The Sun.
London, England, 1823-05-13 00:00:00

SILK MANIM %TORIES.

Mr. F. BUXTON said, he had been requested to mit a ques.
tion to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Iluskisson)
which was of the greatest interest to a large class of pcbple..
He wished to know if the Right Hon. Gentleman would con.
sent that the bill he was about to bring into the House that
night should go to a Committee. If he was not so fortunate as
to succeed in this request, he trusted that at least time would
be given, before the passing of the Bill, for the interest of the
parties affected by it to have due consideration:
Mr. lIUSKISSON should not object to the request if he
could. see any advantage that could possibly be derived from
sending the bill before a ComMittee. The question had al-
ready been before several Committee's, and he had been in
long communication with the parties, so that they had sail-
dent time to state any grounds of objection to the measure.
lle consbfered it to be a question of principle, and without
some such measure the eventual destruction of our silk
manufactories would be certain. With regard to the other
question, he could only say that without hurrying the Bill, it
was most desirable not to keep alive the irritation which arose
from doubt and uncertainty for any longer period than could
be justly avoided. If a Committee of the House came to are
solution that night, that the present Act should be repealed, it-
was his intention to bring in the Bill to-morrow, and to move
its second reading on Friday, leaving the other stages to be
fixed after the holidays.
A Message from the Lords announced that their Lordships
had assented to several Bills.

IRISH INQUIRY.
Mr. BROUGHAM rose to move tar returns of the Crown
Books for Ireland, from the year 1808 to 1822.
After a conversation across the table, the..,motion was with-
drawn till tomorrow.

Some observations passed between Mr. II umr. and Colonel
lLtuttY, in which the latter declared that he was desirous and
ready to go on with the investigation on Wednesday.
USUIt I LAWS.

At the request of Mr. Go UT.BUR:d Mr. Sergeant OwsLow
postponed the second reading of the. Utiory Laws Amendment
Bill to this day_forp2iot.

IRISH 'INSURRECTION ACT.

Mr. GOULBURN said, that when upon a former occasion
he submitted to the House the propriety of extending in Ire.
land the provisions of the Insurrection Act, he ventured to
express a hope that he should not again be called on to perform
that duty. With the greatest regrethe found that hope to have
been fallacious, and that now the painful task was imposed on
him of recommending to the House to continue those provisions,
not for the purpose of preventing the recurrence of outrage, but
of resisting an alarming, and in the opinion of some a formi.
dable insurrection against the laws of the country. He was
sorry also, to have to inform the House, that in particular dis-
tricts—or rather he should say, it was confined to one particu-
lar province—that there was the same general disposition to
outrage, the same general combination of the peasantry
against the property of the country, the same system of illegal
oaths and resistance of the laws by the substitution of others,
aupported by acts of terrible crime, as was manifested upon
former occasions of a similar nature. It was impossible for
him to undertake the defence of the law he was about to re-
commend in the abstract; he did not stand there to represent
it as a law contbnnable to the Constitution. But he was
convinced, they would not withhold from the Marquis
Wellesley that which he firmly believed, and that which the
Noble Marquis himself had %hewn by the documents on the
table, to be necessary for governing the country under its
unfortunate and peculiar circumstances. It was impossible
for any man to look at the daily records of what passed, and
not be convinced that there was something in the state of the
province of Munster, which required extraordinary powers to
correct its disorganization. It was not only that there was a
diviSion betwixt the poor and the rich,—but that the power of
the multitude was exercised in obstructing the ordinary course
of the law. Criminals were protected from justice by the
whole population. If infbrmation were obtained against any
of them, he need not tell the House that when the attempt
was mace to bring them to trial, the evidence either disappeared,
or under the influence of terror witnesses refused to come for-
ward. At the late Assizes at Cork the number ofthose discharged
from the inability to bring the witnesses before the Grand Jury,
was almost equal to the number charged with crimes. In fact, the
present state of the country. was that of protection to the wicked
and criminal, and oppression to those who observed the law
—to all that was loyal, good, and honourable. The first oh-
ject, therefore, watt to give protection to that class, and to
leave for subsequent periods the other measures of improve-
ment
and amelioration. In other parts of the country the Act
had produced the greatest benefit, by tranquilizing the gene-
ral state of society. The house would recollect that in the
county of Limerick, only eighteen months ago, these out-
rages were perpetrated,. with the addition of a system of
assassination with which lit was happy to say the present
disturbances in the county of Cory were not contaminated.—
tUriahnegapplication of the Insurrection Act had already restored
great portion of the county of Clare. The
same might be observed of the county of Tipperary, which had
been among the most disturbed of all the counties. Ile stated
these circumstances to show that the law now proposed, if en-
forced with propriety, might eventually lead to the restoratian
of tranquillity. He had not, the House would observe, consi-
dered it necessary to enter into the extended question as to the
causes of the disturbance, for which this law was to provide.—
That was a question which created the greatest difference of
opinion among all who were connected with, or took an in-
terest in, the affairs of 'lreland. lie considered it sufficient to
shew that there was an emergency which required to be met
by powers beyond the reach of the ordinary constitutional
laws. To those who were anxious for an inquiry into the
cause of these disturbances, he would say, " Let the disturb-
ances be first repulsed, and then let the cause of them be
examined." Under the present circumstances, and while the
disturbances themselves existed, he thought it would be im-
possible tin the most enlightened and scrutinizing mind to as-
certain exactly what was that cause. Ile therefore begged to
move,—" That leave be given to bring in a Bill to continue the
said Act for a time to be _

Lord ALTHORP Said, that the House was called upon,
year after year, to pass mtiastws of coercion, but still fresh
complaints were made of the continuance of the disturbances
which those measures were intended to put down. lie thought
the House ought to consider of 'measures of conciliation ; and,
although he did not intend to enter into a discuision of the
; of Ireland, he holy l_the House would give some pledge
to institute. an inquiry into this subject. Ireland, at present,
was Of no use to this country. Indeed, it was governed by a
compromised Administration which" rendered unanimity out of
the question. He had no objection to give additional powers
to the Government, provided they would give such a pledge as

he had mentioned. He should, therefore move, as an Amend-
ment, " that it is the opinion of this House, that the measures
of coercionso frequently adopted since the Union with Ireland,
have not been effectual to imp 1' J the condition of the people,
or to secure the tranquility of, the country ; and that it is ne-
cessary to take into consideration the state of the Administra-
tion of the Laws of' Ireland, with a view .1 secure the perma-
nent peace of the country; and an equal security of rights."
-Mr. JOHN SMITH seconded the Amendment, it waS im,
possible to suppose that the cause • of the disturbances could
not be ascertained. Scotland had suffered in the year 1817
from faMine, and, yet no disturbance had taken place There.—
He understood a-plan had been adopted by several Gentlemen
of influence in Ireland, for the purpose of commencing a ma-
nufacture of coarse cloth, which would ensure employment to
a number of the labouring classes. He considered that moral
and religious instruction would have a very beneficial effect.—
Riot and disorder were connected with ignorance, ainl. peace
and regularity with instruction. He knew an associMion had
been formed of several respectable Ladies for the purpose of
giving instruction, unconnected with religion, to the poorer
women of Ireland. He should really like to ask the Right
Hon. Gentleman, 'whether he thought the measure now pro-
posed would restore tranquillity to Ireland in three or four
years ? He cordially supported the amendment, because he
thought this would not be the case.
Mr. ROBERTSON spoke at some length, in favour of the
Amendment. He thought many of the evils of Ireland were to
be attributed to the persecution which was exercised against the
Catholic Priests, and he was satisfied that tranquillity would
never be censured until religious distinctions were abolished.
The Hon. Gentleman here took an historical review of the pro-
gress of religious toleration in different parts of Europe, for the
'purpose of shewing the benefit of toleration, and the mischief
of a want of it. He feared there was too great a similarity be-
tween our Government over Ireland, and, that of Turkey over
Greece ; and he believed it would be 'difficult to say what
might be the consequence of an invasion of Ireland by a fo-
reign foe. He thought this measure would do more harm-
than good.
Sir N. COLTHURST agreed in much which bad fallen
from the Hon. Member (Mr. J. Smith). He would be happy
to concur with that Hon. Member in acting hereafter upon
some of his suggestions; but he conceived the: the present was
not a fit time for discussing them‘ The question now was,
whether disturbances amounting almost to rebellion should or
should not be put down. He considered that the situation of
Ireland fully called for and justified the motion of his Right
Hon. Friend. Notwithstanding,the many burnings which had
taken place in different parts of the country, it was most diffi-
cult to obtain the punishment of the offenders in the ordinary
course of law ; and, in the cases wherinanercy had been shewn
by the Government, that mercy had been attributed by the ob-
jects of it to motives of fear. He thought the Insurrection Act
was absolutely necessary to retain a chance of preserving the
lives and property of' the peaceable part of the community of
Ireland.

Lord A. HAMILTON supported the Amendment. For
several years he had heard the same complaints as were now
made, and they were always purposed to be. met by measures
of severity. He had heard the .Attorney-General for Ireland,
on a former occasion, condemn this very Bill as a total sub.
version of the Constitution. Indeed, he saw few of the Right
Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite benches who had not, at some
time or other, opposed the present Bill. He (Lord A.) not
only abhorred the measure InMself, but could not conceal his
regret that English Members could view it so lightly as they
did. The measure itself had been tried 'over and over again,
ineffectually, and he should therefore oppose it.
Mr. PLUNKETT said, he should not have offered hithself
to the notice of the House, had it not been for the pointed allu-
sion which had been made to him by the Noble Lord. He was
sure the Noble Lord had no intention to misrepresent him;
but he was certain the Noble Lord had forgotten the course of
his (Mr. P.'s) conduct with regaid to the affitirs of Ireland, or
he would never accuse him (Mr. I'.) of inconsistency in sup-
porting the present motion. He had supported it last year ;
and in IMO, during the administration of the Duke of Bedford
in Ireland, he had himself prepared the Bill, and would have
had to introduce it to the'House, had not that administration
been. changed. He thought the Bill necessary at that time, but
the circumstances then were not a hundred' part so strong: to
ustify the measure as they were now.
-Lord A. II A MILTON here said that he bad referred to the
thedot
cu Expressed,
oypfer
neverae
rs eelBl6.ldas,naadi
3s:tech' for noenl. eyddlsi—icitteth
tines: as he
it was not
t
gret
secoun,shisoteancteeed
itllitien,geanserwaellllanwsior
hacißnlni isle:air:lllBj. 9fosio.intt unconstitutional
13.ttaNulltltiteliiot1(111.tel:Illin'.11neallenarane' called le did
forno
ure
He dis-
the idea of this being considered as a permanent measure. It
was intended to meet a temporary difficulty, and he thought it
was the hest which could be devised. If the Noble Lord would
tipropose what he might consider as a better, he (Mr. P.)should
e happy to hear it. He could not of course pledge himself to
support a measure merely because it would be a subtitute for
this. An lion. Member had suggested the adoption of Martial
Law, but he (Mr. P.) did not approve of this. The pre-
sent difficulty, and which was felt, even under the present
Bill, was the
.want of evidence, as, those who were to prose-
cute were generally deterred from so doing in consequence
of the terror which had been, raised in the disturbed districts.
This, however, was a difficulty which would not be removed
by the adoption of martini law; for he presumed no one in.
tended to propose the infliction of punishment without evidence.
He had heard the sentiments of the Hon. Member for Mid-
hurst (Mr. J. Smith), respecting Ireland, with great pleasure,
and he was sure every friend of Ireland-must thank that Hon.
,llember for the expression of them. The Noble Lord had ac-
cusedhim of inconsistency with respect to thetatholie question.
If ever there was a man in that House who in good, weather and
bad had clung to that question, it was himself. The Noble
Lord said it was impossible to give credit to him anti others
for sincerity upon that subject. Notwithstanding the Noble
Lord refused him credit for sincerity, he was not doubted by
those whose cause he advocated. Ile was happy in receiv-
ing satisfactory assurances from the Catholic 'body. Since
the
period when their affairs took an unfavourable turne he
receivedhad
the thanks of the Catholics. It had been said, that
his former sentiments in favour of Catholic Claims, made hint
unfit to occupy the situation •he did in dint House. He was
ready to admit, that in 1813 he expressed his stronglopinion on
the mischief which might ensue from a Cabinet divided on that
subject. Ile said on that occasion, that the Catholic Emanci-
pation was a fine qua non in providing for the interests of Ire-
land. He expressed in strong language his opinion on the dis.
astrone consequences likely to flow from a divided Cabinet
on that subject ; but lie never believed that expression of his
opinion excluded him from the favour of his tiovereign. lle
acted cordially upon the question with a Noble Lord, now
no more. Under the feeling and opinion of that Noble
Lord, the Catholic Question gradually made its way in that
House, until it was ready to pass. His opinion always had
been, that the Cabinet should not be divided on that par-
ticular question ; and when his Majesty recommended con-
ciliation in Ireland, lie certainly thought be was not lower.:
ing the' cause of the Roman Catholics in becoming a Mem-
ber of that Government. He joined the Government thinking
he could act with them, and not because any change had
taken place in his opinionit. With respect to the Nfotion
of the Noble Lord, lie could not sup fort general inquiry at
this time into the state of Ireland. The country was not in
a state to justify temporizing measures. The Bill under
discussion was efficient, and would put down insurtectionee_
It was his hope, that the Bill might have passed through
the House with unanimity in order that the wretches in Ire-
land might know there was no sort of encouragement held
out to them in Parliament. He was not aware of any specific
proposition in the contemplation of any individual. The mea-
sures of the Hon. Member for Midhurst should have his sin,
cere support. •It had been said he was inconsistent in giving
his support to the Bill, after the observations he had made in
that house on the inviolability of church property. In voting
for the Bill of his Right Honourable Friend he did not act in-
consistent. - Ile considered the roperty of the church sacred.
The proposition of his Right llonourahle Friend was calcu-
lated to remove unpleasant feeling between the Clergyman and
his parishioners. The Bill, on the gretind of public conve-
nience, made a change in the property, but a compensa-
tion was given. He did-not think that the charge of lenity in the
administration of the Insuirection Act was adverse ro the 00.
remittent of Ireland. The fact was, the Learned Gentleman,
r. Serjeant Loyd, to whom the administration of the Act was
intrusted, had acted with the greatest honour and humanity.—.
Under the Insurrection Act, person in a disturbed district
was absent from his house at night, he was liable to be taken
up. A man was taken up at night who had no house, and it
was held that lie was not subject to imprisonment. In another
case, a man left his house to avoid an arrest for murder. No
man was bound
.to remain to be arrested for murder, and that
case was also considered one which did not warrant trial' and
imprisonment.
Sir N. COLT/lIIIIST and Lord A. HAMILTON explained.
Sir J. NEWPORT was anxious to state to the House the
ground on which he wished to support his Noble Friend's mo-
tion. He was not desirous to take from. his Majesty's Minister;
the: means ofgoveinment, but he opposed the long and conti-
nued series at coercive measures. He had moved in vain for
Committees to inquire into the real state of Ireland. Whether
war or peace, no inquiry took-place. In war the cry was,
" This is not the time for inquiry ;'• and in peace it was
said, " Why do you interrupt tranquillity ?" By inquiry
the system of Ireland was to be tried. No - single measure-
would be effixtual; even Catholic Emancipation- would not
restore tranquillity, but it would be the basis of much
good. The Honourable Baronet advocated Parliamentary
Inquiry into the state of Ireland during tha last twenty years-,
No man could charge him with insincerity. From the earliest 1

1

' hour of life his effort was_ to ameliorate the condition of his
country, and it would be his wish whilst he had life. He could
not take part in any measuse where the great question of int.
quiry was not made a sine qua non.
Lord ENNISMORE said the Catholic question had nothing
thingiltnt gliaodn%..ersFrie
advantageouset dtht lel e
anylels i.serryti right
to do with the insurrection in Ireland. Knowing how anxious
e iitrts that Secretaryo of
country,G oolf, e
rlnreml
hae nen dt
ja,,,ab s wasust
otdrourayt tyt et
toon dshatros •
constituents compelled him to say the Insurrection Act had not
been administered with sufficient severity- Many it was proved
threw themselves in the way of transportation, in order to get
out of the country. In a speech made by Sergeant Torrens,
that learned person said those who endeavoured to get trans-
ported under the Act would find, instead of transportation,
punishment of whipping. The Honourable Member described
in strong terms the painful and dangerous situation of persons
residing in Ireland. A man with his family could not sit ,
down to dinner without fire-anus. Such a state of things
might be endured for a short time; but in the present con-
dition
of Ireland there was no hope of peace. The human
mind could not bear a state of constant misery, and the conse-
quence would be, that the respectable oppreesed part of the
population would leave the country never to return. The In-
surrection might to be renewed. The people of Ireland were
more disposed to, rebellion than at any former period. It
would be necessary to strike terror into the lower class of the
people. The object was the destruction of the Protestant po-
pulation. The Magistrates ought to have the power of em-
ploying martial law in every disturbed district.
Lord MILTON thought the House ought to look cautiously
at the speech of the Noble Lord. The Government of Ireland
appeared to rely on coercion as the grand panacea. The evils
of Ireland arose from the ignorance of the eople. In the
North of Ireland the people were tranquil. Education made
all the difference. In the South the interior classes were in a
state of barbarism, and until the people could be instructed,
much might he done to restore tranquillity. The way to rule
Ireland was by love, not fear.
Mr. Secretary PEEL seated the propositions of his Right Hon.
Friend, and the object of the amendment of the Noble Lord.
In addition to those propositions, his Noble Friend the Mem.
bar for Cork, had recommended the application of martial
law. The speech of his Noble Friend might contain strong
sentiments ; but no man did the duties imposed on him with
more honour and humanity. Be was not desirous of alter-
ing the Act under the fear that it might become a permanent
law. He wished to consider it a strong but temporary mea-
sure. He should never think it right to place Martial Law
at the disposal of Abe Magistrates, until all obedience to civil
law was lost. No Gentleman had opposed the expediency
of the measure, with the exception of one Honourable Nevi-
her. If that Honourable Member had found his property
e x-
menaced by the nightly incendiary, and his
posed to the assassin, he would not have doubts( the inght
r
which every loyal subject had to call on the Gotenunent 1
for protection. It had been said for twenty years, ineasurs
of coercion had been used and nothing else. He should ay
aside the Catholic Question, and ask whether there Ma been
e-
Ir
any disinclination to attend to measures for the benefit of
Ire-
land. The Right Hoe. Secretary enumerated the various mess
suns passed to relieve Ireland from the rest incomiere
and
under which she was placed. The regulation of herlaw
Police were questions of the first magnitude. Three veleta
0!
had not escaped the attention of the House. The reYoat° n
,t' . !
the Magistracy, and the establishment of Education lu t
tote
been neglected. When he was in Ireland his object was to protan_t.i.
education without any limitation on account of religious a faith.
'
Those who considered the Catholic Question a sine n '
lie select'!.
were perhaps influenced by a too strong feeling on t
State,.e
Whilst the Protestant feligron was the religion of the.awent!,
could not believe the concession of the Catholic Quesuoof ""
intro-
lead to tranquillity in Ireland. He was not desirous
ta.
se.
clueing any asperity, but never could consider the esa.tn,l,lol,_
meat of the Roman Catholic religion at all likely to I
,d._ foe
anxious to g'" '
tranquillity amongst Protestants. He was anio.
1 adin i-
Ireland the benefit of a scrupulous and en impart
privileges
tion of justice; he would give the Catholics all the to
not consent
to which they are entitled by law ; but he could ,e not
come
place more political power ut the hands of whothose._
which .
feel the same attachment to the present establishment
their Protestant fellow-subjects did.
ed Eneland little
Mr. S. RICE considered that Ireland ow, .
"In twenty- ,
gratitude for the measures adapted since the lin_ i
dic'flo'r which the
one years hut three important acts had asse
P toespla
Government could suppose themselves entitled
c.tag in the
from the Irish people. Ile noticed the freqnuen 1 n
ht if some. •
rs•a d dioug
government of that country of late year 'O. that Parliament
thing were not done to give it more stability,
means of restoring
itself would scarcely be able to devise the mtete
aufre _ngs 0.
Irish
Ile depicted with gnat enlrinsLedthar: .0.-
the Irish population, and their causes. O
South of Ireland,
thing must be done by Government in the
tor the peon i ..
either to provide enlarged employment
lie thought woo
ta
cilitate emigration ; and the latter tussah of keening up large
be more economical than the
Presant system sufferers.—
military establishments to awe the .
d had to complain, he .
Among the grievances of which lrelan
In the city of %
noticed the great increase of local taxation.
the charge
rs,
Dublin alone, during the last twenty-one yea
from 2,4001, to
borne by its inhabitants had been encreasect Iry
27,001)!. He supported the amendment.
Lord Esr NISRIORE explained.
the charge that
Mr. V. FITZGERALD strongly denied ,
0,
_oer.
England bad only exerted herself to ieflict measurve:rattisc in,
elms on Ireland. He reminded the House of the 1 ,
the tiaY,°-
stances in which England had succoured Ireland ut
0,. toot • •
distress. The present measure was one the adoption 1
but this
•
could only be justified by the necessiy of the case ,__ rota. .
•
being established, if it were thought right to cell for, 112:
titution
rection Act, he thought it would be treason to the halltd°'l weir I
not to bring it into action without delay. If Irelan tom
a burden to England, it was no fault of ber's-circuni
,ti iier
bad made her so, but for the meat urea whichjiad rei1u.,c1..b1e,....
to this situation, no Ministers of our time were r`r4),°l',.',. it hail
The good effects produced by the Insurrection Act "c' 'he was
previously been enforced, induced him, convinced al 1.. to
of the necessity which existed for resorting to
it'
"tmwle„ltl
vote for the re-enactment of the law, but to. hope that it
be passed without loss of time. it to be
Mr. P. MOORE opposed the Bill, and announced,
clock in
his intention to tit up, if necessary, till two or three 0 irep-
the morning to prevent certain stages of it from cing s' •
b he 11°"'e
titiously pressed on the House. He hoped that t .
llama-
would not pass the measure without first obtaining 11
tion, of which it was not possessed at present• uld
cd wo
Mr. BECIIER, if nothing better were pro :41iry to
support the measure, being convinced that it wits Tr_c toiloviett
put down insurrection ; but he hoped that it would too, dis-
by acts of a very different nature. He should, h°" coercion
amble, if he were not to sa that in Its Opinion,ort rosh-
must be used, in the first instance, revolt men .. the
to n
should vote tor
ing on to their own destruction. He sh°"- be lost, he ,
amendment of the Noble Lord, and if that should.eta motiotl,
should then feel himselfat liberty to support the orifitS the °rig:-
Sir F. BLAKE and Colonel BAGWKLL SUPP°rIe
nil Motion.
The House then divided, when the numbers teer 82
For the Amendment - - - la
Against it - -......-80
- . .
Majority
The original Motion was then agreed to. A th Halite
ea of an - e
The other Orders of the Day were disra e' morning.
adjourned at a Quarter before Three o'clock t."'s - ,
1

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

THE MATTF
The
AI:I:COURT OF CHANCERY, 314tv 1J•
the ained leave to be inserted in the
.R OF LORD PORTSMOV,I.O wijei
FORNEY-GENERAL Said, that tO the Petlt4° do:, to
he had opt'
confirm •
~,,_ ~ Master's report appointing a committee of pit
.-ortsmoutit s (.4 tate, there was no objection Inlitle--
confir ' confirmed accordingly. paper for to•., .4ord

ol
'Dr. ClarkeCt°lsiNsSd
with various irregularitiesaiySTuo.llctiliii:Ca.t:Ohitibecterv,R,:aTirgutt
day of ,des:fuinsyt
we'outberilin4ctot:
alV"r
ion
ir,tilnrol._emerveouar,rt_pursuant to admonition, in the suit institu.
ditoiibfoyrthe Church Wardens of Great IValrhan, In ,
which parish he is the Vicar • lin which they chatbe,tion
l
of his duty. The Court held that the charges bad he .he
Lim
o:utnnwthttleienlatvthelattheatnenelothanedvsiteinorbugisi:.ip:elnnetleildigedhtlis;rofoemns.clel4.hfi.tduenbleesret
jotio'nnea!
yhatsoever, both in his own parish and in the diocese c't
fearing, as
Inetent to allay the irritation of spirit and restore r urt
harmony between himself his rrisbioners. The kola
su—. he remarked, that las
condemned him likewise in coats, but directed that thei 9"
be duly taxed. ;site,rteJrueilecrftilir

convey news to the French ea
d to
The telegraph is not only now emploiethe
capital from _
army, but to distribute the same intelligece from
the capital to the provinces. A striking instancee
of this rapidity appears in the Strashurgh 4to
of the sth, which, arri-finz yesterday, ontal
the bulletin published at Paris on the same dad'

ttle
ty-
the
3Sd
the
le-
ene
inB.
of
fa-
-11(1