The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-19 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION

sufficient to meet the demand, nay, that it would furnish
sufficient for exportation; if such was the case, where he
would ask was the necessity for such a measure as the
present, because reduced prices would be obtained by
the increased supply of the sugar of the colonies of the
country? In former years it was well known the sugar
from the colonies of this country was more them suffi-
erent for the supply of the • United Kingdom, and prices
n England, before the experiment he had adverted to,
.were the same as in the colonies. He believed the differ-
ewe between the prices in this country and the con-
tineutal prices, was to be attributed to the state of the
money market in this country. He thought the attempt
to introduce this measure, fraught, as it was, with so
much danger, was little less than insanity on the
earl - of her Majesty's Government.—(Bear, hear.)
lint then it was said that the measure came before
them, recommended not only because it would improve
the finances of the country, but would lead to different
fiscal regulations. For his own part he could not see
neeything in the principles that had been propounded by
eite Chancellor of the Exchequer, that would lead to free
trade. He thought that those who wished for applause
out of doers —(llear, hear)—ought to state clearly what
the real prineiples were on which they intended to act,
and that, he would venture to say, her Majesty's Minis-
ters had not clone. The course the Government was now
purning, was, in effect, obtaining votes under false pre-
teticese—(Hear, hear.) They said they intended to give
tteoteeeiote; but, for his own part, he could not see how
they intended to carry out such a proposition. In the
course of this discussion some observations had been
thrown out by Honourable Members, upon what
They were pleased to call class interests, as if they
ve- re separate interests. Sash, however, was not
the case ; for those interests which had been re-
ferred to were the interests of the country generally.
He condemned the impo!icy of legislating for class in-
terests, as sueh; but they should consider in the first
place how much their. W4ll interests, and wealth, and
-prosperity, were bound up with these particular classes.
if the opinions of the Government were oppposed to
such principles, the sooner these places were filled by
better men, the better it would be for the interests of
ehe country.—(Hear, hear.) If it could be shown that
it would be more beneficial for the country, that the in-
terests of the landowner should not be protected, then
no should be ready to adopt the principles of Hon.
Ttrtlithees opposite. If it could be shown that their
colonies, by their interchange with the mother country,
derived no benefit whatever—that they derived neither
-..vealth nor strength- nor advantage from the union, let
that be proved to his satisfaction, and lie should no lon-
ger advecax the protection of a particular class or in-
' eereste—•(Hear hoar.) But it was because their well-
' le tins:, their safety, and their strengdi were inseparably
?ssnected with that of the general public, that they had
judiciouely and wisely extended to them that protection
which he believed was for the common interest of all.
--(Hear, hear.) Whenever it should happen that the
egricultural, the colonial, and the shipping interests of
that country would be deemed by the House niulesersing
a protection, then he should say that the honour, the
• glory, and the power of that great empire would have
ressed away. He should give his hearty concurrence to
the resolution of the Noble Lord the Member for Liver-
iool.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. VILLIERS said, during the time he had had
the honour of a seat in that House, he did not remember
having listened to any lion. Member with more interest
than to the Hon. Member for Harwich. The Right
Mon. Gentleman had presided over the finances of the
country, and according to the general opinion enter-
tained at the present time, he would do so again.
'Tt became; therefore, matter of much interest to hear
the Right Hon. Gentleman's opinion upon the financial
project before the House, and to hear what he might ad-
vance against it, or what he proposed to institute in its
stead. He did not remember to have been more sur-
mised or disappointed on any occasion than at the result
of his speech. The Right Hon. Gentleman said they
vere in a great financial emergency—that they were in
a very critical state of their finances, and that that was
entirely owing to the feebleness of the present Govern-
mene. All lie could learn from the Right Hon. Gen-
Teman was that he had objected to the proposition of
he. Government ; but he did not state anything which
he did propose himself. The Right Honourable
gentleman had asked whether they really considered
that these class interests -were maintained—that
•heee monopolies and protections were maintained
by law, for the purpose of support of parti-
cular interests, and not for the •public good. In
answer to that question, he (Mr. Villiers) had no objec-
tion to state that ho believed that it was for the purpose
of supporting these particular interests, and against the
national good that these monopolies were maintained.—
(Hear, hear.) That was the answer which the advocates
of free trade offered to the Right Hon. Gentleman. It
appeared to him that the Right Hon. Gentleman had
only added one to the many reasons that had been urged in
she course of that discussion, and if they had gone to a
division on the first, second, or third night of the de-
- bate, he wished to know whether the public could have
learned the grounds upon which lion. Members pro-
eededto the division ? By the protraction of the debate,
they had elicited the sentiments of Hon. Members, and
they knew the, grounds on which oppOsitiOn was given
to the Ministerial project. Those who complained of the
discussion being protracted had to consider under what
circumstances the resolution had been moved by the
Noble Lord the Member for -Liverpool, and what it was
ho proposed to do. It would be observed that the
moment predicted by some and denied by others, and the
existence of which none could doubt, a moment of great
financial difficulty in connexion, with, if not caused by,
great commercial embarrassment—that crisis had been
alluded to with great levity by some Hon. Members op-
• posits, as having occurred periodically since the time of
George the Second, and as having in every instance
-iseirsedied itself. It was at that moment that the Noble
Lojsl took wive/Wage of the period when the Govile-nment
g-ifrei•ally expounded tha, state of the finances of the
country—at a moment when the Chancellor of the Ex-
ehequer stated to them that they were in a state of
financial difficulty, and proposed certain means by which
those difficulties might be met. If he understood the
scheme- of the Right Hon. Gentleman, it was this—that
inasmuch as the revenue was derived from taxation of
the expenditure and consumption of the community,
ze maintain that revenue and relieve the community it
was important to increase the means of consumption, and
improve the capacity of the consumer. It was at such a
:moment that the Noble Lord proposed his counter-revo-
teflon, opposing the scheme of the Government on par-
- titular grounds. If he (Mr. Villiers) understood the
proposition of the Government, it was that fetters and
restrictions upon their trade tended toinjure the industry
end commerce of the country. It appeared to him that
these restrictions had been imposed to benefit and main-
nin particular interests and monopolies, and they could
,not therefore be surprised that great resistance
should be offered to the propositions of the
Government.--(Cheers.) But the present intelligence
of the country would not longer suffer these things to be
done, and it behoved lion. Members opposite not to re-
F4sti the measure of the Government on these grounds, ,
but to suggest some others. Ile did not mean to im-
pute motives to the Noble Lord the Member for Liver-
;old, but it appeared to him (Mr. Villiers) that he had
..;,.ssigned reasons for his resolution which his friends did
e--)t maintain. The Noble Lord had contended that, not-
sithstanding the distress of the country, and the em-
seraasments of its commerce, there were prior claims
in the condition of the negro race in a foreign country.
It was clear that the question of the policy of the Go-
eernment had be en raised during the present discussion,
and as that Policy involved principles which he had
fever lost n.-, opportunity of advocating, he could not
exPrJssing his sincere satisfaction that they had
''""n stl, distinctly recognised by the Government.—
t.eht"ers.) Whatever other consequences might flow
fr.en tho debate, he believed the discussion would
eislablish the truth of these principles, and it
was impossible to exaggerate the importance, or
. overrate the advantages of adopting the principles of
--the Government. • Those principles had been the sub-
iect of derision end contempt on former occasions in
diet House ; and although many Hon. Members on the
oppoSite side appeared anxious to proclaim themselves
4lre advocates of free trade, yet it appeared to him that
die speech of the Nikle. Lord the Member for North
-Lancashire, which had been much relied upon by his
- siesids, and much referred to by his party, was caleu-
ted rather to suppress these Opinions, and to reconcile
,_hose conflicting elements of which his party was corn-
"ed. It appeared to him, that so far from elucidating
the subject the *noble Lord had
.thrown it into greater
esnension, and that he had drawn a weapon from the
armoury of the Right Honourable Baronet the Mem-
'aer for Tamworthe namely, the dressing up. an
xgvaient et statement, net to suit. the. House, but
upon the House. Noble
the purpose of imposing
Corti said that he did not advocate the principles
et* free trade, to the extent of communities being' per
refitted to purchase in the cheapest markets,- or of ne-
,
- tavee being maintained for the protection of particular
'4A 3 ; brit on the other hand. he endeavonred to vindi-
' tate himself from being the advocate of monopoly. The
Noble Lord said that his principle was competition,
ttilaject to limitation, or limited by protection. Now, lie
vented to know how that was inconsistent with mono-.
1
y, or any, protective policy in existence ? The land-.
144.1.1 might ask him what he meant by competition
United by protection, and his answer would be the pre-
. e.ent Corn-law. The West Indian interests might ask
gam *bat he meant by it, and his answer would he the
!resent protective duty on foreign sugar. In the
6-ram way his answer to the shipping interest might be,
that it would enable them to pay a high price for rotten
,t3enber. In short, there was no injury to their interest
rich might. not be defended by the definition of
Noble Lord's principleS of commercial policy.
Ahe question of protection tn:wt now be discussed.
• .sery person mnst state.what he meant by that term.
Ti :vas a question now before the. House and the country.
..t had been defined by many who had experienced—who
had paid attention to the subject, as a tax on the corn-
enmity for the benefit or advasitage of particular classes.
sf'shere were persons who held a different opinion on
be subject, new was the time- to state them. The public
• ere watcing anxiously to hear what each person would
say, and they would . judge them according to their
atements. Men of experience • and information who
had been examined before Committees of that House
~. ad defined srotection as something indefensible regard-
ing the public interest, and as existing only for the be-
eefit of particular classes. The Noble Lord the Mein-
Per for North Lancashire said that he was
es* for free trade, but for competition, subject
to protection ; but the Government themselves
',Tlmposed nothing else—their object was protection.
Now, It was necessary for those who supported Govern-
- "lit to kiiow distinctly what the Government meant by
protection.
.11e (Mr. Villiers) did not collect from the
...)tkenh of the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies,
e;itt he undenstood by protection some object which it
was desirable to attain. The Noble Lord did not view
leetection as an end, but.
Villiers) underst, -so as a means to some end. Us
what- to be folluded ntchl the' proposition of the Govern-
e principle of , free trade. He
tinferstood the Government to say with respect . to cer-