The Sun.
London, England, 1847-02-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TTJEgDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 16, 1847

introduced at the present moment for the purpose of
meeting what was supposed to be a temporary exigency,
not for the purpose of creating a precedent, but intro-
duced upon its own grounds, and he had a confident
belief that it would be found most beneficial. It un-
doubtedly would have given him more satisfaction to
have introduced to the consideration of their Lordships
a measure which had for its object to stimulate employ-
ment in Ireland. 'lt was his duty to press upon their
Lordships the necessity of passing the measure with the
least possible delay. The Noble Marquis concluded by
moving the second reading of the Bill.
Lord BROUGHAM wished to offer a few observa-
tions on the first of the series of measures which the
Government intended to bring forward with respect to
Ireland, now that it was practically before them. He
felt deeply for the lamentable distress, accounts of
which arrived by every post, not only from the sister
kingdom, but from Scotland and the north of England.
But there was one fact on which the eye reposed with-
out the least discomfort—namely, the good feeling
which generally prevailed on the subject of distress
throughout the country, and the absence of all indul-
gence in splenetic feeling, of all violent invective, by
Members of either House of Parliament. He hardly
knew what part of the Bill to commence with ; but in
the outset, he could not help repeating the opinion
which he shadowed forth at the beginning of the session
(and he said it in no offensive spirit), that they ought to
have assembled earlier in the year.—(Hear, hear.)
That was not the time at which they ought
to have been called upon to discuss the measure.
He was most decidedly of opinion that their Lordships
ought to have been called together in the month of
November. It might be said, however, that it was better
not to bring the Irish Members and landlords over to this
country, but to leave them in Ireland. If it was for the
good of Ireland that the Irish landlords should remain
in Ireland in the month of November, it was equally
urgent for them to bo there now.—(Hear, hear.) It was
doubtful even whether the landlords would do the more
good by remaining in Ireland or coming over to this
country, especially when it was considered that upon the
estate of one nobleman 4,000 ejectments had been issued,
and that, too, in the middle of one of the most severe
winters, and in a season of unparalleled scarcity. He
held it as his most decided opinion that it was no part of
the duty of any Government to feed the people of any
country, or to provide food, or wages, or labour for the
people; but it was the duty of a Government to secure
the rights of property, never to interfere upon any pre-
text with either the one right or the other, to remove
every obstacle, to relieve the people from every impedi-
ment to their progress, either of law or of violence, the
iniquity of man or of the courts, by improving the laws,
or amending the laws, by improving the Legislature, but
not to interpose anything in the way of every
man dealing with his property and employing his la-
bour as he thought fit and might feel inclined. The Go-
vernment had no vocation or obligation imposed upon it
by the relative situations of ruler and subject to provide
either food or labour for the people. This principle
should be deeply imprinted upon the minds of every
Government—it was a principle which should never be de-
parted from except upon cases of the most urgent ne-
cessity. The proof of this emergency rested upon
those who claimed this exception. Another proof which
he required in his proposition was, that they
could so apply the funds entrusted to their
care as to grant the relief in question. It was also a
part of the proposition, and a necessary essential
condition, that the State had no vocation to
give any relief whatever ; all the funds which they voted
away was solely and entirely the property of others.
There were certain positions in which it was
more difficult to stand still even when persons knew
that if they moved it was at their highest peril. It
was more difficult sometimes to do nothing even
when they were convinced that it was their
duty to do nothing. The next position was, that
the Government must take especial care in the present
emergency that what they did did not tend to make
things worse, and thereby do harm instead of good. It
might not, perhaps, be considered as too bold of him to
say that it was hardly possible to devise any remedy but
would create more harm than the relief it gave or pro-
fessed to have given. It was not according to nature
that it should be so, or in accordance with the rules and
structure of society. All the measures adopted by
Government had gone upon an entirely different prin-
ciple. The Government sent over money to Ireland.
called upon the people to come to work, they found
the work for them, paid them for the work, and who
could doubt but that was the cause of great mischief.
Their Lordships had had a lesson already of the ill effects
of such a course of proceeding in the evil results which
had followed the Labour-rate Act passed last session.
The Government were now attempting to remedy that
mistake; but it was too late, the effects would still re-
main ; they had got into a slough, and worse than that,
their feet were caught so that they could not get back
again, for having spoiled all the roads throughout
the country, it was but fair that the Government
should accede to the request of the people of
Ireland at least to put the roads in the same state as they
found thetn.—(Laughter.) He looked upon the present
measure with some degree of suspicion; he thought that
its effects would be felt even after the famine had passed
over; but they had diverted the labour of the country.
and thereby caused great mischief. The present 8,11
was certainly a little more disguised than the former one.
In a letter written by Sir G. Grey to the Lord
Lieutenant, he stated that relief should only
be given in food, to be purchased out of
the funds placed at the-disposal of the committees from
the three sources—assessment for the relief of the peer,
charitable subscriptions and donations, and Government
help. Then the letter went on to say that there would be
a gratuitous distribution of food on a large scale, but
the corn or flour meal was never to he sold at less than
cost price. An ordinary reader would learn such a re-
solution with horror —he (Lord Brougham) did not
mean a political economist, that much maligned indivi-
dual—he meant such a reader as could count ten upon
his fingers. The food, then, was not to be sold at less
than cost price ; but the very next sentence went on to
,ay that the food was to be given for—nothing !
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—To those who are
starving.
Lord BROUGHAM continued to say, that whether the
buyer was starving or not, the extreme conditions on which
the Government were to let him have food were cost price, or
nothing.—( Laughter.) Supposing a person had fourpence,
but the cost price of the corn was a shilling, the Government
however, would absolutely refuse to take the fourpence, and would
rather give away the flour and meal for nothing. He asked
them why they wou'd not take what the poor people could give ;
there were many degrees between want and wealth ; why, he
asked them, would they not take the man's groat ? He did not
wish to be understood as slighting, by anything he said, the
difficulty of dealing with the subject— ( Hear, hear,
hadobjectoughtg
forletterwhichagreed,amorethat
this clear been
en
andm
sensible
than it was; indeed it was too clear.—(Laughter.) But the
letter proceeded, " It is of great importance," in that he (Lord '
keptßre in egharn) quiteu
view, namely, the preservation of the relations between
otherethe
the labourer and the landowner." But he (Lord Brougham
contended that the measure before their Lordships had just
tendency to prevent that. The letter adds that the relief must
be applied in a way which should not tend to encourage idleness,
The encouragement of idleness would just be the effect p ro-
du?ed, for between the two parties in the market, the labourer
and the agriculturalist, a third party interfered, and offered
the labourer, in case he could not purchase at a certain price,
a full supply of his wants for nothing ; the effect which that
"
would have upon the labour market could not be
th that it would prove a labour," e Right Hon. Secretary had it. Such a men-
sure stimulus to
a matter of doubt with any one, at least no one, he thought
as
tche
could
could
ldppo
letterof
prove no stimulus to labour in a country where the
people were certainly not characterised by the industry of the Eng-
lishman er the pride of the Scotchrean—the pride which would
not suffer him to beg, if the severest struggles could maintain
his self-dependence ; nay. the Scotchman—and praise and ho-
nour be to him for it—would rather starve and lie down and
die quietly en his own hill-side rather than be obliged to ask
alms of another and betake himself to begging for
his support. That was actually the case at the present
moment in that country; he revered the people
there for that trait, which did them honour, their
feeling no doubt being that of the Italian poet,
when he said of his own case that he had been under the notes.
city of standing and receiving alms, but that was an act that
made him tremble at every fibre of his frame with shame and
indignation. Yet the Government appeared to think that the
present measure would prove a stimulus to labour. The letter
to which he had already so often alluded proceeded with its in-
structions to the Government agents, who were directed never
to give food, dour, meal, or soup for nothing, to any individual,
Inrifahipx littantinn this.—oleh o-rory aiuglr case
without in each ease—he (Lord Brougham) begged their
would necessarily be different from another—yet the distribu-
tion of food for nothing was not to be made without in each
case being convinced that the person could not find labour in
order to obtain wages with which to pay for the food. Why,
the case supposed was that of a person starving, about whom
this eircuitoua inquiry was to be made and satisfied before re-
lief could be administered. In fact it was an instruction that
could not be carried into effect ; it was utterly impossible to
carry it out. But not the least painful part of the whole case
was to have to make the remarks which he felt it his duty to
make on behalf of the interests of the country at large, on be-
half of Englishmen, and of all who could support themselves,
whether English or Irish. The measure would not end with
the present year in all the evil consequences which would cer-
tainly follow upon its operation in draining labour from the
pursuits of agriculture, but even, supposing the crops should
improve next year, and that the disease in the potato should be
cured, still the effect would be seriously felt on the labour market.
The Noble Lord then proceeded to eulogise one little district in
Ireland where the poor had contributed)of 176/., and where they could not give money others contri-
in money to the amount
buted labour in relief of the distressed and necessitous ; it was
altogether a case, he said, worthy to be exhibited as an honour
able, a noble exemplar. But he was sorry to add, that i rthesame district where the poor people had acted in so noble a
manner, and contributed 1761., besides labour, the rich land-
lords had contributed 401. The Noble Lord then referred to
the case of the Misses Gaskell, who had gone to Ireland to
d
live upon their estates, for the purpose of superintending the
of their charity, and in order that their charity
—which he deprecated being misunderstood to speak against—
in order that their charity might be free from abase. He
could refer to other noble cases, and among the others
that of Lady Carberry, who had actually reduced herself to the
mere necessaries of life that she might minister to the necessi-
ties of the neighbourhood. But that was a noble and a useful
example, and such had been exhibited by the Misses
Gaskell ; they had been able to effect great good on behalf of
the really necessitous. These ladies reported that at least one-
third of the Government money was received by those who
had really no claim on the benevolent. That showed the
good which would result from these benevolent ladies super•
intending the distribution of their own charity, and it evinced
the evil arising from the efforts of the Government, well meant,
perhaps, but ill-directed. Yet these were evils which would
spread and take deeper root, and throw a more dismal shadow
over the whole of the land. He hoped, at the same time, that his
observations would not be misunderstood by the persons across
St. George's Channel, who were accustomed to think that the
union had much to do witi the evils which were at present
existing in that country—persons who were accustomed to look
back to their golden age m the period when a body existed
not a bow-shot from the Cdlege, or College-green--a body so
pure, the most upright and honourable since the days of the
Spartans, the most distinguished for Lacedzernonian purity while
it existed. Bat it would be found that even in these days there
were evils prevailing. The Noble Lord then referred to a letter
from Lord Chancellor Jocelyn to Lord Chancellor Hardwick. ,
It 04W that in Ireland goy were that in a very raelaneholy