adding, that he bad returned to Prance
to avenge the humiliation to which he had been sub-
jected for the last ten years ; that he relied upon the
aid of all brave men--and said other things of the
same nature. During this a grenadier slipped away and
came to inform me of what was going on. I ran imme-
diately, but the gate of the barracks was crowded by
these persons, and a tall Colonel among them, who
told me I was a prisoner. Upon this I drew my sabre,
determined way to my men, who were in
the
Prince Louis upon this came to
me, and said, Captain, be one of us, and you shall have
barrack.ty to maked. my
what you wish.' I replied, Be you Prince Louis or
not, I know nothing of you. Napoleon, your predecessor,
put an end to legitimacy, and you have no right to pre-
tend to restore it.' Thus speaking and struggling,
reached my men, who, as soon as they saw me, rushed
towards me, and we drove the assailants out of the
gate. All the officers of the detachment were by this
time with me. ^ While I was giving my orders, the
group at the gate endeavoured to enter into a parley ;
but I threatened that if they did not withdraw I would
use force. As I was addressing myself particularly to
Prince Louis he drew a pistol and fired it at me.
The ball struck a grenadier in the mouth. As soon as the
group were driven out and the gate shut, I distributed
cartridges to all my men, informing them distinctly of
what had passed, and then, of my own authority, took
the following measures :—I sent two drummers, escorted
by four armed men, to beat to arms through the town.
I sent a sub-lieutenant with a detachment of 20 men to
take the orders of the commandant of the citadel, and
to secure the castle. I doubled the guard of the arse-
nal, and sent a sub-lieutenant and 20 men to secure the
port. Very soon after I had made these arrangements
I received your orders to come to the square in the
Upper Town, where I found you. I can assure you,
Sir, that, under these critical circumstances, every man,
from the private soldier up to the captain, has done his
duty, notwithstanding the offers of money, promises of
promotion, and other means of seduction tendered to
them. I reserve for when I shall have more time par-
ticular mention of those who more prominently distin-
guished themselves. I shall have a very favourable report
to make as to Sub-Lieutenant Rugon, of the Grena-
diers, who pursued the fugitives to the port, where
many of them were taken."

The following letter, dated Boulogne, Aug. 7, appears
in the Commerce :

" From all that has transpired on the subject of the
attempt of Louis Bonaparte, it would appear that his
intention was to arrive at Boulogne before daylight,
carry off without noise the infantry in garrison here, to
proceed to the Upper Town and take possession of the
Chateau, where there are 5,000 muskets, to call the
population to arms, and then to advance to the strong
towns of the north, where, it is said, influential aid was
promised to him. Unforeseen difficulties on the landing
thwarted this plan. He could not arrive until full day-
light, and at too late an hour for the accomplishment of
his projects. However this may be, and if nothing
could equal the rashness of the plan, nothing either
could equal the courage displayed by this unfortunate
young man. Atone moment he imagined he should
succeed—the soldiers received him with cries of Vive
l'EmpereurP and when, upon the prohibition of a Cap-
tain of Grenadiers, they refused to follow him, he could
easily have regained, with all his companions, the
steamer which was waiting in the roac'.s. All his friends
entreated him to adopt this resolution, but he replied
that he would meet death at Boulogne. Having in vain
attempted to break open the gates of the Upper Town,
he proceeded to the foot of the column erected to the
glory of the Grand Army. 'lt is here that I will die,'
said he ; it is here that I will wait for death.' But
his friends removed him by force from this spot, and
dragged him to the share for the purpose of taking
him on board the steamer. When he had strived on
the shire, he was surrounded by National Guards and
Custom-house officers, who fired upon him and the per-
sons by whom he was accompanied. They succeeded
in finding a boat, but it upset at a few yards from the
shore, and M. Louis Bonaparte fell into the sea.
For a quarter of an hour he and those who were with
him were exposed to a sharp fire, until another boat
came up and secured him, and thus put an end to this
horrible drama.'

The Capilole gives an account from a Correspondent
in nearly the same terms, but interlards it with nu-
merous observations of its own, declaring that the per-
sons who fired on the Prince and suite were unworthy
the name of Frenchmen, that they were cowards for
attacking unarmed men, who were flying, &c. A letter
in the National says—" The person who was drowned
proves to be the Count d'Huningue ; the Pole who
was badly wounded in the shoulder is dead ; so also is
the soldier who was shot in the barracks. General
Nlontholon and Colonel Parquin were arrested by the
Commissary of police without the aid of any agent.
They were walking by themselves, and appeared indif-
ferent to what was going on, One of the Prince's fol-
lowers surrendered himself voluntarily, going into a
guard-house, with his sack in his hand, and constituting
himself a prisoner."
The Echo du .Nord gives the following :—" The
persons arrested at Boulogne, amounting to fifty-three,
h:vaaeasviels botoenoiefi.
anni
confined
dieavnmeat
t, from the citadel of that town to the
t s aitwelveno,v hasen ngbsn cellulararteumvr
(Saturday,
anv
yes t Cabrera,oor
ie
to-morrow
w where•ho
morning."

The source from whence Prince Louis has derived
his pecuniary means is stated by the Revue de Paris to
be as follows :—His father, Louis Bonaparte, when
King of Holland, had saved out of his civil list three
millions of francs, which he had laid out in diatn,nds ;
but on quitting Holland he had felt a scruple in taking
out of the country this property which he had bought
with the public money, and, notwithstanding the re-
presentations of Queen Hortense, never applied for
the diamonds, which remained therefore at the Hague.
It was on the claiming of compensation by the Queen
Hortense and Prince Louis that the King of Holland
some time ago remitted to the latter nearly a million of
francs as an indemnification, which money no doubt
served in part to the preparations for the recent attempt.

(From the Correspondence of the Morning Advertiser.)
The chief topic of conversation in societies exclusively
French, and among the National Guard, is the murderer.
of the unfortunate surgeon, who was so near the muzzle
of the gun that the assassin was compelled to step back
two or three paces so as to be able to fire. His name
is Pringer ; he is a bricklayer by trade, said to be an old
soldier, and bears the character of a mauvais sujet. His
house was at one time beset by a furious mob, and such
fears wera entertained for his safety that it was deemed
necessary to place a sentinel at his door.
The National Guard ate generally blamed for their
rash firing upon men who had surrendered, and who, if
ever so hostilely disposed, could do nothing without their
arms, and up to their necks in the water. Fortunately
they ate very bad shot, and they were not unwilling to
show their valour at no personal risk. A sous-lieute-
dtleiaretdoideor%evnthtioohtthehebenaochn,ribnegg.gedNo
frequently,
tasinalebuctairntrviadigne,
sous-lieute-
nant, commanding a small detachment of the line or-
distributed to the 42 was expended.
The conduct of Pringer, I have just heard, is to be
made the subject of inquiry before a military tribunal of
his fellow-soldiers. The National Guard are anxious to
wipe away so foil a stain upon their flag. It was not
until liriday that the Prince became acquainted with
the melancholy death of his follower, when he was ex-
ceedingly affected. The excitement of the first day of
his imprisonment kept up
the spirit of all parties ; but
when the prisoners were separated a marked depression
came over Napoleon, and I have been informed by a
friend, an eye witness, that he shed copious tears.
The English residents, on the first outbreak of the
tumult, very readily offered their services to the Mayor,
if required, and Colonel Spicer, of Capteure, has been
mentioned by name, as volulteering to lead a company
of English, if arms could b© procured for them.
A great deal of curiosity was excited last night by the
arrest of W. Tune, the Master of the City of Boulogne,
a steamboat belonging to the Commercial Company.
Scarcely had the vessel got alongside the quay, when he
was taken off in the custody of two soldiers. His exa-
mination the same evening lasted two hours and a
half;
he was also examined this morning, but is at preset
liberty. His last entrance into this harbour ( August 2)
was an annoyance to many of the French officials, as he
came in with all his colours flying, and firing a salute
from six swivels which had been recently mounted on
his vessel. This was magnified into a very warlike de-
monstration, and there is a rumour afloat now that his
vessel had been selected, but as she was in dock at the
period of engagement, Louis
Napoleon was obliged to
content himself with the smaller boat.

(From the Botdogne Grtzelle.)
The Prince and his party, on their way to the upper
town, stopped at the guardhouse, and ordered the guard
to surrender. The serffeant replied that they could
only receive orders from their captain, and that he had
better pass on. This answer was like a thunderbolt
to the Prince. and turning sharply round, he gave
orders to March. 'As they marched on, the Prince
waved his sword, exclaiming, ,6 To the Chateau."
An Englishman, Mr, Kent, hearing this order, and
aWaro of the powder it contained, and of th© import.

ahce of its not falling. into the hands of the revo-
lutionists; harried on before them ; when he had gained
tbinc distance of thetn,be ran fotwatd as fast as he
could to the {torts des Done's; Where; With the aid of a
man whom he occasionally employs, he with some diffi-
culty closed and barred the gates. Tths was scarcely
done when the Prince and his parry arrived. Finding
the gates closed, they filed off round the fair, and hast-
ened Us the Porte de Calais ; this was also closed
against them.

ENGLAND, FRANCE, AND THE

EASTERN QUESTION.

(FROM THE FRENCH PAPERS OF MONDAY•)

The following article of the Presse, the Court organ,
and the reply of the Ministerial ivloniteur Parisicn, are
worthy of a most careful perusal :
From the Presse.)
We call the attention of our readers to the following
communication

Slit,—The Presse is the only journal which is not
influenced by M. Thiers, the only one which examines
impartially the conduct of that Minister, and makes
those criticisms which that conduct deserves ; and yet,
Sir, you are ignorant of all the errors which M. Thiers
has committed since he has retaken office. You are
ignorant as to the manner in which the negotiations re-
specting that great Oriental question, which at the pre-
sent time engrosses everybody's attention, have been
carried on, and by what competition France finds her-
self on the eve of a war with Europe. Know then,
Sir, that M. Thiers, had he chosen to do so, might have
prevented the treaty of the 15th of July from being
concluded, by accepting an arrangement which satisfied
at once the interests of French policy, as well as those
of the Pacha of Egypt.
" Austria and Prussia. have no interest in the Ori-
ental question, or at least those interests are of such
small importance, and so remote, that the intervention
of those two powers in the negotiations that were
carried on in London were more with the view of
conciliating France, E gland, and Russia, than to de-
rive any advantage whatever from the resolutions
which might be agreed upon. M. de Metternich, in
persisting particularly on the necessity of Europe
being of one accord, wished to withdraw the Ottoman
empire from the exclusive protection of Russia, and
render Europe wholly guarantee for the peace of the
East. If Austria and Prussia sided with England and
Russia, it is that they hoped that the union of those
two Powers would be a guarantee for the re-establish.
ment of order in the East, and for an unlimited ad.
journment of the projects of annihilation and division.
" But what took place during the course of these ne-
gotiations?
" Prance and England were divided upon the im-
portant question of Syria. Russia hastened to avail
herself of that dissent ; and, giving up all at once her
pretensions to the protectorate of the Ottoman empire,
proposed an arrangement to which she was well aware
France would not adhere. Austria and Prussia did
not approve, at bottom, of the violent measures which
were to be adopted against the Pacha, but what interest
had they to oppose themselves thereto? That which
was important to them, as I told you, was to bring aboi.
a speedy solution. The treaty proposed by Russia, and
agreed to by England, appeared to them to put an end
to the affair, and that is the reason why they have
affixed their signatures thereto.
" But did they not try during the course of the nego-
tiation to put France and England of one accord ? Did
they not offer to M. Thiers an arrangement which Lord
Palmerston's colleagues would have compelled him to
accept ? Those arc the questions that it is important
to put to M. Thiers ; for it, through indifference or a
rush act of vanity, he has dragged us into the conflict
which threatens us, he is unquestionably very culpable.
" Well, Sir, I know from a positive source that the
Courts of Vienna and Berlin proposed to France to
effect an arrangement between the Cabinets of London
and St. Petersburgh, the basis of which is as follows :
—Egypt, the Pachalick of St. Jean d'Acre, the Island
of Candia, and Syria, would have been conceded to the
Viceroy. Egypt and St. Jean d'Acre with the heir-
ship ; Syria and Candia for life ! What interest had
France, therefore, to reject that arrangement ? None.
The Pacha would have been satisfied, and, if he had
been otherwise, the treaty which was proposed did not
stipulate any measures of coercion.
" M. Thiers was deaf to those peaceful propositions.
He thought up to the last moment that his influence over
the English Government, our magnanimous ally, would
prevent the separate arrangement with which we were
threatened. He had hopes also (and here he has com-
mitted immense blunders) that his tact would induce
the Divan to conclude a direct arrangement with the
Pacha, and with that view he entered into negotiations
both at Constantinople and Alexandria. What folly!
what illusion ! How could be reasonably expect that
the Port, supported by the four great Powers, would
have consented to strip herself ? How could M.
Thiers think for one minute that the negotiations at
Constantinople and Alexandria would escape the vigi-
lance of Lord Ponsonby and M. de Boutenieff? It
was anticipating impossibilities, and hastening the con-
clusion of the treaty between England and Russia.
" That is precisely what has taken place. The re-
volt in Syria has certainly accelerated the conclusion of
this treaty, but that which hastened it the more was the
deposing of Khosrew Pacha, which was owing to the
influence of M. de Pontois. It was the proposition
made to the Porte by Mehemet Ali to restore the fleet
it was, in a word, the fear of England that a direct ar-
rangement should intervene under the exclusive influence
of France.

" I do not know, Sir, how you will appreciate M.
Thiers's conduct. For my part, it appears to me an act
of madness. What does it matter, in short, to France
whether Syria belongs to the Pacha by inheritance or
for life ? In the present day, is not the word inheri-
tance more often idle fancy ?
"If Mehemet Ali's sovereignty was consolidated—if his
power was concentrated in the provisions which had been
left to him during his lifetime, who can doubt but that
Ibrahim would have inherited it? Who would have
dared to have deprived him of it? His power, his
means, and a long and peaceable possession would be
worth more than the dead letter of a treaty.
" I send you these reflections, not to be inserted in
your journal, but in order that you may weigh well
certain facts which are not known. This letter, which
is written in a hurry, is not written to be published.
I only wished to give you an insight into M. Thiers's
policy, and put you in the way of asking him some
questions, which certainly will embarrass him. M.
'Tiers will probably disavow them ; hut persist, and
he will not be able to do so for long. Bring about
polemics,
and I will supply you with weapons to defend
yourself."
(From the Ma- niteur Parisien)
The Presse, in an anonymous letter, advances state-
ments which are, in the main, false.
This journal pretends that, during the course of the
negotiations which led to the treaty of July 15, Prussia
and Austria offered to the French Cabinet a compro-
mise, which M. Thiers refused. This compro-
mise, according to the Presse, was to leave to Me-
hemet Ali the hereditary possession of Egypt, and the
Pachalick d'Acre, and Syria and Candia, for lite.
We are authorised to give the most formal contra-
diction to this assertion ; neither England, Austria,
nor Prussia ever made such a proposal to France.
The French Ambassador in London, supposing that
it might be made, had applied to the Cabinet for in-
structions. M. Thiers enjoined him not to give any
answer which might be construed into a refusal, and, in
the event of the proposal being made, to send it to
Paris for the decision of the Cabinet. M. Guizot has
never since forwarded or received this proposal. The
treaty of the 15th of July was signed without this ar-
rangement, or any other, being proposed to him.
The anonymous correspondent of the Presse says
further that France had undertaken to negotiate at
Constantinople a direct arrangement between the Sultan
and the Pacha, and that to arrive at this end M. de
Pontois had procured the dismissal of Khosrew, and
that our Consul at Alexandria bad suggested to the
Pacha the idea of sending Sami Bey to Constantinople
with an offer to restore the fleet. We give to these
assertions also a positive contradiction. M. Thiers
had carefully recommended to M. de Pontois and M.
Cochelet not to make any attempt to bring about a
direct arrangement, from motives which it is unneces-
sary to state here, but which will be communicated to
the Chambers, the only authority to which the Go-
vernment owes the secret of its negotiations. We
defy the Presse or its anonymous Correspondent to
furnish any proof of what they have advanced. All
that we advance on the contrary will he hereafter laid
before the Chambers in the explanations of the Pre-
sident of the Council, and those of the Ambassador of
France in London.

SPIRIT OF THE FRENCH PRESS OF MON-
DAY ON LORD PALMERSTON'S SPEECH.
(From Galignani's Messmer,)
It is quite evident from the general tone of the Paris
journals that the unfortunate d;fference between the
two Cabinets is rapidly giving way before the import-
, ant conviction of the necessity of peace for the icterests
of the nations, the Government of which has been con-
fided to them. The speech of Lord Palmerston is,
indeed, attacked with much severity by some of the
opposition journals, but even these, whilst they taunt the
French Ministry with their readiness to accept the con-
ciliatory language of Lord Palmerston, although he has
not yielded an inch of ground, seem to despair of being
able to goad the Cabinet to further demonstrations of
a hostile character.—The Constitutionnel, which
may be supposed to speak the sentiments of
the French Cabinet, has a very short com-
ment on the speech of Lord Palmerston, but
it is highly satisfactory. It says, " Lord Palmerston
endeavoured to show that no offence to France had
been intended ; if a few clouds still remain, we must
acknowledge that the present intentions of the English
Ministry are excellent, and that Lprd Palmerston re-
grets the mistmderstanding which has taken place be-
tween the two countries." The Desats, which is con-
sidered to be the organ of the Court party, is equally
pacific, and agrees with Lord Palmerston in his con.
victim) that the alliance between the two countries will

not be broken. Th,' Courrier Francais, although much
less warlike than it was a few days ago, does not CO:i
eider the reparation of Lord Palmerston to b sufficient,
and still persists in declaiieg that concealment and thi-
eve:ion have been practised towards France ; but
there is now reason to believe that the Courrier
Franraii has ceixied to be the organ of the French
Cabinet, if, indeed, it ever has been so. The Temps,'
which also been considered Ministerial, but which,
for some days past. ::as shown it was not realty in
the nee of Ministers, t,:,:es nearly the same
view as the Morrier. This joui-9al, how'•
ever, does justice to the Fanglish, by stating
that there is an almost general desire for peace
amongst them, and concludes that the alliance
which exists between the two countries will not he
seriously interrupted. The National and the Capitale
are some shades more violent than the Courrier. and
the Commerce is more violent than the National and
the C'apitole ; but the conclusion of all seems to be the
same—viz., that there will be no war. The Commerce,
indeed, appeals to the commercial classes to use their
influence, asserting that they have an interest in doing
so, to prevent the Cabinet from accepting the continu-
ation of peace on the conditions proposed by Lord
Palmerston. It would be difficult, however, to con-
vince this important body that they would be gainers
by war, and the appeal must, therefore, prove ineffec-
tual. The Quatidit line is not sparing of its sarcasms
on M. Thiers, but appears to regard war as improbable.
Of the other legitimist paper, the France, it will be
sufficient to state that its article on the explanation
of Lord Palmerston is headed in capital letters,
" War is not possible." In a paragraph, this journal in-
fers from the speech of the Marquis of Londonderry
that, if this impossible war were possible, the English
Government could rely upon the support of the Tory
majority. The Presse declares that the speech of Lord
Palmerston proves that there has been no deception
or concealment on the part of the English Cabinet, as
regards the quadruple treaty, and that there has been
no insult offered to France by the other Powers. It
concludes by a severe castigation of what it calls the
falsehood of the Ministerial Press, which for the last
fortnieht has placed the peace of the world in danger.
The Siecle says, " We will not certainly advise the
country to assume the brutal initiative of war ; we will
not, even after hearing the noble and sincere language
of Mr. Hume and Mr. Leader, despair of the English
alliance, but we will preserve our wound at the bottom
of our heart, and cry out to France to hold herself in
readiness, confiding rather to her sword than to the
doubtful faith of friends, whose uncertainty she has
experienced."