The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
So long as :the French Government continue to in-
crease
their armaments, the other Powers must be more
rlees in a state of uneasiness. The lovers of peace
in France, who form the great majority of the nation,
at all events who form the majority of the classes pos-
sessed of the greatest influence from their moral worth
and their station in society, must see that it is impos-
sible for one great country in Europe to arm, without
alarm being felt by all the surrounding countries. Alarm
dictates, as a measure of prudence, counter armaments
on a scale of magnitude, and these entail on the popula-
tion of the different countries s icr:ficcs of the most pain-
ful and burdensome nature. It is impossible not to
have been struck with the accounts received from the
different States of Germany of the enormous amount
of misery occasioned to families by the withdrawal I
for the different levies of the heads of these families,
attended, this must often be, with total ruin to the
different pursuits in which they were embarked, and
the consequent destitution of wives and children. We
implore, then, the peaceable and well-disposed of our
French neighbours to take these circumstances into
their serious consideration. When a nation makes an
ill-advised step, it may not always be possible for it to
recede with case and creche The countries alarmed
by preparations of which they do not clearly perceive
the object, but which they naturally construe into a
design against their independence, into counter pre-
parations, cannot be expected to entertain any other
than the most hostile and even vindictive feelings to-
wards the people by whom they are compelled to
make these sacrifices. It is of the utmost conse-
quence, then, to all who look forward with horror to
an European war, to make their stand against what-
ever tends to bring so dire a calamity on the nations.
It is much easier to combat the bad and unprinci-
pled men who are seeking, step by step, to bring the
masses of Europe into armed collision, than to allay
the storm of war when it shall once be fairly raised.
We call, then, en nil the wise and good men of France
to make head against the band of conspirators against
peace and order, who, under the pretext of apprehen-
sions for France which are not seriously felt, or through
appeals to mistaken honour, are seeking to draw their
countrymen into perplexities which may be lamented
when too late. More true courage may be shown in
disregarding the imputations which may be cast on
those who set at defiance vulgar prejudice and appeals
to the worst passions of an unreflecting mob, and in
boldly combating the enem:es of peace and order, then
in combating in the tented field. Universal esteem
will ultimately reward them for any temporary sacrifice
of popularity they may have to encounter. In this
country there has, from the first, been a strong and
rooted aversion to any policy which might eventuate in
again plunging Europe in a general war, though, from
our insular position and the strength of our wooden
bulwarks, no nation has less to dread from the general
war than we have. Were it necessary to adduce any
proof of the desire for, an 1 love of, peace which pre-
rail amongst us, it would be found in the enthusiasm
with which the recent declaration of peaceful sentiments
by Louis Philippe was received by all classes in Eng-
land, and the satisfaction before felt at the removal by
him frown his councils of a Ministry under which peace
could not possibly be of long continuance. The eleva-
tion to his counci's of M. Guizot removed all appre-
hensioes previously entertained here, for the utmost
confidence was felt, not only in his serious desire to
maintain peace, but in his honour and straightforward
honesty. The only fear now remaining is lest the am-
bitious intriguers who have been defeated in their
schemes by the King and the present Ministry, should-
in spite of the well-known sentiments of the Govern-
ment, succeed in drawing it into approbation of mea-
sures of preparation which may, by rousing the jealousy
of other Powers, render the preservation of peace a
difficult problem, notwithstanding its good intentions.
We repeat that we have the utmost confidence in
the honest disposition of King Louis Philippe and
his present Ministry to maintain peace. We know
also, that the best understanding prevails, not only be-
tween the English and French Governments, but also
between the French Government and the Governments
of Austria, Prussia, and Russia. There is really nothing
in the present state of affairs to " warrant the infer•
ence,"sought to be drawn in a long and elaborate article
in the Times of Saturday, " that there must be a screw
loose somewhere in the transactions of the Foreign De-
partment, with one or more neighbouring Powers." It
is an almost inevitable result of the very difficult posi-
tion in which the French Government is placed, of
being forced, notwithstanding its anxious desire to
maintain peace, to make so many concessions to am-
bitious opponents who appeal to the warlike pro-
pensities of the nation, that speculations like those of
our Contemporary, the Times, should be entertained.
Our Contemporary has, we see, been deceived by
its Paris intelligence into the belief of a note having
been "sent by Lord Palmerston to M. Guizot,
which, though on the face of it of a most respect-
ful and conciliatory nature, and evincing the most
delicate consideration for the difficulties which sur-
round that statesman, requesting also that France would
join with the other Powers in regulating what is still un-
settled, does, nevertheless, contain a proposal that
France should disarm, or rather discontinue the arma-
ments now in progress, viz., those of which the minimum
scale has been fixed at half a million of soldiers." That
a report of some such note was in circulation in Paris,
we know ; and, in the Chronicle of Friday last, mention
is made of it in our Paris intelligence. But we can
positively state that no note has been presented by the
English In the French Government about these arma-
ments. What led to the report of this pretended note,
it is impossible for us to say. We are assured also—
mil our assurance is from a source on which we can place
impl cit reliance—that M. Guizot has received no
note or despatch of any importance, from any of the
great Powers, for the last six weeks. The whole of
the superstructure which our Contemporary has built
on this loose foundation must, therefore, fall to the
ground. There never was a better understanding
than that which now exists between the present Go-
vernment of France, and all the Great Powers. But
though we are happy to say the gloomy speculations
of our Contemporary are utterly unfounded, it is not
the less important that the French Government
should be strongly impressed with the necessity of
doing all that it. possibly can to prevent the alarms en-
tertained on account of its armaments, and the pos-
sible misconstruction of its motives. Let there be no
'possibility of mistaking the intentions of France.
France is too important a member of the European
commonwealth to allow the other nations to be in-
different to what passes within her boundaries. Ap-
prehensions France herself can hare none from the
rest of Europe. Nothing less than the dread of an
attempt to realise the ambitious schemes of certain
ench men to extend their frontiers could render a
confederation of the other Powers possible. A confe-
deration for aggressive purposes is quite out of the
question. We entreat, then, the well-disposed citizens
of France to rally rotiod their Government and
strengthen its hands at this juncture, that Europe may
have
no cause of apprehension. Danger at present
from France there is none ; but Europe should feel
that there is no danger. Such an article as that of the
Times, full of wars and rumours of war, is necessarily
of the most mischievous tendency. The pursuits of
commerce and industry are sensitive, and whatever tends
even toy peace
beget a suspicion of the
possibilit of
being disturbed paralyses enterprise and involves thou-
sand in distress.

(From the illorniu,g Post.)
Mr. O'Conrell has been rash enough to avow an in•
tendon of visiting Belfast, in order to set the Re cal
agitation agoing there. We suspect he will endeavour
to find some excuse for hacking out of this exploit.
will find some sturdy Conservatives to grapple with him
!her., and a population upon a considerable part of
which his blarney will have no effect. The fittest man
alive to have a tussle with Mr. O'Connell has already
sent him a challenge to open conflict in Belfast. This
man is the Iter. Dr. 11. Croke, a Presbyterian Minister
of vigorous, athletic mind, who is totally unembarrassed
by any scruples of refinement. He has plenty of words
at command, and strong ones too, and can give O'Con-
nell blow for blow, with ample interest, unless we are
much mistaken in him. 14'e differ front the sturdy
Doctor's theology, and think hint more fitted to shine be-
fore a coarse audience than one of cultivated taste, bat
he is on that account none the worse match for
O'Connell. Dr. Cooke is a thoromth
ultra-P
rotestant whose hatred of Popery is
an
perhaps
stronger than his love of anything, but he has too much
?Ail! and too much practice to let this emotion run away
with him in the debate. 13c,ides, he professes his desire
to avoid every purely theological topic, and to confine
himself exclusively to subjects of political economy and
jut ii,prudence. We only wish that O'Connell may meet
him, and that no riot may disturb the It would
be, as an illustrious Gene!al said
of the set
-to.
battle of Wa-
match as
terloo, " as great a Pounding
ever was seen."
The letter of the Presbyterian chanipion containing the
cba!lenge is very characteristic. The following is a
passage from it :
" I propose, accordingly, the following 'plan for your
consideration
" I. Your proposed Repeal meeting in Belfast, instead
of a meeting for harangues, all on the one side,' shall be
a discussion between
.yourself and your humble servant.
' 2. The meeting shall be managed by a Committee
composed equally of your friends and mine.
" 3. Tickets (free) shall be issued under their common
authority—one hall to your friends, one half to mine.
" 4 Subject—The advantages or disadvantages of a re.
peal of the Union to Ireland—in its bearing on agricul-
ture, manufactures, general trade, safety of the present
settlement of all property, and the protection of civil and
religious liberty.
" 5. Each speaker to confine himself, as far as pos-
sible, to two hours' speeches but no absolute limit beyond
;
the feeling of the speaker; but if
the
opener of the dis-
cussion occupies three hours be shall forfeit his right of
reply.
" 6. The meeting to be governed by two chairmen, one
chosen bti each discussionist.
" And now, Mr. O'Connell, let me speak a word very
plainly to you. You cannot avoid this discussion, lam

the man you have often reviled behind his back—can you
do less than meet him face to face I You cannot pro-
nounce me too ignoble for argument, when you did not
judge me too obscure for your abuse, Turn the
matter as you will, you can find no excuse or evasion,
Let your friends hint that it may endanger the peace.
The time to have thought of that was when they invited
you to make an experiment upon our northern patience.
But, in point of fact, Mr. O'Connell, the discussion will
be the surest mode to preserve the peace, which your
presence can never once endanger."
We arc very anxious to see what answer the doughty
Daniel will make to this challenge. Our present
opinion is, that he will avoid the conflict, either by not
going to Belfast at all, or by going when the Rev. Dr.
Cooke is not there. Mr. O'Connell, with all his
boldness (of a certain kind), does not like encountering
such antagonists as the sturdy, stout-lunged Dr. Cooke.
(From the Times.)
When the Irish agitators were trying to carry the Ca-
tholic Question, their principles and pretensions, both
civil and ecclesiastical, were the most reasonable and the
most temperate. It was not political power that they
wanted, but only a relief from political degradation. It
was not the destruction of the Protestant Establishment
that they sought, but merely the rescue of their own
communicants from invidious disabilities. So spoke the
evil genius while it lay pent in narrow durance. Now
that its liberation has been effected, it dilates itself to
its own monstrous dimensions, and threatens the very
existence of its deliverers. There is an end to for-
bearance and to disguise. Wherever Popery is power-
ful, whether in Ireland, which as yet has no separated
Legislature, or in Newfoundland, which does possess
that curse, war is openly declared against the institu-
tions, the liberties, and the very lives of the Protestant
people. The more cunning, indeed, of the agitators—
the persons in immediate connection with the Ministers—
find it necessary, for the appearances of the Govern-
ment, to abstain from a full avowal of their purposes.-
Mr. O'Connell, for instance, who is a lawyer, and, in a
certain low sense, a man of the world, knows better
than to blurt out all his ultimate designs. He talks
only of means—not of ends. His ostensible motive for
desiring the repeal of the Union is to procure for Ire-
land a constitution which shall entitle every male adult
to en equal vote in the election of representatives. But
to what account those equal votes are to be turned, he,
for the present, judiciously abstains from announcing.
His ecclesiastical colleagues, not being so much used to
public business, are less discreet. Dr. M'Hale, the Ro-
man Catholic Archbishop of Tuam, who nominated Mr.
Blake at the Mayo election, tells the world in plain terms
what objects the Repeal is really wanted to accomplish
—namely, to get rid of the present system of education
—to get rid of the Protestant Church—and to get rid
of the police. On the education question we say not a
word ; for there, this titular Archbishop is opposed by
another Prelate of his own church, Dr. Murray ; and,
between these two conflicting infallibles, we leave the
truly faithful to choose for themselves. But Dr.
M'Hale cannot tolerate a Protestant Establishment in
Ireland, and boldly demands a repeal of the Union to
put down so abominable a nuisance. Says this sophis-
tical priest," a nation clinging to its eminent faith and
hierarchy, should not be burdened with a new estabtisk-
meat." Now, he knows right well that the new esta-
blishment, as he designates the Protestant Church, is
not maintained by the " nation." He knows that it is
maintained by the specific lands and hereditaments
given by private owners to the national Church, which
Church, originally Romish, became afterwards Protes-
tant ; and there is the grievance. He dares not reclaim
these revenues directly for the Roman Catholic Church
—that might be startling ; and, therefore, for the pur-
pose of rendering the Protestant Church obnoxious, he
tells the people that these revenues arc a burden
upon then:. These revenues are not even a burden
upon the landlords, through whose hands they are
paid ; for those landlords took their lands, whether
by deed, by will, or by descent, subject to these
revenues ; and such a charge is no more a part of
any landlord's property than is the interest of a mort-
gage which his ancestor may have left upon the estate.
You may argue that the devise, having been given ori-
ginally for the unreformed Church, was not applicable by
the State to that same Church in its reformed condition
—you may say that the property belonged still to the ad-
herents of Rome, or you may say that it reverted to
the heirs of the donors, but to say that it is the pro-
perty of the nation, and that the receipt of it by the
Protestant Church forms a burden which the nation
bears, is at once so foolish and so wicked, that we
scarcely know whether to ascribe the doctrine of this
repealing Prelate to a want of understanding or to a
want of principle. We are led unwillingly to suspect
the latter, for the reason which we now proceed to
state. And this brings us to the third great object
of the Right Rev. Separatist—the reduction of the
police. " Tho freeholders," he says, " have a right to
demand of their representatives their efficient aid
in reducing this unnecessary staff." There are more
sorts of wrongdoers than one, to whom a police
force is objectionable. In the towns of England the
glazed hat and the blue .:oat, numbered on the collar,
which arc so disagreeable to the pickpocket, give equal
umbrage to the receiver who keeps that pickpocket in
his employ. Among the mountain farms of Ireland,
that same constabulary force which is unpopular with
the principal actors in scenes of assault and arson, is
also odious to the priest who prompts and pardons their
deeds of political vengeance, and consequently to the
prelate by whom that priest is ordained and patronized.
We are persuaded that we are drawing no uncharitable
conclusion when we refer Dr. M'Hale's misrepresen-
tation about Church revenues to the same frame of mind
which renders him so uneasy about the continuance of the
police. The results, then, anticipated from Repeal by
its own advocates are—first, the destruction of the Pro-
testant Church ; and, secondly, the destruction of the
police force ; that is, in two words, Popery and anarchy.
Now, what Ireland is on a larger scale, Newfound-
land is on a smaller—a community of enfranchised
Papists under a Protestant monarchy ; but the
priesthood of Newfoundland having achieved that for
which the priesthood of Ireland have hitherto mu-
tinied in vain—a separate Legislature—are already
exhibiting, in actual practice, the enormities which
Dr. M'Hale and his brethren are obliged to content
themselves with merely plotting. The Conception-
, Bay election, of which the news arrived last week,
was a contest between the Protestants and the priests.
On the 9th of December a special messenger ar-
rived at the seat of Government, bringing tidings
that the returning officer had been obliged to close
the poll without making any return. The mob who
opposed the election of the Protestant candidate had
proceeded to the last extremities. The Magistrates
had attempted in :vain to suppress the riot. One
of them, Mr. Ridley, was knocked down by a tre-
mendous blow, inflicted with a heavy instrument on
the back of his head : his skull was fractured. The
mob destroyed two houses, of which they pulled down
one, and set fire to the other. At half-past two,
when the Protestant candidate was a-head on the
poll, and the Popish tallies exhausted, a boat heaved
in sight with a fresh reinforcement of Protestants. The
rage of the priests' party then rose to madness. Hun-
dreds of pickets were torn from the nearest fence, and,
without a moment's warning, broken in shivers upon the
heads of the Magistrates and other gentlemen who had
accompanied the Protestant candidate to Carbonear.
" Scores of our peaceful inhabitants," says the corres-
pondent of the Newfoundland Public Ledger, " are
mangled in the most horrible manner." Subsequent
advices state, that the priests' party had threatened to
go in a body to Harbour Grace and fire the town, but
that the inhabitants had armed themselves for resistance.
The leader of these outrages appears to have been a
certain priest, named Cummings, who, on a Sunday in
August, 1838, after some of his brethren had in the
chapel solemnly imprecated a curse from the Al-
mighty, even to the death, on the head of Chief
Justice Boulton, in the hearing of his lady, called out
to the populace who had surrounded her carriage in
the Chapel_yard, to get a horsewhip and drive her
away. The same Christian spirit continued to actuate
him at the late election. " A sly fox," said he, describ-
ing to the rabble an intended victim, " has done his
utmost to put down our influence ; but we will hunt
him
to his own burrow, and after, find him die like a
snake in the grass." The people were not to kill him ;
oh ! no ; they were only to " find him die." But what
was the Governor about,
while the priests were
and the mobs murderingand burning e The complaints
tmo
hf
ae y
s.
anal repl uegcr
tht aae npv c
os eui
stt o
was
andaffordatbhe
must theu
m
ghsttnebcees called
protection are
necessaryl ed o,
nto o
radnesrw :or
complete the parallel with the Irish case, that New-
foundland should have a Governor afraid to repress
Let insurrection when priests were the insurgents. Lethe
Parliament and the people of this
Theye
may seem
take timely
warning by these movements.
yseem small
matters in a North American colony;
have but erect in
the sister kingdom, as Dr. M' Hale would a
orate that is, a Popish Legislature—destroyytehuena
sep
as he desires, your Church and your police—and there
the curses, and the denunciations, and the bloodshed
and the burning, that have driven the Newfoundlanders
to arms, will prove but types of the more wholesale io-
fictions reserved for the Protestant people of Ireland.

(From the Globe.)
daily
That " foolish schemer ofrom a penny
f the pockets o
post doubtless
f
drags just now many pennies
e
Tories, whose franking
privileges
a letters t earl's none.
pastingrr'
e Y
are all busy writing and s
stamps in order to turn out t
according to a great Irish and Oraeanadutdhinocritih,,rtltlheey
are to begin the business " in earnest,"
proves
same purpose. Now, the news of
have for days been full, overwhelmingly
sthtaetesimi ai incapacity
i toYf " theo of
a•hichour columns
andCa Canada,
a tdhae,
India, and OtphpeosiGtionnv.ernnsie;rtia,
facts in confirmation of the opinion which some
China, are sending forth innumerable
easy and tat gentleman had begun to believe,
be-
cause they were often told it, regarding the in-
capacity of the Government. The policy which,
when ,
it was merely words and thoughts, was said and be-
lieved
lieved to be foolishness, concentrated is now actions
and results ; and, of course, every fat and easy-headed
believe that. these actions and results
gentleman must
are failures and disgraces in Syria, Canada, India, illiq

China. Only the other day Acre was impregnable,
and the Treaty of July was the introduction of the
Russians into Constantinople ; therefore, though at-
tacked, it cannot be true that Acre is taken ; and as
the Treaty of July has been carried out, it is true that
the Russians are in possession of Constantinople. A
little later than last week, and everybody who had
the slightest political information knew that the navy
was in a disgraceful and paralytic state—ill-manned,
ill-disciplined, ill-officered, and ill every-thinged. The
fact is proved by the shores of Syria and the islands
and forts of China ; witness Acre and Chusan, and
cry, " Out with the salary-drawing incapables!" Se-
riously, it must be a very disagreeable thing to be a
Tory, and especially irksome to be a Tory journalist.
He is compelled to admit that all his life prior to 1831
was spent in saying, " If the Whigs had office they
would ruin the empire," and the ten years since they
have had it, in declaring that "the Whigs are ruining the
empire," and yet it is not clear that the empire is ruined.
There are understandings to whom the problem of how
the apples get into dumplings, presents difficulties ; and
there must be understandings not a little puzzled to
find why it is that a process of ruin for ten years does
not make ruin quite clear. It our Tory journalist
keeps out of Ireland, he can abuse the Irish policy
of the Government with a gush of epithets of the
most uncomplimentary description ; but should a wish
to cool his feverish blood with the breezes of the lakes
of Killarney take him into Ireland, he cannot look out
through the windows of his conveyance without hem;
told by his own eyes that the Whigs have done good in
Ireland. Should he return by Belfast and Glasgow, he
cannot stop his ears to facts which compel him to unsay
his praises of the Bill of Lord Aberdeen for the set-
tlement of the Church of Scotland. As he passes
through the manufacturing districts, even the speed of
the railway does not save him from being obliged to hear
that the greater prevalence of peaceful purposes among
the Chartistsis owing to the firm and mild conduct of Lord
Normanby and the Whigs—a policy firm in punishing
men of violence, and mild to counteract their violence.
When once more in London and his clique, the comfort
of his coffee every morning and evening is disturbed by
the news from all quarters of the world. Lord Syden-
ham is perfectly successful in Canada, even though our
journalist had always said the Whigs had basely and
weakly given it to Brother Jonathan. The Irish. are not
half so turbulent as his imagination. Rumours reach
him of Scotch Conservatives turning Whigs in thousands,
' in consequence of " the felicity" of Lord Aberdeen's
Bill. The " Opium War against which he wrote and
spoke so much to the sat isfactiou of S r Jams Graben]
and Joseph Sturge, turns out to be no war at all, but
reprisals, which have ended successfully in negotiations.
Tue despicable economy of the Whigs had made the
British Indian army utterly inefficient and powerless, and
yet the expresses will say the British are triumphant in
India.

(From the Standard.)
On one side the effect of a repeal of the Corn laws
might be for a time, and for a time only, to reduce the
price of bread one penny in the loaf of four pounds—
this is the estimate of Lord Sydenham (Mr. Poolett
Thompson), a Corn-law repealer ; but the effect of the
repeal would be, certainly, on the other side, to throw
a great part of the agricultural labourers wholly out
of employment, and, of course, to diminish materi-
ally the wages of the rest ; that is to say, the effect
of a repeal of the Corn-laws upon the agri-
cultural labourers would be, not to excise the
poor man's loaf a penny, but to take it
away altogether, or, at least, take one half of it ;
in short, to reduce the condition of the agricultural
labourers of England to that of their continental
competitors, who cat no bread at all, or a very scanty
portion of the coarsest bread possible, subsist for
the most part upon fermented cabbage leaves, and

rarely indulge in the luxury of shirts or shoes. The
labourers in agriculture, and the persons immediately
dependent on them, however, constitute a very great
majority of the labouring population ; and for our part
we can see no inconsistency, but a complete harmony,
between the wish to protect them from a Polish or
Pomeranian aitti ry, and the wish to improve by a
nearer approach to humanity the dietary and regimen
of the poorhouse. But the manufacturing population,
though a minority, are nit to be overlooked. How
would a repeal of the Corn-laws affect them ? It has
been demonstrated again and again by arguments
never answered, and never attempted to be
answered, that a repeal of the Corn-laws
would, by transferring the capital of the
country, utterly ruin all our manufacturing esta-
blishments in a few years ; and the late suspension of
the laws in question, which, by the simple process of
the exportation of gold, has inflicted embarrassments
upon manufactures, that have vanished as if by a charm,
when the exportation of gold ceased, puts the seal of
experience upon the conclusions of the arguments to
which we refer. Now, surely, a desire to protect our
manufacturers, as well as our agriculturists, from abso-
lute ruin, is not incompatible with a wish to alleviate
the burden of poverty. But there is another, nod
probably a more obvious view of the intere,t, that the

labourers in agriculture have in the perp,Anity of the
Corn-laws. The labourers of all classes in a count►y
must fare pretty much alike, because labour being st
rude article, capable of indisc►iminste application,
is easily transferred from one department to another ;
thus always giving to employers a redundant supply in
the market, and of course, to a great extent, the
_ .

power of fixing the rate ef wages, which they wtl► fix at
the lowest rate by which life can be supported, urdess
some provision of law, such as the Ohl Poor-law,
vent them, Starve the agricultural labourer, therefore
—and a repeal of the Corn-laws would go near to
starve him—and you starve his brother labourer in ma-
nufactures. Once more we ask, is the wish to oppose
this horrid process incompatible with the most earnest
desire " to alleviate the burden of poverty ?"
(From the courier.)
Lord John Russell, who has never till now been de-
graded in public acceptation to the level of the late gaol
deliverer of all Ireland, would seem at the close of his
official career to have become infected with the leprous
taint of Normauby sympathy for crime and criminals.
We have had occasion lately to refer to the sort of " le-
niency," that is, remuneration for murder and treason,
exercised in the case of Frost, reported according to
advices from Australia, to have been appointed to a go-
vernment place, and admitted by the Ministerial jour-
nals, with all their foul-mouthed denials and sly mysti-
fications, to be employed on " Government works,"
which may be interpreted in precisely the same sense ;
and now we have to introduce to the notice of our
renders a somewhat kindred, although perhaps more
atrocious case of Ministerial sympathy with the worst
of criminals. We find the account in that most respec-
table and ably-conducted paper the Newcastle Journal,
as follows :

" Atictunato BoLam.—Accounts have been received
from the murderer of poor Millie, Archibald Bolam, from
which it appears that he has obtained a situation under Go-
vernment, and is under but little restraint. At the expi-
ration of six months from the date of these accounts, he
expected to obtain greater freedom, and also an advance-
ment, as his good conduct had recommended him to the
attention of the authorities. It is said that he entertained
some intention of quitting the Government office, and ac-
cepting some situation in the interior of the country, where
he had no doubt of soon being able to realise a fortune.
Such is the manner in which England deals with her
transported convicts. How many would be glad :o change
places with him in all but the consciousness of guilt,
which must haunt him everywhere I"
We recommend this paragraph to the attention of the
Morning Advertiser, which this morning returns to the
wasteful expenditure of a considerable quantity of indig-
nant eloquence about those alleged misrepresentations
of the case of Frost, in which, if true or proven, which
they are not, it was largely itself a particeps criminis.
While such is the system on which criminal justice is
distributed and understood at the Colonial Office, let us
inquire how the poor„ who unluckily as it would seem
are neither felons nor traitors, fare under the new Poor-
law administration of the Home-office and Somerset-
house. Amongst other instances into which inquries
are now going on, of new Poor-law miseries, one
has recently terminated at Eton, the result of
which has been the conviction of the master of
the workhouse there of a series of atrocities to-
wards an unoffending victim which make the
very blood to curdle, or in a chilly stream to rush
hack upon the heart from whence it ,flowed warm
with the affections of kind. The conviction of Howe,
the master, after two inquisitions upon his conduct, in
one at least of which he had the new Poor-law Assistant
Commissioner for counsel and advocate, terminated tar-
dily in his dismissal by the triumral tyrants of Samer-
set-house, a sentence, in respect to which we may re-
mark, that it is manifestly most unjust and partial so
long as the new Poor-law Board, the criminals in chief,
remains unscathed, and the new Poor-law unrepealed
or unchanged.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS

(SATURDAY EVENING.)
I CHRONlCLE—Arrangements have been completed
with Mr. :Morrison, of the late firm of Morrison, Cryder,
and Co., for the transaction of the general business of the
Bank of the United States in London. It is understood
that Mr. Morrison will associate his two sons with him in
the agency, which will soon be definitively announced as
established and in operation. We hear that Mr. Morrison
has also secured the co-operation of a gentleman possessed
of great knowledge and experience in American affairs.
It has been formerly stated as an objection to the agency
of Mr. Jaudon, that he I.fforded no check against an un-
due extension of the operations of the bank, and that
his acceptances gave no additional security to the
holders cf the bills in London. These objections
evil certainly be now effectually removed, as the un-
doubted wealth and prudence of Mr. Morrison af-
ford full security to the holders of the bills which
he may accept, independent altogether of the drawers, and
he would not authorise operations to any extent that would
imprudently involve his house, and thus impair his own
private fortune. The appointment of Mr, Morrison can-
not fail to give great satisfaction to those interested in
American affairs, and more particularly to the shareholders
of the Bank of the United States. Connecting this arrange-
ment with the resumption of specie payments by the bank
this month, which we consider definitely settled, we cannot
but infer that au improvement in the general business of