The Sun.
London, England, 1840-08-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Times.)
Wlaether for the advantage of society or otherwise,
we cannot exactly undertake to say, but the fact we
believe is indisputable, that what is commonly called
humanity, or rather a spurious imitation of it, has of late
become one of the most forward and fashionable Par-
liamentary virtues. Even the Legislature's noted in-
difference to the wants of the destitute poor is compla-
cently spoken of as a philanthropic expedient, not for
making them thieves and vagrants, but for improving
their general condition, by impelling them to habits of
provident industry and self-reliance. Accordingly,
while the members of the House of Commons, with a
very few exceptions, are resolutely opposed to every
species of Legislative beneficence that happens to involve
an outlay of money for the relief of starving families, it is
curious to observe that their passion for humane law
making (pocket untouched, mind) is everlastingly dis-
playing itself in all manner of capricious projects which,
though professing the deepest possible concern for the
moral and physical well-being of the lower orders, will
generally be found, on strict examination, to infer an
unwarrantable abridgement of their rights, or a serious
diminution of their comforts. Of this description are
your Beer Bills, your Police Court Bills, your summary
jurisdiction clauses, besides a multitude of others too
numerous to be specified ; and, although we have la-
boured hard to induce the Conservative party, on
every ground of principle and policy, to separate them-
selves from the monstrous conspiracy whereby Whigs
and Radicals, nay, even the noisiest clamourers for d-
mocracy, are leagued against the poor, we lament to
say, that with the reservation we have already made in
favour of a few honourable individuals, all classes of
politicians seem to vie with each other in sporting a
new style of humane legislation, whereby numbers of
'lestitute (both parents and children) are inevitably
the e.
e ' and driven to the commission of crime.
detriefaaz.e..,
we adhere inflexibly to the opinion,
Deny it eltu tway, .. .
if
of
''enders.
New Poor-law to
that it is the clitef.lt tenth...7J
augment the number of inter/De ~... endeT‘,sle..
(From the Morning Chron...
2 '''' ems elves,
People now in great measure cease. to ask e...."1n e yes,
this
will there be war ? It is now undeestood in
country, and not denied in France, that the object of
the treaty of the Four Powers—the preservation of
the Ottoman Empire—is just and proper, and that the
French nation have no cause for taking offence at the
mode in which it is proposed to effect the object. The
French were at liberty to join the other powers ;
they were fully cognizant of all that was in contem-
plation, but they refused to pattieipate, and the
treaty was entered into, but not withoet their
knowledge. So long as the Four Powers ficeestly
seek to give effect to the treaty, the French earl
have no ground for quarrelling with them. They
seek nothing which calls for the opposition of France.
No French interest is injured, and neither the security
nor the honour of the nation is affected. But it may
be said the Four Posers may act dishonestly, and in
that case France will be bound to oppose them. No
doubt, should the Four Powers, or any of them, seek
to avail themselves of events for the furtherance of
their separate interests, then France would be justified
in interfering, We are not, however, entitled to make
any supposition of the sort. The alliance would at
once be dissolved by tiny such attempt at self-seeking ;
and France would not be the only power which
would, in such a case, endeavour' to support the good
cause. But France may have sinister objects of her
own, and in seeking to profit by events, she may come
in collision with the other powers. Till ere have
evidence of any such dishonest intentions on the part
of France, we will not believe in them. It is not ne-
cessary, therefore, to speculate on what might follow
from the adoption of a policy which we are not justi-
fied in assuming as possible. We well know that
France, from her position, the character of her popula-
tion, and her immense resources, must always possess a
great influence in Europe, and her conduct can never
be a matter of indifference to other nations. In a na-
tional cause, in which the national interests and national
honour are compromised, the French need fear no
enemy. But we trust no nation of Europe is sufficiently
powerful to invade the rights of others with impunity.
War is a great calamity ; but the balance of power of
Europe has hitherto been preserved by the prevalence
of a belief that the loss of national independence is a
still greater calamity than war.
(From the Morning Post.)
We bad recently occasion to insist that " the duty
of every subject of the realm, be he Protestant or Pie
pist, is not merely to obey the law, but to co-operate to
the utmost of his power in promoting the objects which
the law has in view." It might have been expected
that in such a sentiment the organs of Ministers, who
profess to be the servants of a legal and legitimate throne,
would not have found much ground for censure. The
sentiment was advanced by us in rebuke of a crotchet
which has entered most unaccountably into the heads of
some of our Conservative brethren, that the Protes-
tants of Ireland are not only at liberty, but are bound
in duty and conscience, to embarrass, to resist, and,
if possible, to frustrate the operation of the Irish
Municipal Corporations Bill. It might have been
expected that the friends of the Irish Municipal
Corporations Bill, and of the Ministry who are its
authors, would not have thought such a sentiment as
we have quoted, when uttered for such a purpose as we
have described, deserving of their unqualified reproba-
tion. Yet so it is. To inculcate reverence and obedi-
ence to the law seems to be an offence in Ministerial
estimation. Ministers, and the Journals which reveal
and support their opinions, having no respect themselves
to the dignity or authority of the law, very naturally
regard with jealousy, suspicion, and ill-will, all who con-
tend that the established law of a country, merely be-
cause it is the law, ought to be respected and obeyed.
In reference to the above sentiment a Ministerial
Journal of yesterday says :
" The Post avows the doctrine not merely of absolute
submission to, but of hearty co-operation with, whatever
may be the law, whether good or bad. According to its
statement, if persecution characterise any unrepealed law,
it is the patriot's duty, every man's duty, to be a persecutor
in heart and disposition. This is a step beyond the old
High Church tenet of passive obedience and non-resist-
I ance. It terminates in utter slavishness."
There needs no stronger evidence than the above
passage to prove that the party of the existing Govern-
ment of Great Britain consists of the class of politi-
cians whom Burke characterised as the class that would
convert the extreme medicine of the State into its daily
food. We have beard among politicians of this class of
the " sacred right of insurrection," words which in their
use of them plainly imported that insurrection must
always be right, and always sacred, Are we to under-
stand from the Morning Chronicle that every individual
is at liberty to disobey, and to frustrate by every means
in his power, whatever law he, in his wisdom or his folly,
may think a bad one ? This we take to be the meaning
of our Contemporary, and the conduct of many of the
party to which he belongs corresponds with it-
(From the Morning Herald.)
After all the threats of war and invasion—after all
the boasts of armaments prepared and preparing—
after all the pompous announcements of campaigns
about to be opened, and heroic exploits about to be
achieved, we are favoured, on high authority, with a
solution of all this Gallic fire-eating and fanfaronade,
which reminds us of the ancient and memorable distich—
" The King of France, with forty thousand men,
Marched up the bill, and so marched down again."
The high authority to which we allude is no other
than the King of France himself—no, not of
France—that title was too old for " young France."
and so has been revolutionised into " King of the
French." We have it, then, on the authority of the
King of the French, that " while he lives we shall have
PEACE." It must be exceedingly consolatory to the
" English lion" to find that the " Gallic cock," amid
all his loud crowings and flapping of wings, and shril
challenges to battle, meant nothing more than to
frighten him a little by way of a joke, and to enjoy the
terror which he knew such notes of martial daring
must inspire to the Whig-ridden animal—enervated,
drooping, and forbidden by its dastardly keepers to,
place itself in a " decent posture of defence.'
Truly what the Roman satirist said of thestill Gallicac-
people, nearly two thousand years ago, is
curately characteristic of them. " Natio coniceda est,"
says Juvenal ; and surely the interview between the
Frenchillustration.
oratisi s
It is
comic interlude to Thiers's mock tragedy, is an English-
man,in England, where he,
fisoxmed sometime, the
least,
anwsstotOebe dyclf
withbirhtibs such;but we suppose, though fate
nativity
brilliant success the Thes-
pian muse, choice has demi-naturalised him on the
French soil, like shoals of his patriotic countrymen, who
best enjoy life and liberty under the protection of the
gendarmes of the " Citizen King." But an optimist
can see in the residence of this gentleman at Boulogne,
along with his happy proficiency in the French lan-
guage,
we
dailyin see tidv
aroundertise )
From theus, r.
as well as in French loyalty, a fortunate circum-
stance for England.
(From the
llforri
we almost
despair of some people ever learning common sense
from experience. Of our own
we countrymen, notwith-
standing occasional aberrations, entertain some
hope ; but of our Gallic neighbours,
absurd to expect that their eccentric it would appear
movements will
ever submit to the
guidance of common discretion.
SO excessive in France is the love of display, that a
revolution is regarded more in the light of a successful
theatrical exhibition than of a movement exercising an
influence for good or evil on the destinies of millions
of people ; and accordingly, the first excitement of a
revolution being passed, the performers congratulate
themselves on their success, and rest in the apathetic
satisfaction of having deserved well of their country. 1
Fresh excitement, however, becomes necessary. Though
good the " piece," the public will not always be satis-
fied with its performance, and as a revolution is regarded
as a theatrical "hit," so are theatrical displays made to
supply the place of revolutions. The recent insane
exhibition at Boulogne was a most opportune diversion
for Louis Philippe. It has, to a great extent, relieved