The Sun.
London, England, 1841-10-05 00:00:00

ROYAL ASSENT.

The Royal assent was given to-day by Commission to
the Administration of Justice Bill, the Expiring Laws
Bills the Navy Pay Bill, the Foreign Bish,,ps Consecra-
tion Bill, the Frogmore Lodge Bill, the Royal Gardens
Bill, Riddle's Estate Bill, Marlborough's Estate Bill, and
Clayton's Name Bill.
The Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the
Earl of Shaflesbnry, and Lord. WWI-whir% •
The House then Aourr.ed during pleasure.

Thelma') CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack
at the usual hour.
On the motion of Lord tLIANBOROtTGII, the
Exchequer Bills runding Bill was read a third time and
passed.
btt-A4t4At4i,
T4te :,rifrlttis or NtiItINIANBY said he wished to call
itio attention of the Noble Duke to a subject of great
t)i
Parliamentary in:erest, and in which he (t 4 Marquis of
Normanby) personally took IRVeiikt 4itO.khtt,. cession
he had brought in ni t t'ot.
the imprettment of buildings., which Bilis I.l.'eto
tWe drainage of towns and
of by that House, both as to W0..l
and were eentdown Ito ttreoi,h” rt-use, where the yin-
cifle fncit With tit,' opposition; but as respecte'd Soinb
kw\liiti" the details gave rise to much
in ro^_sequence of which he tiAtt4Al t Wob nbt be
able to pass that Itirmt thirlit the present SStiOin
He had mentioned the sObject to his •sXcesii'6l.l ;infri 11t:
I now wished to esk tire Noblt Wl:ether the Go-
vernment had deeoinlited to adopt those measures so far
as the principle tent? If the Noble Duke would give
him that assurance he would leave m in the hands
of the Government, but if no such assurance %vas given
he would take that opportunity of giving notice
that he would himself bring them into the House on the
first day of business next Session, and trust to his Noble
Frie,ml the Member for Dorsetshire to conduct them
through the other House.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH said that he had commu-
nicated with his Right Honourable Friend the Secretary
of State for the Home Department on the subject,
and expressed to him the anxiety he felt for the success
of those measures, but his Bight Hon. Friend
very justly replied that the Bill would have to undergo
the investigation of a Committee of the House of Cora-
mon,;, as it hail in that House; anti us It timv oppozition
had arisen to some of the details of the 13111, it,
would be impossible to proceed with it in the present:
Session. With respect to the question of the' Noble
MarquiS, all he could say was that no member

of the Government had loOked into the ]3ill,
and —they were therefore not yet prepared to
say whether they would be taken ,up us Go-..
,:ernment measures, but this he would promise,
that the Bills should receive their consideration during
the recess. _ _ _ _ _ _

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that he had sup-
ported the Bill last Session, if again introduced he should
support it again.
The Marquis of NORMANBY said, he was quite
,atisfied with the Noble Duke's assurance, and,
therefore, unless the Government should .do so, he
would himself bring in the Bill again, and trust to the
assistance of the Noble Duke.
POOR-LAW COMMISSION BILL.

On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the
Poor-law Commission Continuance Bill was read a third
time and passed. Also the Exchequer Bills Fund-
ing Bill.
Lord MELBOURNE presented several petitions, pray-
ing the House to take the Corn-laws into consideration.
THE CORN-LAWS—THE PROROGATION OF
PARLIAMENT.

The Earl of RADNOR wished to allude to the subject
of the immediate prorogation of Parliament, a subject
which excited the greatest interest in the country. He
had last night understood the Noble Duke
,(the Duke of
Wellington) to disclaim all intention upon the part of the
Government of taking the subject of the Corn-
laws into their consideration.—(Cries of " No, no.")
He would be glad . to find he had misunder-
stood the Noble Duke. The question was one
deeply connected with -the national welfare and our
commercial prosperity. Distress might exist in a coun-
try, although there might be plenty of food in it ; and
that was now the case in England, for the people had
not the means of purchasing food. That was a fearful
state of things, and one which deserved, the immediate
consideration of Parliament. He had by him a
letter which he lately received from a gentleman
in the country professing his own political opinions—
for he was what was called a Radical—(A laugh)—
end hiscorre:pondent stated that the feeling throughout
the country was, that' the people had nothing to expect
from Parliament ; that everything was to be attained by
violence ; and that nothing would be granted to argu-
ment or common-sense.—(Bear.) He (the Earl ofßadnor)
had always observed that there was a singular aversion
to discussion upon the part of Noble. Lords opposite.
If the Parliament, were now prorogued, and popular out-
rages should take place- during the winter, and if any-
thing should be done by the Government next Session,
would not that be a repetition of the lesson taught to the
people by the granting of Catholic Emancipation ?
Would they not again be taught that that was conceded
to violence which was refused to 'argument and
common sense?—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would now
read their Lordships a passage from another letter which
he had received from the same individual, in which the
writer stated that now the Government had got into
office they were endeavouring topersuade the people that
there was no distress. Now with respect to the question
of distress, it was remarkable that while the existence
of that distress was admitted and deplored, documents
were produced which went to show that there was
no distress at all. With regard to that part of the ques-
tion, however, he had that morning seen in a newspaper,
purporting to be a petition to the House of Commons,
signed „A Member of the Royal College of Surgeons
in London," which stated certain facts relating to the
admissions into the Fever Hospital at.Matcheeter during
the laSt ten years. During the first five years, which
were years of manufacturing prosperity, the number
of admissions amounted to 2,459, and the number of
deaths to 309, while during the last five years which
had been y ears of distress, the number of admissions
amounted to 4,639, and the number of deaths to 853,
being nearly 18 per cent. on the admission. Was it
not matter worthy the consideration of Parliament,
when such multitudes were. complaining of distress—
when -medical men were' publishing books, calling on
the clergy to exert themselves to assist
in endeavouring to devise some remedy' for
that distress, which was affecting so deeply
both the corporeal and intellectual welfare of the people.
Under such circumstances it was most painful to see the
Government turn a deaf ear to their applications, and
Parliament dismissed without having considered the
subject. Ile repeated that he thought the Government
was incurring a grave responsibility in advising her Ma-
jesty. to adopt the step of proroguing the Parliament.
The gentleman to whom he had before alluded in another
part of his letter stated that the Government should re-
collect that the greater number of the Chartist leaders
were now out of prison, and that they were endeavouring
to persuade the working-people that a repeal of the Corn-
- laws would do them no good.—(" Hear, hear," from the
Duke of Richmond.) The Noble Duke seemed to be of
the same opinion, would he agree with the other doc-
trines of the Chartist leaders, that all the land ought to
be taken, immediate cultivation, that the present
possessors of the land had no right to it,
but that it ought all to belong to the State.
The writer then went on to say that great dismay pre-
vailed in Manchester, on account of the Chartist meet-
ings, and that if iiiustice were done to the people, it
would piat -th to all those absurdities, and the
people who live by promulgating then]. The letter was
from a very plain man, but one who very well under-
stood the subject. He hoped Noble Lords opposite
would lay these things to their hearts, and that some-
thing should be done before the prorogatione—(Hear,
hear, from the Opposition.)
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the person
who advised her Majesty ought to consider well before
he submitted his advice ; and be (the Duke of Wel-
lingtoti) would do so. But ho would tell the Noble Lord
opposite what he would not do. He would not
allow himself to be intimidated by the Noble
Lord and his correspondent—a radical, the Noble Lord
called him—(A laugh)—from doing his duty—let the
consequences be what they might which should follow
upon the advice, which, to the best of his judgment, he
should think it his duty to submit to his Sovereign.—
(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) It was his
(the Noble Duke's) " opinion, that there was tot a
wiser order upon their Lordships' Standing Or-
ders than that which provided that reference should
not be Wade to former , debates—(Hear,)—and thought
that when Noble Lords thought proper to pay no at-
tention to that order, and to refer to former speakers,
they ought to be correct as to what passed, and not at-
tribute words to other Noble Lords which never were
uttered--(Hear, hear)—nor give a meaning to those
words, which the Noble Lord to whom they were attri-
buted never could have intended to convey, If the Noble
Lord (Radnor) had attended to what oeetitted last night,
he would have known that it was not him, but the
Noble -Viscount opposite (Lord Melbourne), who alluded
to the suhject,--(1-1ettr) The Noble Viscount said that
if he (the Mike Of Wellington) would .give notice of
bringing the fitidet the consideration of the
House, he would secure a full of Members.
His (the Noble Duke's) answer to that was, The ho ivbitid
not announce any intention which he did nit
entertain; in order to insure a full attendance.--=-(Heere
heart) ile Was sure the noble Viscount opposite would
allow that ; what he allittleti It 4 itiO. the attendance of
Members in the present Seision of Parlitithefitsse---(friear,
from Lord Melbourne.) He did not think the Noble
Viscount meant that notice should be given for six
Months, or any distant period.—(Hear, hear.) In faot,
the Noble Vistbiiht thetiht lib stith thing-- he meant now.
fTH liarectly agreed with the Noble Lord that It would
bring a large number of persons to the House. But
whet he StatCd Was perfectly true. He was not prepared
tti brink ibriiiird at the present time a review of the
Corn-law. What he stated WM' ti/at it tress a large and
serious question which required consideratioh its all its
Parts; entl must be so considered in all its parts and all
it beefitigt ih feferenee to commerce and finances, and
the 'other detesting With tshieh the Corn-law was connected
14 the late Übreffitnent its different communications, as
f+-d1 ritrn the F.thitilie ha froth MitilEters in both Houses
of Parlietnent: It was tree he brought in the elisting
law and iidVised its adoption, and he could not recollect
mhOiet• it met ivi,th the opposition of the Noble Lord op-
posite bf tibi i hitt Ite hgd at Aiffetent times since
discussed the question, gig !Ai ihflesitVOred by petusing
important decumentS conncciA with btiheitle of the
law to refresh his memory on the subject. lie I:si static
ktisiteledge of the sullject, but it stood in a differen:
light now k i in what t did .Nhen he brought
it forward in the first instance, nonuse they
had the knowledge of the last; the pfetediug, and
the other sessions tti guide theft: Therefore the ques-
tion now stood in. a different positiofi fit& ivhsit it did
some yeers age, and they must give it deep :lite-M.4m;
and not enbinit . any scheme on the subject to this or
the taller tense of Perliament which was not fully
coneitlerefl, and considered hut billy with reference to
the other qoestiolia Willi Which it had been connected in
the different motions made in the other House of Parlia-
ment, and discussed in that House, but considered oleo in
reference to treaties with other Powers, and the treaties of
other Powers with each other; and combining with those
considertitions that general relations connected with the
social systelti of the countryi tle agreed With the Noble
Lord that it was a most serious Etiltetibt4 and net, to be
taken up in a hurry, but must be maturely eolitidered.
The Noble Lord had mixed up with the debate of last
night some conversation which occurred two nights before
and hed taken erroneous views on that occasion also.
What he said was, that in come parts of the country
great distress existed, but that the distress did not
arise from any want of food in the country.
W hat he said was that there was no tidnget of itant of
provisions. The Noble Lord himself had stated that
' there were 1,700,000 quarters of corn in thq country,
and be (the Plli{e Af %hilltop) knew that there heti
bcvn yojinf) quarters iu litt,tY tat. 114 tbintnence-
ioeht of the ptesbnt Session b! Pitrliament, Malting
in all nearly 6,obo;bbb quatteta: He thyrefore concluded
dast, ;lob ebuld hb dißtiOki iitisifik Mtn the absolute
want of corn. There was distress, to doutr, tittmg to
went Of. work, deficiency in the wages of labour, and
itith the nonsideration of which he would
Tot at present enter; out he never herd from any one
whatever of any practical measure which could
relieve such evils, They were the consequences of
a variety of causes which Parliament, if it sat till next
February, could not remove. Be was sorry to have
a-chilled their Lortlthips, but he thought it right at least
to state e hat hnd aetvally gassed u former occasion.
Lor.l KINNAIRD was glad of the Noble lakes ex-.
planation, because it removed an erroneous impression
which had gone abroad. The present. Government was
brought into' power by monopoly, and it could hardly
be expected that any effectual measure for the alteration
of the Corn-laws would be passed by them. They
called for tinie and he believed they required it.
for the materials of which the Government was formed,
were of so heterogenous a nature. that a considerable
time must elapse before they could concur upon any one
measure, or perhaps it would be required to
turn 61;,., or two of the Members out of the Cabinet,
in order :to 'bring it to a proper mind.
Ho had pertainly thought, after the speedh of the Noble
Evl, and the speeche=s Which had been extracted from ,
this Thu. Baronet at ' the head of the Goveminent; that

they were prepared to state to the House the principle-
upon which that Government was formed. Like the
:Noble Lord who had preceded him, he would warn theii
Lordships of the clanger of delay. He had received
daily accounts of the great distress which prevailed, and of
the danger of postponing the consideration of measures
of relief. The Government was taking upon itself a
heavy responsibility ; and it • was nothing more nor less
than burkinu the question to prorogne Parliament with-
out considering the starving condition of the people.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said that with re-
ference to the prorogation of Parliament the Noble Lord
.must be aware- that he had asked a most improper
question. He did not know what the Noble Lord meant
by the word " monopolists 2"
The Duke of RICHMOND said the Noble Lord mil,'
have been after the stag-hounds when he (the Duke of
Richmond), had made the speech referred to. What he
had said was, that if Sir Robert Peel came into office and
was mad enough to support the Bs. fixed duty, he would
tell him and those who supported him that the
landed interest, who had helped him into
power, would not have the slightest hesitation
in turning him out. He had myde use of no threat, but
he only answered the arguments of his Noble Friend.
He would not be led on that occasion into a dis-
sion of the Corn-laws. He was not one of
those who thought that the Corn-laws ought never to
be altered, but if they were altered, protection
should be: afforded to the agricuttural interest
His Noble Friend had been reading the productions of
the Anti-Corn-law Committee at Manchester, and no
doubt thought he had correctly stated his (the Duke of
Richmond's) sentiments; but he thought it would be best
to make this application.
Lord CLIFFORD (of Chudleigh) was happy to hear
from the Noble Duke that there was no fixed
time to which Parliament was to be prorogued,
and therefore that the • people might entertain
seine hope that-their distressed condition would be taken
into consideration much earlier than was generally sup-
posed. He had no fear for want of food on the
country, but what lie dreaded was increase of discontent,
fea which he saw no remedy except a temporary coining
forward, on the part of the aristocracy, especially that part
that had shown themselves the richest at the last elections.
This country was burdened with a debt of 800 millions,
and while it was so, it would be impossible for them to
frame a Corn-law such as they might do if it did not exit
The very fact of the delay so strenuously insisted
upon by the present Government, showed that the
work of governing this country was one of
considerable difficulty. This country bad a
right to expect their Lordships to come forward with
that assistance which would be necessary for the suste-
nance of the poor during the time which , her Ma-
jesty's present Government delayed their measures.
While he was on his legs he begged to give notice that
early next Session he would move for the appointment
of a Committee to inquire whether it was not in the
power of the Governor of Madras to protect her
Majesty's subjects according to the laW as set-
tled in 1833. That inquiry was rendered necessary
because the Noble Lord, the President of the Board of
Control, appeared to be as unable to understand
that law as his (Lord Clifford's) speeches.,-(Hear.)
'The Marquis of NORMANBY did not know whether
it was necessary to trouble their Lordships with a
rather extraordinary letter he had received from a Mr.
Lecom, idio had charged • hiM with having taken
steps to suppress the production of certain papers
with reference to proceedings that had taken place
in the borough of Ureat Yarmouth. The letter was
written in complete misapprehension of the facts, for
their Lordships were aware that the correspondence was
nut produced, because the Noble Earl who had put the
.question to him had not moved for it.
SLAVERY.

Lord BROUGHAM rose to call the attention of their
Lordship's to a subject of very great importance, and on
which, as their existed happily no difference of opinion
in this House or the other House of Parliament,
and as there indeed was a singular unanimity on the
question in every part of the kingdom, it
would be the less necessary for him Ito trouble
their Lordships at any very considerable length. The
subject was the slave-trade und slavery, and he
believed there existed in no `part of either House of
Parliament or the country any description of persons
who felt otherwise than the strongest and most
intense desire to see that traffic extinguished, and
to' see the state of slavery as universally as with all prac-
ticable expedition extinguished. The grOund upon
which he felt it necessary to trouble their Lordships
on the present occasion, was, that great misapprehen-
sion, he understood, had gone forth on the stare
of the law respecting both Slavery and the slave
trade, as it at present existed in that country.
He had presented a petition to their Lordships, ten or
twelve days ago, containing a variety of allega-
tions upon that subject, and he had distinctly
stated at the time that the truth of the
allegations and the responsibility for the accuracy of
these statements must rest upon the respectable petition-
ers who had brought the matter before the House.
It would would appear that a large amount of the capital
of the country was embarked not cnly in maintaining
slavery in foreign settlements, but actually in supporting
and maintaining the slave-trade itself. He deemed it
to be expedient in going over the different settlements to
specify those parts in which he understood it,
from the best attention he could give, not to be
contrary to the law as it now stood—those settlements
which he deemed to be of doubtful chaeacter, and those set-
tlements in which it was clearly and distinctly prohibited.
Now, as the first class, those things which were alleged
in the petition to have been done by British subjects,
and which he took to be clearly contradictory to law. The
law was that any British subject, in any part of the world
whether in that part of the world the slave trade
Wl3 lawful or illegal—that any .British,
subject even in a part of the world where
the slave-trade was not only allowed, but encou-
raged by law (if there were such it country)—that that
slave-trading, if partaken of by a British subject, was a
felony. Liable to transportation fur life was that British
subject if he committed that felony on the high seas, or
within the jurisdiction of the Admiralty.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)