The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-26 00:00:00

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Sts.—The Turco-Egyptian qnestion is the all-absorbing !
subject ; and what England hopes to gain by interfering
in quarrels between a selfish despot and an usurping !
swordsman, is the question now ? Shall we be told
her object is to prevent the overthrow of the balance of i
power in Europe ?—that bugbear of politicians to
frighten women and children with, but too puerile for
any to attempt its refutation, which, if it means any-
thing, means this, that we have arrived at the climax
of perfection in external and internal policy ; and that
human nature must progress no more, but endeavour
to maintain the stand-still of her present perfection
point, that the iron hand of despotism must force obe-
dience at the bayonet point, that monarchies and aristo-
cracies must for ever remain as they are, that commer-
cial enterprise must be checked when it seems likely so
to raise a nation as to render it an object of jealousy to
its neighbour states, that the natural rights of our fellows
be swallowed up in the factitious arrangements of poli-
tical quacks, or self-aggravating knaves ; by the wor-
shippers of power or the mere tools of a tyrant's nod.
And shall the people of England be duped by the balance
of power in Europe, a phrase which means everything ;
just nothing, or anything you please ? But let us
suppose that the real object of Lord Palmerston has
been to bar out Russia by placing an obstacle in her
way, I would ask which is the most likely means to
effect this end ; to oppose to the power of Russia a
successful soldier and politic prince, one who has revived
the drooping spirits, and raised the flagging hopes of the
Musselmans, or an inexperienced youth surrounded by
the creatures of power, and destined perhaps, ere long,
to fall an easy victim to the intrigues of a Power of
whose undermining spirit, and crafty arts of diplomacy,
our Government has already had experience enough to
warrant conclusions not the most flattering to us, nor
the most favourable to them. But can our Govern-
ment, as the representatives of a professedly
Christian nation—as the avowed abettors of
advancement in civilization—of improvement in arts and
sciences—of reform in Government, can they, I say,
as such, justify their present measures in shutting out
the light of knowledge from the benighted mind of the
Mohammedan—in staying the march of intellect—in
clogging the wheels of improvement—in paralyzing the
efforts which genius has been making to shake off the
fetters which have kept Turkey at a stand-still, while
the rest of Europe has been progressing ? Egypt and
Syria have been for centuries the theatres of misrule,
the prey of rapacious Pachas, and the misgoverned
provinces of weak, impolitic, or cruel Princes, from
whose tribunal there was no appeal, whose word was
law, and whose bow-string terror and death-dooming
seal broke the spirit of the people, whom they deemed
their slaves. True, the present Viceroy is not
all we could desire, but is not very much supe-
rior to the rapacious governors appointed by an
absolute despot to plunder not to rule—appointed, I
say, by one who knows net the people's sufferings, or
regards them still less—by one who, far from feeling a
lively interest in the advancement of civilization and im-
provement, is politically interested to check that ad-
vance, as knowing that the progress of knowledge is
the downfal of his power. Contrast with such a one
its present Governor, with all his faults—behold him
introducing civilization amongst the people, stability in
the Government—encouraging learning, commerce,
agriculture, and the arts—sending to Europe young
men of promising talent to be educated in a knowledge
of tho literature, government, and institutions of civilized
nations.
From such hopeful beginnings let the mind revert to
that country, scarce known to other nations save by its
misery and misrule under the Sultan's sway ; and,
whilst the darkening clouds are now gathering around,
to burst with fearful desolation on that unhappy
land, should not English philanthropy rather spring
forward to avert its doom than strangle the infant
in the cradle to effect a dubious good ? Will my Lord
Palmerston declare that God has so constituted the
world that whole nations must suffer that England may
rest secure ? But have the people of Egypt or Syria
been asked their opinion on a question which involves
the best interests of each nation, or the downfal of the
same ? or will he tell us that the people must acquiesce
in whatever Government he may please, and in viola-
tion of the first principles of justice and the laws of hu-
manity, to effect a doubtful good, if not a positive evil ?
And shall the people of England submit to such a
scheme ? and would they suffer another nation to act
so towards them ? How stood the case with respect
to William and Mary ? But what, in the name of
Heaven, has Russia to do with maintaining the equi-
librium of European power ? Does not such a declara-
tion imply a mockery to our common sense ? A nation,
whose restless ambition, overreaching policy, grasping
efforts, embroiling schemes, and exorbitant power,
have become almost naturally associated with the Russian
name—must we not presume some scheme at bottom
when Russia feigns to wish for the balance of power ?
4. Quicquid id est, time° Danaos et done ferentes." Is
it not well known that her eye has for years been set
on Constantinople? She has dismembered Poland—
what treaties prevented this? She has rendered sub-
jects slaves ; power is her object, and, to effect that,
she is prodigal of her gold. Her emissaries at Con-
stantinople are not idle ; and crafty emissaries they are.
Is not the press of Prussia at this moment in her pay ?
Prussia, where none dares speak save as the Govern-
ment may direct! But did not the present Ministry,
assume the reins by a determination to observe a poli-
tical neutrality on foreign affairs? Have not foreign
fields been already deluged with enough of British
blood ? Has not sufficient treasure been expended in
external war? Is the nation's debt yet too small, our
country too little taxed, that we should plunge into a
war, whose issue is uncertain as the forked lightning's
course, to force a governor on countries whose wish
was not consulted, and whose consent was never
asked, to depose a sovereign whose policy has been suc-
cessful, and whose Government is producing good, in
order to substitute the stupid or wicked ignorance
which lies ever misruled, to stay the tide of civilization
by destroying it in its source ? But that ! talk of the
integrity of the Turkish empire with Moldavia and
Wallachia, Algiers, the Pachalic of Acre, part of Syria,
all Egypt and Greece staring us in the face'. Let Eng-
land and France remain united, and what combination
need they fear? They are the guardians of Europe, the
only nations that have any pretence to be free. During
more than twenty years' union we have enjoyed
a twenty years' peace, and shall we snap in sunder
a union which has so teemed with good, to let
Russia cover Constantinople with her troops ? God alone
can tell what may be the issue in such a case! Let us rather
maintain our union with France ; let us rather grant
Mehemet Ali his last demand ; let us enter into treaty
with the Sultan and with him ; let us make it the Vice-
roy's interest to maintain peace, to stand a barrier to
Russia when supported by British money, British sailors
and British faith. But let us never abet the religion of
the false Prophet, which must crumble before science,
civilization, the march of intellect and truth,---a reli-
gion whose source and whose nature is ignorance, which
cramps the best feelings of our nature, which bluntens
humanity, which supports a despot's rule, which infan-
tines the intellect and enslaves the spi-it of the man ;
and for all this we are responsible, if we check the pro-
gress of civilization which is but just begun, by de-
stroying it in its patron, its first best friend. If in
this letter I may have expressed thoughts which are
acquiesced in by my fellow-men, let them remember that
combination is power—that half the battle is to have
begun—that no time is to be lost—that a public ex-
pression of their opinions should be sent forthwith to
the Noble Lord, not indeed as menacing his Lordship,
but calmly calling his attention to these points—the
opinion of Englishmen, the voice of philanthropy, and
the interest of England. Let them ask if the rest of
the Cabinet think with the Noble Lord on the subject
of this war. Let none either deny his Lordship the
raced of honesty or ability, but state mildly what
they think—that the interests of this nation may be
maintained without the loss of English money or English
blood, and without sacrificing principle at the shrine of
expedience, or doubtful good with the certainty of
checking the progress of civilisation but begun, whilst
we at the same time vote 20,000,000/. to tyrants for
liberating their slaves, and send an expedition up the
Niger to force civilisation on one country, whilst we
deny it to the next. Your's, obediently,
JOSEPH ALLEN.

17, Temple-street, Whitefriars.

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