The Sun.
London, England, 1840-06-17 00:00:00

and calculated to interfere with the proper religious in-
struetion of the people. Under the Veto Act the judg-
ment as to the propriety of a person for the ministerial
office was taken out of the hands of the clergy and placed
in those d the people, for if the people objected to a pie-
sentee, by the Veto Act the Presbytery were bound to ,
reject him ; whereas, by the constitution of the Scottish
Church, the Presbytery, and the Presbytery alone, were
to be the judges of the qualifications of those
who were candidates for holy orders, and the giving this
power away from the Presbytery was a betrayal of their
trust. They might disguise the attempt as craftily as
they liked, but it would appear at last that it was neither
more nor less than a taking away the power of rejection
from the Presbytery and conferring it on the people. As
was said once by an old Presbyterian clergyman to another,
who was endear ouring to introduce a new order of clergy,
" Bask, busk then as bonnily as you will—dress him as
daintily as you like, I see him peeping through all the
hours of the nicht," so did he see through this attempt.
—(Gteat laughter.) A great deal had been said
about the state of agitation in Scotland. He would not
deny its existence, but he would say that it was purely a
clerical and not a general tumult. With regard to the
General Assembly he could say it did not fairly represent
tire Church of Scotland. Many of those even who never
supported the veto would accept the Bill of the Noble
Earl if they dare, but they dared not face the abuse they
would have to encounter ; and the Bill was also opposed
through party spirit such as he had never seen equalled.
Hear.) The lay elders in the Assembly were elected
try the Presbyteries, whose feelings they represented, and
not these of the people. So far from great excite-
ment existing, many of the burghs entitled to send represen-
tatives to the General Assembly had not even taken the
trouble to elgej them, and the Town Council of Edin-
burgh aotuallr refused to elect the Lord Provost to the
General Assembly, notwithstanding it was the custom so
to do, because he was a supporter of the veto. The prepon-
th.`rance of the landed interest was also against the veto.
lde denied that the many petitions which had been pre-
sented to the House against the principle of intrusion,
properly understood, wore adverse to this Bill, which, he
contended, would place the Church of Scotland on its
legitimate foundation.— ( Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Lord ROSEBERY in en-
plaoation,
Loed MELBOURNE said, that he admitted the abi-
lity and discretion with which the question before the
*louse hat been introduced and discussed by the Noble
Lord opposite. He wished to avoid giving any opi-
nions as to the provisions of the Bill before the
House, but he must say that he did not think that
this Bill would bring the matter to an amicable conclusion.
He did not think it prudent to proceed further with the
Bill now before their Lordships. The object he was sure
his Noble Friend had in view was to settle the differences
between the ecclesiastical and the civil authorities and to
produce religious peace ; but their Lordships ought to take
care that they did not aggravate the evils they sought to
remedy, by taking a step which would not be satisfactory
to any party. The Noble Eari had stated that on a for-
mer occasion he (Viscount Melbourne) had thanked him
for introducing the measure. Now what he had thanked
the Noble Earl for was for undertaking the measure—
( A laugh)—which was a very different matter. If, how-
ever, he thought the measure would be conducive to the
ends they had in view, no objections that might arise
from its having originated on the other side of the House,
and no taunts of his own side would prevent his accepting
it, and ',nip:Tall that lay in his power to carry it into effect.
His Noble Friend stated that he had nunvrous private
letters and admonitions in favour of the Bill, but his Noble
Friend had political experience enough t know that no-
thing was to be so little depended upon as these private
ictters—(A laugh)—and he could have very little hope
ultimately of receiving the support of those parties who
now advocated the measure. He feared there was really
not in Scotland that general approbation of the measure
which his Noble Friend imagined. He believed the
speech of the Noble Earl that evening would still less
incline the General Assembly to support it. It was un-
necessary for him to point out the inexpediency of giving
their assent to the second reading of a measure which
trey eould not believe would carry out the objects they
bail in view. The Noble Berl had said, if the measure
was rejected, what would they do?—that things could
not remain as they were, and that " something must be
done." Tnere was no language he av,s more afraid of

than that—(Loud laughter)—end he had made up his
mind never to promise to do something, until he had de-
wided what that something was to be. Unless the Bill
went to the root of the evil, and was satisfactory to the
,isinds and feelings of the people of Scotland, they could
ric'er expect that it would be obeyed in a proper spirit.
On these grounds, he should certainly object to the
second reading of the Bill.
'the )Jeri of H A DDINGTO N said the Noble Viscount
had accoinpiished the object he had in view by making a
speech which had really nothing in it. All that could be
g Ipased from it was, that the Bill did not appear likely to
meet the oljects thephad in view. Time was generally
an ingredient in the adjustment of differences. but in the
press-et ease it would onlywiden the breacb,and if the Leeis,
iature did not step in, the Church might, for all the Noble'
Viscount appeared to care, crumble into ruins. The
etairns put forward by the General Assembly were such, be
believed, as hat.: never before been heard of in any Protestant
country. He thetight that his Noble Friend had produced
a good and reasonable Bill, and he hoped that he would
net consent to adopt any unreasonable suggestion which
ea;,eitt militate against its principle, especially when
eera:ng from those who were favourable to opinions of an
eutire,Y different nature.
Lord BROUGHAM would cententhimself with a silent
vote en the occasion, pertly for the reasons already stated
mgaiest the 13111, and partly from the peculiar position in
'which be was placed i r relation to the subject in common
evith his Nebh• Friend cn the Woolsack. lie had been
one of those who had taken a part in the proceedings and
the judgment of their Lordships on the matter; and, as far
as he could collect, the dissensions in which the present
cliffiettlties arose had not yet terminated, and night yet
lead to a further appeal to their Lordships. Under these
eiretnestances, end believing, as he did, that he might be
again celled to act judicially in the matter, he thought it
advisable that he should then abstain from any observations
on the raer:te of the case. With regard to the judgment
delivered by their Lordships, he should leave it to tell for
itself; bet he could not but observe that that judgment
did not, as was pt etended, interfere with the spiritual rights
of the clergy. It merely defined what was the law of the
land in a certain case. He could not vote for the Bill then
leefure the House, as he hardly conceived how anything
less than the veto itself could arise out of that Bill. He
would not, however, enter into the subject for the reason
be had already assigned.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that great
misapprehension seemed to prevail in Scotland as
to the nature of the judgment of their Lord-
ships. Nothing could be more unfounded than the
assertion that that judgment interfered with the
spiritual jurisdiction of the Church. All that had been
deeided was that the Presbytery had in a certain case
violated the law. There never had been any doubt but that
the Court of Scasicn had a jurisdiction over the right of
preseeting, but this coulcf not be considered an interfer-
ence with the spiritual jurisdiction of the Ecclesiastical
Court. On the contrary, it was the Ecclesiastical Court
whieh had invaded the civil right of the patron. The No-
ble Earl said that this was merely a declaratory Bill, and
retitle no alteration in the law as it now stood. Then what
was the use of the Bill.-4 Hear, hear.) It was impossible
to know what weight was due to the opinions alluded to by
the Noble Earl until it was known what those opinions
were, and what were the questions submitted to those who
gave theca. Those who framed the law in 1690 were cer-
tainly not aware that such was the law of Scotland, or
they would never have given themselves the trouble of in-
troducing such a machinery. The term qualification, it
appeared, according to Calvin, alluded to the personal
qualifications of literature, life, and conversation. Now if
the General Assembly had the power to use the term
qualiication in the extended sense now claimed, the Veto
Act need not have been passed, as all the objects of that
Act might have been obtained by en extended use of the
term qualification. He apprehended that the Bill would
give Ecclesiastical Courts the power of acting as they
pleased—th ;ugh such was not the object, in the fair in-
terpretation of it, because there were no means of bringing
these questions under the control of the Civil Courts.
The Earl of ABERDEEN, notwithstanding all he had
'heard from both the Noble Lords, felt bound to defer to
the authority he had quoted, and therefore he considered
his Bill as a strictly declaratory one. He had always con-
tended that time Church possessed sufficient power to give
all rational effect to their intentions on non-intrusion ; but
the reason who the Church' did not do this was the state
of excitement now existing on the subject in Scotland,
caused, as stated by a rev. gentleman in the General As-
sembly, by certain passages in the speeches of the two Noble
Loris in delivering jugdment, which, however, as they
constituted no pert of that judgment, could not be consi-
dered as any extalse for the violent' proceedings es! that
rev. gentleman. His security was that to which the L'On-
intrusionists object ed—the necessity of assigning reasons
for the rejection ;as long thatc ewc:suptohne
tchaesep,ropcuebeldic: opinion would furnish a
sugisent h
ings of the Eccletri astical Courts.
Lord BROUG_HAM asked what would be the case if
not acceptable to the majority of the parish" were as-
signed as a reason for rejection ?
The Earl of ABERDEEN apprehended that under
the provisions of tihe present Bill, such
not be eaSertained by the Presbytery. an objection could
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, wild their
Lordships divided, when the numbers were—.

C0ntent5...........
Nen- Con twills., 27
Majority —47
The Bill was then read a second time, and their Lord-
ships adjourned at Eleven o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 16.
The gallery was opened at Four o'Clock, but thirty.
four Members only being present, there was no House.

Sir Robert Inglis, whose motion for a grant
for Church Exteasion stood first on the paper this
evening, arrived at the Members' entrance of the
House of Commons about three minutes after the House
had adjourned. The Right Honourable Baronet
had a huge bundle of papers, petitions, and
documents under is arm, and looked extremely cha-
grined when the announcement was made known to
him by Sir Thomas Acland. After a few compliments
of condolence had pessed, the Right Hen. Baronet
called a cab, and having deposited himself and his
papers therein, drove off.

We have talked with an intelligent and obser-
vant gentleman, who has lately been travelling through Cum-
berland and Northumberland, and he assures us that there
never were in the north of England such heavy crops in the
memory of man, In our own county, too, both wheat and
oats are abundant and heaahy.— Westmorelanti Gazette.
‘‘,.Siotmo'Sff,lPPlNG.—The number of ships of
all.B4joas- that riass4
the Sound in the month of April, 1840,
eras—.from the Bailie, 621; from the North Sea, 986—tetal,
1,607; of which 390 were English, viz., 328 from the North
Sea, and 67 from the Baltic.—'Tyne Pilot.

BRITISH AND FOREIGN ANTI-

SLAVERY CONVENTION.

The proceedings commenced under the presidency of
J. G. BIRNEY, Esq.
J. BACKHOUSE, Esq., and J. Ceewnsoe, Esq., addressed
a few observations to the Convention on the order and pro-
priety of their proceedings, which were given in the most
friendly spirit, and received with all that cordial and
brotherly feeling which generally marks the discussions of
the meeting, and preserves them from those unseemly and
stickling disputations which often disturb other large po-
pular assemblies.
The SECRETARY then read the minutes of last meeting,
which were confirmed.
FRENCH SLAVERY.
The SECRETARY having announced that the business of
the day would be the discussion of French slavery, pro-
ceeded to read the credentials of the French delegates.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF THE BRITISH AND FO-
REIGN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF LONDON.
The French Society having been informed by you that Delegates
from Societies in various parts of the world were about to as-
semble in the capital of the British Empire, to confer together
on the most efficacious means of accomplishing the abolition of
slavery, which still bears so heavily on the unfortunate African
race in so many countries of the world, are most desirous of as-
sociating themselves with you in this important work.
This Society rejoices at the generous efforts of so many men
united together for the hallowed purpose of healing a wound
which cupidity keeps open, and which prevents the heathful
progress of civilization in so extensive a manner.
It will be in vain that the slave trade has been disallowed by
the laws of so many of the principal nations of Europe, and that
stipulations have been entered into in treaties concluded be-
tween the great civilised powers, if there still exist countries
where the markets are open—where men can be reduced by
other men to serve in the capacity of slaves, under the protec-
tion of the laws—and where the vindication of freedon and the
assertion of free labour are treated as a crime. So long as
these evils exist humanity will have incessantly to groan under
this infamous crime, and society will have to suffer from the
demoralization which everywhere accompanies it.
Net to speak of the horrible cruelties which attend the clan-
destine trade, it is impossible that the possessors of slaves can
perform the duties imposed upon them by the laws of religion
and morality, either towards themselves or their dependents.
It is impossible that the complete suppression of the natural
and imprescriptible rights which man holds from his Creator,
should not affect in its essence the ends of the social compact.
Whatever may be the pretended necessities of tropical cul-
ture, it is impossible to justify the laws, which by the odious
abuse of mere force, pretend to maintain an entire race of men
under the yoke of servitude.
Several generations have passed away since France proclaimed
the principles of human liberty in the midst of universal bond-
age. From the opening of the States General, in 1789, she de-
clared by the mouth of one of her Ministers that negro slavery
could not be maintained.
The National Assembly placed freedom and property among
the rights of man and of citizenship.
We are desirous, therefore, of associating ourselves with you
in your efforts against slavery, which is an open outrage against
the living principles that lie at the bottom of every French-
man's heart, and which neither sophistry nor private interest
'sill ever be able to destroy.
With a view to this object we beg you to recognise M.
Isambert, a Member of the French Legislature, and the Se-
cretary of our Society ; M. Cordit'r, also a Member of the
Chamber of Deputies ; M. de S. Anthoine and M. Alcide
Laure, who have readily undertaken the mission.
The request that the closing labours of our Parliamentary
Session, in which many of our most distinguished Members are
engaged, as well as those of the Government Commission, as-
sembled at this moment for the examination of all the questions
relating to colonial slavery, prevent us from rendering this De-
putation so numerous as we could have wished it to be.
(Signed) L'ABORD,
P A S SE Y,
On behalf of the French Anti-Slavery Society.
Paris, at a Sitting of the Society, June 9, 1840.
J. TURNBULL, Esq , then rose to bring before the Con-
vention the subject of French slavery. He said, the sub-
ject of abolition had been much discussed of late years in
France of late years, and had been repeatedly before the
French Chambers. In 1839 a Committee had been ap-
pointeds which recommended a gradual emancipation, on
a plan somewhat analogous to that of the English appren-
ticeship, on the principle of the slave management being
vested in the Government, the produce of the slave labour
forming a fund, out of which the slaves were to purchase
their freedom, by compensating the planters. Under this
system the negroes could not be emancipated during the
present generation. The King of the French had lately
given an audience to Mr. Tredgold, one of the Secretaries
of the Convention, and warmly entering into their
objects, promised to establish a Colonial Slave Com-
mission to investigate the subject.—( Hear, and cheers.)
Mr. Turnbull then entered into a great variety of minute
statistical statements and calculations, of which we cannot
give a succinct account, as fie read them from written papers in
a very rapid and somewhat i.:distinct tone. The effect was
that the emancipation of the French negroes might safely
take place, and would probably not long seriously be ob-
structed when so near the French colonies the succes,ful
experiment of our slave emancipation had been exhibited.
Dr. BOWRING then introduced the French deputies, who
were received with loud cheers. M. D'lsambert and his
colleagues, he said, had honourably distinguished them-
selves in the French Legislature by their efforts on behalf
of liberty generally, and also the abolition of slavery in
particular.—( Cheers.) There was also here Monsieur
Cremicux, a distinguished French barrister, who, though
an Israelite, had defended the Protestants of the G.irde
from cruel persecution.—( Loud cheers.)
Monsieur D'IskNIEERT then rose, and was greeted with
the most cordial cheering, which having courteously
acknowledged, he proceeded to address the Convention in
French, his knowledge of English not being sufficiently
correct to enable him to speak it publicly. His speech
was exceedingly eloquent. delivered with great warmth
and energy, and with a peculiar rapidity and fervid fluency
of utterance, which characterizes the French style of ora-
tory. To those who understood the la-.guage the effect of
his eloquence was often striking, and at times his manlier,
and look, and tone were so expressive that those not so for-
tunate seemed almost by intuition to comprehend his mean-
ing through that universal medium—the language of the
heart and feeling. As he finished every passage Dr.
Bocering translated it to the Convention. His version,
however, had better be given in a collected form.
" Our friend (said the Doctor) begun by expressing the
embarrassment under which he found himself. He re-
gretted that the French Abolitionists had not the power
of gathering round them such assemblies as these. But
their Government was so constituted that it was appre-
hensive of the outbreak of popular enthusiasm, and, there-
fore, the consideration of the subject of slavery had been
delegated to small bodies, selected by the Government,
generally composed of persons of high influence and rank.
Hence the friends of abolition had been deprived of many
of the means of action possessed in this country. There
was one single society of them in France—in Paris—with
no provincial branches, so that its power was but slight.
Still the Government,had done much for the great cause
by the formation of these Committees. He entreated the
Convention not to be too hasty in condemning the Go-
vernment for having done no more. It had been one of
the errors of French Governments to undertake too much.
Thus, in 1830, the Government tome upon itself not one,
but many, momentous questions connected with public
liberties, and had, in consequence, to a great degree,
failed. Hence the proceedings of the French Govern-
ment might hear upon this question the appearance of
hesitation. But he entreated the British publio to re-
member, that the French were the first nation that abo-
lished slavery, and abolished it in their own land.—
( Cheers.) He said it had often been stated in fo-
reign States that the English bad been actuated by
selfish motives in carrying emancipation, and that it
was because they found or fancied it to be their own inte-
rests. If such should be said in the French Legislature,
he would tell them that they were mistaken—( Cheers)—
that be had found this Convention extendiog their views
from West Indian to East Indian slavery, and expanding
their generous philanthropy into every part of the world—
and in the Chamber of Deputies his voice should not be
wanting in their cause.—( Loud cheers.) He had found
that when in that Chamber he had mooted the question of
slavery, he had been, as; was usually the case, assailed with
violent vituperation, and covered with the obloquy
and opprobrium of a salaried press.—( Hear, hear, bear.)
Notwithstanding this, he and the friends of the negro
would persevere, as they had persevered.—(Cheers.) The
effect of their representations had already awakened pub-
lic attention to the subject, and made some progress in
ameliorating the condition of the slaves in French
colonies.—(Hear, hear.) The reason, he said, why
the abolition question had not been so much advanced
in France was perhaps the want of some master mind
that would devote mighty energies with untiring perse-
verance to it. There had arisen in the Chambers no Wile
berforce—(Cheers)—nor, out of them, no Clarkson.—
(Cheers.) Still France had seen men truly zealous in the
cause of liberty, and could boast of Condorcet, and
Mirabeau, and Lafayette.—( Cheers.) One thing he could
state, that in France there had never been any legal re-
cognition or establishment of slavery.-4 Cheers.) It
had been permitted, not sanctioned, and introduced only
by particular treaties into the colonies. It was as early as
1325 that a monarch of France declared that it ought to
be the kingdom of the free—( Cheers)—and it was not
until Louis the Thirteenth's reign that slavery obtained
organization, under the merchants, who, with the Pretence
of colonization, availed themselves of slave services.
(Hear, hear.) Even the Code Noire as it
was called (the Black Law), established for the
slaves certain ameliorations, privileges, and protection
—(Hear)—it asserted this great principle, that no disabi-
lity attached to particular colour, respecting the possession
of civil rights.—( Hear, hear. hear.) Slavery was the
offspring of arbitrary power. Even before the Revolution,
however, it had been struck down in France, and when the
liberties of the nation were resuscitated in the National
Assembly, Neckar addressed them as follows:—" The
time will arrive when you will carry your views further—
when you will extend your regards to your Colonies—
when you will have compassion on the unfortu-
I nate victims of your barbarous avarice there."—( Cheers.)
A But what nation was more called upon than France to pro.
tni
010-nt e? tNh e o anma
teiloi
no rkant ieown obfe
ttieh er ct
boon deirtii
losnwohfi
et hh ewsel
racy ei
ops
oo
pp
aurl
aa
...-
bl se from the slave trade, and which had produced desola-
tiozr.and misery in all parts of the globe. What more glo-
towaro:s all those who en
rioue work could she join in than tod extend a friendly band
enlightened cops
ono distinguished
to promote the scrag
passiooto t
the
nationwor ld. givenThe
of liberty must
ii,
leithb objects. tgso. a i Aoflreenaduyg
what higher satisfaction,
g reat cause
tl e tribunal of nations,
be eventually brought before
be, than to obt •
position,to lrancae
nidf, si
fh e
suchdid
what
am spin-eminence
the importance of her
in the glorious work. But woe I woe
gt eater glory could there be,
ambition was too great for her capacity. He would now
ref to the great impression, which had been produced in
not recognize
the National Assembly by the few welds which had been
' by the celebrated Lafayette. They were to the
lettuce
You have declared that all
A illowinj effect :—" those who
.' who possess a dwelling, who pay the taxes,
at c denim iled,
at d against whom you can urge none of the incapacities
yr] rich are declared by the constitution—that these men can
be ciezens. And are not the negroes men ?—( Cheers. )
Ti c question is Concentrated into this. For me, I believe
no. doubt can be raised on this point, and it was to proclaim
this simple truth that I mounted the tribune." The decl a .
retie n e as received with shouts of applause, and produced
it pt ofeund impression iu the Assembly.—(Hear, hear,

and cheers.) But unhappily, that revolutionary torrent
which soon afterwards succeeded carried away all at-
tention from the subject. Afterwards, indeed, upon the
flag of St. Domingo there was inscribed the words,
*. Brave blacks ! the French recognise your rights and
your liberties."—(Loud cheers.) After the Peace of
Amiens, Buonaparte, who had not then experienced the
reverses and adversity which he afterwards endured, re-
established slavery and the slave-trade; and at that time
public opinion was so little represented in any of the
bodies nominally called representative, that they made no
efforts to control the will of the Sovereign. However,
after the fall of Napoleon and his second rise, during the
hundred days of his government, one of the acts that dis-
tinguished him, and probably that which moat honoured
him, was his decree abolishing the slave-trade.—( Cheers.)
The misery and suffering of the slaves at St. Domingo,
and the temporary freedom they enjoyed at Guadeloupe,
had much advanced the question. In 1814, during the
reign of the Bourbons, a law exceedingly unfavourable to
the slaves was passed, prohibiting marriage between the
black and white population ; and it was urged, in a mo-
tion for this absurd legislation, that the marriages be.
tween the Moors and the Christians in Spain had
degenerated the Spanish blood.—( Hear, and a laugh.)
In 1823 and 1824 some progress was made on the ques-
tion, in consequence of public discussions that took place,
and the question was again introduced into the Chambers;
but in 1830, in consequence of the last revolution, the
slave trade was utterly and formally abolished. He antici-
pated the abolition of slavery as the necessary consequence '
of that step. They had been menaced with the conse-
quences of agitating the question, and they were told that
if it was mooted in the French Chambers, there would be
outbreaks, and violence, and revolutions in the Colonies
themselves. But the answer to that might be found in
the fact, that the Colonies had never been so tranquil as
since the period when the agitation had commenced.—
( Hear, hear.) Of late two very interesting reports had
been drawn up on the social condition, and present position,
of the slaves. These reports had been laid before the
Chambers—one of them had been prepared by M. Ream-
sat, the present Minister of the Interior, and the other by
M. de Toqueville, the auther of Democracy in America.
These reports established the principles, the development of
which could not but lead eventually to the overthrow of
slavery. These reports stated, that although they were not
unwilling to consider the question of indemnity, yet they
would not recognise the claim to Indemnity as a right— •
(Cheers)—or that they could possess any property in man.
The principle appeared to him to be already triumphant,
and he considered the cause as already gained. Even in
the Colonies themselves, public opinion had made a great
progress, and General Bertrand, who accompanied Napo-
leon to St. Helena, and who was himself a great West
India proprietor, had informed him that matters could not
remain as they were, and that hereafter the great cause
must have a victorious issue. No doubt there would be
great resistance to such a step in Martinique, but he anti-
cipated great results from the growing influence of the
free black population in Guadeloupe. The deputy now in
Paris was sanguine in his anticipation of the final and
complete overthrow of slavery. The French Guiana,
though they were incapable of offering a long resistance,
and although in the island of Bourbon the slave proprietors
were very influential, still he did not believe that when the
voice of France spoke out, that that voice would not be
heard, and that the voice of France, proclaimed by her
Legislature, could by any possibility be resisted by her
Colonies.—( Loud cheers.) He was very anxious to intro-
duce to the Convention his friend M. Cremieux, who be-
longed to a body whose civil rights had been lately recog-
nized in France, and who were not upon a perfect equality
with their Christian brethren.—(Hear, hear.)
A Gentleman here rose, and said that Dr. Bowring
had omitted one point in M. D'lsambert's address, namely,
that in Martinique the free coloured population now go
hand in hand with the slaves.—( Hear, and cheers.)
Mr. JOSEPH STURGE merely rose to announce to the
meeting that the gentleman who had just addressed them
was Judree Jeremy, from Ceylon.—( Great cheering.)
Mr BENNETT (of Northampton), would suggest that it
would be doing much more justice to the addresses of the
eminent individuals who had come therefrom France if the
matter was translated as they delivered it.—( Cries of
" No, no.") He could not help thinking that the effect
upon the Convention would be much greater, while at the
same time much greater justice would be done to the
speeches of these eminent individuals.— (Cries of " No.")
The CHAIRNIAN apprehended that it would very much
protract the proceedings, but if it was tie wish of the
meeting, he could have no objection.—( Cries of " No.")
M. CREIIIEUX, the President of the Jewish Consistory
of Paris, then rose and addressed the Convention in
French, which was afterwards translated by Dr. Bowring.
He said—ln rising to address you, permit me to say, that
Ido not regret that I speak to you in French. The tress-
!mica-, which Dr. Bowrir, will give you of my address
will adorn it with that eloquence which in itself it
wants, and, submitted to you by that skilful interpreter,
my observations will be more favourably received.—
( Hear, hear, end cheers.) I cannot express to you,
Gentlemen, the emotions which I feel at this moment—
the most overpowering feelings penetrate my heart, and
entirely overcome me. First, I feel the moot profound
admiration for those English castoms and manners which
have given to the spirit of association sueb irresistible power
of proclaiming its objects nobly and in the face of the
world—objects the most liberal and most worthy of the
enlightened age that has approved and adopted them—a
spirit of association, which our laws, I am sorry to say,
prohibit, to the sorrow and despair of all those generous
men who in France call loudly for the abolition of such re-
strictive enactments.—( Cheers.) I feel also overpowered
by the thought that an Israelite should appear in this as.
sembly, where he has been received with so much favour,
to demand, with an enthusiasm equal to yours, the aboli-
tion of slavery. Gentlemen, all liberties are united, and
all persecutions hold together. Persecute, and you will
make slaves ; proclaim the equality of all, and vuu create
citizens.—( Cheers.) It is thus that your O'Connell—
( Loud cheers)—whom we should envy to England, if the

Lfloryof England at this moment was not arwlLY,arnated

with that of-France in this great work, in demanding
er.mplete equality for Ireland, prcelAimed at the same time
the principles of humanity and justice, and has rendered
for the future all persecution impossible against men who
conquered equality for thernselres.—(Loud cheering.)
The Rev. Mr. JOHNSTON rose to order. Reference had
been made to the exertions of an Hon. Gentleman in Ire-
land, which were totally unconnected with the subject of
slavery or the slave-trade.--(Cries of " Order.") He
understood that it was the wish of the Convention to be
always united, and to embrace the whole community of
England of all parties—(Loud cries of " Order," " Sit
down.")
Doctor BowetNo would put it to the Rev. Gentleman,
whether, if an observation drooped from a gentleman who
was from a foreign country, which was not quite in ac-
cordance with the feelings of some members of the Con-
vention, it should be taken hold of.—( Hear, hear, and
cheers.) He would put it to the Rev. Gentleman whether
it was desirable to persevere in his observations.
The Rev. Mr. JonNsToN several times attempted to ad-
dress the meeting, but was received with such loud and
general cries of " Order," " Down, down," that we could
not catch any of his remarks.
Mr. O'CONNELL said, if his entreating was of any
weight, he wished the meeting would give the Rev. Gentle-
man a bearing.
The Rev. Mr. JOHNSTON was perfectly satisfied with the
explanation that had been given. He trusted that no
political matters would be discussed in connexion with the
subject.—(Cries of " Order.")
Mr. O'CONNELL—AIIow me to return my thanks to the
Rev. Gentleman for suggesting to the speakers not to pay
me unmerited compliments.—(Great cheering.)
Mr. CRESHEUX then resumed as follows:—Gentlemen,
I feel great pleasure in joining this Convention, because I
am a descendant of those Hebrews who were the first to
proclaim the abolition of slavery, and I this day only re-
peat what the Jews have always admitted in principle. In-
deed, it is not without interest that I now recal to your
recollection that it was the sect of the Essenians which
first declared slavery to be a crime, and that it was, to use
the expressioe of Josephus, a perpetual cause of pertur-
bation for the State. Gentlemen, in this assembly this
must entitle them to the highest glory, and, I may add,
that Jesus Christ himself, considered as a great legislator
and moralist, has derived the principles of Christian
charity from the mild and pure rules of the sect of the
Essenians ; and yet, Gentlemen, these very Jews, who

proclaimed the abolition of slavery, who have conferred
on Christianity one of its most worthy titles to glory--
these very Jews have themselves, in more recent times,
been held as slaves even ;n Christian countries. What
emotions must not I experience in coming here to join my
voice to those which are raised to demand the abolition of
slavery • and permit me, Gentlemen, without digressing
from the subject of my discourse, to add that the Jews
were the first to abolish human sacrifices, and to turn
away with horror from the shedding human blood in their
religious ceremonies ; and yet at this moment in the bast,
ha those very countries in which their religion, the basis of
every other, was first proclaimed, a horrible calumny,
resuscitated from the barbarian ages of the west, accuses
them of shedding Christian blood as a matter of religious
duty, to moisten the unleavened bread of the Passover. It
is true, Gentlemen ; and I take the earliest opportunity of
acknowledging it, that in this country—civilized England
=the nation, the press, the Government, have shown them-
selves indignant at this base calumny—(Loud cheers)—
and I perceive from the approbation which you now mani-
fest that you repudiate it with the contempt it de-
serves. Yes, persecution engendered slavery. Yes,
all persecutions are akin to one another, and this was
well understood by that venerable Bishop Gregoire, who,
while he raised his voice in favour of the emancipation of
the Blacks, at the same time demanded the emancipation
of the Jaws. Well, Gentlemen, is this assembly of Chris-
tians, here is a Jew who demands for the Blacks the com-
plete abolition of slavery. His enthusiasm is equal to
yours, and his words have been listened to by you with the
most truthful sympathy.—(Cheers.) Besides, is there a
cause more worthy of public favour ? When God created
the first man and woman, after he had laid the foundations
of a future society, in these words, " increase and multiply,"
he said to man, displaying the whole of nature before him,
This is thy patrimony, this is thy kingdom—earth, and all
its animals, are submitted to thy power. But where do
we find that the Creator ha 3 said, Upon this earth which I
deliver over to thee two races of men shall exist at the same
time, the one absolute and master, because it has a white
skin, the other a slave and obedient, because it has a black
one. Two classes of the same creature shall be spread over
the world, the one shall be called the class of the sppressors,
the other the class of the oppressed. All shall possess
the same life, and the same breath of life shall animate
your bodies, but amor'e you the one class shall cast
public
astthe
other's fetters, and shell sell their brethren in the
markets as brute beasts ?—( Cheers.) Gentlemen, the
slavery of man by man is a perpetual crime against huma-
nity —( Loud cheers.) Cast far from you those absurd
accusations which would degrade one part of creation.
Persecutors are ever fertile in arguments to give a colour
to their oppression.—( Hsar, hear.) The blacks, say they,
are of a degraded nature—their degenerate race can
never be raised to an equality with us--( Hear, hear)
they cannot understand liberty—a maxim as false as it is
immoral. It is slesery which degrades human nature,
because liberty is its law, its patrimony ; instead of keep-
leg the blacks in a state of degradation, open for them the