The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-21 00:00:00

(PROM A CORRESPONDENT.)

During the last week, the deep and loud sounds of ear-
nest political movement in Ireland have been added to
the still increasing cry of Irish famine. Two great
political meetings hare been held at the Rotunda, in
Dublin, one on the 13th, the other on the 14th instant
The Minister or the journalist who would neglect the
omens afforded by either of these meetings, or meet
them with scorn or with defiance, would ill deserve the
character either of patriotism or of sagacity.
The first meeting was an aggregate assembly of that
portion of the Yonng Ireland party resident in Dubin.
It was crowded to excess—conducted with order—distin-
guished by eloquence of a high class—but marked by
the most passionate bitterness towards England. The
great argument used was the following one—forcible,
we admit, but far from conclusive against the possi-
bility of a good united Government.

" England promiscd Ireland every kind of advantage,

social and commercial, if we would consent to the union

Amongst others, she consented to extend to us a full
participation in all British rights and privileges. The
union was carried. England assumed the uncontrolled
mastery of Ireland, The legislative and the executive
power over Ireland have been now absolutely in the
hands of England for forty-six years. The very hands
that administered those powers in Ireland, have, during
that period been almost all British. Lord-lieutenants,
secretaries, chancellors, heads of offices, have been,
almost without exception, English and Scotch. Irish
mind, Irish knowledge, Irish experience, has been almost
altogether excluded from influence in Ireland. Irish re-
monstrance has been almost invariably received by those
British governors with contumely or neglect, and the
results hare been a practical exclusion from all
beneficial British rights, increasing poverty, decreasing
trade, destitution, famine, and starvation.
How much of this bitter argument is true, and how
much erroneous, we shall not now pause to examine.
Most certainly it is the heartfelt passionate belief of a
number of our Irish fellow-countrymen, and, as such,
it is deserving of patient and careful consideration even
by those who do not concur in it. As a specimen of
the unfortunate feeling of this meeting, we subjoin the
following extract from the speech of Mr. MITCHELL,
who, after enumerating the blessings flowing from a
good government, prcceeded to say—
" These are the choicest blessings, and ought to be
the dearest treasures of a nation of men. Where these
are to be found, agitation is a crime. Wheresoever on
the face of the earth there is such- a relation between
the Government and the pecple, then let no demagogue
breathe his poison into the popular ear. Let men till
their lands, and ply their trades, and eat their daily
bread in peace. But, my friends, have we such a Go-
vernment as this? Are those precious blessings known
to us, save by reading, and hearsay, and the dreams of
poets? Who in Ireland obeys the law for the love of it?
—(Cries of No one.') Who in Inland honours
the State or trusts the Legislature?—(Loud-
cries of No one.') Government! what is the
thing which we call Government here ? A
a machinery for insuring payment of our annual subsidy
to England.—(Cheers.) What is the Viceroy ? A
steward to superintend England's store-farm, and keep
the labourers in order.—(Cheers.) What is the Castle?

An office where England's business is done. Since the
first year of this century you have been strangers on
your own soil. The laws are not made for you, but
against you. And see what has become of all this.
Behold the crowning year of the union.
For 46 years the ruling nation lies been drawing her tri-
bute regularly, and she has brought us to this at last.
Exhaustion can go no farther. The destruction of our
crop flings more than half our people into the very jaws
of death ; and when their imperial treasury lends us
some of cur own money to keep us alive, on the security

of our lands and mortgaged industry, they dare to call
it alms. But I was wrong to say dare ; what is it they

dare not do to us ? Are they not our masters? And
after all it is alms. The money is not ours. The land
is not ours. The industry is not ours. The nation that
governs not itself has nothing. Nothing in heaven
above, nor in the earth beneath."
The immediate results of this meeting was the forma-
tion of a body, stiled " The Irish Confederation," a name
borrowed from the American Confederation, and no
doubt intended to labour for a similar object. Mr.
SMITH O'BRIEN, in his speech, announced to the meet-
ing that Mr. ROBERT IfoLmEs was to be regarded as the
head of this Confederation. We hope this announcement
may turn out incorrect. There is no man in Ireland
more to be respected and admired than Mr. HoutEs, the
greatest Irish lawyer, the most consistent Whig, the
most incorruptible patriot, of great wealth, and now
more than 80 years of age. The adhesion of such a
man to a party so hostile to England, would indeed be a
subject of deep regret.
The argument of" The Irish. Confederation" above-
mentioned, is also, to a certain extent, at present in the
mouths of the Old Ireland party. Mr. J. O'CONNELL,
at the meeting of the Repeal Association last Monday,
declared that, above all things, it would be the duty of
the Irish Members to say to the Minister in the House
of Commons, "Remember, we are in the 47th year of
the union with Great Britain,—remember that during
the last 47 years we have had no controul over the des-
tinies of our country, which have been under your con-
troul and management during that period. Yes, for the
last 47 years, you English, superior in intellectual
qualifications, and in matters of common sense, as you
consider yourselves to be, have had the government of