The Sun.
London, England, 1824-02-04 00:00:00

N.

was spontaneous, end that in the words used in his Majes-
ty's Speech, " by the steady operation of natural causes, it
was assuming the station to which its importance entitled it
among the great interests of the nation." The great weight of
he public debt after the war had certainly exposed us to dif-
ficulties ; but he, fir one, never despaired of the resources of '
the Empire, and he now saw it admitted, with pleasure, that
our present prosperity arose from reduction of taxation and
of extended freedom of trade. Upon the expediency of the
latter, he, and other Noble Lords, had formerly expressed the
strongest opinions in that House, and in the other House of
Parliament the subject had often been fully discussed. The
effects, however, which the adoption of the princip]e had al-
ready produced, were far beyond what its most sanvuine
advocates even anticipated. He could not better instance
this result than by referring to the relaxations which lately
took place in the trade between Great Britain and Ireland.—
For a long period the King's Government gave the system of
restrictions which was in force between this and the sister
country its decided support, and one Noble Lord opposite
lent himself to the last to the prejudices which prevailed re-
specting protecting duties. Last year, however, the present
Chancellor of the Exchequer removed some of those restraints
upon the internal trade of the United Kingdom, and now the
very individuals for whose benefit they were originally imposed
came forward in a body to petition for a total repeal of them.—
The experience of a few months sufficiently convinced the
speople of Ireland of the advantages of a free intercourse with
ngland ; and they who before succeeded in persuading his
Majesty's Government to continue the restrictions, were at
present so awake to the evils of that policy, and so satisfied that
the relaxations which recently took place had afforded in-
creased employment to the poor, that from one end of the
country to the other they implored the House to establish per-
fect freedom of trade. This freedom of commercial intercourse,
in his opinion, was one of the causes of our present prospe-
rity, and could not avoid availing himself of so favourable
an opportunity to insist on the great benefits to be derived
from an extension of theprinciple. On the other subject—the
repeal of oppressive taxes, he would merely observe, that
whether in the immediate relief ,to those released from the
payment of taxes, or the indirect encouragemeut given to
industry by setting forth an increased expenditure, the advan-
tages to the country were of the most important nature. He
hoped therefore to hear no more of the paradoxical proposition,
that taxation was a benefit, and that it brought additional
consumers into the market. If their Lordships would
permit him, he would make a remark on the improvement
which had taken place in the agriculture of the country ;
in all respects that Interest was materially amended, although
the deficiences of the late harvest in Scotland and Ireland
may have occasioned part of the late rise in the price of corn.
He had no doubt but most of it was referable to an in-
creased consumption, from an increased demand which would
occasion, in its turn increased production. Having thus
noticed our infernal situation, lie found it impossible not to
advert to a subject which he regretted to observe appeared
to be rather incidentally introduced into the Speech from
the Throne—he meant the public interests of this country as
connected with foreign Powers. He wished his Majesty's
advisers had been more explicit on this subject, and could not
help thinking, that when the King's Government last Session
so vehemently deprecated the late war against Spain, they
ought now to have declared their sentiments fully with respect
to the termination of the contest. That termination he (the
Marquis of Lansdown,) for his parts considered truly unfor-
tunate—but not on account of the particular Constitution
which had been subverted—it was for reasons dear to this and
all countries—the tights and independence of nations, which
could not be trenched on in the Peninsula without com-
promising the interests of this and every other free State.
When he saw that the effects of the principle of inter-
ference was the undue augmentation of power to another
kingdom, and that kingdom the old and uniform rival of Great
Britain, it appeared to him inexplicable that any Ministers
. could have observed that courtly silence apparent in the pre-
on the termination of the war in Spain, and which i sent Speech
leaves le a matter of doubt whether that termination has or has '
not given satisfaction to the Noble Lords opposite. •Without
betraying State secrets it would mutely have been but
reasonable for his Majesty's advisers to have put into the
mouth of the King of a free people the opinions of the
Cabinet on the actual aspect of affairs (In the Continent.— ,
Upon every ground, whether we refer to the law of na-
tions, or the hietory of other States, the Spaniards had every ,
right to modify their own institutions as' they chose. He
perfection—by collision Slu fsi
consideration of the
was not then disposed to enter into a minute i
gees that any frame ee Government could be brought towards
ofi Constitution,parties
and
tlht e wcaosnofini
conflict
only
ob
fy
odpet
mons ; but let the Spanish Constitution be ever
•so faulty, it
would be better for Spain to have preserved it than to be,
plunged into the horrors in, which that country was now plunged. I
The Noble Lord who moved the Address had deprecated the
prevalence of ultraism, but he (Marquis Lansdown) would ask '
if Spain was not the victim of ultraism at this moment, and if
she was not held in subjection by the arm of a great military
Power, inimical to the interests of this country ? France
having attained its object in gaining possession of the Pen-
insula, it was the duty of the Ministers of this c`ountry to
know what were its future designs. Let them not suppose,
when the principle of interference has succeeded in one in-
stance--when a great act of inju-stice has been done, and a
fundamental law in the relations of independent States been
violated—let them not suppose that the evil will rest there.
—lt is in the nature of the principle which has been acted
on, to propagate itself—to produce repeated violations of
right. 'We should not therefore flatter ourselves that the
influence of the invasion of Spain upon this country will be
so distant as not to call for our unremitting attention. Let
us look at what that state of Europe is, which—he would not
say we apprehended—but which we were bound to consider
attentively. It was said that since the overthrow of Buona-
parte the Institutions of the Continental Countries rested on
a solid foundation. Could he (the Marquis 'of Lansdown) be
contradicted, when lie stated that the Whole of Europe was un-
der the controul of three or four Military Powers, who ex-
ercised the most vexatious, nay, tyrannical jurisdiction over the
rights and independence of all people and all Governments.-
1 xcept from force, no nation was senate; and so generally
does this prevail, that the conduct of the Sovereigns he alluded
to, assumed all the character, of a system, so that. we may ex-
pect to see one State after another called on to renounce its
rights et the will of some of the three despotic Powers to whom
he had referred. It certainly was not required that the Speech
from the Throne should declare the state of Europe to be aatis-
facto!), ; but when neither the Monarchies of %Virtemburgh
• and Bavaria, nor the free Governments of Switzerland were
exempted from acts of aggression which this country would
justly deem direct insults, he saw nothing to protect our in-
dependence but the fear of retaliation. Could he then be told
that there was any principle recognized in Europe but force,
which went to destroy all law and independence, and which
was at variance with the ancient established policy of Eng-
land, to protect the weak against the strong. Such being the
the state of the Continent, it was with pleasure-that he perceived
the situation of other parts of the globe adverted to in his
Majesty's Speech, in terms inspiring much promise, though
not so frank as he thought should have been employed towards
that House. If all chance •of advancement in the old world
was cramped and chained down by those two or three great
Powers who presided over the destinies of Europe, with how
much satisfaction did he preserve the seeds of improvement
and free Government transplanted across the Atlantic, and re-
lieved from the withering influence of those maxims which
now blighted every promise that Europe might have afforded.
The great interests of this country in particular, and of the
world generally, were involved in the freedom of South America.
Wherever free trade and free Government existed, our inte-
rests and feelings naturally led us, and it was therefore with
pleasure lie found a disposition in Ministers to cultivate ami-
cable relations on the other side of the Atlantic. He thought
they might have been more explicit on this subject in the
Speech from the Throne, and he still trusted that in declara-
tions to foreign powers there had been no ambiguity us to
the course we intended to pursue. This Government, however,
ought to have convinced the Cabinets of Europe at an earlier
period that we are bound to protect the American States, where,
in his conscience, he (Marquis of L.) believed the hopes of
the world now rested. Too much praise, therefore, could not
be bestowed on the Government of the United States for the
part which it had taken—it had not dissembled with the Courts
of the Continent of Europe, but avowed its determination to
support the Republics of South America, in language becom-
ing a great and free nation, By declaring their independence
the United States threw a shield over them, and in reality pro-
moted the objects of this country. Let it be observedthat the
polities of the Great Powers of the Continent of turope
are combined essentially with the narrowest system of ttatle,
and that every step is taken, apparently, to shut England out

PRICE SEVENREICCt:

•of the European market. What then is the prospect; whit
America
.presents for British speculation ? Forty yearaitgo
the population of the United States was three millions,- and how
it amounts, according to the best returns, to ten millions oe
consumers. The population of South America is at -preeent
sixteen millions exclusive of the Brazils, which contain about
four millions. According, therefore, to the same ratio-of, ;in-
crease which is exemplified in the United States, and making
every allowance for difference of circumstances, in the course of
the :text forty years, we may calculate on the population' of
South America amounting to 50 or 60 millions of consumers I
While the best authorities assert that each consumer in thatpart
of the world at present expends on an average from eight inten
piastres on manufactured produce. When he adverted to those
facts, he did not mean that we should guide our policy by-com-
mercial advantages only, but in all things pursue a systetteof
straight forward honesty. The course he advocated give nothlng
but benefits to all countries, and he was yet to learn whi'this
Government had been deterred from recognizing the indepen-
dence of States which habit and the inability of the nation that
once claimed sovereignty over them to assert its authority,
had already rendered independent. If the Speech had heen
more explicit on these points, it would have the cordial ap-
proval of that House, and of every person in the country
who duly regarded our honour and well being. There Were
other topics not, indeed, of minor consequence in the Speeih,
which he wished to notice, but they did net so immediately
demand attention on the first day of the Session as those just
mentioned. One, to which the Noble Lord (Somers) who
moved the Address, referred, was the state of the West In= •
dies—a subject upon which, in his opinion, too much cau-
tion' could not be observed ' • and upon which, if it were as
desirable that a great deal done, should be done, as it was
probable little could be done, too little could not, be said.—
For this reason he should merely express a hope that the ame-
lioration of the condition of the Slaves would neverhe lost
sight of in whatever course might be followed. Upon another
subject—the state of Ireland—many opportunities would be af-
forded him during the Session of discussing it fully. At pre-
sent he should content himself with observing, that a great deal
had certainly been done to palliate the evils which prevailed
there ; but the root of the evil lay much deepex than the reme-
dies yet applied were calculated to reach. The Tithe Bill and
the Police Bill had both a beneficial tendency, although they
may require some alterations. The Police Bill, he believed,
had been found the most practicable measure of the two; and
he felt with the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Somers) that the
the Tithe Bill' had effected a great opening towards improve.:
ment, although the Bill as it now stands would not remoife
the evil to winch it was applied. The discussion-of this topic,
however, would fall into abler hands than his,. and he should
accordingly content himself with saying, that while he didnot
object to these palliations, much more should be-done in order
to serve Ireland effectualfy. It was not his intention to move
any amendment to the Address which had been
oreproposed;
t}ithe
fu explicit,
tu future
andpcii
policy
arteistpetr.
ing South Americaproposed;L, afternoblerrie
msoonriee
tpittiarrits hpoeilwltis(higicibt hitaddibdenentm)
cordialllll assent which he gave to
expressingnd his entice
enhititnre
approbation of the manner in which the Address to hie 111 -
The Earl of LINTERPop
the sentiments of the Noble Lord (Lord Lorton) who
oiled
j(eLsotyrahsaodmbeenen),
a,isnt
wellro u
as e d bye
iseco
it, said he scarcely knew whether he should have deemed it
necessary to make any observations on the,different points al-
luded to in his M
ajesty's Speech, if the Noble Marques optee.
site (Lord Lansdown) had Not brought them before the nous
particularly. He could not, however, allow their • L6edeleip:
to come to a vote on the present motion without removing ant
imputation to which his silence might render him liable on the
points mentioned by the Noble Lord. In the first.. place he
was happy to find that no difference existed between his lila-
jesty'a Ministers and the Nbble Marquis with respect to the
present flourishing state of the country. Ile might indeed truly
say, without deviating into the language of praise or deckitntt.-
tion, that no period could be fixed upon when the internal pro-
sperity of the natiCtit was more universal or subitantial MO at
this moment. All the great 'interests in the etaititere Fero._'merge, Manufactures, and Agriculture, were heft, tnotit furls_
factory and improving condition. The Noble:Martinis julitlje
congratulated the House that the imprOvement of the Nth -
cultural interest was produced by the operation of natural
caua.es. Their Lords-hips knew how .that House had been
pressed, and how the other House of. Parliament hattalso been
pressed to devise some artificial means of relief for the agri_:.
cultural classes, but believing as he did that great. evils had
before arisen from the interposition of a:wee/Irma wider
situv
lar circumstances, it was extremely gratifying to find -that ive
in this instance recovered from all our difficuldes 'by natural
means. It was rightly said by the Noble Lord who movedthe
Address, that it was impossible for this Country to have effected
as she did the preservation of Europe, but by great sacrifices
and great etlbrts, for which she must suffer for some time ea-
sequently. It was a mistake to suppose' that because distress
was not felt during the war, it Ought not have been experienced
at its termination. In almost every case of successftil as;
this had taken place; for, although the artificial prosperity
produced by hostilities might prove a compentiation for the
extraordinary eftbrts made during the contest, while intrefts.
ed expenditure may.eupply the channels from which taXatiOri
was drawn; and the accounts on their Lordships' table shineed
that in the course of the last war our agriculture, manatee-
tures, and indeed every branch of industry had increasedstill
a revulsion must be expected on the return of peace after a
.continued conflict. The fleete,and armies employed during the
war are thrown back on society—the markets opened during
the same period are cicised—and a general re-action is thus
produced for a time. Though, therefore, one species of pro'-'
perty, namely, that consisting of fixed capital, mayinerease,
all those depending on the industry of the people necessarily
suffer for a season. But it was not the operation of this cause
only which affected the situation of Great Britain atter the close
of the lust war. Another gteat difficulty was to be overcorrie—
the greatest perhaps ever experienced by any nation—namely,
a return to a metallic currency. Into the policy of the mea-:
sures which occasioned this difficulty, it was not necessary that
he should, at present, enter. But now, as he ever had been; was ready to affirm, that if those measures had not beSti
adopted,we should not have been able to go through the struggle
as we did. It became, however, the duty of the country on the
return of peace., to return to a metallic currency. Their Lord-
ships would recollect the predictions of bankruptcy and of the
destruction of public credit, which at one time resounded On
every side—the assertions that the agriculturists' could never re-
cover without a violation of the contracts to which the nation
steod.pledged, yet we have recovered from and tiairrnounted
every difficulty without any injury to public' faith, or any vio-
lation of the national engagements. Nay, the country is not only
now recovering its former prosperity, but actually enjoying Pro-
opecte which it never before possessed. The whole CUUTIte of this
renovation shows the wisdom of the measures adopted by Pai•-
liament. Ever}, danger has been • overcome, and.- we-now hold
that station which every one wished as to hold, with our agri-
culture, commerce, and all other interests flourishing., He_
thought it right to dwelt on these topics, because too miielr
praise could nut be bestowed on Parliament for what it dieLdte--,
sag those trials, and still inure for what it did not do. Hs
should not at present detain their Lordships by any particular
notice of the advantages derived from freedom of trade. Fie'
(the Earl of Liverpool) was always averse to shackles upon in-
oustry, but upon that point and other topics adverted
to in his Majesty's Speech, there would, as the Noble Marquis.
observed, be future opportunities for delivering his opinion.
The Noble Lord did not express the same satisfaction at the
manner in which our foreign politics had been-mentioned as on
the subject of our internal concerns; and he alluded mere tar-i,
ticularly to what passed in 4iis House last Session of para.,
went en the affairs of Spain. It was not necessary now 03
trouble their Lordships with a repetition of the sentiments he
(the Earl of Liverpool) then publicly avowed, but he would
beg to recal to their recollection that every thing then stated
by him, and those near him, was more than proved by the"
events which took place. He never thought that France. Ought
to have invaded Spain ; .not from any consideration of the ab-
stract principle' 'involved in the question, and which of course
admitted of exceptions ; but, in his opinion, France could Make
out no case to justify the invasion- of Spain. '!'hat was his
opinion on the supposition that Spain was left to herself and her
domestic disputes. But when he stated this, he felt all the evils
of interference ; and those even submitted, bathe Spanish Oo-
vernment, not with the view of inducing it to make concessions to-
France, but to Spain itself, which would have left a -Censtitu-
tion established on sounder and better principles than the one k.
possessed. 'We interfered', not by menace, leitt,With
and it is now well known whether the Canstittititnial Ynrty do;,
not deplore that they did not adopt our advice, .This adeiee,
being rejected by Spain, the French Army marched into that
country, and what was the result? We, from the beginning,
coulc) not see the policy of interfering between a divided na-
.tion. Bow then was the French Army eeeeived or how

•

The Earl of DARNLEY called their Lordships' attention
to thr. state of Ireland, and observed that this was the fittest

time to bring the whole subject.Lbefore their Lordships. We
understood his Lordship to mention Thursday as the day on
which he meant to give notice of a motion on the subject.
Lord HOLLAND wished tolnow from the Noble Earl op-
posite whether any document* relating to the .tdociation be-
tween Turkey and Russia were on the table t: • -.. 7 -
The Earl of LIVERPOOL replied, that he was not aware
of any.—Theis LordshipS adjourned at Nine o'Clock.

NCraLi those who wished Great Britain to interfere have
• tacked if we had done so, and saw the Spanish people flock
to the French standard ? If the Constitution of Spain had
seta less faulty than it was, nay, if, it had been the
greatest monument of human wisdom that ever existed,
it would have been folly to have supported it against the
majority :of the people for whom it Was intended. The
4eniards, so proverbially jealous of their independence, ac-
tually hailed the French army as their deliverers, and what
. did this arise from—from the cause lie (the Earl of Liverpool)
meted in that House last April, that althoUgh they hated
foreign interference much, they hated the Constituton more.
And would their Lordships have the country to interference
in support of a small party against the majority ? He agreed
with the Noble Lord (Somers) in his reprobation of ultraistn ;
hut where was the ultiaism in Spain—it was the enthusiasm of
.the Spanish nation. The Illustrious Prince who headed the
:only which invaded Spain—and here he was bound to say, how-
iyer .ouch he deprecated the interference of France with
.the
'Peiririsula, that the conduct of the illustrious individual through-
out the eampaign deserved the highest prage— Hear, hear !)
• and spewed whatmight be expected from hitif.
.4 • heetscended
•• the throne hereafter, of which he was the leen) ,te heir. This
Prince, he would repeat, found all his exe e e if -necessary to
repress the ultraism of the people. The Offs-,of France
:men and now were directed to check thanultraistra For his
• -out he was averse to the sending British bayonets -for the pur-
pose of making men free, as of imposing slavery upon them ;
and he trusted that in the facts he now stated the Housewould
perceive the wisdom of the
'policy which had been followed by
• Majesty's Government. Indeed he belieited if the country
were searched from one endlo the other, not a man would be
found of a different opinion. He next 'came to a subject of
considerable importance, and here he would 'observe that the
Noble Lord opposite (the Marquis of Lausdown) had not
objected to what was said, but merely thought enough had not
:been said in the Royal Speech on the affairs of South America.
New, in a general exposition, such as that delivered from the
. Throne, it did not appear to himself that explicitness was so
necessary as had been assumed. But he had no_ hesitation in
speaking frankly on the subject in question, which would be
feu/1d in accordance with his former sentiments. During the
fisst. Spanish Revolution it would be recollected that a differ.
once of opinion existed in this country respecting the course
-which it would be most expedient for us to pursue, and it
became matter of serious consideration- whether our whole
exertions should be employed in establishing the independ-
ence and liberty of South America, or in restoring the in-
dependence of the mother country. The former course was
not found consistent with the general views entertained by
Great Britain (and as experience proved correct views) for the
deliverance of Europe. The result was that the King of
Spain, after a series of the most brilliant achievements on
the part of the Brttish Army, was eventually replaced
on his Throne, We were aware what difficulties had in
the mean time arisen between the mother, country and
. her colonies, and then and afterwards offered the mediation
of this country to negociate some pacific arrangement,
-though not such a one as would have placed South Ame-
_ rice in the same situation as before the war. But unfortu-
nately all those offers were rejected. Notvrithstanding that at
many periods if they had been accepted Spain might have
saved at least half her former Tansatlantic possesSions, and
have averted their effectual separation. Circuinstenced, there.
fore, as England now is, it became us to proceed frankly, and
have therefore taken the first step by sending out Consuls
to different parts of the Continent. The Noble Lord seems to
suppose that this Government is fettered by other Powers in
' t.e course it is pursuing towards South America; but the
object of the Speech delivered this day is to do away with such
an impression. Neither by the will of Spain nor any other come.:
try is our conduct, on this point, in the least degree shaeeled.
• But until the independence of those States is recognize by the
Mother Country there will be difficulties to be surmounted.—
/Ls Lordship then proceeded to say, that in all which might be
done, the interests of this country only would be attended
to; and after briefly adverting to some of the other topics
noticed in the Speech, concluded one of the most satisfactory
-speeches which we have ever heard in Parliament, amidst much
applause.
Lord HOLLAND concurred in nearly all the topics em-
braced in the Address ; there were none, indeed, to which he
had an insuperable objection ; but he yet considered that the
tene.and temper of it were not such as their Lordships ought to.
adopt, considering the present state of Europe. He fully
agreed in the first part of it, which related to the internal pro.
seerity of the country, which he was happy to admit was most
ifouri.shing ; he would go one step further, and add, that this
prosperity was mainly attributable to the wisdom and firmness
G'r' Parliament, especially-in the resumption of cash payments
—a measure, of the success of which he would he candid enough
ti.) admit he had the most fearful doubts ; but he was not pre-
pared to give Ministers all the credit they claimed for this pro.
sperity, more particularly when he recollected the language
used by them during that distress. As when his Noble
friends attributed it to the transition from war to peace," No,"
ex elaimcd the Noble Lords opposite, " it is owing to dry sea-
.sobs, or to a superabundant population ;" they now turn round
and take credit for our recovery, though he did not think
that they had by their eloquence brought down the rains from
'leaven, or abated the passion of love. Another part of the
Address that afforded him much satisfaction was, the arrange.
merit that had been entered into with Austria for the repay-
scent of the money that she had borrowed from us, though he
almost feared that the money that we should get would hardly
jay the expences of Lord Stewart's embassy. Some merit was
aloe to the Emperor of Austria for this stroke of honesty, as he
.believed his determination was taken contrary to the advice and
opinions of his Ministers ; he also thought that the Noble
.I..ords on his side of the House were entitled to some share of
premse, as, had they adhered to that prim propriety of speech
so strongly recommended by the Noble President of' the
Coeneil, he firmly believed that that resolution never would
nave been taken. The situation of our West India colo-
nies is a question of deep and -vast importance ; but I
iteebt the prudence or policy of dwelling on it, or of suf-
fering it to occupy so large a portion of his Majesty's Speech ;
and I should fear . that it is only a prelude to call for an
augmentatian of troops. If it is meant as only calling on this
Bonen to adopt measures for their amelioration, lam ready to
say that the force of the country should he increased, especially
in Jamaica; and that strict attention ought to paid to the mo-
rality and discipline of the troops, andby a different distribution
-of tnera, as great improvements may be thereby effected ; and
furt!uir, that the forts should be destroyed, and barracks and a
naval arsenal substituted. I state this on the authority of an
officer very capable of judging—Major-General Cobbold. -1
row come to that -port of the Speech as to the state in which
thi; country stands with regard to Europe. Our situation is new
and awful, to a dreadful degree, since we last met. It is a fact
that nobody can deny, that France is in military possession of
Spain. This has been -looked upon by the Noble Mover as a
1111tter of joy and satisfaction ; bu On my judgment, the present
situation of Europe gives the most anxious apprehension, con-
sed only on the point of British interests. NVithin the last
eiceld years we have completely lost sight of the old policy of
this country, which was always to prevent the preponderance
of that Power nearest our own coast. This was the object of
Kilt; William's wars, of that of George I. of Sir R. Walpole's,
of Lord Chatham's—and in some measure of Lord Chatham's
eon's ; and now the Holy Alliance has established one will,and
that will is universal empire. At the commencement of the
Frutch ltevolution, the ground on which this country went to
War was the decree of the 19th of November, which held out
pratuieea of assistance to the natives of every country who
wished to shake off their allegiance. This was consider-
ed as an interference in the internal management of other
countries. The Holy Alliance acted en this principle with
regard to Spain, and it was equally in hostility to the
eneient policy of this country. In this situation it was ne-
Ceeaary that the Government should reflect on the crisis, and
adept some measure, not hastily, but somewhat speedily,
which would tend to preserve the balance of power in Eu-
rope. It was for her to consider whether she should not place
herself at the he Id of the popular party in Europe, like the
Protestant party formerly; or whether she should not separate
herser from the Old World and look to South America to form
a bond of union with, that would be so beneficial in a commer-
cial point of view, independent of every other consideration. It
was not now necessary to discuss these paints. He was aware
of the inconvenience attending then fee but he would._ contend
that a system must be adopted to enable this country to cOun-
teract the confederacy formed against this, which was silently
working its ruin. The adoption of a system was a measure of
necessity ; one must shortly be chosen. Unless the Govern-
anent did adopt a system, disgrace and degradation- would fol-
law e perhaps ruin and extinctione and they would deserve it
for their inaction.