The Sun.
London, England, 1840-08-04 00:00:00

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.

Continual overflows. Immense success of Maine's Spectacle,
" Jane of the Hatchet." The grand Tableaux d'action, and
imposing military evolutions of 100 Female Warriors, have
been witnessed by upwards of 35,000 persons with astonish-
ment and delight. The awful sublimity of the last scene,
depicting the Siege of Beauvois, exceeds every thing hitherto
attempted.
THIS EVENING, AUG. 4.

Will be acted a Grand Historical Spectacle, of unequalled splen-
dour, entitled
JANE OF THE HATCHET.
Supported by the entire strength of the Company,
and One Hundred Female Warriors.
After which, a Drama of peculiar interest, called
FIFTEEN YEARS OF A DRUNKARD'S LIFE.
To conclude a Comic Piece, called
DON PEDRO THE
COBLECRUEL AND MANUEL THE
R.

ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.
AEEVENTH WEEK, and CONTINUED BRILLIANT
SUCCESS of BEETHOVEN'S BATTLE SINFONIA,
With its novel and effective Introductions ! !

GRAND PROMENADES MUSICALES ET
CHAMPETRES,
By Godfrey's unrivalled Band.
Programs of the Concert for August 3d, 4th, and 6th.
FIRST PART.

Overtures--Egmont (first time), and the Dragon Fight.
Quadrille—St. Petersburgh (first time.) Fantasia from Obe-
ron. Waltz—Die Berggeister (first public performance), Me-
lange Des Danses, Pas des Nations (from Le Corsair) intro-
ducing the Tyrolienne, Bolero, Quadrille, and Tarantella. Pas
Redouble (MS.)
SECOND PART.
GRAND BATTLE SINFONIA,
Beethoven, with new effects and an augmented Band.
Cavatina e Coro, Carta Diva, trent Norma (first time this sea-
son), Musard's New Quadrille—La Chasse (first time in Eng-
kind). Overture—Guillauma Tell. Gallop—Benyowsky.
The vast Panorama 4 Fresco of Iceland and its Volcanoes, by
Dansen—Breaking up of the Ice—Melting of the Snows—
Release and Departure of the Discovery Ship.
Carter's astonishing " Koniaphostic," or "Lime Light.
Eruption of Mount Hecla, &c.
On Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday next.
ADMISSION ONE SHILLING.
Feeding Heur of the Carnivora, Five o'Clock.
Concert commences at Six.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW.
3.4 3 minutes alter it 1 Evening 19 minutes alter 7

ir I, Publication of the Evening Edition of THE Sun' com-
menced at 10 minutes after Three.

went through Committee. The CHANCELLOR of the Ex-
CHEQUER stated that there would be no difficulty here-
after in extending the provisions of the Bill to Man-
chester and Bolton, should the question of the charters
remain much longer unsettled, and that the Government
had advanced about 5,000/. to Birmingham.
On moving that the Lords' amendments t- the Mu-
nicipal ( Ireland) Bill be taken into cunsidera ion, Lord
MoapErFt said there were some of them, ai the per-
manent 101. qualification and the mode of electing the
Sheriffs, of which he disapproved ; but as the Bill would
do some good and prevent much evil, Government had
come to a determination to pass it, and hoped the
House would agree to that proposition. The Noble
Lord moved some trifling amendments to the Lords'
amendments, but none which would interfere with the
machinery of the Bill.

Mr. GRATTAN rejoiced that the Bill was to be
passed, but moved that the House disagree to the
amendments made by the Lords touching the monstrous
SHAW•LYNDHURST job.
Lord MORPETH hoped, in the spirit of peace, that
the amendment would be withdrawn. Both he and
Lord JOHN RUSSELL assured the House that this sub-
ject would most likely be again brought before the
House. Lord .T. RUSSELL said it must be.

Mr. GRATTAN withdrew his amendment, and a Com-
mittee was appointed to draw up roasons for disagree-
ing with some of the Lords' amendments.
Mr. AGLIONBY postponed his motion concerning
Mr. O'CONNOR till Wednesday.
Lord SANDON brought the case of the Poles under
the notice of the House, and asked that fifty-two more
of those unfortunate men should be placed on the pen-
sion list, being a proportion of one to three who had
dropped of.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER having taken
a vote only for a certain sum to be distributed amongst
a certain number of persons, could neither ask for more
nor place more pensioners on the :ist without a breach
of faith. He hoped some other means, such as an ap-
peal to the benevolence of the public, would relieve these
distressed men.

After a few words from Mr. T. DUNCODIBE complain-
ing of the Literary Association of Poland, and from Sir
F. BURDETT, who, though labouring under illness, spoke
i❑ behalf of the Poles, the subject was dropped.
The Committee of Ways and Means was postponed
till Wednesday.
The House sat till Half-past Nine.

In order that there should be no mistake, the
Duke of WELLINGTON repeated and extended, on
Thursday evening, the remarks he made on its
being the duty of the Church to provide for the
spiritual destitution of the people, when he pre-
sented the Oxford petition. He said on Thursday—.
He had never entertained but one opinion on this sub.
ject, and that opinion was that it was especially necessary
that additional means should be adopted in this country for
the preaching of the word of God to the people.—( [fear,
hear.) And considering in what degree the Church of
this country was endowed, it was expedient that the first
steps in order to procure funds for that purpose should be
taken by the clergy themselves.—( Hear, hear.) He had
always entertained these opinions, and whenever any of the
Right Rev. Prelates had done him the honour to converse
with him on this subject, be had stated these opinions to
them. He could not recollect on what particular occasion
or in what words he bad delivered it, but he had delivered
the same opinion a few nights ago, in that House, on pre-
senting a petition from the University of Oxford, and he
had also, in his correspondence with that University, stated
the same opinion. He would go a little farther, and say
these persons must have derived little advantage from the
contemplation of what was passing around them, if they
did not see fresh cause every day for thinking that it was
absolutely necessary that the first step should be taken by
the clergy themselves.
But his Grace wound up what he said by ob-
serving—'• He trusted they should not have done
with this subject until they had found sufficient
means for teaching all the people of this country
their duty towards their MAKER, and towards one
another," which is quoted by the Tory prints, in
conjunction with the first passage of the above quo-
tation, as a proof that the Duke will aid them in
extracting something from the public purse, after the
Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues Bill has been
carried into effect. He certainly expresses a sentiment
which is very general amongst Statesmen, but
against entertaining which the public require to be
warned. That society is in a diseased state all
parties admit. The demand for more churches and
more priests is made to remedy a great disease.
The Chartists assert the same fact as the bigots,
but they require a totally different treatment to ef-
fect a cure. One party wants a stronger Govern-
ment, another the abolition of restrictions ; one set
howl against Mr. O'CONNELL and the Act of
1829, another set agitate for a repeal of the Union.
All parties and sects, however much they may dif-
fer as to the remedies, agree that extensive disease
prevails.
It is to cure this that Church Extension is de-
manded, and Church Extension is relied on. Will
those who rely on it not be deceived ? For fifteen
or sixteen centuries Church establishments have pre-
; vailed over Europe, and whatever good they can
effect must have been made manifest long ago.
Where can we find any proofs of their utility ?
In France before the Revolution ? The Revolu-

tioii thunders, No. In Italy at this time ? Its
poverty and desolation pain the heart by their
answer ; the people are impoverished; industry,
from losing its reward, has lost its energy, but the
priesthood, black and white, grey and scarlet, are
numerous, ar.d comparatively wealthy. In Spain,
or Portugal, or Germany ? Why, then, have the
Church establishments been curtailed in all these
countries, and how comes true religion to be almost
unknown in the two former ?

Does England supply the proof ? With sin-
gular obtuseness the priesthood complains bitterly
of the secularization of a large portion of their re-
venues at, and subsequent to, the Reformation, and,
at the same time, boast of the progress of true reli-
, !on, proving, if they prove any thing, that in
proportion as an establishment is cut down, not ex-
tended, religion grows and flourishes. But com-
bined with the boast of the success of their teach-
ing since the Reformation come these two other
facts, that they still possess enormous wealth, and
the people are miserably taught the truths of reli-
gion. The present disease of society is a complete
proof that the Church establishment is a failure.
If we cannot find any proof of the utility
of an establishment in England, can we in
Scotland ? Why, it is admitted that there the
land is overrun with heathenism ; and in Glasgow,
and some other towns of Scotland, crime has, within
the last few years, made a more rapid progress than
in any part of the empire. Nor does Ireland teach
a different lesson. That country, against which so
much is said by the Protestants, has long had two
sets of priests ; and no rational inquirer into its
condition can or does expect any improvement from
augmenting their numbers. lie relies rather on
some alteration in the economical condition of the
people, an increase of wealth, an influx of capital,
a different appropriation of the land, and not on
enlarging the Church establishment, to cure the ills
of Ireland.

We then can find in history no proof of the uti-
lity of Church establishments, and can have no
hope that the present diseased condition of society
can be cured by extending them. If they increased
the rood of man—if they promoted his prosperity—
if they explained to him the laws of that material
world which is everywhere around him, and from
which he cannot escape—if they explained its action
on him and his means of mortifying it—if they un-
folded or enlarged his moral powers, either giving
him the means to conquer nature by an
acquaintance with her laws, or brought him to
submit humbly to an unconquerable destiny, we
might thereby hope something for man from ex-
tending Church establishments ; but as they do not
pretend to effect anything o; all these, we are forced
to conclude that whoever relies on them to cure the
evils of society, be he high or be he low, the Duke
of WELLINGTON or Dr. CROLY, he will be
doomed—if he live to see the result of the scheme,
to most woful disappointment. This is no unim-
portant matter. The disease of society is admitted.
the question is, what is the cure ?
Because we are not able to say what is, we are
not thereby excluded from saying what is not.
Church Extension is not, and we are inclined to
agree with Viscount MELBOURNE that this is a case
where prodigious mischief would be effected by set-
ting about doing something before we are fully as-
sured that what we do will be beneficial. The
present tendency is to freedom of thought and in-
dependence of Church government, Dissent is
growing, and Dissent carries virtue in its train. This
tendency alarms and confounds the admirers of
Church establishments, whose present efforts are
directed against it. They see society escaping
from them, happily ; and, under the pretext of pro'
moting religion and• morality, they ask to it I
replaced, by laws, under their control.

We have several extiacts from the provincial
Papers on the claims of the children of the Duke
of SUssEx, to lay before our readers when
we can find room. Among these, some articles
from the Sheffield Iris—a Contemporary whose
Accession to this cause gives us sincere plea-

sure—and the Hull Advertiser, deserve part:- •
cular notice, not more for the justness of the view
which they take of this interesting subject, than
for the moderation of the tone in which they dis-
cuss it. It is matter of deep regret to them, as it
must be to every Journalist advocating Liberal
opinions, that a Personage who has in many res-
pects deserved so well of the supporters of Liberal
principles in politics, as the Duke of SUSSEX has
done, should have adopted, and so long persisted
in, a course of conduct towards his children which
every good and right-thinking man must greatly
condemn. There are, however, other interests
besides those of party which it is the duty of the
Press to consult. From this duty the honest
Journalist will not shrink, even although its per-
formance may clash with his party attachments.
It is worthy of consideration, both on the part of
the public and on that of his Royal Highness, that in
almost all the comments made by the Press on the
late ill-advised speech against the Regency Bill, the
conduct of the Illustrious Duke towards his
children is advanced as an unanswerable objection
against his being entrusted with the guardianship
of an infant heir to the Throne. A neglect of the
parental obligations, it is argued—and we must
confess not without reason—if it is not a disqualifi-
cation for the office of guardian, holds out any-
thing but a fair prospect that the important duties
of that office would be faithfully discharged.
If his Royal Highness wishes to stand well with
the public, above all, if he has any ambition to be
respected by the moral and religious part of the
community, he must no longer delay the fulfilment
of those duties to his children which, as their pa-
rent, he owes them, and to the performance of
which he has, besides, bound himself in the most
solemn maner that a human being can be bound.
We do not say that even in that case—even were
the Duke of SUSSEX to retrace the course which
he has so long pursued in relation to his children,
and come back to that dictated by the juster and
more generous feelings of his early years, there
would not be much to forgive ; but the public are
not unforgiving, and would bury all remembrance
of the past in their joy at the present.
We are, at the same time, called upon by our
'regard for his Royal Highness to warn him that
there is a point beyond which the forbearance of
the public will not go, and a tine after which it
will be in vain for him to hope to efface the im-
pression made by his behaviour to his offspring.
Much has already come before the public, but the
Illustrious Duke must be aware that the history of
these unhappy transactions has not yet been
brought down to the present moment. Whether
what yet remains to be told may be creditable or
otherwise to his Royal Highness, it is of some im-
portance to him well to consider.
Our readers will perceive that more than one of
our Contemporaries have adopted our view of the
construction to be put upon Sir AuGusTus
D'EsTE's appearance at her MAJESTY'S late ball,
after so long an exclusion from the precincts of
the Palace, and the countenance of Royalty. It
is, indeed, scarcely possible to believe that a pro-
ceeding, having a necessary tendency to awaken, in
the breasts of Sir AUGUSTUS and his sister, hopes
of being placed in the position to which they
have so just a claim, would have been adopted by
our gracious and amiable Sovereign, had there been
no intention on the part of her MAJESTY that
those hopes should be realised. \Vas it the
QUEEN'S object, in the first instance, to give the
Duke of SUSSEX a significant hint of what her
MAJESTY thought it was his duty to do, and what
she expected of him ? We think it would have
been wise in his Royal Highness to have viewed
the matter in this light, and to have acted accord-
ingly.
Whether his Royal Highness was offended at
the encouragement given to the expectations of his
children—and we may add to those of the public—
we cannot take upon ourselves to assert. There
can, however, be no doubt of the fact, that it was
on the night after the Royal ball that he delivered
the celebrated speech on the Regency Bill, which
has surprised the nation fully as much by its dis-
trustful and unfriendly tone towards Prince
BERT, as by the superfluity of its allusions to .fie
illustrious speaker himself.
We will not, we repeat, undertake to determine
whether these two facts stand to each other in the
relation of cause and effect, but we cannot divest
ourselves of some misgiving on this point. We
cannot forg©t that Sir AuGusTus D'EsTE was un-
ceremoniously dismissed from an office which he
held in the Court of King WILLIAM IV., anti de-
prived of an income of a thousand a year, for no
other reason—as far as the public know—than that,
in the discharge of his duties as a son and a brother,
lie made an attempt to get recorded in the Court of
Chancel), the testimony of the clergyman who of-
ficiated at the marriage of his father and mother in
a foreign country. The necessity was urgent—the
Rev. Gentleman had passed his eightieth year, and
could not be expected to live long. His testimony
was important, and, by being recorded, would have
been available after his death in the establishment
of the legitimacy of the son and daughter of the
Duke of SUSSEX. With this stern severity of
punishment, for what all persons of right feeling
must consider a highly meritorious act, before our
eyes, and influenced, perhaps, in some degree, by
rumours which we have heard about " family com-
pacts," and by uncalled-for disclaimers of " am-
bition," we think it possible that the illustrious
Duke may not have been pleased at the kindness
shown by her MAJESTY to Sir A. D'EsTE, and
may have forgot himself so far as to resent it.

We direct the reader's attention to our report o
the proceedings yesterday, in honour of Messrs
LOVETT and CoLLINs.

Besides the Paris Morning Papers of Sunday,
we have received by express the illoniteur Puri.
sien of Sunday night, with the following important
news from Syria :
TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH.

" Government has received the subjoined despatch,
which we hasten to publish. We must, however, add, that
a despatch from Alexandria, dated the 23d ult., and brought
from Marseilles by telegraph, says nothing on the sub.
ject of it.

" MARSEILLES, AUGUST 1, 6 O'CLOCK P.M,
THE PREFECT OF THE MOUTIIi OF THE RHONE 7'o
THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL.
_ .

" ' Lieutenant Spark, of the British navy, commanding
the Prometheus British steamer, which left Malta on the
28th of July, and has arrived this instant, states that on
the day of his departure the English packet from Beyrout
and Alexandria announced that the insurrection of Syria
had been terminated without firing a shot, and that the
Egyptian fleet had returned to Alexandria with part of the
troops it had conveyed to Syria."
Should this news be confirmed, the settlement of
the Oriental Question appears to us surround&
with fresh difficulties. 'We affect not to con-
ceal from the public the hopes we entertained of
the success of the Druses and Maronites of the
mountains ; satisfied that were they to restore the
authority of the Porte in Syria, hostile interference
on the part of the Great Powers would be effec-
tually prevented, and thus any pretence for a colli-
sion between England and France completely
removed. The intelligence, however, was well
received in Paris. At TORTONI'S the Three per
Cents. rose from 801. to 801. 70c.

The Constitutionnel of Sunday—M. TIIIERS'S
organ—publishes a summary of the opinions of the
French Provincial Press on the question of a war
with England, from which we learn that, eager as
the Parisians are for war, the Provincialists exceed
in the ratio of at least five to one. If the truth,
however, must be told, we have very little regard
for the so-called opinions of the French Provincial
Press ; because we happen to know that, per se,
the Provincial Press of France has no opinion.
The noise it makes is but the echo of the sound
from Paris.

So far as regards the expression of public opinion
Paris is France, and France independently of Paris
is nothing. In this respect there is no comparison
whatever between the Newspaper Press of Great
Britain and the Press of France. Our Provincial
Press is, in the aggregate, the independent organ
of a power second only in influence to the Govern-
ment itself, and at all times sensibly modifying the
spirit of the Metropolitan Journals. How this
takes place is a subject of curious inquiry, into
which we cannot enter at this moment.
In the National, the Republican organ, we find
orne articles quoted from The Sun on the Oriental
question: which are not at all to the taste of our
-II:, Contemporary. We likewise find that we
which appear to have startled
' '
certainsome
e persons eiatin
tl -1
Paris who na,Qn it for
granted that in deprecating a
war,without an ob-
ject, with France, we were influenced solely by
our fears, and by a knowledge of the inability of
England to maintain such a contest. Surely our
national character ought to be a little better known

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