The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-18 00:00:00

E SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 18, 1841

ti )n, on the ground of keeping out of this country the
produce of slave-labour.

The resolutions were unanimously agreed to, a vote of
thanks was moved to the Chairman, and the meeting
separated.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FR33I THE EVENING PAYERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—The effect upon the Tories of the popular
movement now in progress throughout the land, is seen
in the careful suppression by the Tory Journals of an
allusion to the meetings, and to the petitions which erne-
' nate from them, in favour of the measure for a moditicettion
and material reduction of the fiscal duties which the
Government has proposed to Parliament. Except where
a company of Chartists, prompted by Tory instigations
and paid by Tory gold, have been found lease or mad
enough to disturb the proceedings of a meeting
convened for the purpose of petitioning in favour
of these measnres, not a hint is found in the
Tory Metropolitan Journals of any such meetings. '
They would leave it to be inferred that the country
cares as little for the great question which has occu-
pied the House of Commons in close and earnest debate
during the whole of the past week, and is still pending,
as it would for the fate of a turnpike Bill. This silence
speaks, more forcibly than words could express, the
deep mortification under which the recently elate
Tories are now suffering, produced by the irre-
pressible consciousness that her Majesty's Ministers
have succeeded in raising an interest in the public
mind, which is sufficiently powerful, because it is
based on xielisures sound and salutary, instinct with the
elements of true national prosperity, to _ carry them
through the crisis which threatened them with
defeat. The House of Commons will probably negative
these measures, as the resolutions which ernoody their
principles are, in sitecessitin, submitted to its decision.
But the ultimate appeal is to the country. The corn
monopoly—the timber monopoly—and the sugar mono-
poly—that Mammon-trinity- which the class interests
agree to worship and to serve, in order that they may
respectively secure their individual gains at the cost of
the nation's weal, will combine their energies to defeat
the free-trade advocates at the hustings, as they have com-
bined. to defeat the free-trade measures in the House of
Commons. That they will be able to effect their purpose,
we have no apprehensions. They will fight the battle of
their class-interests under circumstances less favour-
able than any contest for the ascendancy of a mere poli-
tical party ever presented. The long endurance of deep
and widely-extended physical sufferings, from which the
people saw no prospect of relief from either of the two
great parties engaged in conflict with nearly equally
unfenced powers, has led
,to a distrust of both.
The Government has roused the country from this
apathy; by -proposing a prize worthy of its exer-
tions, to secure which nothing is requisite but a
calm, firm determination. Mere political changes may
be doubtful in their results on the public weal. They
may be counteracted by fraud and force, or rendered in-
effective by public apathy. But untrammelled commerce
—the deliverance of trade from the fetters in which the
mistakes of legislators have bound it for centuries, now
attempted by the Government, and to enable them to
carry out which the electoral bodies of the country will-
be appealed to, is no problematical matter—ao mere
airy speculation, but a solid, substantial good—a prize
worth contending for with energy. The people feel that
i t is their life ; for it comprehends the means by which
life is to be preserved, and rendered worth possessing, to
those who live by labour.
COURIER—The Advertiser, which, it is only fair to
say, is shooting far ahead of its Ministerial coadjutor of
the Chivnicle in the quantum of Ministerial confidence
received, and Ministerial revelations made by it, has a tale
this morning about Mr. T. B. Macaulay and Lord Minto,
from which it would appear that those Right Honour-
able persons are the only two members of the Cabinet
entertaining conscientious scruples respecting the con-
stitutional right of the Ministry to dissolve their own
.House of Commons in the coming conjuncture of a de-
feat. Certainly nobody did suspect sentiments so right
minded in the exclusive quarters referred to, and we shall
be well satisfied to find the report confirmed. Time was
when the principles of constitutional law were so much bet-
ter understood and practised than in these latter days,
even by the Whigs and in unreformed Parliaments, that
Ministry daring to dissolve a Parliament of their own
calling before its term of service was completed, would
not only have been held to deserve, but would have been
formally visited with, impeachment. There is, and there
can be no legitimate pretence for a dissolution. Neither
the Ministers nor the Journals in their employ venture
the slightest expression of hope of a possible majority in
a new Parliament,. even summoned by themselves ; but,
on the contrary, it is admitted, with unblushing effron-
tery, that the majority must be the other way.
The only object, therefore, to be achieved—and that
object is boasted of as a meritorious piece of tactics, in-
stead of being what it really is, contemptible trickery
—is, by the dissolution and summons of a new House
of Commons, whilst still in command of the public
purse, to make a last convulsive '-eflisrt, by the un-
shrinking and unprincipled alliance of every possible
resource which Government influence, corruption, and
prodigal expenditure can supply, to obtain the return to
a new Parliament of the strongest minority possible, so
as the better to be enabled to embarrass, and ultimately
to oust, the Ministry by which they shall be succeeded.
Such are the pure and patriotic aspirations of these official
desperadoes.
STANDARD.—It is asserted positively to-day, and
what is much more extraordinary, it is almost universally
believed, that, at the Cabinet Council held on ;Saturday,
Ministers came to a definitive resolution to resign, in
the event of an unfavourable division on the Sugar
Duties. The discussion is said to have been long and
animated, and the advocates for a dissolution were ear-
nest and warm in their .endeavours to bring over to
their opinion the more discreet portion of their col-
leagues, who recommended an adherence to the old
constitutional practice of -tendering their resignation
to their Sovereign, when themselves unable any
longer to carry on the Government. It is believed,
but here we do not profess to speak authoritatively,
that Earl Spencer attended the Cabinet Council at
the personal request of an Illustrious Lady and
materially influenced the decision which is under-
stood to have been then adopted. The only doubt of
the authenticity of this intelligence, as to the decision
of Saturday's Council, is drawn from an inference
not very favourable to Whig-Radical sincerity.
111-natured observers remark that the report of the
contemplated resignation is not discountenanced by the
Ministerial adherents, and that, therefore, the probability
is, that it is unfounded, and put in circulation by them-
selves for some sinister purpose. We give it precisely as
we have heard it.

CORN-LAW CRISIS.
(From the Liverpool Albion.)
As far as words can effect it, the Reformers of Liver-
pool are supporting the line of policy announced by Lord
John Russell to the very uttermost. But, at a crisis like
the present, they should act upon the maxim, " Deeds.
not words," or, at all events, prove the sincerity of
their professions by following them up with a prac-
tice in accordance. It is of no use to meet and
talk eloquently and energetically about the blessings
of plenty and the beauty and advantages of cheap bread,
sugar, and timber, unless they are prepared to express
the same opinions at the hustings also, and to drive
from the representation of the borough the men who
are opposed to the interests of the great bulk of the
electors and the public at large. At present,
how does the case stand ? We are, by our talk-
ing loudly and doing nothing, the laughing-stock of the
whole country. We have constantly been urging Lord
Melbourne's Administration to make advances in a
Liberal policy, while we have not given them the
least support when they have done so. We
have paralysed the exertions of Manchester, and the
manufacturing districts, in behalf of free trade,
by practically telling the Legislature, that the
people of Liverpool are not desirous to remove any of
the restrictions which now impede the commerce and
trade of the country, but quite satisfied to maintain
the statu quo which exists. We furnish the monopo-
lists with arguments that no ingenuity, no sophistry,
no expenditure of words and talk can cope with in
the least. They say, and they have a right to
say it, while we return men of their mind to
" Pooh ! Pooh ! These meetings, these cla-
mours do but, after all, emanate from a disappointed and
feeble minority. The proof of the pudding (to use a
homely proverb) is in the eating.' If, therefore, the
people of Liverpool are really opposed to the Corn-
laws and would have the duties on sugar and tim-
ber reduced, why do they send to Parliament two
men who are stanch advocates of monopoly
Let us see them expel Lord Sandon and Mr. Cresswell
from the representation of the town, and then we will
believe that a change has taken place in their senti-
ments. But, until then, if you please, we must be al-
lowed to class Liverpool amongst the bulwarks which
support the present system and
,prop up monopoly
and legislation for class interests. This is all very
fair, and not a word can we say against it. But, turning
to the electors of Liverpool, we ask them, whether they
will allow such a reproach to remain ?' Will they, by a
continued display of apathy and indifference, sacrifice
their own interests and mar their own prospects ?
We feel confident, that, if the steam could be pro-
perly got up, two advocates of free trade might
easily be returned for Liverpool. At the two last elec-
tions there were hundreds of voters, professing Liberal
opinions, who never went to the hustings at all. Some
were disgusted because the Ministers had adopted
what they called a do-nothing policy, whilst others,
without so strong a feeling on the subject, yet found
in the same policy a reason for shrinking into a
neutrality which might screen them from giving
effence to patrons or customers. But all this hits
Passed away now. The very end for which the Re-
iorm Bill was carried is now set before the people as
the prize of victory. No one can now hang back
from the want of an object of sufficient magnitude to
contend for. No one can remain in neutrality under the
plea that there is no line of distinction between the two
great parties which are struggling for the govern-
ment of the country. That line has suddenly
been widened into an impassable gulf. The rival States-
men
who, at one time, certainly did appear to be approxi-
mating to something very like an identity of opinion,
have, all at once, hoisted hostile colours, and plunged
into a state of warfare more bitter and desperate than
they were ever engaged in before. " For the People"
is the motto which we once more see embla-
zoned on the banner of Lord Melbourne and his friends ;
while "Against the People," and " War to the Knife,"
are the battle-shout of the Tories, as they press forward
to the encounter. And what will the electors of Liver-
pool do at this most momentous crisis ? Will they de-
clare for or against dear bread, dear sugar, and dear
timber ? Will they again send men to Parlia-
ment who will not only maintain all these necessary
articles at their present high prices, but, to enable
them to do so, must lay
on at least two millions
of taxes ; must, moreover, diminish,. to an inosiculible
extent, the. trade which we. at present. carry on with,
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