The Sun.
London, England, 1847-09-29 00:00:00

:No. 175167.] LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING SIT NG SEPTEMBER 295 1847.

PUBLICATIONS.

With the Monthly Magazines of October (to be continued Monthly)

price Threepence,
THE CIVIL & MERCANTILE JOURNAL:
A Monthly Circular devoted exclusively to the interests of
the Civil and Mercantile forces of the kingdom.
The CIVIL and MERCANTILE JOURNAL is intended to be
the organ of all employed in the Civil Service of the State at Home
or Abroad, and in the great Mercantile Pursuits of this Country :
whether in connexion with Banking, Wholesale or Retail Houses,
Railways, or Law.
Edited by JAMES IRVING SCOTT.
Contents of No. I.—An Address—The Government Superannuation
Fund—Memoir of James MacGregor, Esq., M.P.—Custom-house—
Post office—Banking. flours—Late Hours—Promotions—Obituary :
Mr. Weston—The Provident Clerks' Institution, &c.
London : W. Strange, 24, Paternoster row, and may be obtained,
by order, of all Booksellers. -

COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL.
Yesterday a Court was held for the dispatch of
business.

THE SMALL DEBTS ACT.

Mr. BURN, the Chairman of the Officers and
Clerks Committee, brought up the report as to the
establishment of officers under the London (City)
Small Debts Act, &c. It recommended the imme-
diate appointment of a chief bailiff, and the appoint-
mint of two .of the present clerks of the Court of
Requests as assistant-clerks of the new court, and
two of the beadles of the Court of Requests as two of
the minor bailiffs of the new court.

The report was agreed to, and Mr. H. F. Wood
was unanimously appointed chief bailiff, and two of
the clerks of the Court of Requests were appointed
assistant-clerks of the new court. Other officers are
to be appointed under the new Act, but the election
was postponed till next court-day.

several parties for nuisances, arising from the mode in
which slaughtering of cattle was carried on in War-
wick-lane; in some of which cases the nuisances were
immediately abated, and the parties removed from the
premises; -and in others the parties have continued
their business without now creating a nuisance to the
neighbourhood, and are under recognisances to ap-
pear and take their trial upon indictments preferred
and found against them if required at any time here.
after.—(Hear.)
" The said Court also directed a prosecution
against parties in Great Bell-alley, for a serious
and dangerous nuisance occasioned by the melting
of butchers' fat and kitchen 'stuff, which was highly
offensive to the inhabitants of,ttie adjoining premises ;
and upon this indiCtiheiiChetng preferred, and true
bills found, the nuisance 'complained of was imme-
diately abated. -
" R. L. JONES. "E. HICKSON.
" T. EVANS. "J. LORT.
"G. AITCHESON. "H. BURN.
" W. CHRISTIE. "R.. TAYLOR."
" J. BRITTON.
Mr. ANDERTON said he had never heard any re-
port read in that court which lied given to him any-
thing like the gratification he felt at the document
Which had been just read, and be was convinced the
public would entertain just the same opinion.—(Hear,
hear.) It was calculated to show that, whatever the
general opinion might be with respect tattle ideas of the
citizens of London as to sanitary reform the Corpora-
tion were determined to do everything in their power
Ao accomplish so great an object. There were two
detestable nuisances which' required their active and
immediate exertions—the interment of the, dead
within the City of London. and the execrable an-
noyance of smoke.—(Hear, hear). Towns in which
the last-mentioned abomination was abolished by Act
of Parliament had been long afflicted by it, and were
now enjoying all the advantages of a salubrious
atmosphere, while London'seemed to be the arena in
which it was doomed to flourish without check or
restraint of any kind.—(Hear, hear.) He rejoiced
that Mr. R. L. Jones had been appointed one of the
commissioners for inquiry into the sanitary condition
of the metropolis, for he was well acquainted with the
manner in which that gentleman performed all the
duties of the important situation in which he had
been placed.—(Cheers).
The report was unanimously agreed to, and or-
dered to be printed.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
HERALD.—We have, for some time past, said
very little upon either the Currency or the Free-trade
questions ; from a feeling that it had been determined
to try certain experiments, and that both Parliament
and the people would hold themselves committed to
give the new theories a fair trial, and to judge of their
merits by the result. Yet it may be possible to carry
this silence too far. We fear that the currency-
nostrums of Sir Robert Peel are already bringing
ruin upon hundreds, and want and misery upon hun-
dreds of thousands; and it may be rather too late to
defer our verdict until the country is in the very jaws
of ruin. A considerable number of persons, chiefly
among the mercantile classes, have been accustomed
for several years past to regard Sir Robert Peel as
a man of great practical wisdom and sagacity; and
about one-fifth of the Members of the late House
of Commons manifested the same prepossession,
by their " wheel-about" on the free-trade question.
Yet, to our apprehension, there never was a public
man who stood in like circumstances of positive
defeat, disgrace, and exposure, to those in which Sir
Robert Peel stands at the present moment. The
case of the unfortunate commander, who, while broad
awake, and in full possession of his senses, ran the
Great Britain high and dry on the shores of Dati-
-1 drum Bay, is but a poor and humble imitation of the
monstrous blunder committed by Sir Robert Peel.
Let us endeavour to make the nature of this blunder
intelligible by a common-place and familiar illustra-
tration. We will suppose Sir Robert Peel to have a
sincere regard for a young relative,—say, a nephew;
—and to have resolved on establishing him in life.
He introduces him to Messrs. Barings' counting-
house, and obtains for him the very first instruction
in commercial concerns. Thus educated, he places
him in correspondence with some of the leading -men
in several of our colonies; and, finally;_ gives him. a
capital, say of 60,0001., and bids him commence busi-
ness as a British merchant. The nephew proceeds,
at first, wisely and well. He establishes a desirable
connexion in the West Indies, corresponds with some
of our other colonies, and by degrees finds himself
fairly afloat, and his capital fully and profitably em-
ployed. After a while he communicates with his
uncle, that large and flattering prospects are opened
to him on the Continent ; and- that he sees
various opportunities of entering upon an
extensive and profitable business with Ham-
burgh, Odessa, Trieste, and other continental
ports. His relative and main adviser gives
him the greatest encouragement to seize these
opportunities, and to push his transactions to the
fullest length. Another short period elapses, and he
comes again for counsel. Two or three great rail-
ways are pressed upon him, both from the east and
from the west. He is advised to take a large share in
them ; both with a view to ultimate profit, and also
to agency business, while the matter is in progress.
Again the " sagacious" uncle gives encouragement,
and nothing but encouragement, to go warmly and
courageously into these new speculations. In these
deliberations nothing is said about any pecuniary
assistance. The young man is doubtless to blame,
that he does not come to a full understanding with his
uncle on these points. But he dislikes making a pre-
mature application ; and he says to himself, ever and
anon, " Of course my uncle means to stand by me in
all these affairs. He would never counsel me to
plunge into large and complicated engagements of
this kind, unless he intended to support me, whenever
needful, with the requisite funds." But, after a
while, this young merchant, with his 50,0001.,
finds that he has got into engagements to the
extent of 200,0001.; and that calls of various
kinds are made upon him, week by week,—which
he is hourly becoming less prepared to meet. He
therefore hies to his uncle, and opens to him the state
of the case. And he then first learns, with equal
astonishment and dismay, that his uncle never meant
to give him the least aid, either by gift or loan ;—or
even to permit him to use other means of obtaining
the required funds. He asks, and learns with amaze-
ment, that it had never entered into his wise relative's
head, that any more money was required to do a
business of 1,000,0001. per annum than to do one of
100,0001. He quits his uncle in despair, but at the
same time exclaiming, " How wofully are people de-
ceived in a plausible exterior I Who ever imagined,
that one who can talk so well on monetary and com-
mercial matters, could be so mere a child in real
practical knowledge !" Is not this supposititious case
a very close parallel to the facts of the last four years ?
Do we not see Sir R. Peel first fixing, with a peremp-
tory law, the maximum of money that the commerce
of England shall have to employ; and then, immediately
afterwards, giving all possible facilities to every kind of
extension of commerce, internal enterprise, and even
rash speculation ? Was not the whole drift of his
legislation in 1844, 1845, and 1846, to encourage
the growth of trade, and to lend every aid (except
pecuniary aid) to every project for the increase of
commercial enterprise ? Now all this would have
been consistent, and blameless, under the system
which he abolished, in 1819; but it is altogether at
variance with the new theory which he then adopted,
and to which he stubbornly adheres. If it would
have been an act of the greatest folly for him to have
expected a merchant to do as much business with
50,0001. as if he had had the command of 150,0001.;
what is it else for him to encourage the whole
body of British merchants to double, nay, to quad-
ruple their transactions, and then to say, "But
you shall not have the slightest addition to the
money which is to carry all these purposes into ef-
fect !" Two or three very brief questions may set this
matter in a clear light. Can there be the slightest
doubt that, what with the growth of our colonies,
the opening of the Eastern trade, the increasing
freedom of trade with the Continent, and the spread
of the railroad system all over the world, the ag
gregate of mercantile business done in Great Britain
is prodigiously greater in 1847 than it was in 1818 ?
Can there be a question that more money is required
to do a large business than is needed to carry on a
small one ? But what is the increase, if any, of
money, which has taken place since 1818, when the
Bank of England had about 30,000,000/. of notes in
Arculation and the country banks more than
20,000,0001 ? And what is to be the result of at-
tempting to do a vastly increased trade with a cur-
rency bound down by the iron laws of 1819 and 1842
but perpetual failure, insolvency, misery, and ruin ?
CHRONICLE.—Strong grounds as there are for
lamenting the lukewarmness of the French Cabinet.
in the cause of Italy, we do not knew but it has
been too hastily accepted as an axiom that the
public opinion of Europe could find no effective ex-
pression unless in the united action of the Cabinets
Of St. James's and the Tuileries. The motives
which all enlightened men in France and England
had to wish for a cordial and lasting cooperation
between the two Governments were many and for-
cible ; and we can with difficulty imagine any turn
of affairs in which the majority of those motives
will not retain their strength and urgency. At the
same time, our affairs would be is a most lament-
able position if it were in the power of any French
Government, by running counter to the wishes
of its subjects, to infect our Government with
its own apathy, and compel England to remain
a passive and apparently indifferent spectator of
transactions in which she takes the deepest interest.
We dare say indeed that the hope of some
such result has had its place in the calculations of
the French Cabinet during the past twelve or fifteen
months. Getting consciously and with malice pre-
pense into a false position themselves, and fatally
compromising the character of their own country,
they trusted that they would, in one way or another,
so embarrass the English Cabinet and impede its
action as temporarily to reduce this country to a
state of political nonentity, so far as the interests of
continental Europe were concerned. They have
been signally disappointed ; and yet it would be un-
just to assert that their calculations had no warrant
in their own previous experience. The Sovereign, the
each other in the cordiality and attention
they manifested towards the Sovereign,
Ministry, and the people of England had vied with
which
the Mi
try, and the people of France. And so profounnd_w_BB.9
the admiration which the King of the FrenicheassidneDsls
and good nature of the English
Ministry had conceived for the imperturbab
ethat they
uld not be
thought it a pity that such simplicity Bhro,
put to the usual trials which goodness meets with in
this world, and be taken a
little harmless advantage
of, merely as a matter of experiment and to keep their
hand in. It was a more serious and every way a less
pardonable error in the
French Cabinet not to judge
more accurately the temper and character of their
own people. They ought to have foreseen that when
that crisis arose, whose approach the accession of
Pius IX. had visibly such a tendency to accelerate,
public opinion in France would be so powerfully
against them, and with the cause of constitutional
characte
that the English Government,
in energetically supporting
the latter, would not
only be cordially sustained by the English people,
r with
liberty in Europe,
but their demonstrations would likewise car y
them all the moral weight which public opinion in
France could add to the unhesitating verdict of
public opinion in England. And so it is in fact.
There is scarcely a remonstrance which the organs
of opinion in France address to their Goverment that
is not directly or indirectly a testimony of the sound-
ness of the policy pursued by our own. Passing

over the little escapades in which the national sen -
sitiveness and jealousy got harmless vent, the French
journals find little or nothing to quarrel with in the
policy of the English Cabinet. They can only la-
ment with shame and discomfiture that their own
Government does not pursue an equally straightfor-
ward and decided course. Of all this Europe gene •
rally is well aware; and we are persuaded that
though Pius IX. himself has taken no pains to con-
ceal his distrust of M. Guizot and M. Rossi, he
does the French people the justice of believing them
as heartily anxious for his success as the people of
England, though they are at present deprived of all
opportunity of giving effect to their good wishes.
The hopes of Italy are high, and her prospects good,
but formidable dangers threaten her. England is
openly with her • so are the French people, as con-
tradistinguished from the French Government. Were
the public opinion of Germany represented by its
press with the same force as even that of France,
Italy would be safe. If Italy is stopped short in the
career which is opening to her, and again made a
prey to anarchy, slavery, and sloth, the chief blame
will be Germany's. Of course, as the more outspoken
of the German journals take care to do, we have
ceased to look upon Austria as part and parcel of
Germany. And we would be glad that the Italians
too could learn, and have good reason to make the like
distinction. All the while we have no doubt as to
what the real opinion of constitutional Germany is.
Every state of Germany, great and small, hates and
dreads Austria, and even if they had so sympathy with
the Italians, their abhorrence of Austrian absolutism
would give them an interest in the cause. Had the
Germans any voice in or control over the foreign
policy of their Governments, the cause of Italian li-
berty would find an unhesitating support in them. As
it is, some of the south-western states—the nearest
neighbours of Austria, who know her best and dread
her ipost—are understood to have .expressed their
cordial sympathy with- the Italians. rt -Prussia;
and we might say Prussia alone, that has as yet
taken no public step to support that progress of
constitutional reform in Italy to which Frederick
William had given in his own dominions so re-
markable a contemporaneous development. Every
possible motive ought to urge the King of Prussia
to take a decided step in this matter. He is throw-
ing away glorious opportunities for himself and for
his people. It is impossible that he should not
have a profound sympathy with the character and
the cause of Pius IX. It only remains that he should
give effect to his own sentiments and to those of his
people by some recognised public act. The mode in
which Austria succeeds in benumbing one of the
most formidable antagonists of her aggressions is
remarkable enough. Though Austria has _ceased to
be German, she retains, and will retain until she has
destroyed all respect for the Treaty of Vienna, her
place and her weight in the German Diet. She up-
holds the censorship there, while most of the other
states are minded to abolish it. It is tbus that she
gags the press of Germany, and makes the public
opinion of that country of no effect in Europe. If
the King of Prussia has not the courage to make
Austria loose her gripe of Germany, he is bound at
least to reinstate his people in the good opinion of
Europe, by embodying in some public act of his own
the sympathies with Italy and with liberty which
they are known to entertain.

THE REGISTRATIONS.
EAST SURREY.
Yesterday Mr. Fish held a Court at the Horns
Tavern, Kennington, to revise the lists of voters for
the parishes of Clapham, Lambeth, and Streatham.
Mr. Edward Meymott appeared for the Conserva-
tives, and Mr. R. Russell for the free traders.
In several instances gentlemen, who attended to
answer to the objections made by the free trade party,
complained of being put to unnecessary trouble, and
among them was Mr. James Bailey, an old inhabitant
of Lambeth, the ground of objection being that he
was dead.
Mr. Russell said that this had been clearly a mis-
take, and offered to reimburse to Mr. Bailey any ex-
pense he might have incurred in consequence of the
objection.
Mr. Bailey said that, as it appeared to be a mis-
take, he would not ask for costs.
In Clapham parish Mr. Stephenson was objected to
by Mr. Russell, and produced his title deeds, and
distinctly proved his qualification.
Mr. Stephenson applied to the Court to inflict a
fine on the objector. No pretence could be raised for
objecting to his vote. He had been objected to last
year, and then had the trouble of attending the court,
and no defect could be found in his title, and his vote
was consequently allowed. He thought he was wan-
tonly harassed by being objected to again this year.
Mr. Russell said that the objection bad been made
on the report of the person who canvassed the Clap-
ham district, but that report seemed to be wrong, and
he (Mr. Russell) was willing to take the consequences
and pay expenses, if it was thought right.
Mr. Stephenson said, he did not wish to ask for
costs, as against Mr. Russell personally, if the amount
was to come out of his pocket, or if the objection
merely arose from a mistake of that gentleman's.
Mr. Russell had already explained that it was no
mistake of his own, and that no costs would fall on
him personally.
Mr. Fisu said he was not able to do more than
award a sum as reimbursement of expenses, and such
an amount as ss. which would cover all actual expense
that Mr. Stephenson could have incurred, was not
worth that gentleman's acceptance.
Mr. Stephenson said he did not wish to receive
money on account of the matter ; but he thought that
in such cases as these the objector ought to be made to
pay. Whatever was awarded he should not put into his
own pocket, but should hand over to the Conservative
Society. He declined receiving any money himself;
it might be handed over to Mr. Meymott on behalf of
the Conservative Society. He then left the room.
Mr. FISH having said he should award ss.
Mr. Meymott stated that Mr. Russell refused to
make payment, and applied to the Court to make out
the usual order for costs.
Mr. Fisa said be would do so when he had gone
through the list.
At a subsequent period, Mr. Russell objected to
the order being made out, on the ground that the
gentleman in whose favour it was to be made, viz.,
the voter, had refused to receive the amount, and
that no order could be made for payment to any
society.
The order was then made out, and upon a question
arising as to what was to be done with it, inasmuch
as, according to the Act, it should be delivered when
made out to the party in whose favour it was made,
and that party was not present, and had, indeed, de•
dined to receive the money.
Mr. Elsa said that he should settle that question by
eaving the order on the table, and in it he had ordered
the objector to pay ss. to Mr. Stephenson on or before
the Ist of November.
Mr. Russell still urged that no order could be made,
because of Mr. Stephenson's having refused to take
any expenses.
Mr. E. Meymott, on the other hand, urged that
Mr. Stephenson's expressions had tsie effect of ap-
pointing him (Mr. Meymott) his receiver.
This was denied by Mr. Russell. •
Mr. E. Meymott then contended that the
, to
rd
having thought proper, after some considerrst
to that
award costs, and having made out an °the mode of
effect, and having determined even Court
to do with the
delivering that order, had
point urged by Mr. Rusiell.:ti duty of the Court
in whose favour the
was then over, and if the
choose psr Y
to avail himself of it
order was made did not
n v himself for his own use, but
by receiving the Should be appropriated in another
preferred that
altmatter which did not affect the pro-
way, that
oj:easing the order.
said that perhaps upon the whole the
pro-
priety
order
not have been made; the voter had scarcely
been put to any expense.
Mr. Meymott said that was a point which had been
decided upon already, and he trusted the Court would
maintain what it had decided.
Mr. FISH said that, upon consideration, and in
order to prevent any feeling on either side, it would
be better to,consider the order as not made.
, Mr. Meymott said that the order had been made,
but if the Court thought it had been wrong in making
the order, he could not say any more.
Mr. Fisu said it had better then be considered in
that light.

WRECK OF THE SHIP STALKART, AND LOSS OF
THE TROPHIES OF THE MEANEE WAR.—The India
mail brings intelligence of the complete wreck of this
vessel, laden with 103 brass guns and other military
trophies taken in the Meanee War. She had been char-
tered by the Governmect for the especial purpose of con-
veying the guns to England. Oa the 28th of July,
when off Middleton Point, near Sangor, she unfortu-
nately missed stays and drove on to a reef, where she
eventually fell over on bar broadside, and became a wreck.
After considerable difficulty, and work of several days.
nineteen guns were fished up. To get at the others it
was proposed to destroy the wreck by firing canisters of
powder by means of galvanic process, which doubtless
would occupy much time. The remainder of the cargo
is irrecoverably lost. The owners of the vessel are not
insured.
Part of the small town of Waibstadt, in the Grand
Duchy of Baden, was destroyed by fire a few days ago.
The number of houses burnt was 100*