The Sun.
London, England, 1824-02-23 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY PAPER.

A BILL to INDEMNIFY all PERSONS concerned in
Advising, Issuing, or Acting under a certain ORDER in
COUNCIL, for regulating the. TONNAGE DUTIES on
certain FOREIGN VESSELS; and to amend an Act of
the last Session of Parliament, for authorising his Majesty,
under certain circumstances, to regulate the Duties and
Drawbacks on Goods_ imported or exported in any Foreign
Vessels.
Whereas by an Act passed in the last Session of Parliament,
intituled, " An Act to authorize his Majesty, under certain
circumstances, to regulate the duties and drawbacks on goods
imported or exported in Foreign Vessels, and to exempt certain
Vessels from Pilotage," his Majesty is authorized, by and with
the advice of his Privy Council, or by his Majesty's Order or
Orders in Council, whenever it shall be deemed expedient, and
under the provisions in the said Act contained, to levy and
charge any additional duty or duties of Customs upon any
goods, wares, or merchandize imported into the United King-
dom, or into any of his Majesty's dominions, in vessels belong-
ing to any foreign country, in which higher duties shall have
been levied, upon goods, wares, or merchandize, when imported
into such foreign country in British vessels, than are levied or
granted upon similar goods, wares, or merchandize, when im-
ported in vessels of such country ; provided that such addi-
tional duties shall not be of grreater amount than may be deem-
ed fairly to countervail the difference of duty paid or granted
on goods, wares, or merchandize imported into or exported
from such foreign country in British vessels, more than the
duties there charged upon similar goods, wares, or merchan-
dise, imported into or, exported from such foreign country in
vessels of such country
And whereas his Majesty, by and with the advice of his
Privy Council, since the passing of the said recited Act, has
been pleased to order, That there should be charged on all ves-
sels of the United states of America, which should enter any
of the ports of his Majesty's possessions in America, or the
West Indies, with articles of the growth, production, or manu-
facture of the said States, a Tonnage Duty equal (as nearly as
may be) to the difference between the Tonnage Duty payable
by vessels of the United States, and the higher Tonnage Duty
payable by British vessels entering any of the ports of the said
United :States from any ports of his Majesty's dominions in
America or the West Indies ; and, by the said Order in Coun-
cil, the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury of the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland were required
to give the necessary directions accordinglyl
And whereas such Tonnage Duty hath been, and may be
levied and paid upon and in respect of such vessels accordingly :
And whereas doubts have arisen how far the provisions of
the said recited Act extend to the levying, by the authority
of the said Order in Council, additional Tonnage Duties
upon the vessels aforesaid ; and it is expedient, that all pro-
ceedings under the said Order in Council, should be sanctioned
by Parliament ; and that all persons concerned in advising,
issuing, or carrying the same into execution, should be re-
spectively indemnified ; be it therefore enacted, by the
King's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice
and (consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com-
mons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the autho-
rity of the same. That such Order in Council, and any direc-
tions or warrants of the said Commissioners of his Majesty's
Treasury accordingly, shall he deemed and taken to be good
and valid in law, to all intents and purposes whatevcr, as if
the same had been specifically authorised by the said so.;-ted
Act ; and that all persons concerned in advising, issuing, or
carrying into execution such Order in Council, or in issuing,
giving, or advising any such directions or warrants, and also
all persons having acted, or who may act under, or in pur-
suance of, or in obedience to any such order, direction, or
warrant, shall be and they are hereby respectively indemnified
for and on account of the same; and if any act, matter, or
thing done in pursuance of, or in obedience to, or in con-
formity with any such order, direction, or warrant as aforesaid,
as fully and effectually to all intents and purposes whatsoever,
as if any such order, direction, or warrant had been given, and
such acts, matters, and things had been done in pursuance of
any Act or Acts of Parliament, any thing in the said recited
Act, or in any other Act or Acts of Parliament, to the con-
trary thereof in anywise notwithstanding.
And be it further enacted, That if any action, suit or prose-
cution, hath been or shall be commenced against any person or
persons, for any act, matter, or thing advised or done under
such Order in Council, or under any such directions or war-
rants as aforesaid, it shall and may be lawful for the de-
fendants en defenders in such actions, suits, or prosecu-
tions respectively, in whatever courts such actions, suits,
or prosecutions shall have been commenced, to apply to such
Court or Courts respectively, to stay all proceedings therein re-
spectively, by motion in a summary way ; and such Court or
Courts are hereby required to make order for that purpose ac-
cordingly; and the Court or Courts making such order shall
award and allow to the defendant or defenders respectively
costs of suit, for which they shall respectively
have the like remedy as in cases where costs are by law given
to defendants or defenders.
And be it further Enacted, That from and after the

it shall and may be lawful to and for his Majesty,
by and with the advice of his Privy Council, or by his Ma-
jesty's Order or Orders in Council, to be published from time
to time in the London Gazette (whenever it shall be deemed
expedient) to levy and charge any additional or countervailing
Duty or Duties of Tonnage upon or in respect of any vessels,
which shall enter any of the ports in the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, or in any of his Majesty's domi-
nions, and which shall belong to any Foreign Country in which
any Duties of Tonnage shall have been, or shall be levied upon
or in respect of British vessels, entering the ports of such coun-
try, higher or greater than are levied or granted upon or in re-
spect of such country : Provided always, That such additional
or countervailing Tonnage Duties so to be levied and charged
as aforesaid, shall not be of greater amount than may be deemed
fairly to countervail the difference of duty paid in such Foreign
country, upon or in respect of the Tonnage of British vessels,
more tban the duty there charged or granted upon or in respect
of vessels of such country.
And be it further enacted, That from and after the
it shall and may be lawful to and for his
Majesty, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, or by
his Majesty's Order or Orders in Council, to be published from
time to time in the London Gazette, to permit and authorize
the entry into any port or ports of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, or of any other of his Majesty's do.
minions, of any foreign vessels, upon payment of such and the
like duties of tonnage only as are or may be charged or granted
upon or in respect of similar British vessels : Provided always,
that before any such order or orders shall be issued, satisfactory
proof shall have been laid before his Majesty and his Privy
Council, that vessels of the foreign country in whose favour
such permission shall be granted, are charged with no other.
or higher Tonnage Duties on their entrance into the ports of
such foreign country, than are levied on the entry into such
ports upon the vessels of such country.
And be it further enacted, That such additional or counter-
vailing Tonnage Duties shall be levied, recovered and applied,
in such and the like manner as any duties of customs are now
bylaw levied, recovered and applied.
And be it further enacted, That his Majesty, by and with the
advice of his Privy Council, or by any order or orders in Coun-
cil, as aforesaid, is hereby empowered' to remove or again to
impose any such additional or countervailing. Tonnage Duties,
whenever it shall be deemed expedient so to do.
Provided always, and be it enacted, That this Act may be
altered, varied, or repealed, by any Act or Acts of this present
Session of Parliament.

Mr.
WEBSTZIL rose and said, that he was afraid that so
far as his part was concerned, the excited expectations of the
public mind on the present occasion would 'be disappointed.
It was difficult on any occasion that called the attention to a
spot on the globe connected with such associations and recol-
lections as Greece, to avoid some degree of warmth and en-
thusiasm. Yet, he was entirely sensible that in gravely le-
gislating on the present subject, those feelings must be
chastised. He would endeavour in what he had to offer to
the house, to repress such feelings as far as it was practicable ;
yet, if we would wholly escape from them, we must fly beyond
the limits of the civilised world ; we must go beyond the limits
of social order, the bounds where laws and knowledge are found ;
nay, we must leave this hall, before we ;could turn away from
the memorials ofancient Greece. What, husked, is this popular
assembly ?—what this free discussion of public measures ?
what this open, unreserved action of mind upon mind ?—what
that popular eloquence which, if it were now present, would on
such a theme shake this hall to its centre ? What are these
but such memorials ? This magnificent edifice, these columns
with their stately proportions, this fine architecture by which
we are surrounded—what are these but so 'many witnesses of
what Greece once was, and what she has taught us to be. Yet,
Sir, said Mr. Webster, I have not introduced the resolution now
on your table with any view towards repaying aught of the debt
which we; in common with the civilized world, owe to the land
of science, freedom, arts, and arms. It is a debt that never
cah be paid. Whatever may be our feelings of gratitude for
these gifts, we are constrained to act with a view alone to the
present state of the world, and of our relations to it.—What I
propose, and what I shall say, has reference to modern, not
to ancient Greece—to the living not to the dead.—l am
aware, Sir, that it is a very easy thing to run over common
places on the subject of this resolution, to call it a visionary
and Quixotic measure, and to urge the good old maxim of its
being the soundest policy for each one to take care of his own
concerns. That maxims, Sir, is very true, but very inapplica-
ble to the present occasion. The question which is now to be
discussed, is the american question in relation to this affair_
what is it best for us to do in the present aspect of things respect-
ing Greece ? And surely, Sir, this is a question that comprehends
something more than a mere pecuniary calculation. Whenever
my mind turns to that question, I cannot forget the age I live
_in, as well as the peculiar position ofrny own country. • e
Mr. Webster said, he should endeavour, however, to avoid
n
the responsibility of any effort to change the policy of this Go-
vernment towards foreig nations. He approved of the policy
at present pursued : he was satisfied, in this respect, with our
present condition. The policy of this Government is peace ;
;
for peace
.5 to us the greatest source of national increase and
aggrandizement. The most sanguine projector cannot furnish
more brilliant or exalted prospects than those which must be
realized by
tions towards the rest of the world. Time, peace, industry,
these states if they can preserve their pacific rela-
and the arts, are raising this government by a certain and ir-
resistible progress. It is our true policy, Mr. Webster said,
to grow, not to acquire ; we are to attain to greatness by in-
ternal developement, not by external accretion ; and lie should
be the last to turn aside the wise policy of the country from its
wonted and proper channel. But, said he, that policy, while
it is pacific, should at the same time be liberal; he spoke now,
in relation to those great questions which are at this hour agi-
tating Europe and the world—questions which are concerned
wherever a nation attempts to obtain its freedom—the ques-
tion, in a word, between regulated and unregulated power,
Wherever it is disputed whether a nation shall or shall not
we are bound to bring, in aid of its de-
possess a constitution, our side of that question ought to be
ekinsoi
owni:
thatand declared
ortee
which
must ever resi
de in the opinion
of a free and intelligent nation. He had said that the
policy of this Government was a pacific but a liberal policy ;
lie should endeavour to show that in both of these characters it
sanctioned the adoption of the resolution now on the table. The
age, said he, is a peculiar one, it has a marked and striking
character, and the position and circumstances of our country
oyreltsleloospet: ourtiiin,
personalinwh i
lotpe h period
should
arethe world'sno l ess a
history,iladaws thusenjfa e
be cast, none of us, surely, would wish to have been born in
any other time, or in any other country. There has occurred
no age that may be compared with the
present, whether in the
interest excited by what now is, or the
prospects it holds out as
to what shall be. The attitude of the United States, mean-
while, is solemn and impressive. Ours is now the great re-
public of the earth : its free institutions are matured by the ex-
periment of half a century; nay, as a free Government, it
goes farther back—the benefits of a free constitution have vir-
tually been enjoyed here for two centuries. As a free Govern-
ment, as the freest Government, its growth and strength com-
pel to stand forth to the contemplation
cannot obscure ourselves, if we would ; a
o fthe it , willing
world.
Weunwilling,
part we must take, honourable or dishonourable, in all that is
done in the civilized would. Now, it will not be denied, that,
within the last ten years, there has been agitated in that world,
a question of vast moment--a question pregnant with conse-
quences favourable or unfavourable to the prevalence, nay to
the very existence, of civil liberty. It is a question which
comes home to us. It calls on us for the expression
of our opinion on the great question now before us._
Assuredly, if there is any general tendency in the minds
and which may be said to characteilse
the affairs
presentirs age,of men,
it isthe tendency to limited governments.—
The enlightened part of mankind have very distinctly evinced
a desire to take a share, at least, in the government of them-
selves. The men of this age will not be satisfied even with
kind masters. They have shown, except where force has been
interposed to crush them, that they will not be contented with.
out a participation in the government. This is so strongly
marked a feature in the social condition of this age, that it can
have escaped the observation of none to whom I address myself.
It cannot be denied that, while this is the prevailing spirit,
there is an antagonist principle also at work. This, Sir, said
Mr. W. is a state of things in which we, as a nation, have—we
must have—an interest. The doctrines advanced (and which
are promptly supported by a great force) go to prostrate the
liberties of the entire civilized world, whether existing under
an absolute, a monarchical, or a republican form of govern-
ment. They are doctrines which have been conceived with
great sagacity, they are pursued with unbroken perseverance,
and they bring to their support a million and a half of bayonets.
And here, said Mr. Webster, let me not be misunderstood, I
am not about to declaim against crowned heads, 'nor enter on a
tirade against other forms of government, but I ask that the
declarations of the Congress of European Sovereigns, which is
promulgated as that which is to form the part of the public law
of civilized Europe, may be subjected to a close examination.
The entire overthrow of the late French Emperor left the Euro-
pean world in a state of very strong excitement. In Septem-
ber, 1815, the Sovereigns who had, by their united exertions,
succeeded in putting down the French power, entered into,
and published to the world, an instrument of agreement,
which has since been familiarly known by the title of the
" Holy Alliance." This paper which appeared immediately
on the restoration of the Bourbons, had its origin with the
Cabinet of Russia. His appearance excited at first but little
comparative interest. It was regarded as little more than a de-
vout expression of gratitude for the success which had attend-
ed their united exertions in bringing the long war of Europe to a
conclusion. It professed to be nothing more than a declaration,
that the Sovereigns who joined in it would, in future, conduct
their respective Governments on principles of the public good,
and with a sacred regard to the Christian religion. Such a com-
bination was certainly novel; nothing like it had ever before been
published by Kings. Yet, under the view of it which he had
just, expressed, it attracted no very great share of attention. On
the face of it there seemed nothing to objeet to. All that was
strange about the transaction Was, that Monarchs who profess-
ed Christianity and civilization should stipulate to do what,
without any such stipulation, it was their acknowledged duty to
do ; the contract bound them to nothing to which they were
not morally bound already. What was the amount of the con-
tract? That they would not violate Christianity, nor disturb
the peace of Europe. 'At best, such a contract was superoga-
tory. It was remarkable 'that a celebrated writer on treaties,
when defining what a treaty is, supposed, as possible, such a,

case as has occurred, and certainly spoke very disrespectfully
of such a treaty as the Holy Alliance actually was. His words
Mr. Webster quoted as follows It seems useless to frame
any pacts or leagues barely for the defence and support of uni-
versal peace, for, by such a league, nothing is sup.,eradded to
the obligation of natural law, and no agreement is made for
the performance of any thing which the parties were not pre-
viously bound to perform, nor is the original obligation ren-
dered firmer or stronger by such an addition. Men of any
tolerable culture and civilization might well be ashamed` of en-
tering into any such compact, the conditions of which imply
only that the parties concerned shall net offend in any clear
point of duty.—Besides, we should be guilty of great irreve-
rence towards God, should we suppose that his injunctions had\
not already laid a sufficient obligation upon us to act justly,
unless we ourselves voluntarily consented to the same engage-
ment; as if our obligation to obey his will depended upon
our own pleasure. If one engage to serve another, he cloth
not set it down expressly . and particularly among the terms
and conditions of the bargain, that he will not betray nor mur-
der him, nor pillage, nor burn his house. For the same
reason, that would be a dishonourable engagement, in which
men should bind themselves to act properly and decently, and
not break the peace."—Puffendori: Such were the sentiments
of this eminent writer. How nearly lie had anticipated the
case of the holy Alliance, Mr. Webster said, would appear
from.comparing with what he then wrote, the preamble to that
alliance, which Mr. Webster read in the following words :
" In the name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity, their
Majesties the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and
the Emperor of Russia, solemnly declare, that the present act
has no other object than to publish, in the face of the whole
world, their fixed resolution, both in the administration of their
respective states, and in their political relations with every other
Government, to take for their sole guide the precepts of that holy,
religion, namely, the precepts of justice, Christian charity, and
peace, which, far from being applicable only to private concerns,
must have all immediate influence on the councils of princes, and
guide all their steps, as being the only means of consolidating
human institutions, and remedying their imperfections." This
measure, Mr. Webster went on tosay,was no otherwise important
tkan that it was the first of a series, and that it was followed up by
measures of the most important kind. In this point of view,
it was worthy of the most mature consideration. It contained
two principles, which are now declared to for a part of the law
of the world—the enforcement of which was threatened by a
million and a half of bayonets. The first of these is that all
constitutional rights come from the crown. "All useful and
necessary changes (says the Laybach Circular of May, 1821)
ought only to emanate from the free will and intelligent con-
viction of those whom God has renderedresponsible for power."
This principle, Mr. Webster said, carried Europe back at one
remove, to the middle of the dark ages. This was the form
under which our sturdy ancestors obtained Magna Charta,
which was given as a concession from the Sovereign. But, in a
latter age, in the revolution which introduced the family of
Orange, the British nation had grown wiser ; those things which
at Runnymede were given as grants by the Bill of Rights, were
afterwards formally. and explicitly demanded and insisted on
as rights of the nation. The had been assented to as such, and
on this basis the English constitution rests at this hour. For this
reason it was that Britain, when she refused to unite in the
principles of the Holy Alliance, declared those principles to be
subversive of the principles of the English Constitution. What,
said Mr. W., is the nature of that alliance ? Alliances' between
nations, for the purpose of mutual advantage or defence, had
been often heard of ; but an alliance such as that Laybach had
never dared to be declared to the world. Vas this an alliance
of nation with nation ? No, Mr. IVebster said, it was an
alliance of crowns against the people ; of sovereigns against
their own subjects ; it was, in a word, the union of the phy-
sical force of all governments against the rights of the peo-
apn It w a
ato le
countries. in all
put What wasnthe
end natural
to
all tendency
nations,
Extend the principles of that alliance, and the nations are no
more—there are only Kings. It divided society horizontally,
a
(if such a Egure was allowed to him), and left all the Sovereigns
above, and all the people below ; it set up the one above all
rule or restraint, and put down the other to be trample
beneath their feet. Not satisfied with demanding from thd
subject allegiance to his own tnaster, it exacted a double, e
triple, a quadruple, and he believed, indeed, a quintuple alley
dance. According to its principle, all people ewe allegiance-
to all sovereigns. What must be, what has been, the practica
operation of such principles ? They lead, necessarily, to mutua
distrust, to general 'discontent, and to universarwar. This al.
liance, Mr. Webster said, had changed the leading policy of
Europe. It had made it criminal for the people to combine, or
to resist the will of either of these Sovereigns. If, for example,
a Spaniard attempted to resist the Inquisition, he offended not
only the King of Spain, but lie sinned also against the Emperor
of Russia. Or, if a Greek attempted to resist the Turkish ci.
meter, he, too, offended the Emperor of Russia. To use the
words of the Verona circular, such a man " throws a fire-brand
into the midst of the Ottoman Empire."

At the Congress of Troppau, said Mr. Webster, we find the
second of the doctrines to which I before alluded, as now pub.
lished to the world, to be its law."'" Here, then, continued
Mr. Webster, is a combination which is expressly pledged
against all who set such an example—a manifesto which sets
itself against the whole course of the human intellect, against
the character of the age, and which would bring us back at once
to all the oppressions of the feudal system. Here is doctrine
which no writer, no diplomatist, which even no courtier, ever
thought of advancing. Sir, said Mr. Webster, it is a flagrant
innovation on the principles and practice of the whole civilized
world. I hope said he, I shall not be considered as exaggerat-
ing the case. To convince this House that I state nothing but
the sober truth, that I draw no inference that the Sovereigns
themselves have not drawn before me, permit me to refer to an
occurrence that took place at the Congress of Verona. In a
speech made at the Congress, by the French Minister, Cho.-
teaubriand, he declared, that, in a personal conversation with
tde Emperor of Russia, he had heard that august Sovereign
utter sentiments which appeared to him so precious that he im-
mediately hastened home, and wrote them down while they
were yet fresh in his recollection. The Emperor declared
" that there can no longer be such a thing as English, French,
Russian, Prussian, or Austrian policy—there is henceforth but
one policy, which, for the safety of all, should be adopted both
by people and Kings. It was for ms first to show myself con-
vinced of the principles on which I founded the alliance An
occasion offered itself—the rising in Greece. Nothing, cer.
tainlf, occurred more for my interests, for the interests of my
people, nothing more acceptable to my country, than a religious
war with Turkey ; but I have thought I perceived in the
troubles of the Morea, the sign of revolution and I have held
back. Providence has not put under my command 800,000 sol-
diers to satisfy my ambition—but to protect religion, morality,
and justice, and to secure the prevalence of those principles of
order on which human society rests. It may well be permitted
that Kings should have public alliances to defend themselves
against secret enemies." This may be so—but, I trust in
God, though there should be no French, or Russian, or
Prussian, or Austrian, or English policy (though this latter
I never will believe) there will at least be an American
policy. The end and scope of this doctrine is neither more nor
less than this—to interfere, by force for any Government
against any people who resist it. The times of the Stuarts have
conic back again, and with increased demands of power. Be
the state of the people what it may, they shall not rise : be the
Government what it will, :it shall in no case be resisted. And
this has been carried into effect. Look at Spain—look at Greece.
If a man may not resist either the Spanish Inquisition, or the
Turkish cimetar, what in God's name may he resist? Stronger
cases can never arise. This alliance laughs at the doctrine ofyour
Blackstones_, and all others, who maintain that inextreme cases,
resort is to be had to first principles and natural rights. Are we
prepared to part with this doctrine ? The doctrine is advanced ;
it is supported with an immense force. The timid shrink and
succumb. If it is not resisted here, and in one other spot, it
will be resisted no where. If there is no vigour in the Saxon
race to withstand it, there is none to be looked for elsewhere. Is
it not time to step forth, and at least to declare that we condemn
and deny such monstrous opinions? I-low can reformation of
Government ever begin but with the people ? The radical de-
fect of this system is, thatit divides civilization ; it would allow
it to go on in all other matters, but not in principles of govern-
ment and civil liberty. But human knowledge is all connected;
that knowledge is fast spreading ' • the great mass of society,
which holds, and ever must hold, the physical, is fast obtain-
ing the intellectual power of society. The harmony which has
ever prevailed, either in Europe or America, has rested on the
principle of mutual independence of nations. **** But now,
it may be asked, what is all that to us ? The question is easily
answered. %%'e ate one of the nations. Our system of Govern-
ment is, throughout, utterly hostile to that system, and if we
are safe from its effects, we may thank our situation or our
courage. The age we live in, and our own active character,
have connected us with all the nations of the world, and we, as

a nation, have precisely the same interest in international lavi
as.a private individual has in the laws of this country. But,
apart from the soundness of the policy on general principles,
there is a ground of duty in this Matter, 'What do we not, DK
people, Ore to the principles of lawfu' I resistance ? To the
principle that society shall goVern itself ? These principle hay,'
raised us to a state of Prosperity' in Which our course is rapiil_
and irresistible. We are borne on as by a mighty current, MO
if we would stop long ;enough to take an observation that wr
may measure our national course, ere we can effect it we find
We have already tno'ved a vast distance from the point at whicl,
it was commenced. This course we cannot check; it is the
course of things, and it will go on. Shall we not, thus situated:
give to others, who are struggling for these very principles, thr;
cheering aid of our example and opinion ? But, whatever we
do in this matter, it behoves us to do on Principle. If, on
subject of the rumoured Combination against South America,:
we take any stand, it must be on principle that that stand is.
taken. The near approach, or the more remote distance of din-.
ger, may change policy, but cannot touch principle; and the
same reasons of an abstract kind, that would lead us to protest
in the case of the whole Southern Continent, bind us to protest
in the case of the smallest Republic in Italy. A second question-
however, may here be asked. What can we do ? This thunder
is at a distance—the wide Atlantic rolls between—we are safe
would you have us go to war ? Woulciyou have us send armies ,
into Europe ? No : I would not. But this reasonino mistakes
the age. t'ormerly, indeed, there was no making an impression
on a nation but by bayonets and subsidies, by fleets and armies;
but the age has undergone a change; there is a force in pub-
lic opinion, which, in the long run, will outweigh all the phy,
sisal force that can be brought to oppose it. Until public opinion
is subdued, the greatest enemy of tyranny is not yet dead—
What is the soul, the informing spirit of oar own institutions;
of our entire system of Government ? Public opinion: While
this acts with intensity, and moves in the right direction, the
country must ever be safe—let us direct the forte, the vast
moral force of this engine to the aid of others. Public opinion
is the greatest enem of the Holy Alliance. It may be said,
that public opinion did not succeed in Spain : 'public opinion
was never thoroughly changed there. But, does any man sup-
pose that Spain is not at this day nearer, not merely in point of
time, but intellectually and politically, nearer to freedom than
she was last spring ? True, indeed, the Bourbon power did
make an almost unresisted march from the Pyrehees to Cadiz,
but is Europe satisfied ? Public opinion is not conciliated nor
destroyed—like Milton's angels, it is vital in every part; and this
followed back the conqueror as he returned, and held Europein,
indignant silence. Let us, then, speak,—let us speak well of
what has done well for us. We shall have the thinking world
all with us ; and be it remembered, it was a thinking commu-
nity that achieved our revolution, before a battle had been fotight.
I shall not detain this Committee by laying before it any statis-
tical, geographical, or commercial account of Greece. The do-
cument on your table, which has been furnished from the de-
partment of State, in some measure supplies these, under her his-
tory is familiar to us all. Within the last 30 or 40 years the condi-
tion of that country has un d eegone a great improvement, h er marine
produces the best sailors in the Mediterranean—better in that
sea than even our own. Their commerce, before the present
commotion., had begun to extend itself to France and Spain.
Hobhouse (ur best authority) states their seamen at 50,000 i;
but that number is certainly mdch too large ; they have 153,000
tons of shipping, which is equal to about one-fifth of that of the
United States.—Their population in European Turkey is about
5,000,000, and in Asia Minor about 2,000,000 more. Their
moral state is rapidly advancing in all respects. The literary
of Europe conceived a strong interest in their behalf, and sent
books and scholars and printing .presses into Greece. .31any
of the works of modern Europe have been translated into their
Language, and they have produced many works entirely ori.:
ginal. The people, a people of intelligence, ingenuity, refine-
ment, spirit, and enterprise, have been for centuries under the
most atrocious; unparalleled Tartarian barbarism that ever op-
pressed the human race. This House is unable to estimate duly,
itisunable even to conceive or comprehend it. It must be rernem•
bered that the character of the force which has solong domineered
over them is purely military. It bar been as truly as beautifully
said, that " the Turk has now been encamped in Europe for
four centuries." Yes, Sir, it is nothing else than an encamp-
ment. They came in by the sword, and they govern by the
sword. They hold the captive Greeks to be their property;
and when a wretchsd Greek has yielded up his year's earnings
to some rapacious exactor, it has truly been said that lie "pays
his ransom to live another year." Despotic power is there, if
the phrase may be allowed, formed into a regular system of
anarchy. ••• Sir, the case is unique, there has existed nothing
like it before or since. The world has no such misery to shew.
Surely, there is no case in which we could point to the civilized
and Christian world with such an emphasis of appeal. • • *
If any thing could be suggested to make his resolution more
explicit, he was willing to receive the suggestion. He thought
the only question was, whether it was worth while for the House
to come to a vote on the subject. The resolution can offend
no one. If the Turk takes offence, he takes offence against
law, and we cannot prevent him from doing this. The propel'
course would be to send an agent. If any thing to endanger
us was contained in this resolution, he should not urge it ; but
after the contributions which were openly snaking in this
country, and even the correspondence of the Secretary of State
with a Greek agent in London, no such fear could be reasonably
entertained. Every thing short of an actual recognition of
Grecian independence had been done. Would it offend any
European power ? We would pay much to preserve amity
with Enropean Powers, but there is a price which we will not
pay ; and he could not believe there was a Christian Prince or
eny Christian Throne in Europe who could take offence. Again
he remarked that there is a time when opinion expressed in
this mode may be of use, and there is a time when it would be
useless. Now is the time to do what he proposed, if it was in-
tended by it to succour the Greeks. The question may even
now be settled, while we are deliberating. They appeal to us
by their wives and children—by the common faith—to giye
them the benefits of Christian consolation. He did not know
that the Greek cause would prevail ; but it every Greek were
annihilated, and all the country of Greece were covered with
blood and ashes, he should not regret that he had made this
motion.

On the motion of Mr. POINIZTT the Committee then rose,
and the House adjourned.

SHUCKING AFFAlR.—Tuesday lasts an inqui-
sition was taken at Luton, on view of the body of a female
infant, which on the preceding afternoon had been turned
up by a sow, which was groping about in an outhouse be•
longing to an old farm-house, which is now converted into
several tenements and occupied by poor people. It is probable
the body wottld have been completely devoured by the voracious
animal in a few minutes, had not some children who were
playing near the spot discovered the circumstance. it
could not have been buried more than two or three inches below
the surface of the earth, and was merely strewed over with
bricks and dirt. In consequence of the information given by
the children, several persons repaired to the spot, and a bloody
sheet and shawl in which the child appeared to have been
enveloped were found. A great mass of evidence was taken,
from which it appeared ttat the body of the infant had been
concealed for about six weeks in the room occupied by its
mother, and had not been interred till early on Sunday morning
last. One witness spoke particularly to an intolerable stench
which she had several times perceived on going up and'
down stairs which led to the room occupied by the mother
of the child, and where it was doubtless concealed. John
Fenson, with whom thel mother Elizabeth Hare cohabited,
and by whom she had previously had a still-born child, ap-
pears to have been deeply implicated in 'the horrid affair.—
From the state of the child's body, the surgeon was of opinion
that it must have been dead six weeks. Theinvestigation Mu.
pied about twelve hours, when, after a mature deliberation,
the Jury returned an unanimous verdict of " Wilful Murder"
against Elizabeth Hare, the mother, as principal in the first
degree, and against John Fenson in the second degree. John
Fenson, who was in custody, was committed to the county jail,
under the Coroner's warrant, and a warrant was issued by the
Coroner for the apprehensiOn'of Elizabeth Hare, who had ab-
sconded, but who hat been since taken and conveyed to jail.--
(Bedford Gazette. )

On Saturday last a creditable householder of
the parish of Nutshaling, near Southampton, of the name of
Clarke, was summoned before the Magistrates of Romsey, and
fined N. for the crime of setting a gin in his own garden, to pro-
tect his vegetables from the depredations of rabbits, hares, or
other vermin.—lt appears, then, that a man may set a spring-
gun, or traps, in his grounds, to catch a thief who shall violate
the laws of property ' • but, by the Game-Laws, to set a gin to
catch animals which daily destroy his property, is an offence.—
( Hampshire Telegraph.)