The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-08 00:00:00

• CORN LAWS.
MEETING OF THE ULSTER ASSOCIATION.
(Abridged from the No;'thern Whig.)
Ca Wednesday a meeting of the Ulster Constitutional As-
sociation was held in the 'theatre. Belfast, to take into consi-
deration the duties on sugar, timber, and corn, and the gene-
ral policy of each. The attendance was very large, and the
enthusiasm most exciting.

. ..
EOntent were their landlads to accept a rent in a fair pro-
•
portion of prices nd product. I desire, my Lord,
totally to extirpate
all monopolies. I would lay the axe to
the root of the t.4.ee,
and I would apply it till I left not one frog-
ment betthul.—( Loud cheers.) 'I he father of el monopo-
lies is tl-..0. which taxes the food of the people. Take that
away , anti all the others will drop like rotten branches.
Ile resolution was then put, and passed unanimously.
Mr. J. CA.stravrA ALLEN next moved a resolution, which
Mr. It. M‘Dowm. seconded.

At about half-past twelve o'clock the Earl of Charlemont
entered the meeting, and took the chair. His Lordship, ',ls
President. of the Association, then rose and spoke as fellow,
Gentlemen—When last I addressed ybu, I took the Wjerty to
tell you that a most imminent crisis
seas then imp' ,din; over
the country. I took occasion to 'tell you that •„'ne liberties of
'.,-
Ireland were in danger. It was bete too trees eseln„ since proved.
I have now, however, to tell yen, that v. ttere imminent dan-
ger—incomparably more imminent—is impending over the
entire eousitry at this re,oment—the edeent to power of a party
already only too strime, and who have always been the invete-
rate e, ,envies of Iteiend, and of popular liberty.—(Loud cries
of" dear, bear.") But, Gentlemen, public opinion and the
".ce of a united people will again, I am confident, rescue
.reland front the dangers which threaten the extinction of her
liberties. Gentlemen, I was no the point of leaving the coun-
try for London. I was actually about to embark in the vessel
which ',re.ited for me, when my heart whispered that I might
remain to serve Ireland, in Ireland.—( Protracted cheering.)
Gea'dcmen, I paused on the thought, I was ready to return. j
I "d.l return, and scarcely had I. passed my own threshold I
r'nen I received a letter from your excellent secretary,
Mr. Sharman Crawford, from which I learned that the men of
Ulster were *airs ready to come forward, nobly and manfully,
in defence of the liberties of their country; and that the Ulster
Assocation were about to hole: this meeting. .Gentlemen, when-
ever the people of Ulster—whenever the -voice of liberty shall
call upon me, Chat lemont shall never be backward in reipond-
irA to, that Great approbation.) Gentlemen, I have
eirrady told you that we breathe undee an impending danger,
and you will allnw me to tell you the cause or this: A Liberal
and enlightened Government, in order to raise the supplies
necessary to meet the expenditure of the Country, proposed
to do so, not by imposing additional taxation on the people,
but by actually lightening the taxation—( Hear)—while they
sought to apply their powers to extending the comforts of ih-e
pour, promoting free trade, awl cheapening food,—(Loud
chest: 5..) Thus bravely did they confront the danger ; but
what we.; the consequence? 'that reckless party, who are the
cowtant enemies of all impreeement, took advantage of their
preposition to excite against the litiaistry that interested class
of society among whom their inauenve extends. They have
raised so formidab,e an oppositien to the measures of the Minis-
try that the danger of their retreat from power, and of the
advent to power of their opponents, has become so imminent
as to make us trembleeel Hear, hear, and cries of " Never.")
I rejoice, Gentlemen, to hear you say never, because it gleddens
my heart to find Irishmen determined to be firm, unshrinking,
and unanimous,. in their resistance to the Tory p arty.
It Vsis be so, and if the friends of Ireland—the present Afi•
nisery—should be fully restored to power, I have every eon&
tierce that they would return immensely more potent than
brfore—that their ;power to serve the people would be found
vastly increased by the cheeks they had received—(Cheers.)
You may depend on it, Gentlemen, that under their aereinis-
tration Ireland would become more free and hadpy, and that
the empire generally %valid be more signally served and bene-
fited than befere.—(Tremendous cheering, fellnwed by " One
cheer more.")
'I he Hon. dESICY Caliente]) proposed the first resolution
"'That we heartily concur in the p inciple contained in the
resolution moved by Lord John Russell, on the 17th May last,
viz.—Ttat the resources of the country can be rendered ade-
quate te its expenditure by judicious altrratiens of protective
and differential duties, without any increase of the public
burdens."
Mr. Armes M‘Ltee'es seconded the resolution.

The meeting soon after adjourned.
THE DINNER.
_ _

In the evening, the members of the Ulster Association and
their friends entertained the President, the R: ht Hon. the
Earl of Charlemont, at a public dinnm., in the Music Hall.
The chair was occupied by William Sharman Crawford,
Esq. The other parts of the room were filled with all the
leading and influential Reformers in Belfast.

BAPTIST MICETING.—ANTI-COKN-LAW PETITION.-011
Tue: day and We,inesday last, the Midland Baptist Asso-
ciation held their annual sittings at West bromwieh. This
Association has existed nearly 20,.) years; it represents reli-
gicus societies containing upwards of :3 ,000 members, and
includes congregations amounting to 9,000 persons. They
dined together at the Cross Guns Inn, on Wednesday, when
about seventy were present. After the cloth was removed,
the Rev. W. Stokes, the Moderator, being in the chair, it was
moved by the Bev. T. Swan, of Birrninghlm, and seconded
by the Rev. W. Rogers, of Dudley, " That a petition to
the House of Commons be adopted by this meeting, praying
for the total repeal of the Corn-law." The motion gave rise
to an cnimated discussion upon the question, and terminated
-in the adoption of the petition, by the unanimous vote of the
meeting. It was consigned for presentation to the care of
J. Scholefield, Esq., M.P. for Birmingham.
BUE'roN- uroti-TRENT.--1. ire hundred inhabitants of this
town, headed by the High Bailiff, have signed a petition against
the Corn-laws.

WEDNESEUR,Y.—The petition from this town, for a total
repeal of the Corn-laws, has been signed by 2,16 inhabitants,
and :vas forwarded on Thursday evening to the Hon. Colonel
Anson for presentation.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY,

STANDARD.—Ther'e appears to be considerable
doubt as to the course which will be adopted this even-
ing by 'Ministers. Lord John Russell's announcement
of their intention was certainly ambiguous enough, but
ambiguous only, so far as we understand it, as to
whether they would resign or dissolve Parliament. The
Cabinet Council on Saturday led, -it is said, to no deci-
sion ; Ministers have entirely disagreed as to which of
these alternatives should be selected. Lord Melbourne
is understood to be in favour of resignation without a dis-
solution. The Morning Chronicle declares that, excepting
for the purpose of passing such of the estimates as are
essential to the public service, " the present Parliament
may be considered as dissolved." But we doubt if even
the accredited organ of the Ministry is, on this occasion,
better informed than ourselves. It is the consequence of
that miserable indecision, the concomitant of their
weakness; which is that they are far from knowing them-
selves what they mean to do. Chance has so frequently
befriended them before, that they may hope for some
further turn of the wheel in their favour. Certain
it is that the remarks which were made by Lord John
Russell at the termination of his late speech are not
consistent with the determination which he expressed
in the course of the debate to " assemble a new
Parliament, and try the question over again." His Lord-
ship subsequently declared that he must have time to
" deliberate on the course it might be necessary to take
in order to vindicate the conduct of the Government."
Never was there an occasion on which less time for deli-
beration as to what his Lordship and his colleagues;
ought to do, appears to have been necessary. The inevi-
table course was, imbed, obvious to every one save
themselves. Besides, the ground for this after-thought
of Lord John Russell was completely removed by
the disclaimer of Sir Robert Peel, of having
brought forward any new charges,, or taken the
slightest advantage of Lord john-Russell's inability
to reply. It is certainly possible 'for the Government
to endeavour, in defiance of the recent decision of the
House of Commons, to bring on the discussion on the
Corn-laws ; but we cannot see how their position will be
mended by such an attempt. They are, moreover, per-
fectly aware of the elements of which Sir Robert Peers
majority is composed, and that if they persist in thus
setting at defiance all previous precedent in their assaults
on the Constitution, they will provoke-measures which
nothing short of the extreme necessity 'of the case would
warrant.

Mr. Ross said, there cannot be a dissentient voice as to the
present state of the country, and the general and heart-rend-
ing distress which prevails. • The me:chant and manufac-
turer, as well as the poor workman, all suffer at the
present moment. This cannot be denied. They are
all labouring under embarrassments of the most pain-
ful character ; but the working chases are suffering
more acutely than the others. They have not sufficient,
after the bare necessaries of life are provided for, to supply
themselves with the simplest comforts of c'.othing and other in-
dispensable matters, which to them are articles of luxury.—
( Loud cheering, and cries of " Hear, hear.") The cause is a
permanent one, and will remain so till some such remedial
measures as the Government proposes be introduced, to correct
the suspended energies of trade.— ( Hear.) Mr. Ross then en-
tered into lengthened details on the effects of monopoly on va-
rious branches of trade ; and then, speaking of the Corn-laws,
said—l have heard three leading objections urged against
an alteration of the present system with great earnestness.
First, it has been said that the contemplated change would not
benefit the working classes; secondly,* that it would entail
ruin on landowners and farmers ; 3rdly, that it would ex-
pose the population to the risk of being starved in time of
war. I shall try to answer these objections one by one.
As to the first, I confess I was once myself caught by what
I have for some time considered to be fallacious reasoning.
Why, it was asked, is the manufacturer so anxious to pro-
cure a reduction in the price of grain ? Is it not because,
unable to compete with the foreigner, at the present rate of
wages, he naturally wishes to be enabled, by a low price of
food, to reduce them in proportion to the reduction in the price
of wheat? But let it be considered, Ist, that wages are not af-
fected solely by the price of food ; other elements enter into
the ca'culation. In order to arrive at a just conclusion on
that point, the demand and supply of labour must be taken
into account. High prices of food may shut up manufac-
tories, or put their inmates on half-work. Men on half-
work will be found to offer the remaining half cif their time
for less than the remaining half of their former wages ;
a poor man who may have earned say two shillings a day, when
reduced to half work and one shilling-, will be apt to read in the
pressing looks of his wife and little ones an entreaty to give his
unoccupied time for 9,L; and thus high prices of bread and low
wages might be found to exist. 2dly—We must remember
that increased production, stimulated by low wages in the first
instance, will allow of small profits on capital employed, and
this production creates increased demand for labour. High
proportional wages will ultimately be insured by that de-
mand. I now conic to the second objection against the pro-
posed change its the Corn-laws. The objection is, that if we
adopt a Bill similar to the one proposed and thereby impose a
fixed duty, we ruin both the farmer and the landlord. The
landed interests should remember that they cannot ex-
pect high rents and a large return for the produce of the
land is they have not consumers.—(Hear, hear.) What is to
become o the agricultural produce if the manufacturer
cannot employ hands ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) When the work-
ing classes are thrown out of employment they have not where-
with to purchase corn, or potatoes, or beef, or pigs, or poultry,
while the farmer, if he succeeded in getting any sale for these
commodities, must sell them at a reduced and unremunerating
price.—( Hear, hear.) From Continental statements, it will
at once appear that there is no cause of fear if commerce be
maintained. The average price of wheat in Poland is 28s. 4d.
per quarter. The cost or its transit to.part is 2s. Bd. The
freight to London, and insurance, amount to 7s. 2.4 d. ; port
dues, commission, &c., 7s. lop., which comes to 46,. Id.
Add to this the proposed fixed duty of Bs., and we have the
Polish oats in this country at 545. Id. per quarter, which is
assumed to he the lowest price. These statements are worthy
the attention of the agricultural interests. If now, on the
ether hand, the intelligent farmer will look at the state of the
rents during the years 1834 and 1835, and compare them with
the prices of wheat during those years, he will find that,
although the prices were low, they were not ruinous. The
price of wheat in 1834 was 465. 2d. pet quarter, and in 1833 it
was 395. 4d., making the average price of Wheat, for the years
1834 and 1835, 425. thi. per quarter.—( Hear.) By corn -
psring this average with that of 545. ld., he will be enabled to
see his position more clearly, and judge how his interests will
stand when the proposed measures are brought into operation.
—( Hear, hear.) The third objection against the proposed
measures of the Government is, that in case of war the Conti-
nentel ports would be closed against us. The cry is, " What
would you starve the country at such a crisis as that ?" It is
sit ange that the people themselves usurer argue this way, and
that all these apprehensions for their safety arise from a class
that are always interested in keepine up the price of corn.—
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is only this interested class that
show so much nervousness on this point. To that class I
would answer, that it was better for the people to run the risk
of starvation, than submit to actual starvation.—(Cheers, which
lasted for several minutes.) Mr. Ross concluded by proposing
That, white we do not pledge ourselves to approve'the
amount ot duties which the Government propositions would
still retain on sugar, timber, and corn ; and whilst, we reserve
ourselves the full right of seeking for such further modification
as the circumstances of the public revenue may warrant, we
yet cordially approve those propositions, so far as they would
operate to reduce taxation, end to substitute steadiness 'of price
fur uncertainty, and legitimate mercantile operatioris for Spe-
culation ; and that we willingly receive them as pledges of 'the
disposition of the Government to pay attention to the relief of
the present distress of largo portions of her Majesty's people,
and to secure their permanent interests, by abolishing, as
speedily as the circumstances ot the country will admit, all those
systems of duties, through the means of which injurious mo-
nopolies are sustained ; the commerce and manufactures of the
country crippled, and even threatened with destruction; agri-
cuiture itseit not really benefited ; and the great body of the
people taxed, not for the benefit of the State, but for the sup-
posed advantage of favoured classes."
Mr. Wet. SHARMAN CRAWFORD rose and said—l shall
p etty much confine my observations—namely, to that of the
duty on corn. We have, then, in the first peace, to inquire
what amount of protection agriculturists derived from the Corn-
laws, and to which they allege they have a right.--( Hear.)
I maintain, my Lot d, that the agricultural interest would be
sufficieetly protected by the expenses alone of iinporting foreign
corn into this country. -There is another matter to he consi-
dered, which is this—if there arose an extraordinary demand
for foreign corn, as in a season of scarcity, there would, of
course, be a great rise in the expense of importation, because,
in proportion as the demand increased, the rate of freights
would be augmented. Thus; in 1838., when the duty came
down to Is. per quarter, the freights rose 100 per cent., and
the prices of wheat on the Continent advanced 50 per cent—
( Hear. hear.) Recollect, Gentlemen, that every five quarters
of wheat require one ton of shipping. This being so, if we
compute the annual consumption of wheat in England at
60,000,000 quarters, we shall find, that all the registered ship-
ping belonging to England could not import, in three years,
one year's supply, allowing each vessel to make two voyages an •
nually.—(Hear, hear.) Would it net be an absurd thing to
send foreign corn to these countries for sale, when it could
fetch no profit whatever.—( Hear, hear.) Again, landlords
aver that they are entitled to extraordinary protection, "be-
cause," say they, " we are liable to extraordinary taxation."
Mr. Crawford entered into long arithmetical details relative to
taxes to which landlords have been subjected at various periods
under the law of England. If we consider the relief from the
general taxation Which they, as leghlators, afford themselves, I
am of opinion that it would more than meet all the claims which
they have to any other relief.--(Hear, hear.) What propor-
tion of the general taxation do they pay ? The general taxes
are the customs, the excise, the stamps, direct taxes, and post-
cffice. if we look to all these items we find that a large pro-
portion is paid by manufacturers, almost every article in *hose
branches of trade is subject to duty, paid either directly or in-
directly. Let me isow draw your attention to the annual
amount of protection which the landlords claim. Its sole obo
jeet is to keep up one class at the expense of all other classes.
That is the principle to which I object.—( Hear, hear. ) It is
alleged, that this serves the agricuhural interest. What, let
me ask, does the agricultural interest consist of ? Is it of
landlords alone ?—(Cheers.) No ; they form the very smallest
I proportion. It is composed chiefly of three classes—namely;
first, of farmers who'd° not labour ; secondly, of farmers who
I do their own work ; thirdly, of labourers. We will first
take the class of farmers who do not work. How does the
Cern-law serve their interest? It aets so as to enable the
landlords to charge enormous rents, while the land is let
or. a fictitious principle, which affords no certain protection
I to the farmer.—( Hear, hear.) By the law of 1815, it was
expected that the price of wheat would be kept up at an aye-
! rage of 80s. ; yet in 11121 and 1822 it fell to 39e—( Hear,
hear.) Now, I contend that the farmer was actually
robbed when the value of wheat was reduced to this figure.
In the same way, by the la's, of 1823, it was anticipated that
an average of 625. per quarter would be attained; whereas,
in 1835 it went doWn. to 29s.—(Hear, hear.) Would it
not be infinitely better for the farmer if the duties on corn
were established on a fixed and certain basis, instead of
leav 'rig him dependent for his rent and means of isubsis-
tehee on the fickle and fictitious support of Corn-iaes ?
(Loud cheering.) With respect to those farmers who work
with their own hands, of what consequeuee are prices to
; there ? They are principally consumers, and would feel

GLOBE.—Lord J. Russell will to-night inform the
House of Commons of the course determined on by the
Government, in consequence of the vote to which the
House came on Saturday morning, on the " want-of.
confidence" motion. Whether the discussion on the Corn-
laws will be brought forward, as originally proposed ; •
or, having taken votes on those estimates esethittial
to the public service, a dissolution of Parliament 'will
immediately ensue, is, comparatively, of little moment.
Whether Parliament shall be dissolved, or not, before the -
proposed changes in our commercial system be sub-
mitted by Government to its decision, a few hours will
decide. In either case, the duty of
.the,Journals which
advocate the cause of the people against the grasping
cupidity of the monopolists, is plain. They must, with
undeviating perseverance, exhibit to the benevolent sym-
pathies of the electoral bodies, in order to rouse them to
the necessary exertions in the approaching contest, the,
baneful effects of the system which will be perpe-
tuated, or overthrown by them, as the majority in the
new Parliament shall be found to consist of the friends
or enemies of mormpoly. What, then, is the scene
which presents itself to the eye of the spectator as he
traverses the map of England, and rests his eye on the
chief seats of our staple manufactures, or actually visits
them in person, fur the purpose of ascertaining whether
the tales of woe which have been narrated are fabulous
or real ? We beg attention to our statement. If
the advocates of monopoly can impugn that state-
ment, either in whole or in part, let them do
so. If they cannot,—if the statement, instead of
being overcharged, falls below the actual condition of
the masses of the population to which it relates,—then,
we ask, what is the obvious duty of every man who has
a head to think and a heart to feel, when he is called
upon to say, by his vote at the hustings, whether such
a calamitous state of society shall continue,—shall widen
and deepen—and be perpetuated, beyond the pOwer of
beingereversed at a future period ; or whether a check
shall be put at once upon its progress—a healthful reac-
tion be produced—and a gradual, but certain, restoration
of former contentment and prosperity be eventually se-
cured ? What, then, is the condition of our manufacturing
population ? The restrictions upon our trade with fo-
reign countries have alike affected the woollens of Wilt-
shire and York, the hardwares of Birmingham and
Sheffield, the stockings of Nottingham and LeiceSter, the
carpeting of-Kidderminster, the cottons of Manelester
and Glasgow, and the silk goods of Coventry and Spi-
talfields ; and, reaching even to the remote shores of
Inverness, have swept off in their course the coarser ma-
nufactures of Fife, Forfar, and Kincardine. The range
of the evil through all classes of society in those districts
has not proved less fatal than comprehensive ; .and,
though the chief load and excess of misery has fallen,,,
as might be expected, upon the operative manufacturerS,'
whose emaciated countenances and naked and unfed
children, shock the eye of the traveller through what
used to be the busiest and most cheerful districts of the
country—yet the-capitalist, the merchant, the master ma-
nufacturer, and the shipowner, each share in the common
calamity. • • • -
'COURIER.—The doctrine of free trade, like other
abstractions, may be exceedingly plausible in prin-
ciple and yet so impossible in practice, that not one simple
precedent can be foUnd in ancient or modern history, •
where, in • any state of society
,advanced or approxi-
mating to civilization,-the free trade principle has been
in pure and Visible existence. The nearest approach
to so blessed a consummation may only be sought in
:the scanty annals of savage life,- of which, so far
true :to- their- antecedents, the Red Indians of South
and North. America are the unadulterated •repre-
sentation to this day. It is true they neither taxed
rum nor fire-arms imported, nor furs or ponchos ex-
' ported, and that they carried their notions of free trade
rather to an excess, as in the Pampas yet, by occa-
sional forays into their neighbours' lands and free appro-
priation o' what might be there encountered without
troubling themselves about returns in kind, but other-
wise the free trade practice was undoubtedly of the most
consistent, for custom-houses or officers, monopoly abo-
minations as they are, there were none. "Whether it be
desirable, upon free trade principles, -to effect a social
retrogradation or reduction of mankind to the first ele-
ments of animal existence may be left as a problem to
solve for the absolute free trading economists of the
day. Their principle is utterly worthless, if, 'Con-
tending for it so arbitrarily, unconditionally, unreservedly,
.they are not prepared to contend also for the supe-
riority of the savage state, Where ahine practically
in full operation, over the civilized state where re-
striction or protection is the rule and free trade the par-
ticular exception. Theoretically therefore the free trade
principle is just as correct, and at the same time just as
practical an absurdity, as the similarly stioNS and un-
qualified proposition of liberalism, " that all men are
equal ;" the practical illustration of which consists in
an endless diversity of Conditions; morally, socially, lsad`
physically ; that no two men are alike, and that no two
men can 'be cited where one is not inferior to the other
in whole, on average, or in part, whether in station,
riches, physical capacity, or mental endowments. -

LIST OF NEW PATENTS, MAY 1841

To John Paley, junior, of Preston, Lancaster, inanit7'.
facturer, for certain improvements in ooms for weaving.
Sealed 10th May-6 months for inrolment. - . .
_7
Hooton Deverill, of Nottingham, lace manufacturer, for
certain improvements in machinery for making and orna-
menting lace, dommonly called " bobbin net lace." Sealed
10th May---4; months for inrolment.

• Andrew M`Nab, of Paisley, North Britain, engineer,
fin• certain improvements in the manufacture of bricks.
Sealed 11th May-4 months .for
Edmund Tayler, of King William-street, London,
Gent., for certain improvements in. the construction of
'carriages used on railroads (lazing a communication).
Sealed 11th May-6 months for inrolment. •
Henry. Pinkus, of Maddox-street, Hanover-square, for
an improved method or methods of applying electrical
currents or electricity, either frictional, atmospheric, vol-
taic, or electro-magnetie. Sealed 14thi\lay-6th months
for enrolment.
James Gregory, coal master, and William Green, tin-
ner, both of West Bromwich, Stafford, for certain hn-
provements in the manufacture. of iron and steel. Sealed
14th May-6 months for inrolment.

oisutiniu°anlstreet behind. the
ing, at about
half-pastßnU sthSrEeet.o%loek:
a JUNE
fire 5.
brokerrhKing's Palace, in a warehouse containing books belonging to
the 'Bible Society. - The Ere-engines were soon upon the spot,
and the sire was subdued_ in about an hour. The damage done
is considerable.; the ground floor is much damaged, &Ida great
number ot.bound becks are destroyed. The house was insured.
Among tL 6ii cifiL of the d ay it is repoited tLfl.7
Liout.-General liir Ii . Vivian, Master.Geteral of the
Ordnance, will,on. the disolution of Parliament., b 3 mind
to the peerage.- - ~ -

E SUN, LONDON, TUEsD Y, JUNE 8, lBll.

THE SUGAR D.UTIES.
Tt has rarely happened that aneislative measure of
it fiscal character has excited so much agitation, or in-
volved such important consequences, a 3 the proposed al-
teration of the sugar duties. ExtreMcly simple in its
real elements, the question has been so .complicatssd and
embarrassed by rival interests and adverse political feel 7
jugs, that it has operated like an apple of . discord, not
merely arraying - against each other distinct " class in-
terests," but breaking some of those interests into sepa-
rate sections, and creating divisions and intestine con-
flicts amongst even associations of a philanthropic cha-
racter. The moral philosopher, who traces the various
currents of opinion upon this subject to their source, un-. •
less he be of a practical rather than of. a speculative cast
of mind, will grieve to find that most of them flow from
the common well of self-interest.
The measure of the Government is founded upon pro-
positions not only simple, but sound and ina2ritrovertibly
just. There exists, they say, a deficiency in the revenue
of the country, which must be supplied ; the ordinary
expedient of increasing taxation would be resisted. by
the country, but the end can be attained not by increasing
taxation, but by reducing it ; the consumption of sugar,
which is almost
.a necessary of life, is greatly impeded by
its high price, occasioned by the liMited supply from our
own possessions, the produce of which is protected against
the competition of foreign sugar by a high duty, apolicy
which can be justified, under any circumstances, only on
the plea of absolute necessity ; our West India colonies
have now enjoyed that protection sufficiently long to
enable them to overcome the embarrassments attending
the tram ition of their labouring- population from bond-
man to free•:men ; by reducing the protecting duty, we
should secure commercial advantages of the highest :im-
portance to our manufacturers, who would enter into the
foreign sugar market, where they are now excluded ; it
would supply the community at home with sugar at a
moderate rate, which would place it- at' the command of
the lower classes in this country ; the revenue would be
greatly augmented by the vast increase of consumption,
and our colonists could have no ground of complaint, but
on the plea that protection, to the present extent, is their
inalienable right, and that free labour is dearer or less
productive than slave labour, which is not only incompa-
tible with the doctrine most strongly urged by the ad-
vocates of the abolition of slavery, but is false in fact.
The only one of these propositions which admits of
question, is, that the West Indian colonists have enjoyed
their protection from competition'with slave colonies a
sufficient period to enable them with due diligence to
surmount the obstacles thrown in the way of sugar-culti-
vation by the enfranchisement of their slaves : we think
they have, and even if a doubt existed on this point, the
interests of the community, who indemnified them for the
loss of their slaves, are to be first consulted.—Asiatie
Journal (Tory),

rd PERLA!. PARLIAMENT?.

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 7.

Lord BilouGH.±.7t took his seat for the first time
since his.return from the Continent.

The Duke of DEVONSHIRE presented 13 petitions
from Derbyshire in favour of the proposed revision in
tbeiMport duties.
_ _ _

Earl BIZOWNLOW presenter) several petitions against
any alteration in the Corn-laws.

L.eci unagiuthr presented several petitions to the
same effect froin various parts of the metropolis. •
The Earl of WINCHILSEA presented several peti-
tions from places in Norfolk,_ Lincolnshire; and h.ent,
against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
Earl FITZWILLIAM presented a petition from an
entirely agricultural parish in Northamptonshire, against
the Corn-laws.