The Sun.
London, England, 1824-02-04 00:00:00

PARLI A M E

HOUSE OF LORDS, TUESDAY, FEB. 3.
Parliament was opened this day by a Royal
Commission, the Lords Commissioners being the Archbishop
of CANTERBURY, the LORD CHANCELLOR, the LORD
PRIVY SEAL, the PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL, and the
Earl of SHAFTESBURY.
Soon after twelve o'clock a number of ladies were admitted
to be seated in the House, though it was generally known that
His Majesty could not possibly be expected here. Strangers
were excluded from below the Bar till nearly two o'clock, by
which time several of the Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, had
assembled ; and at twenty minutes to three o'clock, the Gen-
tleman Usher of the Black Rod (Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, Knto
was directed to require the attendance of the Commons.
Soon afterwards, Mr. Speaker, preceded and attended by the
Officers of his House, and followed by a considerable portion
of the Members, approached their Lordships' Bar ; after which
the Royal Commission was read for the opening of the Session,
when the LORD CHANCELLOR, by virtue of the same, deli-
vered His Majesty's Speech, a correct outline of which was
given in THE SUN of yesterday.
After the Speech was concluded, the Commons withdrew
from the Bar.

Baron Gifford, of St. Leonard's, the Chief Justice of the
Ccunmon Pleas, was then introduced, and took the oaths, and
his seat.

The Earl of Errol and Lord Bayning also took the oaths,
and their seats.

The House adjourned, during pleasure. At five o'clock the
House again assembled.
Lord LIVERPOOL brought in a Bill for the better regula-
tion of Select Vestries, -which was ordered to be read a first
time. [lt is customary, before proceeding, to move the Address
to his Majesty, to bring in some Bill, in order to preserve the
right of the Peers to go on with other business, without taking
his Majesty's Speech into consideration.]
His Majesty's Speech was then again read, first by the Lord
Chancellor, and afterwards by one of the Clerks of the thiuse.

Earl SOMERS then rose.--In moving an humble and loyal
Address, to thank his Majesty for his gracious Speech, he felt
sincere joy, which, he was satisfied, every Member of that
House would share, at having heard a statement of public af-
fairs so gratifying, and so well founded in fact. It proved
.that
all the interests of the country were recovering, and tending
towards complete welfare and prosperity. All topics touched
upon in his Majesty's Speech were of a grateful natare, with
the exception of one, which was a subject of lamentation. He
meant the illness of his Majesty, which they must all lament ;
and when they considered the gracious expressions in which
his Majesty conveyed to the House his earnest concern person-
ally to have congratulated them on the improved state of the
country, he trusted that their Lordships would not be back-
ward in shewing their sense of gratitude, and how deeply
indebted they felt themselves to his Majesty, for having ex-
pressed such sentiments. He should now endeavour to rasal
to their minds the situation in which the country had been
placed. How long was it since England had been engaged in
a bloody and tremendous contest with a new Republic, which,
from its nature, from the ideas of liberty then genenel/y. en-
tertained, coupled with the circumstance that the te:iseoples
on which it acted were flattering to the passions of th mass
of mankind, had become possessed of immense p Iwo-, and
was enabled to call resources into action, which ti`se former
Government of France could not use. With this rerublic we
had been enraged in a war which threatened to level all esta-
blished institutions, under the name of freedom, to destroy all
liberty, and, under the pretence of regeneration, to overturn
Europe. This war had lasted but a time. On a sudden the
whole weight and strength of that Republic had been concen-
trated in the hands of a man who had shewn that he was able to
wield that mass of power, and threatened to annihilate the liber-
ties of all mankind. With him we had renewed the war. It had
lasted long and had involved the question of our very existence.
But yet.this man, who like the Emperors of Rome, (not in
character like the first), concentrated within himself all the
powers of the state, had by the great and steady exertions of
this country been driven from the throne, and the liberties of
Europe been preserved by our armies. For, notwithstanding
the tremendous nature of the contest, this country had never
given way. She had once made peace, but that was with a
view to the general good, and when she found that the experi-
ment had failed, she had resumed the contest and remained
firm in her determination, never to yield to the power of
France. Through the effbrts of this country Napoleon had
been driven from the throne ; but though she had succeeded in
those efforts, she had almost gone beyond the power to which
her resources extended. The Emperor Napoleon had been
subdued and the liberties of Europe restored, but England
had severely felt the result of the. struggle when the hour of
peace had arrived. Poverty, distress, want
of employment,
suddenly overtook large classes of her population. The coun-
try groaned under the new peace, and the consequence was
dissatisfaction and disorders. What a happy change had now
taken place ! Our manufactures were in full activity ; em-
ployment abounded ; our commerce was flourishing ; and cre-
dit, after all oar exertions and difficulties, had risen to an
hitherto unprecedented elevation. This was a cause of sincere
joy for the country and for the House. Agriculture, which
had
received the severest shock of any, was happily reviv-
ing, or, as it was justly expressed in his 'Majesty's Speech,
recovering. This -had been the case for some time, but he
could say from his own knowledge, that within a late pa.
nod the improvement had been more rapid. He was the
more gratified at the manner in which the subject had been
mentioned in his Majesty's Speech, as it held out .an en-
couragement to tope that the landed interest would regain
amongst the other interests of the country that great share of
prosperity which it used to enjoy. He had been rather hurt
at certain modes of expression which had been employed in
various places on that subject. It was a great mistake to
suppose that if the landed property of the country were to
change hands every thing would go on as before. That would
not be the case. He was ready to allow that in a great country
like this,. where trade was carried on to such an extent, and
large fortunes incessantly created, it was a happy thing to
have got rid of those feudal institutions which prevented the
passing of lands from one hand to another. But it would be a
very different thing if land were to pass principally out of the
hands of its present proprietors. An intimate connection ex-
isted between ancient landowners and tenants, which was pro-
ductive of the most beneficial consequences. When new men
came, tenants could not feel the same attachment for them that
they did for the former ; hence a complete change of property
would tend to destroy much of the harmony and happiness which
the present system created. He had already alluded to the exer-
tions made by the country against her most tremendous enemy.
No interest had done more in that struggle than the landed in-
terest. The Nobility and the Gentry had prepared to act in a
military capacity, and had taken upon themselves, as they
still did, half the judicial business of the country ; whilst the
Yeomanry had carried arms to resist foreign invasion, or sup-
press insurrection at home. As no interest had done more for
the public good than the landed interest, he sincerely rejoiced
that it was recovering, and ready to re-assume the station to
which its importance entitled it. If the situation of the coun-
try were so much and so happily changed from the state to which
it was reduced at the return of peace, might lie not justly call
upon their Lordships to acknowledge, that the Government,
under whom such a change was effected, must have acted in a
steady, wise, and patriotic manner ? A spirit of order, and a
sense of the blessings enjoyed, were amongst the results of the
improvement which had taken place. If in - the sister country
there were ninny circumstances to lament, he was happy to
understand that Ireland was much amended in situation and
temper from what she had been some months since. Having
been once in that country in a military capacity, he had ac-
quit ed some knowledge of her situation, and would say more
upon the subject, did he not feel that the Noble Viscount, by
whom he was to have the honour of being seconded, from the
great stake which he had in Ireland, and his intimate acquaint-
ance with her people would be more able than himself to
satisfy their Lordships. He would say thus far, however, that
he understood the measure passed last year for the commuta-
tion of tythes had upon the whole been attended with advan-
tageous effects, and was extending its operation, owing princi-
pally to the Clergy, who though it was a delicate question for
them, had acted liberally and as became good subjects. His
Majesty's Speech said that there was every reason to believe that
the progress of our internal prosperity would not be disturbed
by any interruption of tranquillity abroad. He rejoiced at this,
as well as at the success of the efforts made by our Ambassador
at Constantinople to settle the differences between the Porte
and Russia. Ile, was also happy to hear that 'a Convention
had been concluded with Austria, by which a debt would be
paid to this country from which most persons had expected no

return. This was an additional proof of the attention which
his Majesty's Government paid to all her interests. The next
subject in his Majesty's Speech was that of Spain. In our
conduct towards that country, the British Government had ob-
served a strict neutrality, wisely abstaining from a contest in
which, on whichever side it embarked, this country must haVe
become a principaL Could that be doubted, after the example
of weakness given by Spain at the time of the French inva-
sion ? Ministers had avoided pledging England for, or against
the Spanish Constitution, feeling that the internal state of
Spain was not such as to require the interests of this country
to be endangered in its support. Would active interference
have been politic at a time when we were recovering from
the effects of the last war ? And, independently of this
consideration, .what should have been our object ? Should we
have supported the King or the Constitution? What was
that Constitution ? It was one, the event had proved, not
agreeable to the bulk of the people. With a nominal King
at its head it was purely detnocratical and could not possibly
exist. He did not mean to contend that there might not he a
good Republic, but that a Constitution purely democratical,
with a, King at its head without power, -and without an aristo-
cracy, was not likely to prosper, or to preserve its relations
with other States. He thought that Ultraism was never
right; and that even when it originated-in just principles it
vitiated them, and ended in. /h. :destructicin of its object.—
In its present Unhappy state, -Spaiiv;hitcl- fallen from one ex-
treme into another; but we did not • sufThr from it—there was
no fault of ours, and, instead of being dissatisfied, we ought
to-be glad that this country" had not been plunged into war
in such a cause. One great misfortune of Spain arose from
this, that during the Monarchy the Nobility and the Gentry
had been discouraged from residing on their estates. With
regard to South America, he thought the House would be
unanimously of opinion that those provinces being actually
separafed from Spain, every thing that could be done justly
had been done to promote the interest of our trade. Consuls
had been lent for that purpose, but no pledge had been given
for any thing beyond. Though a small augmentation of our
land and sea forces had become necessary, with a view to'.
garrison our West India Colonies, as" circumstances might
require ; it was gratifying to find a hope expressed in his Ma-
jesty's Speech, that some of our exiating burthens might be
reduced. The conduct observed by this country towards the
Negro slaves in the West indies was. a' delicate subject, and
required to be handled cautiously. That House, however,
was iwno respect situated in the same'eircumstances as the
other, as' their. Lordships had not been the question up.—
He trusted that the Legislature would attend to the teem-
mendations given by the Royal gpiecti,' 0, iliat subject, and
would remember that the Planters .were 13titish subjects as
well• as ourselves, and had been encouraged to maintain that
property and situation which they now held. Could any thing
more be done than was recommended his Majesty's Speech,
and .was not his Majesty therefore entitled to be thanked for
having given such a recommendation? If we had so rapidly
recovered from the difficulties and distress' which had followed
,the war, through the good governthent under which we had
lived, we were bound to recollect that that Government arose
from the Constitution which our ancestors had established,
and which it was our duty to hand down' to Our descendants,
really
r
knew
and truly in the principles in which it now ;existed. He
that the power and the right of amending oar institu-
tions, were vested in the Legislature, but when we found that
,by adhering to our Constitution as it stood, we had recovered
mat state of so much exhaustion and danger, it was a strong
additional stimulus to abstain from innovations, and not to sa-
crifice, like the animal in the fable, the substance for the sha-
dow, remembering that the substance once parted with, could
not be easily recovered. The Noble Earl conclittled, by mov-
ing an Address, forming, as usual, an echO to the sentiments of
the Speech.

Viscount LORTON after expressing the diffidence but sin-
cere satisfaction with which he rose to second the Address,
took a short view of the principal topics of his. Majesty's
Speech. They had been so ably discussed. by the Noble Earl
who had preceded him, that he should only venture to make a
few observations on one point reitle *MCI he was more con-
reriani than the rest: Ireland had. "always been,considered
difficult to govern. He was aware that in speaking oh that
subject caution was requisite; but he had no tint of party
spirit on his mind, and he would strongly rectum-bend to their
Lordships when considering that question,fie.preserve the wi-
dest/indulge clear of prejudices.. The, causes of the situa-
tion 'of Ireland were beyond the Monitoul of any
perheps Mini-
sters. They were to be found ir..the moral state of
the people. 'Prom their natural capacities -they had always
been deeened capable of
being made a .strenStli and ornament
to any country,; but that
advantages enjoyed by the
population none of the
t—e natives of this side of the Channel,
and great allowances ought to be Made for his unfortunate
countrymen. " One of their greatest ieifite Wll6 that a
the circulation of the
Ire-
land, and the consequeneSeerwi
their religious :Ministers throne-1i the ereatest part of Ire-
in a state of the groeseet patsursetsh.a:
c, iirteellivbi ielt.•eed
ibefyt
auhnaderstmiti:reneo' hostile to their rulers. f
of the Irish Government Tle Noble Margitia at the head
than could have been expected. He had not flinched from
haatiadcli.eanibtiboedsuarnsiPoUnitt
them. He had applied his great, • talents •to overcome
them, and he (Lord Lorton) sincerely hoped that he would
succeed. Their Lordships were not aware of the exact state
of that country. It was there that an impiriuni in imperto
was really to be found ; and that i-,7iperiuin must be subdued
and brought under before Ireland could be made what. it was
capable of becoming. Tee population of'that country was
very numerous, and W 33 generally witboni employment, in
consequence of the absence of the.landedproprietore. The
amount of property withdrawn annually from. Ireland was not
lees than two millions, and the absentees by whom it was
drawn might be ranged under two beade; the first legitimate,
and the second illegitimate. The first ConSisted of those who,
possessing large estates in England,' liad'aTair ground for not
living in Ireland. They should, however, consider it to be their
duty to perform occasional visits; to that country, to lay out
a portion of their Irish revenue there, in giving employment
to the people and improving their estates. They should
also be more particular in the selection of" the' persons whom
they employed as agents. These objects were well attended to
by some Noblemen whom he was happy to recognize. in that
House. To'such advice was not necessary, buthe wished that
they could prevail upon their frienk to follow . their example.
The second class consisted of thote.'sihM, pOSessing large he-
reditary property, in Ireland, had no frfir reasons to justify
their absences Such should be advised to return, .and to
spend at lust a portion of their revenne in their own
country. He was happy to state, that before he left Ire-
land last, he had heard of the reta.Fri of scan' who had been-
absent for many years, and he trusted that their 'example
would be imitated by others. Upon the 'whole it might be
said that much had been done, that much was doing, and
that much remained to be done. He believed that his Ma-
jesty's Ministers were really anxious to improve the condition
of Ireland, but that much was beyond their controul, and de-
pended on the Irish laud proprietors theniselVei,aritinn the en-
couraem.-:.nt which they might give to' their tenantry. He
saw with satisfaction the spirit of inquiry which prevailed in
England with respect to the state of Ireland. It arose from
the calamity which had overtaken that country in 1822, and
which might therefore, in some measure be considered as a
blessing, since it had called forth the humanity of England in
a manner calculated to eradicate many of the prejudices. which
had so long existed between the two countries. Were it not
for the inflammatory speeches of a few declaiming orators, he
had no doubt that the full effect of the salutary impression
produced by English generosity would remain. All, however,
was not lost. Some institutions owed their birth to that occa-
sion, which were still flourishing. Foremost amongst these
was the British and Irish Ladies' Society for improving the
condition of females in Ireland, at the head of which stood
two of our august Princesses, whose example, he trusted,
would induce many others to join in the same beneficent work.
The object of that Society was to encourage the spinning and
manufacture of flax, and attention to personal cleanliness and
economy. The first would benefit the great staple manufac-
ture of Ireland, and the second would improve the domes-
tic state of those wretched women who would at last take
their proper situation in society. He recommended to their
Lordships not to charge the present state of Ireland on his Ma-
jesty's Government, who were free from blame; but _to assist
in rescuing the Irish people from the power of Demagogues,
who would impel them to act conducive to their ruin. The
Noble Lord concluded by apologizing for having so long oc-
cupied the time of the House.
The Alarquis of LANSDOWN, in adverting to the first
topic noticed in the Speech from the Throne, thought that his
Majesty was fully justified in congratulating Parliament on
the improvement in the agriculture of the' country which had.
recently taken place. To him it afforded unmixed satisfaction
.that the renovation in that important branch of our industry