The Sun.
London, England, 1847-04-17 00:00:00

THE SIT.N, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENT cT, APRI:1:" 17, 1847.

/ twenty years ago. It was his (Mr. P. Scrope's) belief,
that it ought to have been introduced a hundred years
ago. A poor-law for Ireland was no new measure, for
in 1640 a Bill had been passed for that country which
was nearly altogether the counterpart of the Act of
Elisabeth, but it had never been carried out in conse-
quence of the opposition of the landowners, and he sin-
cerely trusted that the Government would now remedy
the defect.
on.
tEhaar vu en
ert sbeenl
wa t butbu t
that if this law were passed,
bfoerCctouhlueolndoebulsueVtr vEbaeßtlipNo nuEsbßsoefrwtvhioneuglHd,
and he had no doubt whatever but that it would
pass that House, that it would prove either
altogether ineffective, or that the union be-
tween the two countries would continue no longer.
It was true Ireland had occupied a good deal of the
attention of Parliament of late, but that circumstance
was not to be wondered at when they considered the
state of the sister kingdom, and the magnitude of the
measures which had been propounded for her relief.
The outcry the people of this: country had raised
against the landlords of Ireland was most unjust and
most undeserving, and he was surprised to see that the
House of late had evinced a disposition to join in it.
The landlords were the true friends of Ireland; and
instead of introducing measures calculated to harrass
them, Government ought to do all in their power to
assist theta. In many respects the measure before the
House pressed most unjustly upon the landholdera of
Ireland, and he very much feared that it would eventually
1 lead to the repeal of the union.
Sir E. COLEBROOKE said, perhaps he might be
allowed to say a few words in justification of the
i vote he had given in opposition to the Government on
I this question. He felt convinced that if the first clause
of this Bill could be successfully carried out, it would
tend to advance the happiness of a large portion of the
Irish people. He had no personal knowledge of Ireland,
and all he knew of that country in connexion with this
question was gleaned from documents and returns which
had been laid before the House ; and the result of his
examination of these returns and documents had led hire
to think that this law could never be carried out in Ire-
land. He felt convinced that out-door relief could not
work successfully, because in Ireland there were not the
same resources and machinery for carrying out such a
system as was to be found in this country. So far from
out-door relief tending to benefit the really poor and
destitute man in Ireland, it would rather tend to increase
the evils and sufferings that were now going on in
Ireland. Looking, then, at the almost improbability
at least for a short time, of carrying out this law in Ire-
land, and believing that at the present moment, and
under existing circumstances, it was calculated to in-
crease the distress and sufferings of Ireland, he felt re-
luctantly constrained to oppose the Government on that
occasion.
Mr. ADDERLEY said the whole rating system of
Ireland was looked upon almost as a farce. The rates
in arrear bore a very large proportion to the total assess-
ment, and it was high time that something was done to
remove this painful state of things; whether this Bill
would attain that object he would not, venture to say,
but if it were carried he felt convinced that it would
never be successfully carried into effect.
Mr. C. P. VILLIERS said the Bill was considered by
the people of this country to be the only remedy for the
evils of Ireland, and he thought great credit was due to
her Majesty's Government for having persevered with it.
It was a well-known fact that one-third of the copulation
of Ireland were always iu a state of starvation, and when
they remembered that the population was on an increase
without any prospect of an increase in the supply or pro-
duction of food, no time ought to be lost to provide for
such another visitation as the one the country was
now suffering under. That provision, then, he
thought was made by the Bill, because it held
out the principle that the land should always
be responsible for the support of the poor.
This measure would now announce to the people of
Ireland that there was no further necessity for crime
and mendicity in that country. The condition of the
peasantry of Ireland was, that they endeavoured by
bidding high rents for lands to endeavourlo ward off a
state of destitution ; and the consequence was non pay-
ments of rents, and all the outrages attending and fol-
lowing the exercise of the rights of property. This
measure would now tell the people of that country that
they need not starve. The House had last session
thrown out a coercion Bill, introduced by the late Go-
vernment, because they believed that that measure did
not go to the root of the evil ; and it was, therefore,
the duty of this House to adopt other and milder mea-
sures than had yet been resorted to by the Government
of this country. He thought the present measure
was one well calculated to promote the same end
as was sought by the measure of last session.
via., the protection of life and property. A great ob-
jection had been made to the establishment of a system
of out door relief in Ireland. Why, did not a system of
out-door relief already exist in that country ? What
did that large amount of mendicity mean if it did not
mean a system of out door relief ? What was the wide-
spread evil of retaining possession of land without pay-
ing rent for the same, but another system of out-door
relief ? The present measure proposed only to legalise
that which was now obtained by fraud and terror, by
upwards of 2,000,000 of vagrants, and place restrictions
and a check upon that demoralising system. He thought
that when the measure was passed, all parties in Ireland
would feel it to be their bounden duty and interest to
put their shoulders to the task, and endeavour to rave
themselves and their country from the ruin which would
oth -rwise overwhelm them. But it was said that the
people of Ireland were indolent and imprudent ; it surely
then was not the duty of this country to find
industry and provident habits for the people? By this
measure, however, the House would say the people must
not starve, and the rich, and the landlords of the country
must do their utmost to train them in habits of industry.
From the passing of this measure, it was his firm opinion,
would be dated a new and successful era in the history
of that country. The measure was imperatively called
for, and the people must be relieved from the fear of
starvation. The measure was also one of justice to the
people of this country, who were called upon to make
great sacrifices in order to meet the present distress of
Ireland.— (Hear, hear.)
Mr. MORGAN J. O'CONNELL thought that a
system of well regulated emigration, or industrial em-
ployment of the people of the country, would be attended
with great success, and form valuable adjuncts to this
measure. This Bill had been exposed to great danger
by the clause which had been proposed by the Noble
Lord the Member for Lynn, and which was only de-
feated by a very small majority, and if rumour

were true, there were - strong reasons for
supposing that a vigorous effort would be made
in another place in favour of the insertion of
that clause. The object of that clause was to throw the
burden of the poor's rates upon the tenant, and the argu-
ments were founded upon the specious plea of assimilat-
ing the poor law of the two countries. It was, however,
one thing to legislate fon the two countries upon the
same principles, but it was quite another thing to make
details of legislation the same in both countries; and he,
as an Irish Member, bogged to say that be was heartily
glad that the good sense of the House had led it to re-

Sect the obnoxious clause. Although he was not one to
join in animadversions on Irish landlords, yet he must
say that there was some truth mixed up in the false alle-
gations made against them. He believed that at all

events they tobka very short-sighted view of their own
interests. The curse of Ireland was the want of a com-
mercial spirit among the people. They did not look upon
the relations of landlord and tenant in a proper light—
namely, as a gain for each. They took a contrary
view. They believed what was the landlord's gain was
their loss.
Sir J. WALSH said he would remind the House that
the present measure was of a totally different character
to that which ever came before the House. When they
I were about to institute such an extensive system of out-
door relief, they were bound to see that the proper
checks were placed in order to guard against the abuses
which otherwise would arise. It was, then, in conse-
quence of the extension of the principle of out-door
relief that those with whom he acted felt themselves

bound to take the course they did. The apathy with
which this question of such transcendant importance
was attended to was a curious illustration of the state of
parties in the House. All the great political economists
were against a system of out-door relief.
An HON. DIENBEn—No, no ; Mr. Macculloch is in
favour of it.

Sir J. WALSH was not aware of the fact, but all the
others held the opinion which he had stated, and among
others the present Archbishop of Dublin. The present
Bill, in its leading provisions, introduced the English
poor-law into Ireland. There-were some differences to
be sure, but its main features were the same as the law
which had been in operation for the last thirty years in
England. Now, were they able to come before the
Irish people, and say we recommend you a law
which had been found without fault or blem-
ish ? Why, what was the fact ? Why, they
found some of the bitterest opponent& of the mea-
sure were in favour of its being enacted in Ireland. The
present was a moment which he considered far too dan-

gerous to introduce such a tremendous change as must
follow the enactment of this law. The whole history of
the Irish people was of one who had the mere neces-
saries of life, and who were contented to go on in-
creasing and multiplying without an endeavour to ob-
tain anything better, and that when that "„necessary"
failed, the whole population were thrown into destitution.
It was the greatest mistake in the world to suppose that
this poor-law would compel landlords—quasi landlords
—to find employment for those who at present they had
no inducement to employ, as the cultivation of the land
was iu the majority of cases in the hands of the occupiers,
and the greater proportion of the labour would
continue to be employed by them. It was absurd
to imagine that landlords would put occu-
piers in their land, and provide crops and
labourers for them. The public mind ought, therefore,
to be disabused of this notion. After all he had heard,

he confessed that his opinions as to the impolicy of the
measure remained unchanged. Out-door relief would
entail far too great expel se upon the land. It would be
It certainly
so great that the proprietors of land would he oler-
whelmed. N
trusted that
landlords,
an:3', more, it would destroy the existing
vlto_pureDdiscateidd o
would
dt unlikely those for all time to come.
that had be not effect much good. But he sin-
cerelyit would not aecomplish all the mis-
chief Mr. S. CRAW
itf iwt; s a misrepresentation
of the Bill to say, that its o
door relief to the able-bodied object was to afford out-
only to be afforded when the —work
as out-door relief was 1
to hold them. Out-door relief was one
were too full
of the measure, and by no means itsne of the exceptions
the Hon. Baronet who had just ad Ceusesred object. If
House
would refer to the blue books containing evidence
the state of Ireland, he would find that the present
condition of Ireland was caused by the" lastid_
lords whom he had stood up to defend.
and instead of preventing the sub-division of the land,
they had from time to time done all in their power to
promote it ; and it had been let and under-let, until the
real occupation coukl not pfibrd to pay the rent which

was exacted ; and the people had been reduced to a
subsistence upon the potato. The present landlords of
Ireland were respensible for the acts of their predeces-
sors, and they could not expect to escape. All the
property he had in the world was in land in Ireland, so
that he could net be accused of partiality ; and he
was content to make his land responsible for the
support of the p.or when they required parochial aid.
He believed, however, that the Bill would stimulate land-
lords to find employmeet for the people, and that far
less pauperism would exist than some Hon. Members
seemed to anticipate. He. however, objected to two of
the clauses of the 11111, first, the increase in the number
of ex-officio guardians. because they would interfere with,
and necessarily influet ce the conduct of, those better
fitted, by application, to disehsrge the duties of the office;
and, next, to the extreme limitation of out-door relief in
cases of extreme diattess, so that a person who rented a
quarter of an acre could not receive aid, even
in the utmost urgency, unless he relinquished it
and came into the workheuse with his family if there was
room for him—when perhaps a little aid might enable
him to retain his land, and prevent him from seeking aid
for the future; but, as a whole, he entirely concurred in
the measure, and believed sincerely that it would redound
to the advantage of Ireland.
Sir GEORGE GREY wished to offer a few observa-
tions to the House now that the Bill had reached its last
stage. It was a source of great gratification to him that
the question had not been made one of party—(Hear)
—and that they had all entered into its discussion with
the sole object of promoting by the best means
the prosperity of Ireland.—(Llear, hear.) The Hon.
Baronet (Sir J. Walsh) had alluded to the
small number of Members who were present, but he
(Sir G. Grey) attributed this to an anxiety on the part
of those not present, to have the Bill passed, without
any further delay, into a law, and to the ample dis-
cussions which had taken place in full houses on the
whole of its provisions. And in its last stage in that
House, it gave him great pleasure to bear his testimony
to the temperate spirit in which it had been discussed,
even by those who were wholly opposed to it. The
general favour with which the Bill had been received,
and the way the opposition had been conducted, rendered
it unnecessary for him to enter at any length into a de-
fence of it. He entirely concurred in the sentiments
expressed by the Honourable Gentleman, the Member
for Wolverhampton (Mr. C. Villiers)—(Hear, hear)
—and the Noble Lord, the Member for Lynn
and the Hon. Baronet did not object to the principle of
the Bill ; they simply had some apprehension as to the
effect of the measure, in which he confessed he partici-
pated, owing to the difficulty which all social measures
had had to encounter in Ireland. But he anticipated
the best results from it, and that it would have a con-
trary effect to that which those who opposed it seemed
to anticipate. Some said that this was not the time in
which a measure of the kind could be most effectively
carried our. If they expected that the present state of
things in Ireland would soon pass away, they would
have been wrong in passing the measure as a permanent
one ; but when he considered the failure of the potato
crop, and the cermanent condition of Ireland—when they
had thus pressed upon them the real condition of Ire-
land, the absolute necessity for such a measure as this
became more than ever manifest.—(Hear, hear.) He
thought, therefore, that ,they were called upon to provide
—not simply a temporary measure, like the Bill for the
Relief of the Destitute Poor—but a permanent measure,
which had for its object the permanent improvement of
the people of that country, and to prevent, as far as
practicable, a recurrence of those periods of extreme
distress, which had swept away thousands by the disease
which it had engendered. The Hon. Gentleman said
that out-door relief would prove injurious in Ireland.
They should consider the relative position of that coun-
try and England, and that a few hours' sail, and for a
few pence, the poor of that country could come here and
obtain that out-door relief which was denied them in
their own country.—(llear, hear.) He was in the
habit of receiving from Liverpool and from parts of
South Wales every day representations complain-
ing of the hardships to which the ratepayers of those
places were subject in ci.nsequence of the continual
arrival of large numbers of destitute Irish for whom no
provision
had been made. 90,000 had come over to
Liverpool within the last few months, 30,000 had
emigrated to America, and 60,000 remained to be sup-
ported out of the rates. From South Wales similar
complaints had been sec: ived, and therefore he thought
that under the circumstanc'-s less could not have been
done in justice to the people of this country, and in
justice to the people of Ireland, than the passing of such
a measure as this.—(Hear, hear.) But some Hon. Gen-
tleman enquired how out-door relief would provide
employment for the people. True, out-door relief alone
would not afford employment, but he had great hope
that the Bill would create a stimulus for employ-
ment as the proprietors of land and others
would rather provide employment for the poor
than pay high poor's rates to keep them
in indolence. The proprietors of land would not, during
the operation of the Bill, be content to sit down in
apathy to watch the course of events, as they would be
roused to make vigorous exertions to provide employ-
ment for those who stood in need of it. Even the dis-
cussions which had taken place had tended in that direc-
tion. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolver-
hampton, had alluded to an address agreed to in Wexford
by a considerable number of influential persons, calling
upon those who had it in their power, to promote em-
ployment, emigration, fisheries, draining of land, &c., in
order to place the people out of a position to need relief
as paupers. The address was well worthy the attention
of the House—(Hear, hear)—and he trusted it would re-
ceive a hearty response, in other parts of the
country. If they acted in the spirit pointed
out in the address, the gloomy anticipations
which some entertained with respect to the Bill would
not be realised. It was in the exertions of all classes in
Ireland for one common purpose—the regeneration of
their country—aided by the measures which the Govern-
ment had brought forward and intended to propose for
the purpose of developing the resources of the country,
and to provide employment for the people, that they
must mainly depend for the promotion of that state of
things in Ireland which they all wished so ardently to
see. In conclusion, he trusted that the measures intro-
duced by her Majesty's Government would have the
effect of laying the foundation of a better social system—
would insure that co-operation and mutual support which
was so necessery in carrying out the great work of ame-
lieration—vrould be the harbinger of the dawn of a
brighter day for Ireland—and would put an end to the
lamentable scenes which were at present to be witnessed
in that unhappy country. With that hope he trusted
that the Bill would soon become the law of the land, and
that it would be carried out in the same spirit which in-
fluenced those who introduced it.
Lord GEORGE BENTINCK thought it right to no-
tice the asserion that had been made by the Hon. Mem-
ber for Kerry. In perfect good humour he was bound to
say, that the clause he proposed to introduce into the
Bill when it was in Committee had taken the House by
surprise. Now such a statement was not in accordance
with the facts of the case, for he intimated his intention

of proposing the clause on the 1 Ith of March, and it was
published three times successively in the daily papers of
London, and did not come on for discussion till the

29th of March. This Icing the case, he denied that ha
could be justly charged, as he had been in Ire-
land, with a felonious intention of imposing upon
the cccupiers of Ir.-lana, in a stealthy manner,
any burden they were not entitled to bear.
There could be nothing more unjust than to say that he
wished to exempt the landlords of Ireland from their
responsibilities. He was not connected either in a close
or a distant manner with the land of Ireland, and he did
not believe that this clause would have the effect of im-
posing upon the occupiers any improper liability. The
second clause, which he proposed, with regard to the
landlords of the 51. tenements, which amounted to
76,029 in Ireland, makikig it imperative on them to pay
the poor rates on that property, ought, he thought, to
have freed him from such a charge. He thought it un-
just, therefore, that the charge of feloniously attempt-
ing to impose an undue burden on the occupiers
of the land of Ireland, or one which it was not
right and proper for them to bear, should be made
against him ; and he merely rose to disclaim such an
intention, and to state that, whether he had been right
or wrong in the views he had entertained, he was in-
fluenced throughout all these discussions by the best
feelings to promote, to the utmost of his judgment, the
good of the people of Ireland.
Mr. LABOUCHERE thought that the Noble Lord
had fully cleared himself of the imputation which had
been made against him with regard to the clauses re-
ferred to. He happened to be in Ireland since the Bill
. .

was last under discussion, and there could be no doubt bu

the clause had created considerable apprehension. He
had no doubt that, if it had been carried, the difficul-
ties of her Majesty's Government would have been greatly
increased, and it would be impossible to carry the
Bill into effect. As the Bill had been just now
so ably and so fully treated by his Right Hon. Friend
(the Home Secretary). He would not take up their
time at greater length at present, but sincerely hoped
that the anticipation which that Right Hon. Gentleman
expressed, would be realized, and that it would lay the
foundation of a better state of things for that country.
Mr. GOULBURN was of opinion that the Bill would
depend very much, for its successful operation, on the
way in which boards of guardians administered it ; and
the Government should take special care that every
facility should be extended to those bodies to smooth
the difficulties with which the measure was surrounded,
With regard to the clause proposed by the Noble
Lord (Bentinek) he thought it would have the effect of
imposing a check upon the undue administration of
relief. It was with that view that he supported it, and
he had no* vet heard anything to shake that opinion.
He thought that from the moment the law passed,
the Government should be prepared to carry it into
operation in all its details, and to resist the improper
claims which would be advanced by many for relief. It
was the fashion to attack the Irish landlords in that
House, bur if they themselves were assailed by crowds of
people sufferice from famine, they might form some idea
of the difficuoies to which the lauded gentry of Ireland
were subject d. If the Government would not take care
that the law was enforced in a proper manner, it would
be found that instead of affording relief, it would only
exaggerate the miseries of the people. He was, there-
fore, of opinion that the boards of guardians should be
protected from imposition, and that the difficulties with
which the operation of the Bill would be accompanied,
should be as far as possible' removed.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL agreed with nearly all that
had been said by the Right Hon. Gentleman who had
just sat down. He agreed with him, that the Govern-
ment should protect the boards of guardians, not only
in granting relief, but also in refusing it to those who
consideration might not be proper objects for receiving it.—
(Hear, hear.) He regretted, however, to see that
f
many of those who addressed themselves to the
of this
subket, seemed, from the
views they expressed,
and
tl4etiniettluinree of f
thearg ulamwenauttobgeeythfoorl:
It had been
fol-
lowed to rnisunderstan l
representedby acme, and in the speech of
the Archbishop of Dublin it had been
represented, that

the labouring poor of Ireland had no choice but to ac-
cept such wages as the farmers chose to give them, or to
apply to the boards of guardians and demand relief from
them. Now every one knew that that was not the way
in which the poor law would be administered in Ireland.
If the labourer was in a position to procure wages from
the farmer, he lost all claim to relief from the board of
guardians. He could not come to them and say, "It
is true; I have been offered work, but I prefer idleness; it
is true that I can get a subsistence with
work, but I prefer a scanty subsistence with idleness."
With regard to what the Hon. Member for Rochdale
had said, namely, that this law should be guarded by
very stringent prorreous, he thought it was so when
they said that there should be no relief to the sble-
bodied labourer, except in the workhouse when there
was room, and if there was not roam in the workhouse,
an application should be made to the Poor-law Coinnsis-
sioners, who should give an order for a limited time,
and during that time the able-bodied labourer should be
supported by food. He did say that they had taken
very strong precautions against those abuses, from
which they knew every poor-law was in some degree in-
separable. lie entirely agreed with the Right Hon.
Gentleman who had last spoken that in the adxnini,tra-
don of this law it should be rigidly enforced, and that
those who acted fairly and honestly in the administra-
tion of the law had a right to the fullest suppsrt on the
part of the Government. There were likewise ques-
tions as to the support of those persons who, in the ad-
ministration of this law, misht resort to intimidation,
and who might become obnoxious to, and threatened by,
those who would wish a more lax and improvident
system. lie entirely agreed that without that support
they could not expect a man to be firm in the
administration of the law, if his life and person
were not properly protected by the executive
Government.—(Hear, hear.) He could easily admit
that it would not be fair to say of a man that he bad
deserted his duty by giving improvident relief, and thus
abusing the law, unless they gave him some security that
in doing that duty he would be supported. He did not
agree with the Right Hon. Gentleman, or the Noble
Lord, whose proposal formed a leading subject of dis-
cussion on the third reading of the Bill—that the clause
then proposed by him did not impose an additional
burden on the country. He could not think that the
case of Ireland was exactly similar (as the Noble Lord
supposed it to be) to the case of England. The Noble
Lord admitted that any additional burden—any new
county rate which might be imposed on tenants would,
from the beginning of the year 1849, to any person
about to enter upon the occupation of a farm, be a sub-
ject of contract with the landlord, and that the tenant
would calculate what was to bo the burden he would
have to pay and regulate his terms so that the burden
and the rent would not be disproportinato to the produce
of his farm. Tee Noble Lord said that the landlord
and the tenant would agree together upon the terms as
to what portion of the burden would fall upon the land-
lord and what portion would fall upon the tenant, and
he did not think it probable that the whole burden
would fall upon the landlord by the diminution of rent.
He (Lord J. Russell) could not see, considering what
was the state of society in Ireland, that such would
be the case. His opinion was that although
it was a greet alleviation of these clauses
that they would not come into operation with regard to
such tenants till the year 1849, still his (Lord J. Rtl3-
seli's) opinion was that the operation of these clauses
would be in a reduction from the rent, which would be
enforced as against the landlord. I❑ the great desire to
hold land—he would not say what might be the tastes
and habits of the people 50 years hence, but only what
had been the taste hitherto—they had a strung convic-
tion that in holding land, they held the means of living.
The tenant would most probably find himself obliged to
pay an additional rent, equal toone-half of the rate—that
would be an additional burden upon him, and it would
not be merely an injury, for it would act as an
iuducement to him to look more cautiously after the ad-
ministration of the law. When the Right Ho❑ Gentle.
man called on the Government fairly to support those
who had the administration of the law, he thought that
the executive Government, on the other hand, might
fairly express a hope that Parliament would not make
the collection of the poor-rate more difficult, and that
they would not make the poor. law—always a matter of
difficulty—liable to greater ones in the administration of
it, and in the collection of the rate. He had so far de-
livered his opinion to the House, and he would not detain
them any further than to say, that after the debate they
had bad in that House, after many gentlemen who had
resided in Ireland had had an opportunity of giving an
opinion, that the Bill was to be considered as passed by
general consent, and that no further opposition would
be given to a measure so necessary to the welfare of
Ireland.
Mr. DISRAELI said that if he did not misapprehend
the Noble Lord, he understood him to say that the ar-
gument used by the Noble Lord might be good with re-
spect to Irelan I, but not with regard to England.
Lord J. RUSSELL begged pardon. He said that it
was a very good argument as applied to England, but
not as applied to Ireland.
Mr. DISRAELI said that he had misapprehended
the Noble Lord, in company with all those who sat
round him. He was very glad that he bad given the
Noble Lord the opportunity of correcting that misap
prehension. He understood him to say now, that the
view of his Noble Friend the Member for Lynn would
be good as applied to England, but that with regard to
Ireland there was a difference which rendered it no-
thing. He thought that he would not for a moment
contend—no man would have sufficient confidence in
himself to contend, that there-was not a great difference
between the states of England and Ireland • but the
Secretary of State had already confessed to the House
that he himself supported the Bill without any very
great confidence in its producing the effect which they
all desired. The Secretary of State voted for the Bill,
and yet his apprehension of the whole question was that
it was a great experiment ; and if it were a great expe-
riment, was it at all unreasonable in the Noble Lord the
Member for Lynn, reasoning from such facts as political
experience authorised, should propose a measure more
certain in its effects. If the Noble Lord did argue upon:the
position of affairs in England, in making that proposition,
was it sufficient that tt:e Noble Lord the First Minister
should rise and say that there was a difference between
the state of Ireland and the state of England (which
no one disputed) and that therefore he must not refer to
the instance of England. It was the best instance
they had got, and though imperfect, it was the only in-
stance to which they could refer under the circum-
stances. Her Majesty's Ministers themselves admitted
that they were offering a remedial measure to the House,
in which they had not implicit confidence. It was,
therefore, clearly not only justifiable, but extremely ne-
cessary that, in discussing any public measure, they
should refer to any past example they could adduce for
their guidance. The measure of the Noble Lord had
been spoken of harshly in that House, and with some
degree of contumely by the Hon. Member for Kerry,
and certainly in terms of disrespect and dislike. The
Hon. Member had no doubt received from his consti•
tuents since the discussion on the first night some in-
structions upon the subject. The opposition to these
measures had been shown in a spirit of moderation and
modesty when they were firet brought forward, but it
appeared that a very different tone of feeling now ex-
isted, as shown in the debate of that evening. His Noble
Friend had deprecated the legislative experiment of the
Government, and had brought forward a clause—a re-
solution of a much more certain nature which would
remove the burden from the smaller tenants, and at
the same time offered a stimulus to the
superior ones, which would make all classes com-
bine together to carry the law into operation.
The Government proposed that no man whose tenure
was under 4/. per annum, should be rated for the main-
tenance of the poor. The Noble Lord had proposed that
the lowest tenure to be rated, should be any one under
5/. The measure which was proposed by the Noble Lord
the Member for Lynn would have been beneficent in its
nature to the people of Ireland, and was at least as much
entitled to a trial as the experimental legislation of her
Majesty's Government. He thought that nothing could
bring political economy into greater discredit than the
uncertainty of the present legislation, which was not of
a fixed character, instead of having a Government who
would not swerve from their course of the utility of
which they were convinced, and which they were deter-
mined to pursue.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir G. GREY wished to say one word in explanation.
The Hon. Member had referred to some expression of
his, which he considered to imply a want of confidence

in the measure before the House. He did not intend to
express any doubt whatever as to its beneficial result to
the people of Ireland.
Mr. WILLIAM FITZMAURICE then rose, but

for some time was inaudible in the gallery.
He had endeavoured to give the Government every sup-
port in his power as far as the present measure was con-
cerned, still he thoeght it was not as perfect as it ought to
be. Now the amendment he would propose would be to
place in connexion with every union in Ireland, farms
of 100 acres each, in order to carry forward industrial
arrangement; also that the unions should be increased
to the extent of 200. The effect of this system would
be, that landlords would be obliged to employ the peo-
ple at remunerating wages; else they would seek em-
ployment on the union farms. The system, if agreed to.
he believed would be a self-supporting system.
A great deal had been said during the pro-
gress of this debate ab ait the drainage of
lands in Ireland, but on that he cautioned the House as
to how they proceeded, as the attempts of this kind hi-
therto made had failed. Attacks had been made by some
Hon. Members in that House on his brother, as to the
treatment of those employed on his property in Ireland,
but in answer to that he would inform the House that
instructions had been given to his agents to attend to
every matter connected with his tenants, and the result
was, that not one person on the property had ap-
plied for employment on the public'works.—(llear.) This
brought him to the question of absenteeism. Now the
real cause of this was the want of security to life
and property in Ireland, and the indolence of the pea-
santry. His grandfather had sunk 200,0001. in the
linen trade, and failed, because of the bad habits of the
people. Al the present moment his own brother's life
was threatened if he set his foot in Ireland. It was
such proceedings as these that occasioned absenteeism,
and caused the landed proprietors of that country to
live elsewhere. The Hon. Member here read extracts
from the criminal returns of ;he county of Tipperary, to
show the dreadful state of things which prevailed there.
That the House might be aware of what an aggravated
assault was, he might tell them that some men broke
into a house in Jamestown, and they took a woman,
placed her on a tub, fastened a rope round her neck,
then attached it to beam, kicked the tub away and left
the woman suspended for five minutes, then cut her down
and placed her on the fire. And what did the House
think was the sum taken away ? A shilling and two-
pence and a ring ; and for this paltry matter this in-
human barbarity had been committed. And could they
expect that proprietors would live in a country where
such atrocities were of every day occurrence. Within
a few miles of Nenagh, and close to his brother's pro-
perty, a gentleman--a magistrate—requested some of

his labourers to go from one field to another ; they re-
fused, he sent his steward to remonstrate, and the re-
sult was that they broke the steward's skull and de-
manded his dismissal, threatening that if their demand
was net acceded to they would murder himself in the
morning. Then, with respect to the fisheries in Ire-
land ; these might be rendered very productive, but no
capitalist would embark his capital in the promotion of
them. He (Captain Fitzmaurice) had spoken to a per-
son who fished an extensive portion of the west coast of
England, and asked him why he did not try the west of
Ireland. That person replied that be had done so, but
that his boats and nets had been cut 6drift the first night.
If the Government gave security to life znd property in
Ireland, they would find persons to reside in the
country, but until that were done, the miseries of that
country would not be in any degree alleviated. The
secret of Ireland's success, was to be found in one mony-
syllable—the spade—and only by encouraging the culti-
vation of the soil, and inducing proprietors to reside
upon their estates, could they add to the prosperity of
Ireland.

Sir G. GREY then proposed the following amend-
ments, which were agreed to :
In clause 2, line 14, after the word the," insert
" Workhouse or ;" same lice, after the word " Union,"
insert "as the case may be." Line 15, after the word
"disease," insert "is or."
Clause 9, line 36, after the word " next," insert the
words " after the passing of this Act."
Clause 11, line 36, leave out the words "chargeable
to," and after the word " expenses," insert " incurred
for the relief of the poor."
At the end of clause 13, insert the following proviso :
"Provided always, and be it enacted, that all expenses
incurred in aid of the emigration of any occupier and
his family, under the provisions of this Act, shall be
charged to the electoral division to which such occupier
and his family would have been chargeable, if they had
become destitute and had received relief from the guar-
dians of any union; and no expenses incurred in aid of
the emigration of any occupier and his family, or any
destitute poor person, under the provisions of this Act,
or any of the Acts for the relief of the destitute poor in
Ireland, shall be deemed to be expenses incurred for the
relief of the poor."
Clause 26, line 40, after the word "disallowance,"
insert "or reduction;" in the same line, leave out the
words "by this Act declared to be illegal."
(School for the North and South Dublin Unions.)
And whereas it is expedient that the guardians of
th'e poor of the North Dublin and South Dublin unions
should be enabled to join in the occupation and main-
tenance of a school for the education of the children re-
ceiving relief in the workhouses of the said unions : Be
it exacted, that the poor-law commissioners be empow-
ered to hire or purchase land, not exceeding
statute acres, and to erect thereon a suitable building.
according to a plan approved by them, and sealed with
their seal, to be used and occupied as a school for the
reception, maintenance, and education of children not
above the age of fifteen years, being inmates of one or
other of the workhouses of the North Dublin and
South Dublin unions ; and the guardians of each of
the said unions shall contribute to the cost of hiring
or purchasing such land, and of erecting such build-
ing, and of upholding, repairing, or altering the
same, in the proportion which the net annual value of
the one union bears to the net annual value of the other,
and shall contribute in the same proportion to defray
the expenses of furnishing and fitting lip the said school,
and providing all articles, implements, and requisites,
for the common use of the inmates thereof, and to the
salaries and other emoluments of the paid officers to be
appointed as hereinafter is provided; but the mainte-
nance of the children belonging to each union, which the
guardians of such union shall direct and send to be
educated in such school, shall be at the separate cost of
the union, and the proportion of the cost of maintenance
to be charged on each union shall be calculated, and shall
be defrayed by the guardians of the union, in such
manner as the Poor-law Commissioners shall direct:
provided that the guardians of each union shall not be
entitled to send to be maintained and educated in such
school, a number of children exceeding that proportion
of the whole number to be at one time maintained in the
said schcol, which agrees with the proportion borne by
the net annual value of the union to the net annual of
both unions, except with the convent of the Poor-law
Commissioners in that behalf first had and obtained.
(Board of Management for conducting the School.)
And be it enacted, that the management of the said
school shall be conducted by a Board of Management,
consisting of so many members of the respective beards
of guardians of the North Dublin and South Dublin

Unions, as the Poor-law CommisAoners shall by order
under their seal direct, and such members shall be chosen
by the guardians of the said unions, in such proportions,
and at such times and in such manner as the Commis-
sioners shall direct; and the chairman of each of the said

unions shall be an ex-officio member of the said board of
management ; and the said board of management shall
meet, three members thereof being present to form a
board, and shall exercise their functions and perform
their duties in accordance with the rules and regulations
issued by the Poor-law Commissioners for their guidance
and control ; and it shall be lawful for the Poor-law
'Commissioners to au.thorise and direct the said board
of management to appoint paid officers for the
superintendence of the said school, of such de-
scription and with such qualifications and salaries as
the said Commissioners shall deem fitting and expedient,
and to prescribe the duties to be performed by the said
officers respectively; and every such paid officer shall be
subject in all respects to the control of the Poor-law
Commissioners and the Board of Management, in the
same manner as other paid officers appointed under the
Acts now in force for the relief of the poor are subject
to the control of the Poor-law Commissioners and the
guardians of the union whereof they are officers, and
shall be liable to removal in the same manner.
On the amendments being agreed to,
Mr. GROGAN said that he had given notice of two
additional clauses, [meanie the authorities of Liverpool
had intimated that they intended to appeal against the
impositions which had been placed upon them. He un-
derstood that the proposition of clauses, by way of rider,
at the present moment, was irregular, but as there were
at the present time 40,00 ) destitute poor requiring sub
sistence in Dublin, he thought that some measure was
necessary to settle the mode of settlement in Ireland.
The SPEAKER—The Hon. Member was clearly ir-
regular in bringing forward such clauses in the present
stage.
Sir G. GREY said that the law of settlement was of
too much importance to be settled by clauses introduced
as riders on a Bill about to be read a third time and
passed. The subject would have the anxious attention
of the Government and would be arranged in a future
measure.

The clauses were then withdrawn.
The Bill was read, with the amendments, a third time
and passed.
LANDLORD PROPERTY (IRELAND) BILL.
_ _ _ _

On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, that this Bill be
read a third time,

Colonel RAWDON, in moving a sentence at the end
of clause 4, " for erecting and making corn-mills, with
the necessary buildings and vs ater-courses, for perma-
nently improving the lands in Ireland," said that the evi-
dence of Mr. Trevillian, who had been much maligned,
had fully proved the necessity for these works, and ho
only wished that he had had the benefit of his presence,
for he had shown that the mill power in the Channel
Islands had been of infinite service to the inhabitants,
and he wanted to know why the Government had de-
parted from their most deliberate intentions on this
subject.
Sir G. GREY said that the words bad originally
struckformed
mr.
olpu,
tat
iriotn oßdfNe
ft
Eeh
rete
ynti
el ls,taoibdtuhtt
eh tawht y
sphr
ehi
osardo
toal frtti chs rhewA)a.ieredan
i been
year
blesr4s2.,
Irish Members had invariably opposed the importation
of grain into Ireland, and it was only when the Right
btehreyforfoTrarhwe or
fitrhsthtaidmeintro-
de-
parteddii:ened Baronethfirs om measuretehe Mtheamtestablished rule. He thought that
the erection of mills should be left to private enter-
prise, and not be trusted to Government supervision.
Mr. FITZSTEPHEN FRENCH did not think that
the reply of the Right Hon. Baronet was any answer to
the motion of his Hon. and Gallant Friend. The clause
itself would be found most desirable for the west of
Ireland. He did, however, think with his Hon. Friend
behind him, that it would be a useless expenditure of
money to erect mills of this kind. What they wanted
were erections of a different character.

The House divided, when there appeared—
For the motion .. .
Against it
Majority —69
Lord GEORGE BENTINCK moved that a portion of
the advances be appropriated to the erection of farm
houses.

Sir G. GREY said that it would be better to appro-
priate the money for the permanent improvement of the
land.

After a few words from Mr. S. CRAWFORD and Mr. F.
FRENCH, the House divided, when there appeared,—
For the amendment 3O
Against it B6
Majority against the amendment —56

Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD then moved that 35th
and 45th clauses be expunged, as he considered that
they would place too much power in the hands of the
proprietors, and would prove most injurious to the
tenants.

ors
read
at
do nat t
ha
inr and
timeb begged, ea dn ,dr:rhe therefore, icateis respteape
dof:o.sr.ertNce
The
House Mr. HINDLEY seconded the motion.
and
d
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL for IRELAND said
the clauses had been framed for the express purpose of
leading to the improvement of the land, and that their
expulsion would materially vitiate the object of. the
. Bill.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD said he would not divide the
This Bill pa,,sed through Committee, and the report
wili(Tt)uhisferaßo"nillithwL:aUssNpthrAoe'nprlC ASYLUMS BILL.
wasro
The
hhroiee. ordered
GREENS
Ruar
RELIEFebIEI dl
s :Fent s )
ImprovementbeEo f
rsereceivedtuphoie Et t
idßilyipox:Bnwosi
irroeeosNi
sl
ad,
was
(ll IRELAND)
House then resumed.
ordered to be brought up on Monday.
time.

Mr. F. MAULE obtained leave to bring in a Bill to
amend the Act for rendering effective the service of the
Chelsea and Greenwich Out-Pensioners.
Sir GEORGE GREY introduced a Bill to amend
the laws relating to Highways.
The Bill was read a first time.
The House then adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock.

A CENTRAL POLICE-STATION.—A police-station
on a very extentive scale is now being erected in King-
street, Westminster, for the A division of police, in the place
of the miserable hole in Gardener's-lane. It will include a
residence for the Superintendent, coachhouse and stabling
for the criminal vans, and the other offices and cells for the
prieonera. It occupies a considerable space of ground,

FRIDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE.
DOWNING-STREET, APP.IL 16, 1847.
The Queen has been pleased to appoint Charles Justin
Ma( Carthy, Esq., to be Au litor and Accountant-General
and Controller of Revenue for the Island of Ceylon.
CROWN-OFFICE, APRIL 15.
MEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN TIIIS PRESENT PARMA-
MENT.
County of Somerset (Eastern Division)—William Pinner,
Esq., of Somerton Erleigh, in the county of Somerset, in the
room of William Gore Langton, Esq., deceased.
%VAR-OFFICE, APRIL 16.
7th Light Dragoons—Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable
Charles Alexander Wrottesley, from half-pay Unattached, to
be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice John James Whyte, who
exchanges; Major Arthur Shirley to be Lieutenant-
Colonel, by purchase, vice Wrottesley, who retires;
Brevet Major Gervase Parker Bushe, to be Major, by pur-
chase, vice Shirley; Lieutenant Sir William Russell, Bart.,
to be Captain, by purchase, vice Bushe; April 16. Lieu-
tenant Charles Bowles, to be Captain, by purchase, vice
Heleyar, who retires, April 17. Cornet Alfred Sartoris, to be
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Sir W. Russell, April 16.
Cornet William Dascon Bushe to be Lieutenant, by pur-
chase, vice Bowles, April 17. Edward Grogan, Gent., to be
Cornet, by purchase, vice Sartoris, April 16.
13:h Light Dragoons—Randall Wilmer Hatfield, Gent., to
be Cornet, by purchase, vice Dimsdale, appointed to 16th
Light Dragoons, April 16.
16th Light Dragoons—Cornet Thomas Robert Charles
Dimsdale, from 13th Light Dragoons, to be Cornet, vice
Feliowes, who retires, April 16.
Ist Regiment of Foot—Lieut. Thomas James Parker to be
Adjutant, vice Windham, who resigns the Adjutancy only,
April 16.
13th Foot.—Quartermaster Sergeant Bryan llanrahan to
be Quartermaster, vice Mark Sheridan, who retires upon
half-pay, April 16.
23d Foot.—Captain George Warren, from half-pay 3d
West India Regiment, to be Captain, vice Baker, deceased;
Lieutenant William Pitcairn Campbell to be Captain, by
purchase, vice Warren, who retires; Second Lieutenant
Agassiz to be First Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Campbell ;
Richard Milford, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, by pur-
chase, vice Agassiz, April 16.
67th Foot—Ensign Daniel Thompson to be Lieutenant, by
purchase, vice Adair, who retires; Henry Leslie Hunt, Gent,
to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Thompson, April 16.
3d West India Regiment—Quartermaster Sergeant Hors-
ley to be Quartermaster, vice William Wakefield, who re-
tires upon half-pay, April 16.
BREVET.—Captain George Warren, of 23d Foot, to be
Major in the Army, July 22, 1830; Brevet Major George
Warren, of the 23d Foot, to be Lieutenant-Colonel in the
Army, Nov. 9, 1846.
MEMORAIIDU3L—The Christian names of Ensign Whit-
lock, of the 4th Foot, are George Frederick Tod, and not
George Frederick Foot, as previously stated. The Christian
names of Ensign M'Gregor, of 69th Foot, are Alexander
Edgar, and not Alexander Edward, as previously stated.
Erratum in the Gazette of 23d March, 1847.
17th Foot—For Colour- Sergeant George Palmer' to be
Ensign, vice King, appointed to 22d Foot, read Colour-
Sergeant " Richard Pilmer," to be Ensign, vice King, ap-
pointed to the 22d Foot.
Commission by the Lord-Lieutenant of Gloucestershire and
of the City of Bristol.
Royal Gloucestershire Regiment of Hussar Yeomanry—
William Osborne Maclaine, Gent., to be Cornet, vice Sawyer,
resigned, April 12.
CIRCUITS OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR THE
RELIEF OF INSOLVENT DEBTORS.
SUMMER CIRCUITS, 1847.—(Befere Wintanat JOHN LAW,
Esq., Commissioner )
Norfolk—At Norfolk Castle, Tuesday, J une 29.
At the City of Norwich—On the same day, instead of Wed-
nesday, June 30, as heretofore appointed.
BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED.
John Davis, tailor, Wedmore, Somerset.
BINKRUP
Robert A. Stace, upholsterer, Sandgate, Kent, to surrender
April 23, at twelve, and May 28. at half- past eleven, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Carman, official assignee, Birchin-
lane ; Waller, Finsbury-circus.
Henry Knight, brewer, Reading, April 23. at half-past
twelve, and May 28, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Cannan, official assignee, Birchin-lane ; Holmes, Great James-
street, Bedford-row; Clarke, Reading.
David Heard. sen., carpenter, Barking, Essex, April 22, at
three, and May 27, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Bell, official assignee, Coleman-street-buildings; Buchanan,
Basinghail-street.
George Berryman, licensed victualler, Staines, April 27,
at two, and June 1, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Edwards, official assignee, Frederick's-place, Old Jury ;
Stroughill, Coleman-street; Richings, Staines.
Sarah James and Thomas Herbert, grocers, Brynmawr,
Llanelly, Brecon, April 30 and June I, at eleven, at the
Bristol District Court. Miller, official assignee, Bristol ; Leman,
Bristol.
Charles Elstone, linen-draper, Guildford, Surrey, May 3
and June 7, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Gra-
ham, official assignee ; Jones, Sise-lane, Bucklersbury.
Meyer Abraham Seckel and Hillery John Banerman, watch
manufacturers, Duke-street, Aldgate, City, May 1, at one,
and June 5, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Green, official assignee, Aldermanbury; Sydney, Liverpool-
street.
Alexander White Battersby, joiner, Liverpool, April 27,
and May 14, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court.
Cazenove, official assignee, Liverpool; Chester and Co.,
Staple Inn, London ; Tyrer, Liverpool.
John Featherstone, butcher, Goole, Yorkshire, April 27 and
"Slay 18, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Young, offi-
cial assignee, Leeds ; Williamson and Co., Great James-street.
Bedford-row ; England, Howden, Yorkshire ; Bond and
Barwick, Leeds.
Henry Hodgkins, shoemaker, Birmingham, April 27 and
May 18, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court.
Christie, official assignee, Birmingham ; Hodgson, Bir-
mingham.
Nicholas Temperley, coal merchant, King William-street,
City, April 27, at half-past one, and May 28, at twelve, at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee,
Basinghall-street; Henderson, Mansell-street, Goodman's-
fields.
Francis William Gerisb, iron founder, East-roal, City-
road, April 29, at eleven, and June 7, at half-past eleven, at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Turquand, official assignee, Old
Jewry-chambers; Adams, George-street, Mansion. house.
Henry Butcher, butcher, Lamb's Conduit-street, April 23,
at two, and June 1, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-lane ; Oldknow, Chapel-
street, Bedford-row.
John Ellis, ale and porter merchant, Bristol, April 29, at
twelve, and May 27, at eleven, at the Bristol District Court.
Acraman, official assignee, Bristol; Bishop, Lincoln's Inn-
fields; Henderson, Bristol.
John David Symes, coal-dealer, Axminster, April 29, at
one, and May 19, at eleven, at the Exeter District Court.
Hernaman, official assignee, Exeter; Stogdon, Exeter; Kede
dell and Co., Lime-street, London.
Robert Sword, draper, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, April 26, at
eleven, and June 3, at one, at the Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Dis-
trict Court. Wakley, official assignee, Newcastle-upon-Tyne;
Harle, Newcastle-upon-Tyne; Chisholme, Hall, and Gibson,
Lincoln's Inn-fields.
DIVIDENDS DECLARED.
J. Coles, tobacconist, Strand—first dlv. of 9d. in the pound,
on Sattuday, April 17, and two subsequent Saturdays, at the
office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch-lane, City.
Thomas Thompson, grocer, Brighton—first div. of 3s.
in the pound, on Saturday, April 17, and two subsequent
Saturdays, at the office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch-lane, City.
G. Bradbury, ironmonger, Bishopsgate-street—first div. of
14s. in the pound, on Saturday, April 17, and three subse-
quent Saturdays, at tne office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch-
lane, City.
J. K. Bullen, tailor, Peterborough—first div. of 4s. 4d. in
the pound, on Saturday, April 17, and two subsequent Satur-
days, at the office of Mr. Edwards, Frederick's-place, Old
Jewry.
W. L. Collins, brewer, Wood-street, Westminster—first
div. of Is. 2d. in the pound, on Saturday, April 17, and two
subsequent Saturdays, at the office of Mr. Edwards, Frede-
rick-place, Old Jewry.
G. Whitehead, printer, Fleet-street—second div. of 2s. in
the pound, and first and second div. of 3s. 6d. in the pound
on new proofs, on Saturday, April 17, and two subsequent
Saturdays, at the office of Mr. Edwards, Frederick's-place,
Old Jewry.
J. Challen, brewer, Odibam, Southampton—first div. of Is.
in the pound, on Saturday, April 17, and two subsequent
Saturdays, at the office of Mr. Edwards, Frederick's-Place,
Old Jewry.
J. Botcherby, coal owner, Darlington, Durham—first div.
of 2s. 6d. in the pound, on any Saturday, at the office of Mr.
Waklev, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
H. Hughes, linendraper, Manchester—first div. of 20s. in
the pound, on any Tuesday, at the office of Mr. Hobs Manchester.
on,
J. Roberts and H. Hughes, linendrapers, Manchester--
final div. of Is. 214 d. in the pound, on any Tuesday, at the
office of Mr. Hobson, Blanchester.
G. H. Openshaw, power loom cloth manufacturer, Over
Darwen, Lancashire—first dir. of Bs. 9d. in the pound, on any
Tuesday, at ihe office of Mr. Hobson, Manchester.
T. Rogers, dentist, Bradford, Yorkshire—first div. of 2s. 2d.
in the pound, on any Tuesday, at the office of Mr. Hope,
Leeds.

J. Broadbent, woollen manufacturer, Saddleworth, York-
shire—first div. of N. in the pound, on any Tuesday, at the
office of Mr. Hope, Leeds.
J. Brett, grocer, Spilshy, Lincolnshire—first div. of 2s. Gd.
in the pound,- on any Wednesday, at the office of Mr. Ky-
naston, Hull.
D. W. Acraman, W. E. Acraman, A. J. Acraman, W.
Morgan, T. Holroyd, and J. N. Franklyn, ship builders,
Bristol—first div. of 2s. Gd. in the pound, on any Wednesday,
at the office of Mr. Hutton, Bristol.
DIVIDENDS.
At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street.attw twelve—
M. W. Parnall, clothier, Blackfriars-road, May 7,
M. J. Stone, grocer, Abingdon, Berkshire, May 10, at twelve—
M.
Hampshire, May 10, at one
J. Dyke, innkeeper, ROMSey,
—E. J. -Howe, china dealer, Deptford, May 10, at half- past
twelve—C. Proctor, wine merchant,W itßhuarmy,
St. Edmunds,
mMuanydBB;
at eleven—W. Cooper, haberdasher,
Gass, draper, Colchester, May 8, at
May 7, at twelve—
twelve—T. Gammajg.e_a_nadJ7: Mott, cheesemongers, Broad_
street, eleven—J. Mott, street, Bloomsbury, MJ
cheese-
monger,
and J.
Oridge, drapers, Charlbury, Oxfordshire,
3 .
7,
May at twelve—J. Boddington, provision dealer, Man-
chester,7, at half-past twelve—J. Wray, furrier, New-
ington-causeway, May 7, at half-past eleven.
In the Country.
W. Burns, draper, Rhyl, Flintshire, May 7, at twelve, at
the Liverpool District Court—W. Maw, builder, Birkenhead,
Cheshire, May 10, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court—
J. Smith, licensed victualler, Liverpool, May 11, at eleven,
at the Liverpool District Court—B. Hornby, innkeeper,
Hoylake, Cheshire, May 7, at twelve, at the Liverpool Dis-
trict Court—C. M. Wilkinson, wine merchant, Ulverstone,
Lancashire, May 11, at twelve, at the Manchester District
Court—P. Calliet, leather dealer, Manchester, May 11, at
twelve, at the Manchester District Court—T. Lupton, flax
spinner, Leeds, May 13, at eleven, at the Leeds District
Court—M. Illingworth, W. Smith, and J. Wright, worsted
spinners, Bradford, Yorkshire, May 13, :it eleven, at the
Leeds District Court—J. Wood, coach proprietor, Manchester,
May 11, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court.
CERTIFICATES to be granted, unless cause be shown to
the contrary, on the day herein mentioned.
J. Stone, grocer, Abingdon, Berkshire, May 10—J. Goulty,
mast maker, Stangate, Lambeth, May 11—E. Cook, tailor,
Dursley, Gloucestershire, May 7—W. Bookie:is, ironfounder,
Liverpool, May 7—W. Skinner, licensed victualler, Burslem,
Staffordshire, May 11—J Terry, licensed victualler, Wych-
street, Strand, Maw 7—W. Giles, boardinghouse keeper,
Brighton, May 7—E. J. Tweed, victualler, Cambridge, May 7,
J. Bickerton, hat manufacturer, Castle-street, Southwark,
May 7—J. Rogers, scrivener, Bromyard, Herefordshire,
May 7—J. A. T. Mathews, glass merchant, Great Dover.
road, Newington. May 7—C. F. Smyrk, builder, Lavinia-
grove, Wharf-road, May 7—T. Clarke, licensed victualler,
Cheltenham, May 7.
PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.
J. Musser] and J. Nunnelev, brewers, Burton-upon-Trent
—P. Nevins and R. J. Lawton, estate agents, Manchester—
P. Vine and E. H. Langley, Li;np,cl—J.
Content:in and U. Clark, lithograpner., Pancras-lane, Queen-
street, Cheapside--.R. W
R. Green and L. h I
Whitaker, brewers, Sal-