The Sun.
London, England, 1840-04-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

of oEmGCEtohmeg
mueosntsi o Morningnh,ayaiand
dge r
s/tHad.r struck
acknowledged
their
flag
b y
FROM THE MORNING f AMS CF THIS DAT.
up oTnh et
the
He opußsle(v:
their Bill of " summary protection'' that it is not a re-
solution-of one House, but the concurrence of the three
powers of the legislature which constitutes LAW, it may
seem idle and superfluous to make the late arrogant
and unconstitutional pretensions of the House of Com-
mons the subject of further argument. But the fact
IS, ARBITRARY PRIVILEGE, though beaten, is not si-
lenced. It still claims in theory what it cannot enforce
in practice. While cowering beneath a statute of Par-
liament, in order to screen itself from the pub* indig.
nation, it talks lustily of being independent of that law
to which it has fled for " summary protection."
(From the Morning Post.)
The motion of Mr. G Palmer, which is fixed for
Thursday next, will enable her Majesty's Ministers to
state clearly and fully to the House of Commons, and,
through the reported proceedings of that assembly, to
the whole civilised world, upon what circumstances they
rest their " justification for going to war" with China.
That motion, we are told, merely negatives the
sufficiency of one of the circumstances.; by which
it may be sought to vindicate hostilities, viz.—" the
refusal of the Chinese Government to pay for the
opium delivered up to them by British subjects."
And as this, whatever it may he worth, is literally
true, it follows that, if other circumstances can be
alleged by Ministers apart from this, and sufficient with.
out it to vindicate their warlike policy, and bring it
within the established law and recognized custom of
civilized nations, the motion may be carried, and yet
the war be not finally and-conclusively condemned.
But even in this case, which is evidently put by the
partisans of Ministers to depreciate the motion, and
which, if it were real, would, we admit, reduce the mo-
tion to its minimum of value, the importance and prac-
tical usefulness of such a resolution by the House of
Commons -as that which Mr. G. Palmer is about to
propose would still be great and undeniable.
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
The Standard complains that we will not " under-
stand the distinction between a wrong and an insult,"
and maintains that there is no inconsistency in the
doctrines held by the Tories on the subject of our rela-
tions with foreign states. We have asserted, and we
repeat, that upon every question of foreign policy the
conduct of the Tories, in their Newspapers, in their in.
flammatory speeches through the country, and in their
motions to " obstruct" the business of Parliament; has
been governed by this rule and this rule alone—to adopt.
that course which gave the fairest promise of embarrass-
ing the Queen's Ministers. If even a Newspaper rumour
reached the country of a difference with the authorities
or the subjects of a foreign state, it was followed by a
Tory shout for war. Ministers were assailed because " the
grievance" was not immediately redressed " by war."
The moment, however, that these valiant gentlemen
think they can descry a speck upon the horizon—
that there is a remote prospect of war—true to the base
instincts of their party, they turn short round, and in
the teeth- of. their own exhortations to war, denounce
the Government for even risking an appeal to hostilities.
Their conduct is not " inconsistent" indeed ! Take this
very Neapolitan question, singled out by the Standard
as an illustration of his consistency as ad organ of the
Tories. To this case the Standard now condemns an ap-
peal to arms. We are told that the Government ought
to permit the British merchants " to be cheated."
It says that commercial wrongs ought not to be re-
dressed by war, and recommends submission to " a
mere wrong," because in this submission we " lose
nothing but the pectiliunz." These are the doctrines of
tLe Standard, at present—printed in that journal on
Saturday and yesterday—when, mark you, there could
be no doubt that the firmness of Ministers avould obtain
redress for " the wrong." New, contrast this with
the doctrine of the same journal when the intelligence
of this Neapolitan dispute was more recent, and when
the result of Lord Palmerston's policy was not so ma-
nifest. No longer ago than the 21st instant, we find
the Standard declaring that "any mediation that does
not secure all that is demanded on the part of Great
Britain, affords merely an excuse for fresh delay and
new invasions. The contract must be cancelled, and
full indemnity to British mei chants paid." And there
is " no inconsistency" in this !-
(From the Times.)
From the evidence upon Fictitious Votes in Ireland,
which we have now followed to its close, it will proba-
bly be found that, flagrant as are the evils of the exist-
ing system, they are capable of redress by the few
simple enactments contained in Lord Stanley's pend-
ing Bill. The most important of the remedies re-
quired is undoubtedly the extension of the right of ap-
peal from the decisions of the registering barrister. At
present, as we have before had occasion to observe,
the appeal is one-sided-L-that is, the claimant whom
the barrister rejects has, by the Irish Reform Act,
2 and 3 William IV., c. 88, an appeal to the Judges 1
of Assize, who are directed, if the rejection be for
insufficiency of value, to determine the question
with the aid of a Jury ; and if for any other defect,
to adjudicate on their own authority ; but as against
the claimant whom the barrister has improperly ad-
mitted, there is no appeal either to judge or to jury ;
and the consequence is, that a barrister who is either
daring or timid enough to let the registry be swamped
by the admission of fictitious votes, has the means of
accomplishing his object, irresponsibly and irreversibly.
We say irreversibly, because, although on petition a
Committee of the House of Commons may invalidate
any votes given at the particular election submitted to
its cognizance, and even order the names of the dis-
allowed voters to be struck off the registry, yet the
assistant-barristers of the O'Connellite faction have
gone the length of re-registering those very voters at
the text Quarter Session, upon the very same qualifica-
tion which the Committee had declared to be illegal.
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
If the hostile attitude assumed by this country to-
wards China could, with even a shadow of justice, be re-
garded es an attempt to force the importation and sale
of opium, we should condemn the proceedings of her
Majesty's Ministers as heartily as any of our horrified
Contemporaries : but, knowing as ire do, that their
horror is just as real and sincere as that which the
'actor who plays Hamlet assumes at the sight of his
friei:d who personates the Ghost in a suit of pasteboard
armour, we quietly keep our seats, and smile at the
innocence of those who (as Mr. Dickens says) are
"so jolly green" as to be deceived by the cunning
rogues on the stage. The Morning Post of yesterday
very gravely assures us that " the motion of which
Mr. Palmer has given notice in reference to the
opium war, will unite in its favour every Member of
the House of Commons who has the least regard to
national justice or morality." Now, with groat
deference to Mr. Palmer and his aristocratic barker of
"the Fashionable World," we beg leave most respect-
fully to observe that the noodles who can be deceived
by such palpable humbug as this are not to he found
among " Members of the House of Commons."

Colonel Davies, 1V1.P., is lying in a very dan-
gerous state of illness at Brighton.
The Duke and Duchess of Richmond, with the
Lords and Ladies Lennox, come to town early in the present
week, from Goodwood, for the season. The Earl of Maieh
has returned to town from Newmarket. The Dowager
Duchess of Richmond comes to town this week.
HAYMARKET THEATRE.—The attraction at
this theatre, on Saturday night, consisted in the re-appearance
_of Miss Helen Faucit, for the first time, after her late severe
indisposition. The reception which she met with must have
satisfied her of the estimation in which her talents are held, and
of the sympathy which the public have felt for her illness.
Though btill retaining some slight traces of debility, her acting
was characterised by all the feeling and energy which she has
invariably imparted to the proud and scornful, :yet loving,
" Lady of Lyons." Miss Faucit is, in our estimation, so tho-
roughly identified with the part of Pauline that the appearance
of any other actress in the character seems an usurpation of
her right. It was, therefore, with extreme gratification that
we found the public voice coincident with ours. Macready's
h
Claude slelnotte exhibited all the varied excellence with which
he has invested the character, and the revival of the play gave
unqualified satisfaction to a full house.
The accounts from all parts of the United King-
dom of the state of the country are vernytsamtiosfnatchtodsahnedeenheer-
ing. The weather during_the t . very
favourabbleutfoarfetl,ivesiltaolawoeurrss
of
ff
gtelilet husbandman,
sriesersin to andinsure nao.
fruitful
g is
tf
wanted
spring.
du Saturday last a respectable inhabitant of
Haddington, having obtained permission to ascend the eolumn
built in commemoration of the late Earl of Hopetoun, threw
himself from a ballustrade near the top, about ninety feet from
the ground. When pieced up he was found quite dead, with
his eyes bandaged by a' pocket-hankderchief. He had been in
low spirits for some time previously.
THE BRITISH LEGlON.—General Sir De Lacy
Evans has passed through Paris on his way to Madrid, for the
purpose of effecting some arrangement for the payment of the
arrears due by the Spanish Government to the British Auxi-
liary Legion. On previous occasions, when he was requested
to urge the payment of these claims, he refused to take any
nirw,ures which might endanger or greatly embarrass the Go-
vei pment of her Catholic Majesty, because a civil war then
raged throughout the country, and threatened the very exist-
ence of that cause which the Legion, under the sanction of the
British Government, had been formed to support. But the
pacification of the Basque provinces—the rocent success of -s
partero's operations—
and the retirement of Don Carlos and b
. principal officers from Spain, may be said to have virtually put
an end to the civil war.

EVEN IN CT' EDITION.

CAMBRIDGE ELECTION COM-

NIITTEE.

The Committee met again yesterday at Eleven.
Lydia Smith was called in and examined.
By Mr. TALIOT—I am the daughter of George
Smith ; I recollect my father going to Royston on a
Wednesday before the last election. I remember my
mother's leaviug home also that day, between break-
fast and dinner. While she was away Mr. Sutton, Mr.
/ Wm. Swan, and Mr. Headley called at our house, and
asked for my father, and afterwards for my mother, but
I told them they were not at home. They left a can-
vassiree card with Mr. Sutton's name on it.
By Mr. ANDREWS—I was 13 years old last Decem-
ber. I saw Mr. Sutton for the first time on the day I
mentioned, and I have not seen him since. I knew him,
and I believe I must have seen him before, but I do not
know when. I have been three weeks in London with my
fa Cher and mother. No one told me to say that the
person who had called was Mr. Sutton. I think I must
hove seen Mr. Sutton at previous elections. I think I
must have seen him canvassing.
By Mr. TALBOT—I had seen canvassing parties
before about town. I saw Mr. Gibson's party. I did
not see any other. I saw the gentlemen who were at
our house go into a neighbour's afterwards. I should
know Mr.Statech now if I saw him. I saw him chaired.
By the COMMITTEE—I knew the other two persons
who had called with Mr. Sutton.
Mr. Francis Ecten was then called in and examined.
By Mr. AUSTIN—I know George Smith, the shoe-
as Aker. I saw him the week previous to the election at
my own house. I had seen him in the street also. I
was in the habit of seeing him before that. He gave
me nine sovereigns at my office on the Thursday before
the nomination at the Town-hall. He told me how he
hail acted with Long. I have had the sovereigns since.
—(The witness here produced the sovereigns, which
were marked on the edge.)
By Mr, WRANGLIAM—I saw Smith before he had
given me the sovereigns, both at my own house and in
the strene. lam sure we then talked on the subject.
I t.hi.nk I saw him on the Sunday before. I think he
also spoke on the matter on Saturday, and I believe
)-bat was the first time he did so. He came the first
time eititer to my house or to my office. He then
merely related to ma what was going on. There was a
conversation between us, but I merely listened to
him, and I gave him no advice on the subject.
If it was not a long story it was a story about Long.—
( Laughter.) He told me the sum that had been of-
iicred him for his vote, and asked me if he should ac-
cept it. I declined to give him any advice. He told
me at a subsequent meeting that he had made up his
mied on the matter. That was at our second meeting
which was en Tuesday evening. I think it was also in
the evening I first saw him, but I cannot say whether
it was at my office or at my house. 1 did not commu-
nicate the matter to any body till it began to be talked
about, as I
thought our first conversation was a con-
fidential one, 1 had not mentioned the matter to any
one till the evening previous to Long's apprehension.
I believe my name was put on the list of Mr. Gibson's
Committee. I believe there was a Committee or a
meeting of Mr. Gibson's friends. I attended but very
little the room in which Mr. Gibson's friends met.
I think I might have called in once or twice every
day during the election week. I cannot swear who
were there. It is very probable that Mr. Cooper or
Mr. Cannon were in the room when I visited it.
Mr. Cannon and Mr. Cooper were not the election
agents of Mr. Gibson, as far as I am aware of.

only knew that Mr. Serle was the Chairman.
have seen Mr. Serle presiding at the Committee

room. I did not at first speak to him nor to any
body else about Smith's business.
By Mr. AUSTIN—I do not know whether I was
a member of Mr. Gibson's committee or not. I acted
as if I was one. I canvassed a good deal, but I did
very little business within doors. I went to the Hope
merely about my own entries. Ido not think it was
on the morning of Saturday I saw Smith. It was on
the Tuesday evening he told me had made up his
mind. He ilea told me that what be was going to take
would not interfere with his vote. He said he thought
he should bake the money. The first person I spoke
to on the subject was Mr. Cannon.
By Mr. PLUIITRE—Smith told trio on Tuesday
that he thought he should take the money. He said
bribery was going on to a great extent, and that de-
tection was desirable.

Mr. Cooper was then called in and examined.
Ey Mr. COCKBURN—I remember the Tuesday and
the Thursday before Long's apprehension. I remem-
ber Smith's coming to Mr. Gibson's Committee on
Tuesday, and telling me of the offer Long had made
him. The communications then made to me corre-
spond substantially with those he has made to the
Committee. He communicated further with us on
Thersday, and told us his wife had accepted the money.
By Mr. ANDREWB---1 think it must have been ten
o'clock, or later, in the evening, when Smith came to
the Committee-room. I knew Smith before, but I do
not recollect entering his house. Smith's daughter is
in Mr Cannon's service.
By Mr. COCKBURN—Before Tuesday ovening I
hard some in-distinct rumour of Long's canvassing

Wilthni Marsh was then called in and examined.
B 40. AusiV—l am a watchmaker in Cambridge,
and I live. in Fttzroy-street. I remember seeing Samuel
Long before the last election. He called at my house
for the first tittle on the 19th of August. He asked
ate if I had a. gold chain to brace a couple of grey-
hounds together ? He called again a few days after,
and I found I had none to suit him. He inquired of
ale then if I had a vote, and he asked me how I in-
tended to dispose of it ? I said I did not know yet, as
I had not heard who the candidates were. He said
that Gibson, the rejected turncoat from Ipswich, was
coming among us, and asked if I would be taken in by
him ? He said that Whigs and Tories were all looking
out for themselves, and that it did not matter to a poor
man how he voted. I saw him again on the 28th of
August in Gold-street, near his own house. He asked
me to go is with him and have a glass of wine. I had
seen him often before then. When I went
into his house we had each a glass of wine.
He asked me if I had yet determined on
promising him my vote, and I told him
I had not. He then said that if I would pro-
mise to vote for Mr. Sutton, he would give me ten
sovereigns, on condition I should give him one back for
himself.--(Laughter.) I told him I could not consci-
entiously accept his offer, but that I would consider
on the matter. When I was in the room I heard a
woman's voice at the door. She asked Mrs. Long for
her husband, but she was told that he was engaged.
He took a sovereign out of his pocket, and said he
would let me have the other nine if I promised him my
vote. He called on me again at about nine o'clock
on the following morning but no conversation took place
between us, as I had customers in the shop. I did not
see him again till he was under examination. On the
day after he had offered me the money I communicated
the fact to Mr. Cannon. On the Saturday after he
was bailed he came up to me and said, Marsh, I thought
I could depend on you. I said I did not intend to in-
jure him or his family.
By Mr. WRANGIIA3I-1 saw Mr. Cooper on the
Thursday afternoon, on the day following that on which
the offer was made to me. I told him part of what I
have related now. I told Long I could not conseien-
tiousry take the money, but that I should consider on
it. I meant to wait and see what further steps I should
take on the subject. When I told him I should consider,
I meant to let him draw what inference he might choose
from it.

By Mr. ThEslGEß—Wben I said I should consider,
I meant I should see how I might bring to light the
darkness in which they were walking. I made the
same statements to the Magistrates as I have made to-day.
By Mr. PLUMPTRE-1 gave Long at uncertain answer,
and let him draw what conclusion he might from it.
By the (illAtamAN—When I said I should consider
on the subject, 1 had made up my mind not to take the
money, but I wished to see what proceedings I might take.
By Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE-4 am a Wesleyan
Methodist.
The witness was then orilterea to withdraw.
Mr. COCKBURN then said that be believed the time
was coma for t'al"og the attention of the Committee to
the evidence ...itfecting the issues on which they should
' have Ito O:onouncc their judgment. These issues were
two in number—namely, the question of treating and
the: 4f bribery. He would proceel to discuss them in
dettfil. He should commence with the question of
trApting, acrd he would begin by reading the statute
w-Tr-ch rriltited 16, &rat subject. (The Learned Gentleman
then re-ad ti 7th of Wm. 111., chap. 4, which is
the statute In question.) After having read that

statute, he would assume that no orders for treating
had been given, and though he thought that he could

prove the issuing of such orders, be felt it was unneces-
sary that he should do so. If a candidate chose to pay

for refreshments given to parties voting in his favour,
there could not be the slightest doubt but he was an-
swerable for such proceedings. Let them look at the case
in detail. Messrs. Twiss and Marshall were the avowed
agents of the sitting Member ; and shortly after the
election an advertisement appeared in the local papers
from these gentlemen, stating that all claims on the
Hon. Manners Sutton should be sent in to them. A
few days after Mr. Brown and Mr. Twiss met in the
streets, and Mr. Twiss then asked the other if he would
consent to look over the hills. Mr. Brown said he
should have no objection, t
. he wished that there
should be some person of respectability to act with him.
Mr. Brown afterwards arrangedawmiith Mr. Fisher that
Mr. Bishop should assist him third person_
namely, Mr. Spencer—was afterwards.a d
nussbcr. The bills in Mr. Twiss's paosdeiobd tno theirwere
then sent to Mr. Bishop's, were examinede
and were eventually paid. It should be
y him,
bered, that as Mr. Sutton had himself givenaresm4ttait.
towards the expenses of the election, and
money must have become amalgamated with the rest,
he, in reality, contributed towards the payment of the
bills in question. It should also be remembered that
the subsequent adoption of a proceeding renders a party
liable for an act as if he had himself been the author

of it. The refreshments had been furnished in con-

travention of the statute, and if Mr. Twiss afterwards
authorised the payment of them, such a proceeding on
his part must be fatal to the sitting Member. (The
Learned Gentleman then went into various details with

regard to a large portion of the NO bills which had
I been paid by the friends of Mr. Sutton, for the purpose
1 of showing that treating to a great extent had
been resorted to at the election by those gentlemen.)
Refreshments had been furnished on the polling day,
and that was clearly contrary to the letter of the law.
It was also contrary to its spirit. It might be said
that those refreshments were furnished to those only
who had already recorded their votes. But even though
it were so, such a proceeding tended equally to demo-
ralize the constituency and to influence their votes as if
the refreshments had been furnished previous to the
polling. He believed that justice to the electors, justice
to the petitioners, justice to the representative system,
and justice to the community at large, now called on
the Committee to manifest their condemnation of
proceedings so immoral and illegal as those which
had taken place at the late Cambridge elec-
tion. He would pass to the second question
—that of bribery. He believed that there could
not be the slightest ground for any doubt upon
that subject. The fact of an attempt at bribery on the
part of Long, had been proved by the witness Smith in
the fullest and most explicit manner. There were
various circumstances to confirm the evidence of Smith.
The demeanour of the witness himself, and the feeling
with which he repelled an unjust suspicion, entitled him
to the confidence of the Committee. The evidence of
~his wife came in corroboration of that which
'ho had given, and they had before them
the money which had been offered to Smith.
The case of Marsh strengthened the other. An
attempt had also been made to bribe him, and his evi-
dence was perfectly clear and detailed. It should also
be observed that on Long's being arrested a paper was
found in his possession, which he hid attempted to
destroy, but which was found to be an election list, and
the first name on it was that of Smith, and farther down
was the name of Marsh. The moment, too, that Long
was asked in his examination whether he had attempted
to bribe Smith, his answer was that he could not reply
to that question, as it might criminate himself. Was
that the answer of one who felt himself guiltless ? And
could there he any doubt as to the truth of the evidence
of Smith ? After having entered into some details for the
purpose of justifying the course pursued by the petitioners
and their agents, the Learned Gentleman concluded
by saying that it appeared to him that the two cases of
treating and of bribery on the part of the agents of the
sitting Member had been clearly made out, and that the
matter was one in which the Committee could have no
hesitation in applying the salutary provisions of the
law, both as regarded the consequences of such pro-
ceedings as those which had been detailed to them in
the present instance, and their suppression for the future.
It was then past four o'clock, and on the application
of Mr. ANDREWS the Committee adjourned till twelve
o'clock to-morrow, with the understanding that they sit
till five.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
(From the Globe.)
The Standard of Saturday gave its readers a dish
of foreign politics, and a pretty mess it made of it
We have seldom seen so much ignorance, confusion of
ideas, and misrepresentation, condensed into a column
and a half. The Standard took a wide range—
Naples, China, North America ; and was equally
unfortunate in all. But it laid down doctrines
most particularly curious, and well deserving to be re-
corded as announcements of the principles of foreign
policy to be pursued by the Tories if in power.
The Standard admits that England is in the right in her
quarrels with Naples, China, and the United States ;
that is to say, that we have justice on our side in
each of these three differences ; in other words, that
injustice has been done, or is threatened to be done,
towards us by Naple3, by China, and by the
United States. But nevertheless, says the Standard,
the Melbourne Administration is to blame for allow-
ing these quarrels to arise ; and if the present Minis-
ters had acted with good management they might
have prevented all these disputes. But how do
our readers think the Standard would have prevented
all this ? Aye, how ? The Standard has a receipt
for avoiding a quarrel even when injustice is done to us,
and a notable receipt it is ; risen: teneatis. We would
give our readers any number of guesses, but wo are
sure they never would find it out ; and so we must
tell. Why, the receipt is to submit to be cheated and
to be wronged and to say nothing about it. If, says the
Standard, our Ministers would only have had common
sense enough to allow the country to be cheated and
wronged quietly by other Powers, we need have sent no
expedition to China, we need have made no reprisals
against Naples, we should have had no Boundary
Question with America. In private life, says the
Standard, the maxim is established, none get into the
Gazette as bankrupts, but men who steadily refuso to
be cheated 1, none become wealthy and prosperous, but
those who let themselves be cheated by all who like to
cheat them. Really the childish absurdity of this de-
spicable nonsense is so great, that we will not insult the
understanding of our readers by giving it a serious
refutation.