The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-17 00:00:00

roviding such remedy to trespass as little
as possible upon the constitution. Up to
this moment he retained the opinion to which
he had some time since given utterance, that
the utmost reliance could be placed upon juries in
Ireland that they would do their duty. At the
Michaelmas Quarter Sessions convictions had been
obtained in almost all the Crown cases where
the prosecutors attended. The Government was,
therefore, not prepared to propose any measure
t interfere with trial by jury, but at the same time
:tere was no measure to which the Government would
lot be prepared to resort if it should become neces-
;eau to restore peace to Ireland. Although not
uctuully in a state of civil war, there was in Ire-
land, at present, existing a sort of civil war,
of dark war and outrage—war carried on in the
dark, the victims of which were condemned unheard,
and during the continuance of which there could not
be in Ireland either peace, safety, or security for life
or ingustry. If additional powers should be neces-
ery the Government would not hesitate to apply
for them.—(Cheers.)
Lord FARNHAM gave his warmest support
ta the measure, not because he thought the mild-
-31468 of the measure would tend to its success,
but because he had the pledge of the Govern-
seesut that if the measure should prove inefficient
(a :1 inefficient he was sure it; would prove), they
eeculd come to the House for further powers, which
110 was sure would be granted.- Murder, he was
sorry to say, prevailed in Ireland to a greater extent
than it bad ever yet prevailed. He would now
lay before their Lordships the most recent informa-
tion he
,had received from Ireland, setting forth
the state of the country—of course, he should
zaention no names. He would, first of all, read
* communication from his own county of Cavan.
The communication stated that two murders had
been determined on, that two good shots had been
paid to undertake the job, that all persons of
property were leaving the county. Such was
the reign of terror that every man regarded his
fellow-man with distrust—that his (Lord Farnham's)
desuaiption of the state of Ireland was true to the
letter, and that no measure could be too unconstitu-
tional to meet the present exigencies. The Noble
Lord referred to a vast quantity of correspondence which
he and his friends bad recently received from various
parts of Ireland„ in proof of his assertion that a reign of
terror, almost unexampled in atrocity, prevailed, and
that the lives of some of the best and most indulgent
landlords were scarcely worth a daa 's purchase. During
the famine Sir R. G. Booth spent upwards of 20,0001.,
and yet had he recently been threatened, and his groom
attacked in mistake for him. An estimable Protestant
minister, in consequence of the manner iu which his life
bad been threatened, had advertised for a clergyman to
undertake his duty for six months. The clergyman to
whom he alluded had always lived on the best terms
with his Roman Catholic neighbours, yet within the last
two months he had received a letter, signed Molly
IL‘Guire, in which his life was threatened along with
several other clergymen. Another clergyman wrote that
during the last week or ten days several of his brethren
had been obliged to vacate their parishes, and to take
refuge in the city. Four had been marked for assassi-
nation, and so certainly was it expected, that the fact
was actually reported at a distance of eight miles from
their residence. Of all these he might add that they
were remarkable for their exertions during the famine.
As he had stated before, he had no wish to make a
general attack on the Roman Catholic priests, but
merely to confine himself to the individuals who had
offended ; and he took this opportunity of testifying his
high sense of the merits of a Roman Catholic dignitary,
Dr. Brown, the Bishop of Kilmore. With respect to
one of the denouncing priests, Mr. Hughes, he had,
since his former address to the House, received strong
artoboratioa of the statements then made in the letter
of a friend, on whose veracity he could place reliance.
This gentleman wrote—" The expressions attributed to
Mr. Hughes, as having been spoken at the Castlebar
meeting, were certainly uttered by him. He at length
got so violent that another priest called him to order."
He was sorry to add that since then another case of
priestly denunciation had occurred, but of it he could for
of.TIOUS reasons say no more than that all the proofs
connected with it were in the hands of the Government,
and would form, if required, quite a sufficient case to
ay before the law officers of the Crown. He would say
that, iu consequence of that denunciation, one individual
had been attacked, and had narrowly escaped with his
life.—(Hear, hear.) In the letter of Mr. M'Dermott
every line spoke of blood, and was calculated to inflame
rather than allay the tendency of the peasantry to murder.
—[ Cho Noble Lord here read an autograph rnemoran-
*lure of some proceedings which tcok place at the Re-
lief Commtttee, Strokeatown, on the 28th of August,
e 47, at which both the Rev. Mr. M'Dermott and
)iajor Mahon were present. Angry words ensued be-
t:7ien them with respect to the proceedings, and the
Nev. Gentleman called him " a stupid ass," and used the
word " false" with respect to a statement he had made-.
Istejor Mahon afterwards wrote to the Rev. Gentleman,
calling upon him to prove the aspersions he had cast
lupus him st the next meeting, to which he replied :
'1" Sir,—Until you make atonement to my feelings as
is clergyman, for your insolent and personal attacks, I
shall attend no meeting where you are present, either
publicly or privately. I make this reply to convince
you that. I am only anxious to avoid a person whose
conduct seems so extraordinary, and who seems to dis-
regard the ordinary forms of civil society. My calling
does not allow me to resent the insults I receive, and
therefore common prudence, as well as religion, point
cut to me the necessity of withdrawing myself from the
society of persons who may be inclined to offend me.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
"MICHAEL M'DERMOTT."
It should bo observed that in the letter Mr. M'Dermott
made no mention of his having denounced Major Mahon
from the altar.—(Hear, hear.) Major Mahon's tenants
owed him 30,0001. (many of them four years' rent); he
did not turn them destitute to the roads, but expended
nearly 6,000/. in sending them to a foreign land. He
would then ask their Lordships whether it was the con-
duct of Major Mahon or the language of Mr. M'Der-
mott which had excited the people to acts which showed
that their bad passions had never been moderated by
moral or religious education?
Earl FITZ WILLIAM would support the Bill as he
would have supported a more stringent measure, had
the Government proposed it. He would not even pro-
poe• an amendment, lust by doing so he should disturb
the general-Unanimity. He thought he might say that
the unanimity was general ; for although a few gentle-
men in the other House had opposed the Bill, he thought
it would be conceded that the opposition had been re-
duced within the narrowest limits, whether they consi-
dered the numbers or the intellect it comprised.—(Hear,
Lear.) He trusted that the measure would be executed
with prudence, but with firmness.—(Hear, hear.) He
expected that there would be no delay—indeed, if he
were to advise the Government he would say that the
search for arms should precede the proclamation. If
they suffered one day to elapse the miscreants who had
collected the arms would find means to secrete them. 11
Doubts might be entertained on constitutional grounds,
but the tune bad gone by for twaddling about the con-
etitution, He trusted that no constitutional twaddle
would be allowed to interfere with substantial justice.
irle would go so far as to propose restrictions on loco-
motion in Ireland. His Noble Friend on the Treasury
bench shock his head, but in his opinion there were cer-
tain persons in Ireland on whose travelling some restraint
should be placed. Ile cautioned the House against any
im-A-oper interference with the relations of landlord and
tenant, as in rush interference they were stirring a ques-
:ion of which none of them could see the end.—(Hear,
bear.) And let not those Noble Lords whose connexions
evere exclusively English flatter themselves that such a
movement once begun would confine itself to Ireland.
Tbey were all one community, and if they agitated for
hgland, as was suggested by some persons whose phi-
latathropy got the better of their reason, they might de-
Fend upon it that the question would soon be raised in
egugland. lie believed there would be quite as much
.;::.tress in Ireland during the coming winter as there
. men during the past. Let the Parliament and peo-
-1.4.7 f England be sure that after having dealt with Irish
r. •,e they would next have to deal with Irish distress.
he Earl of ST. GERMANS said, that no man who
I el heard the statement of the Noble Marquis, or who
was otherwise acquainted with the condition of Ireland,
could doubt the necsssit.y of arming the Government
with the fullest powers they should require for the sup-
pression of crime. The Bill now before their Lordships
was essentially the same with that which, under closely
eitailar circumstances, he had proposed in 1846, but i
which the other House had, without even taking it into
censideration, rejected. He was persuaded, howeve,
VAS his measure being adopted at the time would have
reveited well nigh all the monstrous crime which had
since agitated society in Ireland. He trusted that the
Gvernment, should they find the present Bill inade-
quate to the purpose, would without delay redeem the
pledge they had given to Parliament, and apply for still
tuither powers.—(Hear, hear.) The state of Ireland in-
ettgated something most unsound in the social condition
oat country, and he trusted that with the earliest re-
„), 1 of tranquillity the Government would apply them-
&elves strenuously to the task of permanently removing
the perilous evil so hear.)
The Marquis SALISBURY, while regretting that
the Government had not at once produced a more
stringent measure, willingly gave his support to a Bill
which would at all eventstra tend
. to repress the crime and
outrage that now ed over Ireland.
Lord BEAUMON'IsaiId7 that the Noble Lord oppo-
site had once again brought aoidnst certain Member of
the Roman Catholic priesthood of
stigmatisedl Ireland ltahnedm charges
a s
th
which, if true, undoubtedly
in that coun-
try.—(Hear, cause of the present state
priesthood,
brought
try.—(Hear, hear.) The charges, indeed,
only against particular members f that but
Cloy were of such a nature that they moat, ur
lout to be felt by thew hole body as casting a deep ought stainat
upon them—a stain which would reflect dishonour unoe
them until it was wiped away.—(Hear, hear.) The
Liersrchv of the Roman Catholic priesthood was so '
zeately hiked together, that no imputation could be
brought upon its lowest member which, it not removed by
disproval, or by the pueishment of the offender, did nut
attach to the entire body. If those offences took p'ace,
M' behoved the authorities of the Church to degrade
the priest who could be guilty 9f. denouncing
'thy from the altar or the pulpit, at mass, or
lublic or private. If such offences were
Iser Catholic countries those measures
,\ guard
' against their recurrence ; for
lie bound to issue a general order to
lirq so offending brought before a pro •
aaetabunal and punished, upon proof of
hr) If he might be permitted to offer
Aae6vould recommend the Roman Catholic
tt :pying, as they now did, in s different po-

sition with the Government to that which they occupied
some short time ago, and being in communication with
the Lord- Lieutenant, that they were bound to assist
the Lord-Lieutenant in bringing those persons to jus-
tice who thus disgraced; the sacred profession to which
they belonged.—(Hear, hear.) Now, so much for the
past. With respect to the future, there was one portion
of the Bill under discussion which he did not
entirely understand. The sixteenth clause enacted that
every person should do his utmost to assist in the dis-
covery and apprehension of offenders, and that every
person refusing so to do should be considered as guilty
of a misdemeanour. On this portion of the Act he
hoped the Noble Marquis (the Marquis of Lansdowne)
would offer some explanation. It occurred to him that,
as the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Farnham) had stated,
that contemplated assassinations were well known before
they took place, that the priests in the districts might
probably be made acquainted with intentions in that re-
spect, and might be able to point out the whereabouts of
the offenders. As this was likely to be the case, it was
highly important to know whether the priests came
within the meaning of the words " every person." He
hoped the Government would explain the exact construc-
tion that was to be put upon the Act, and that, whatever
it might be, it would be carried out to the letter.
Lord STANLEY—My Lords, I am quite sure that
my Noble Friend, who introduced the question with his
usual good feeling and great ability, was very far from
desiring to impute to a large portion of the Catholic
clergy the atrocious—for I can designate it by no other
word—conduct of which some members of that body
have been guilty.--(Hear). But, at the same time, I
cannot but concur with the Noble Lord opposite (Lord
Beaumont) that so long as the conduct of any portion of the
body—bearing in mind the close connexion between the
highest and lowest, and the weight of authority which
may be directly brought to bear—that so long as such
conduct remains unchecked and uncondemned in indivi-
dual cases—so long, in the opinion of all reflecting
persons in this country and in the world at large,
there is a stain, not indeed, of moral culpa-
bility, but of neglect of an imperative duty, which
does attach to those who have the power of censuring
and condemning, and who do not exercise that
power.(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord on the cross-
benches (the Earl of St. Germans) alluded to the seem •
ing inconsistency of our giving a ready sanction to
this Bill when we refused to assent to a measure intro-
duced some time before directed to a similar object. I
cannot call that measure a similar measure to this, for
its provisions were extremely different.—(Hear, hear.)
Without diactis.ing the merits of the rejection of that
Bill—without stating whether it was or was not not an
error of judgment, or entering into the motives of its
rejection, the Noble Lord must permit me to point out a
remarkable difference between the two measures, which
may account for the apparent inconsistency. On this
occasion we were called together to provide a remedy
for the disturbed state of Ireland. We were called toge-
ther in November, and we do not separate, and we enter
upon no other important business until that which the
Government have deemed it to be essential for the pre-
servation of life and property in Ireland has been passed
with the greatest rapidity through both Houses of Par-
liament, as an immediate remedy to meet the demand of
a pressing and extraordinary emergency.—(Hear, hear.)
Oa the present occasion Parliament meets in November,
and we separate in December, after having passed the
measure. In 1846 the Throne recommended the imme-
diate attention of Parliament to a state of things which
was not less alarming than that which we are now called
upon to legislate for. Now, my Lords, what was the
course pursued in 1846 ? Was the Bill alluded to by
the Noble Earl made the first measure of the session ?
Was all the public business stayed until the Bill was
passed? No. It was in February the recommendation
came from the Throne, and the measure was brought
into your Lorships' House, passed with considerable
deliberation and attention, and on the 13th of March it
was sent down to the other House of Parlisment.—
(Hear, hear.) But what was the course then taken ?
(Hear, hear.) That was a time at which the question
of free trade was then under discussion ; but that mea
sure, impdrtant as it undoubtedly was, I venture to
think was of much less consequence than the one which
affected the security of life and property in Ireland. Yet,
my Lords, the Bill for the latter purpose, although re-
commended in the Queen's Speech, and introduced on
the 13th of March, was not submitted by the Govern-
ment of that day for a second reading until the 10th of
the month of August following.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord LANSDOWNE—The month of July.
Lord STANLEY—Yes; the Arms (Ireland) Bill was
introduced in August ; but the Bill of which I was
speaking was not introduced until a considerable period
after the commencement of the session ; and it was at
the time that your Lordships' House was discussing the
repeal of the corn-law that the second reading was pro-
posed in the other House of Parliament.—(Hear.) I
think the allusion to the rejection of that Bill was unne-
cessarily introduced by the Noble Earl (the Earl of St.
Germans), and that he would have acted more discreetly,
more wisely, not to say more generously, if he had fol-
lowed the example of a Right Hon. Baronet in another
place, who referred to the same subject in a different
spirit, and condemned all recrimination, hoping that such
feelings would not be allowed now to interfere with the
passing of a Bill which all agreed was necessary to the
future peace of Ireland.—(Cheers.) With regard to
the Bill itself, I must trouble your Lordships with
a few observations, not because I do not feel all the im-
portance of the cas*, not because I do not feel all its
difficulty, bnt because, though I agree with the observa-
tion which tell from the Noble Earl opposite (Earl Fitz-
illiam), that it is a measure which should be passed
with the least possible delay—but because I think it is
desirable that upon the Government singly should rest
the sole responsibility of the sufficiency or insufficiency
of this measure.—(Hear, hear.) But though, on the one
hand, I cannot give a silent vote on this Bill, I cannot, on
the other, express my readiness to assist in carrying
through this measure without, at the same time, saying
that I believe—and I shall be as delighted as astonished
to find that I am mistaken—that this Bill is utterly in-
sufficient to meet the difficulty—(Cheers)—nor are its
provisions calculated to grapple with the principal source
of the evils it is intended to remedy.—(Renewed cheers.)
The condition of Irelaed has been painted by the Noble
Lords opposite, and by my Noble Friend on this side
of the House (Lord Farnham) in glowing and
appalling colours.—(Hear, hear.) We have been told
by the Noble Marques of a general organized conspi-
racy, which prevails throughout the greater part of Ire-
land ; and of the destruction of lives and property in
certain districts, riot only of the rich but of the humble
and industrious.—(Hear, hear.) My Noble Friend near
me speke of assassination in those districts, and he spoke
of the circumstances connected with them in a manner
which must have excited the astonishment of your Lord.
ships, as it did mine—and of money being subscribed for
the assassins. He told us of murders being committed
on individuals of the highest character, and of those
murders being celebrated in the country round by bon
fires.—(Hear, hear.) We heard also of a murder being
committed with so universal a knowledge that it was to
be committed, that, at a particular market or fair many
miles off the intelligence of the crime preceded by three
hours the time at which it was committed. We
heard, and I am sure your Lordships did not hear it
without a shudder, of an instance of brutality without
parallel, I believe, in any country, even in those where
law and humanity are least regarded, in which, where
the murder of a father and a husband were meditated,
the atrocious assassins obtained a foretaste of their in-
fernal vengeance by threatening with this double murder
the daughter and wife of the intended victim.—(Great
sensation.) That, my Lords, is the state of Ireland ;
and the picture is drawn by the Noble Marquis
and my Honourable Friend.—(Cheers.) Let us pass
with that picture in view to consider the provisions
of this BBL—(lcer, hear.) There are two or three
principal ones, upon the first of which the Government
must mainly rely. That gives the Lord-Lieutenant
the power, by proclamation, within a given time, first
to prohibit the carrying of arms, except by certain ex-
cepted parties; and next, by a second proclamation,
after due notice, to seize upon all arms found in the
houses of the people. Supposing, however, that by
these measures you succeed in disarming the people,
and in taking from them those weapons with which, I
must say, you have recently, unwisely, and incau-
tiously suffered them to supply thensselves—suppose, I
repeat, that in those given districts, you call in and
recover these arms from the people, do you think that
by the mere withdrawal of all these tire-arms, and
other specified weapons, you will succeed in putting
down crime, or its authors and suggestors, or this
general organized conspiracy ?—(Loud cries of "Hear.")
You may cripple the means of assassination, but will you
destroy the conspiracy which directs that assassination,
and change that feeling which sympathises with crime,
and celebrates its success ?—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") By withdrawing the arms you do, I admit,
somewhat lessen the risks which every man runs who
attempts to carry out the law, and to a certain degree
diminish the danger ; but when the spirit of murder is
abroad—as it confessedly is in a great part of Ireland—
when by an organized conspiracy the victim is doomed,
and his approaching fate is known to whole parishes
and counties, and no man will or dare to give warning
of the blow, to announce the approach of the intended
assassin, or to aid in his capture when the deed of blood
is completed—when such is the state of the people it is
not the mere absence of firearms that will prevent these
dreadful crimes from being perpetrated.—(Hear, hear.)
No, every ditch and every road will furnish the means
of murder. The crime will be committed, and the
murderer and the spectators will pass on their way.
" Unguibus et pugnis, deinfustibus, atque its porvo
Pugnabant armis."
The firearms may not be there, but the hammer or the
stone will knock out the brains, as in the case of the
railway surveyor who was murdered some time
ago, the atone by which the deed of blood was
done was so deeply embedded in the fractured skull of
the victim as to defy the power of the surgeon to ex-
tract it.—(Hear.) Again, shall you be able to obtain
the firearms by means of your Bill ? I think not. By
the provisions of the Act a certain notice is to be
given between the issuing of the proclamation and its
being carried into effect, and be that interval long or
short, the possessors of those arms will transfer them
to the adjoining districts, and from them exercise the
same trade of blood and outrage.—(Cheers.) Allow me,
my Lords, to make an observation with respect to the re•
the
establishment of the passport system in Ireland, and which
Noble Earl does not appear to consider necessary.—
(aatreocarin3 I am of
us are
eibnnuieot
not committed
that t e gr enayt majoritypersons
resident
dheens et
in or near the spot, by broughtissotrleamtlgnerosaths,
engfargoemd afodri sa-
tame; who, protected b
any person who may be pointed
out, and of whose identity few shillings to murder !'
require to be persuaded
before they commit the crimYe.—(Hear, hear.) The
passport system would have prevented' the iflux of
those
disturbed
strangers into the disturbed districts or into
itsrturbed
in the immediate neighbourhood of the
districts, as it was not to be supposed that strangers
would venture into proclaimed districts, where they
would be liable to be apprehended. The advantages 4 ,

some such check was obvious, and yet I perceive in this
Bill no departure from the ordinary law in this re-
spect.—(Cheers.) I see in the provisions of this Bill,
that after the proclamation of any district, the Lord-
Lieutenant is empowered to authorise a person to grant
licenses to a certain description of persons to possess
their arms, a policy which, I rather doubt, is open to
considerableabuse.—(Hear, hear.) A person so appointed
cannot be so able to exercise a wise discretion as a person
knowing the district, and selected by the local magis-
trates in quarter sessions. Again, no person is to be
allowed to have arms in his or her own dwelling-house—
that is the phrase, and I trust the Noble Marquis will
not think me cavilling or hypercritical—is that clause so
worded as to limit the possession of such arms to persons
being householders?—(Hear, hear.) That is a question
which, I appprehend, depends entirely on the construc-
tion which may be put upon the words " his or her
dwelling-house;" and I wish to know whether it ex-
cludes all who may lodge in such dwelling- houses?—
( Hear, hear.) Then there is the second proclamation,
which is not to be made until the other is in force, and
that goes a step further, and compels every person
(with a list of similar exceptions) not only not to
have arms in their houses, but gives a right of search
for concealed artns ; but why should not this power
be given by the first proclamation ?—(Cries of
"Hear, hear.") The Noble Lord quoted the clause
at length, and proceeded to show that the various
delays allowed by the notice, which were indispensable
in the Bill, the search would be of little use, as the
possessors of arms would be certain to convey them out
of the proclaimed districts. His Lordship then pro-
ceeded—l have no amendment to propose, but there is
another point which appears manifestly faulty, in what
I hope you will forgive me for calling the feeble inten-
tions of this Bill. The Noble Marquis states that the
effect of this Bill will be to give the power to the Lord-
Lieutenant, without formal proof that a district is dis-
turbed, to proclaim that district, if he should think fit,
and that the consequence, therefore, would be, that the
Whiteboy laws would come into operation ; and that
there are also provisions attached to the Bill by which
individuals may be called upon to assist in the capture
of offenders, and if they refuse or neglect to join in
pursuit, they are to be held guilty of a misdemeanour,
and liable to two years' imprisonment, with hard
labour. Except so far as to the misdemeanour, and the
liability to two years imprisonment, lam inclined to
doubt whether the common law does not possess
equal powers. Any magistrate or constable has, I
believe, now the power of calling upon parties to join
in pursuit of offenders, and such parties refusing to do
so would be guilty of a breach of the common law. My
belief is that, with exception of the statutory punish-
ment attached to the clause, it confers no power what-
ever.—(Cheers.) Indeed, I think the clause worse than
useless ; for where a whole population refuses to co-
operate with the law, and is rather disposed to shield the
offender than to aid in the pursuit, they would, in point
of fact, be no assistance to the law. I have heard of a
case in which the people of a village rose when the
police were in hot pursuit of a criminal, and by enabl-
ing him to mix in the crowd, prevented his capture and
even his identification. I am afraid that such scenes
will too often take place ; and when it is otherwise the
reluctant assistant will be too slow, and an incumbrance
when the officers are on the right track, and too hot and
eager when upon a wrong one. A pursuit by such parties
must be a willing one to be successful. There is another
clause, which I believe is a valuable one—a clause which
was not included in the original Bill, but was
introduced in the other House on the motion of an inde-
pendent Member—l mean the clause which fixes a
penalty upon the accessory after the fact. I should like
to be informed what is an " accessory after the fact."—
(Hear, hear.) Suppose a murder be committed, and
warrants are out against the alleged murderer, and some
individual supports, protects, and enables him to escape,
is such a person punishable under this clause ?—(Hear,
hear.) (Jr suppose the party be tried, and ultimately—
notwithstanding the clearness of the evidence, from what-
ever cause—he escapes conviction ; I want to know
whether the accessory after the fact would be punishable
in that case?

Lord BROUGHAM—To enable such a person to
be tried, the principal must not only be taken, but
convicted.

Lord STANLEY—But the question I am putting is
this. Suppose a person is—l believe I may say, such is
the state of Ireland—known to have committed a crime,
but on being brought to trial escapes conviction, is the
accessory also to escape? If so, how much, then, is the
value of the clause diminished?—(Cheers.) I should,
however, be glad to have an explanation of this point,
because I have ascertained for ths first time this morn-
ing, that the Bill with which I was charged in 1831 to
introduce into the other House, the main object of
which was to commute the sentence of death for White-
boy offences, in reciting the Act of George 111., I know
not how it occurred that the important word "conceal"
was omitted. Therefore the bringing of the Whiteboy
Acts into force under the circumstances provided for in
the present Bill, would not meet the results of that sym-
pathy with criminals now unfortunately so common in
Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) I will not comment fur-
ther on the details of this measure. My objection
to it as a whole is, that it falls altogether short
of the evil it was intended to meet; that it is directed
to a small portion only of that evil—to a mitiga-
tion of some of the symptoms of the disease, and not to
the eradication of the disease itself.—(Cheers.) It ap-
plies only to the instrument, but leaves unscathed the
organiser of the crime and harbourer of the murderer.
There will be more failures than now, but murders
there will be, and the stone, the hammer, and the block
of wood may become hereafter as fatal as the gun.—
(Hear, hear.) The worst part of the present social
evils of Ireland—the monster evil—is not attempted to
be grappled with. The Noble Marquis says he has
great confidence in juries, and that they have performed
their duty manfully ; but I hope this opinion is well
founded.— (Hear, hear.) There are districts in Ire-
land, no doubt, where prosecutors can appear,
where witnesses can be brought into court, and where
juries do their duty. I think the Noble Marquis
mentioned the country of Cork, and the number of con-
victions in that county; but I am not aware that in that
district the present system of outrage has been carried
on, and I am still more ignorant of the nature and cha-
racter of the crimes of the persons brought before those
juries. The Noble Marquis, however, has himself fur-
nished a significant comment on his statement by adding
that convictions have been obtained " where the prose-
cutor has made his appearance."—(Cheers.) But I
must ask, if the juries do their duty, will the prosecutors,
will the witnesses do theirs 2—(Cheers.) And if not,
and the Noble Marquis states himself that whole coun-
ties, whole districts, nay, whole provinces, of Ireland
have been the scene of attempted and actual assassina-
tions and crimes of the deepest die, anticipated often by
friendly or threatening letters, and announcements
that the head money of the victim was ready. These
thing are notorious before they happen. The name
of the actual murderer and all the circumstances pre-
ceding the murder, are well known and discussed at
markets and fairs, in the cabin and in the field,
at the fireside, and by parties of labourers at the
public works. And what is still more remarkable, the
shooting of the victim is not only discussed, but the
causes why he is shot.—(Hear, hear.) It must have
struck your Lordships with surprise, that not only the
facts of the case, but the causes which are assigned for
the murder, are well known. Yet what state of society
is this, when the facts are palpable and notorious even
before the deed is done, no one, high or low, rich or
poor, dare to appear against or denounce the murderers,
still less the promoters of these crimes.—(Hear, hear.)
And how much, or rather how little, of these evils and
outrages will this Bill allay ? It gives no protection to
persons obtaining information, no provisions to protect
juries or witnesses, no means of enforcing the law.—
(Hear, hear.) I rejoice, however, to hear, that if this
measure fails her Majesty's Government are prepared to
adopt stronger measures ; and I am also pleased to hear
that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government of
Ireland has, according to the Noble Marquis, expressed
himself satisfied with the provisions of this Bill. If this
Bill should fail, the Noble Marquis and the Govern-
ment may rely upon this and the other House of Parlia-
ment to give the strongest measure they can introduce
as cordial and unanimous a support—and for my own
part I shall give it a more cordial assent, because I
should think it more likely to be effective—as to this
Bill, which, I must repeat, I think a very inefficient
measure for meeting the present exigency.—(The Noble
Lord resumed his seat amidst reiterated cheering.)
Earl GREY said after the very general assent that
had been given to this measure, he felt it necessary to
say but a very few words on some of those provisions
of the Bill which had been referred to by Noble Lords
who had spoken in the course of the present discussion.
His Noble Friend opposite had said that the disease of
Ireland was in tho mind of the people, and that their
sympathy was with the perpetrators of crimes and
offences rather than with their victims. He regretted
that he could not say he differed with his Noble Friend
in that opinion.—(Hear.) The disease, indeed, was too
deeply seated to be remedied by mere measures of
coercion; and he feared that, until the people of Ireland
could be made friendly to the administration of the law
—until such a state of things as had been described by
his Noble Friend could be remedied—but little could be
done in the way of benefit or amelioration for that unhappy
country. It was not the aim of this Bill to effect more
than it professed ; and all it professed to accomplish
was, to repress the outward manifestation of that evil
mind which his Noble Friend bad adverted to, and to
secure the punishment of offenders against the law. But
to win back the affections of the people to the law—to
claim their support of the law instead of their conniv-
ance at its infringement—this, he felt, could only be the
work of time; for this they must look to the gradual
improvement of the country, He did not hesitate at the
same time, from expressing his belief, that even by a Bill
of this description—by increasing the power of the Exe-
cutive Government to repress crime, and making the
means of punishing offenders more effectual—they would
be encouraging that portion of the Irish population that
might be termed sound, and well-disposed to assist and
support the law ; for it could not be doubted that one of
the greatest evils with which Ireland was afilicted con-
sisted in the system of intimidation that prevailed in that
portion of the empire.—(Hear, hear.) By strengthen-
ing, therefore, the hands of the Executive Government,
they would, he trusted, be inducing the well af-
fected to come forward more boldly—(Hear)—and by
maintaining order by rigorous measures they would
render those who opposed the law more peaceable and
orderly. He fully concurred with his Noble Friend near
him (Earl Fitzwilliam), that it was absolutely necessary
to keep separate the two questions of coercive and of re-
medial measures, as well as that the first object that
ought to be obtained was the restoration of security—
of the security of life and property—the want of which
security was utterly fatal to the hope of any investment
of capital in Ireland—(Hear, hear)—and to the general
improvement of the country. After having listened to
all that had been advanced in the course of this long dis-
cussion, he had heard nothing pointed out to their Lord-
ships by which the measure before them could be ren-

dared more effectual than it appeared to him to be. It
could not be doubted, too, that the moral effect of the
Bill much depended—as had been stated on a former oc-
casion—on the manner in which it should be passed
by Parliament. With reference, for instance, to
what had been said in the clauses relating to
proclamations, the object of those clauses was, at
first, that it was illegal to carry arms at all. This
power the Lord Lieutenant, however, would be enabled
to apply to much more extensive districts than those
now disturbed, and especially to those districts imme-
diately adjoining them. But, in the actually disturbed
districts, and where the disturbances were serious, the
Lord Lieutenant could require all those who were not
authorised to retain arms to deliver them up by a cer-
tain day. Some fault had been found with this provision;
but he must say he thought it would be absolutely un-
just to make the possession of- arms a crime, without
first giving people notice to give them up.—(Hear,
hear.) The real ohject of that part of the Bill was, to
prevent the carrying of arms. But that which he
thought would have a still greater effect in tending to
the preservation of the peace was, the power that was
given to the Lord-Lieutenant to increase the police to
any extent that might, be requisitc—(Hear, hear)—and
to make the disturbed districts in which such in-
creased force might be required at once chargeable
with the expense attending it.—(Hear, hear.) Thus, the
consequences of allowing crime to exist in a district
would at once be brought home to its inhabitants by the
cost of the police employed to suppress disturbance.
The Noble Earl then referred to the subject of licenses
to carry arms. The Noble Lord opposite seemed to
think that the Bill in this respect was an injudicious
change from the former law, by taking the power of
licensing from the quarter sessions, and giving it to per-
sons appointed for that purpose. But this Bill contem-
plated that, in the most disturbed districts, licensing
should be the exception, and not the rule; and, with that
view, he thought it did appear far more advisable that
this power of licensing,to carry arms should only be en-
trusted to the county inspector, or some high officer of
the constabulary. With respect to the clause relat-
ing to accessories after the fact, the object of the clause
on that subject was to place them on the same footing
as accessories before the fact ; -and he confessed he
did not see how, consistently with justice, the law
could be carried further than this in respect of that
part of the measure. As to what had been said
regarding the performance of their duty by juries,
he had much confidence that, with the facilities
that would be given to bring offenders to justice, and
the security afforded to witnesses in giving evidence,
juries would be found to do their duty; and he did not
think that any further steps would be necessary to secure
so desirable a result. His Noble Friend (Lord Beau-
mont) had asked whether, under the clause that would
compel people to give evidence, priests would be called
upon to state matters that came under their cognizance
at the confessional? He did not think that the clause
referred to could bear any such construction.— (Hear,
hear.) It had been suggested by a Noble Lord that a
system of passports should be established in disturbed
districts in Ireland; but he believed that such a system
would be found as ineffectual as be understood it had
proved to be in Belgium, where, practically, it was now
abolished. With respect to the omission of the curfew
clause, to such a provision he could only say he had
the same objection as he 'had when it, was proposed
in 1846.

Lord BROUGHAM said ho agreed that it was
desirable that a measure of this kind should go forth to
the country sanctioned, as far as possible, by the unani-
mous opinion of Parliament. Although he entertained
but &Feeble opinion of the efficacy of this Bill, yet he was
one of those who was prepared to listen to the argument
which was to be derived from the value of unanimity in
Parliament on such ift subject.—(Hear.) His Noble
Friends near him disapproved of the measure—(Hear,
hear)—but they were willing to leave it to the responsi-
bility of the Government. They were content merely
to record their opinion;-.-(Hear.) He differed with the
Noble Lord (Farnham) as to the expediency of insti-
tuting prosecutions against certain great criminals—he
(Lord Brougham) meant those who, abusing
their sacred office, had excited others to the
commission of the most heinous crimes by de-
nouncing from the altar persons to be murdered.
Could he blame the Government for not having put these
criminals on their trial? When he asked this, another
question arose, rot whether a conviction of these parties
would have its legal effects, not that punishment might
tend to make them martyrs and to excite in their favour
the sympathies of the whole of that body of which they
were at present the foul disgrace—(Hear, hear)—but
the question was, what evidence was to be procured ?
(Hear.) How was the Government to get evidence ?
Were they likely tee be more successful -in the case of
a priest than of a layman ? If a short-hand writer
were brought forward to depose to the precise words,
would not some of the flock come forward on the other
side? Would there not be a great difficulty to get a jury
composed partly of Roman Catholics to convict a priest ?
—(Hear.) It was impossible for any one to exaggerate
the deep-rooted influence which the priest in Ire-
land exercised over his flock. It must not be supposed
that he was for an instant bringing a general
charge against the whole Catholic clergy of
Ireland. If he said so he should not only be
guilty of a want of charity, but of the grossest
ignorance ; for he. believed that those priests were
generally men of reputable lives and character, and
their conduct generally-was an honour to the cloth to
which they belonged. But he must be permitted to say
that this opinion would undergo a great change—a great
modification—if these murderous addresses from the
altar, these denunciations were allowed to continue, and
if no steps whatever were taken to.bring, he would not
say to condign punishment, but to suspension, the
guilty parties who hadto outraged the common feelings
of our nature, and so diFgraced the body to which they
belonged.—(Cheers.) The stain which otherwise might
have been confined to those individuals would extend
much more largely, and rest upon the whole body itself.
—(Hear.) So long as the desire for land prevailed so
exclusively in Ireland, it was in vain to expect that Acts
of Parliament could do much for the permanent improve-
ment of, that country. Years and years ago similar con-
spiracies against life and property prevailed in Ireland;
and he must be permitted to say that he somewhat con-
nected those conspiracies with the priestly influence
which existed there. The more he saw of confession,
the more convinced he was that it had a tendency hurt-
ful to the morals of the people. The confessional
afforded to every guilty mind a relief, with the certainty
that the guilt would never be disclosed by the ear that
heard it. The power of absolution was, he believed,
wholly unknown to every other religion that ever
existed, and the priest exercised it, not only as the
servant, but in the presence of the Deity itself. He did
not wish the House to pass a measure interfering with
confession or absolution. Ile knew what the Emperor
Napoleon did. Ile curbed the power of his priests,
first by preventing them from receiving any legacies
from their flocks, and, [secondly, no prison door was
ever opened to a priest after the prisoner was arrested.
—(Neer, hear.) There wain° confession, no absolution
—none of what were called the consolations of religion,
during the trial, or after the trial, or previous to execu-
tion. He wished to ask should the Irish priests be
much longer paid by, and left dependent upon, the
people—so long as the priests were allowed to levy their
incomes from the people, so long would the bad influ-
ence of the former continue. He also thought
those laws should- be repealed which prevented
a direct communication with the Holy See.
He knew from the examination of some of the Irish
Bishops, in reference tel. marriage, in that House, that
they had an objection that that ceremony should be so-
lemnised in their chapel. One of those Bishops said that
priests should solemnisd- in private. These marriages
were not performed in the 'canonical hours, but in
the convivial hours.—(Loud laughter.) They first
enjoyed their conviviality and then made their
collection, and he considered that as long as they
are will the present state of things be
complainedd
Ireland. He also considered that it
wouldw to the state of Ireland that
dependent,
be veryof s o long
nbeneficial
this Government should communicate with the see of
Rome, not as a temporal prince, but as one having
a spiritual influence over six millions of the
people of Ireland. He thought that if England
acted as Prussia had, mach good would be effected
for the peace of Ireland and the integrity of this
empire. He did not think that the curfew clause
would be inoperative, as had been represented by the
Noble Lord (Earl Grey), because crimes are perpetrated
in the noonday. He knew well that there was a con-
spiracy in Dublin, and if such were not immediately
suppressed no peace could be expected in that country.
They should not look to what was constitutional in the
case of life. He thought that the Habeas Corpus Act
should be suspended. Lord Anglesey caused the Act
of 1833 to be fully efficient, and then court-martials sat
without interruption, and to the satisfaction of the Go-
verment.

Their Lordships then went into Committee on the
Bill, the several clauses of which being agreed to, the
House resumed. _ _

RAILWAYS BILL.
This Bill went throup Committee, and was
ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.
PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND) BILL.
The Earl of DEVON moved the second reading of the
Public Works (Ireland) Bill.
Lord MONTEAGLE opposed the motion,' on the
ground that the House should have been afforded on op.
portunity of discussing its merits.
Earl ST. GERMANS having made a few observations
in support of the Bill, in the passing of which he sub-
mitted that no time should be lost,
The Bill was read a second time and ordered to be
committed.
Their Lordships then adjhrned at a Quarter before
Eleven o'clock.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.
TATTERSALL'S.---YESTERDAY.
Although not exactly a blink day, the business trans-
acted was altogether unworthy of notice.

Vt D VRRT ISEMBN T.] —CARRIA G E Futo.---Farnilies
residing in the country are supplied with Teas and
Coffees at the lowest wholesale price, in quantities not
less than six pounds, delivered carriage free to any part
of England. Orders must be accompanied by a remit-
tance, or if a reference be made in London, payment
will suffice on receipt and approval of the goods. A list
of prices and samples free,
on application to G. T. Man-
sell and
Co.. wholesale tea-dealers, 2, Bucklersbury,
Cheapside.
FADVERTISEMENT.]—THR EARL OF ALDBOROUGH
AND Hor.LowAT's Pmts.—An astounding cure by this miraculous
medicine, after every other means had failed. See extract from his
Lordship's letter, dated " Villa 3iessina, Leghorn, Feb. 21, 1945.
Professor Holloway—Sir • I beg to acquaint you that your pills have
effected a care of a disorder in my liver and stomach all the most
eminent of the faculty, at home and all over the continent, had not
been able to effect; nay, not ever Hut waters of Carlsbad or Ma-
rienbad. (Signed) " ALI). SOBOU011." These wonderful pills will
cure any disease of the liver or stonutch.—Sold (also Holloway's
Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Crud, snd
by all reechoing vendors throughout the civilised world.

AMERICAN NEWS.

ARRIVAL OF THE ACADIA.
LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY.

By the royal mail steam-ship Acadia, Captain N.
Shannon, we have advices from New York to the
30th ult:, Boston to the Ist inst., and Halifax to the
3d inst., respectively.
The Acadia has brought a large number of passen-
gers, and 80,0001. in specie on freight.
The Hottinguer, Captain Bursley, from Now
York, arrived to-day, with 30,0001. in specie on
freight.
The packet ship Roscius, which would leave New
York on the Ist instant, was expected to take 22,0001.
in specie on freight for England.
Our advices from Mexico are unimportant. The
capital was quiet. The Mexican Congress was assem-
bling at Queretaro. The election of a President
would be the first proceeding, for which post Pena y
Pena, Almonte, and Herrera, were spoken of.
Santa Anna was at Tebuacan, whence he intended
to defend himself from the charges brought against
him. What these charges are is set forth in the fol-
lowing letter from Mexico :

" MEXICO, OCT. 17.

" A most strange state of things exists in regard to
Santa Anna. He has been ordered for trial before a
court-martial upon charges of the most heinous char-
acter. It is net only alleged against him that he aban-
doned the city on the 13th of September last, with his
army, in a most cowardly manner, leaving the city
without protection ; but that previous to his leaving, he
robbed the Treasury department of all bonds and every
other species of available means. And to cast off all
suspicion from himself, he then ordered that the prison
of the Accordata be opened, and its convicts let loose
upon this community. This was done."

A new party is said to have been formed in Mexico
with the design of forming it into two great states,
and annexing them to the United States.
It was rumoured there that the state of San Luis,
Zacatecas, Durango, and one other, had declared in
favour of Paredes's monarchical scheme, and proffered
him 18,000 troops.

The United States troops were rapidly advancing
towards the Mexican capital, and garrisoning the in-
termediate posts.
It is stated that Padre Jaranta, the chief leader of
the guerilla forces, had applied to General Patterson
with peace negotiations.
A frightful steam-boat collision had taken place on
the Missouri.::LForty passengers were drowned.

COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
(From the New York Courier and Inquirer.)
NEW YORK, Nov. 30.
In our market since the arrival of the Acadia with
dates to the 4th inst. from Liverpool, there is not much
activity. Cotton has declined steadily here and at the
south until to-day, when from New Orleans, under date
of November 20th, by mail, we hear of a considerable
re-action, which has been measurably followed here, and
cotton may be said to be here little lower than before the
Acadia's arrival, after being here down one cent. In
New Orleans it left off on the 20th about to of a cent
lower than before the news by the Washington—that
by the Acadia not having yet reached there—after
having been from tic. to lie. lower. The telegraphic
report today, with New Orleans dates to the 23d in the
evening, makes a further rise, but this would probably
be counteracted by the Acadia's accounts.
Cotton.—Exports and receipts of cotton at the ports
of the United States during the last three weeks, and
the corresponding weeks of former seasons (in thousand
bales) :
To Groat Britain France. Other. Total Exports.
1847 ... 24 ... 20 ... 11 ... 55
1846 ... 27 ... 25 ... 4 ... 56
1845 ... 72 ... 20 ... 2 ... 94
1844 ... 46 ... 20 ... 8 ... 74
1843 ... 45 ... 27 ..• 4 ... 76
1842 ... 68 ... 18 ... 5 ... 91

Receipts. Remaining stocks in port.
1847 ... 118 ... 230
1846 ... 148 ... 219
1845 ... 154 ... 219
1844 ... 152 ... 220
1843 ... 150 ... 227
1842 ... 182 ... 198

By making up our tables to a week later than the
general printed reports (viz., to the 20th of November,
at southern ports?, we can state the exports and re-
ceipts of cotton for the last three weeks, which show
very clearly when compared, as they are, with former
seasons, how much less able or willing people have been
to negotiate exchange on England than on France.
The receipts have also been deficient, compared with
former seasons; but, except on comparison with 1842,
this deficiency is fully accounted for by Carolina and
Georgia planters holding back their cotton.
Last year the Atlantic crop was not only of fair ex-
tent, but was sold at unusually high rates, owing to the
short crops elsewhere; so that these planters, being easy
in their finances for the present, are unwilling to sell at
prices which seem to them unreasonably low. When
they perceive, however, that the fall on cotton is not a
mere temporary affair, we may expect the receipts at
Charleston and Savannah to be large.
' Meanwhile, there are full stocks in the ports, pricies
and freights are everywhere low, exchanges on Europe
are high, and money is scarce (if anything, more valu-
able each week), so that if the next steamer should re-
move some of the causes of timidity in negotiations,
which can hardly fail to occur, the export may be pro-
ceeding very rapidly before Christmas arrives.
ONE, P.M.
Cotton—There has been a good deal of inquiry for
cotton to-day at yesterday's prices, but a further ad-
vance ofk cent. per lb. is demanded, at which small
sales have been made. Holders generally are not offer-
ing their stocks on the market, even at the advance above
noticed.

Flour, &c.—Although the weather is intensely cold,
holders of Western Canal flour have not been able to
obtain any serious advance in prices in consequence of
the heavy receipts, Genessee has been sold to-day at 6
dolls. 25c., although 6 dolls. 31c. to 6 dolls. 37c. is gene-
rally asked; Oswego.,and Michigan, 6 dolls. 121 c. to 6
dolls. 25c., the latter price for Michigan. Southern
flour remains inactive at 6 dolls. 371 c. to 6 dolls. 440.
Corn meal is firm at 3 dolls. 25c. to 3 dolls. 50c. per
barrel. Wheat is steady at yesterday's prices. 6.000
bushels mixed Ohio corn have been sold at 73c. to 74c.
Ashes remain as noticed yesterday.
Provisions are dull. _ _ _

In bread-stuffs we have nothing to add to former
advices. The weather within the last 48 hours has
become very cold, and if it continues so for 48 hours
longer the canals will be closed, and the main artery
of our supply of flour be shut off. The arrivals for
many days past have averaged from 15,000 to 18,000
barrels a clay.
Our market has been down to 7i cents. for Liverpool
fair Uplands, but has recovered fully I per cent in the
last two or three days, holders having gathered courage
from the rally at New Orleans, and feeling assured
by the accounts of killing frost in the south on the
19th or 20th inst., and by the excessive cold here for
the last two days, that cotton-picking will not last
much longer.
As regards the growing crop, for it was a growing
crop in a double sense, until the 29th inst., the accounts
of the continued picking was such that it is'difficult to
believe that it can be limited to 2,200,000 bales, except
by planters holding over a part until next session; for,
unlike the two last years, when there was little or no
cotton to pick, in many districts, after the middle of
October, there seems to have been an abundance of cotton
operations all the while; and the weather has been ex-
tremely fine for maturing and picking from the 10th or
12th of September up to our last dates from the south.
The period of killing frost also, if we may believe the
tables of " first killing frosts," which are usually put
forth by the brokers every October, ,is later than it has
been for the last ten years at least.
Cotton—A slight reaction took place in cotton to-
day, and about 4,200 bales were sold (principally for
export), at an advance of per cent. per lb. We quote—
Upland and Mobilo and
Florida. New Orleans.
Inferior ••• ••• none. none.
Ordinary to good ordinary 6k to 6 ... 6k to 61
Middling to good middling 7 —7f ... 7 7
Middling fair to fair 71 8 ••• 7 8
Fully fair to good fair ... Bf 8} ... 8f —8
Finenone, none.
The sales, since the 13th instant, are estimated at
8,500 bales.

The exports, &c., of cotton since the Ist of September
are as follows (to the 20th instant):--
Total exports 181,000 To G. B. 94,000 Rect's 292,000 Stocks 220,000
Last year .. 101,000 46,000 296,000 220,000
Year before 211,000 151,0t0 404,000 215,0 0
Flour, &c.—Western Canal is firm at 6 dollars 6i
cents. to 6 dollars 25 cents. ; common southern brands
are held at 6 dollars 37} cents, to 6 dollars 44 cents.—
Buyers come forward more freely at these rates, but are
unwilling to give any advance. Rye flour is firm at 4
dollars 624 cents. to 5 dollars. Corn meal at 3 dollars
25 cents. to 3 dollars 50 cents. 2,600 bushels Genessee
wheat sold at 1 dollar 35 eents. ; 6,000 ditto Ohio, 1
dollar 364 cents. ; 2,000 ditto barley, 80 cents. Corn is
rather inactive ; 7,000 bushels mixed was reported at
74 cents.
Provisions remain inactive. Mess pork, 14 dollars
874 cents. Prime pork, 9 dollars 50 cents. to 9 dollars
75 cents. Mess beef, 8 dollars 25 cents, to 9 dollars 25
cents.; prime, 5 dollars 50 cents. to 6 dollars. Lard, 10
to 11 cents.

Naval stores are dull. Prime soft turpentine may be
quoted 2
dollars 37 t7O
38 cents.
tpse per gallon.rbarrelof 2801 b. Spirits
of turpentine
There is a little more inquiry for Potashes. 13t) bar-
rels pots were taken at 5 dollars 75 cents. ; pearls are 7
dollars 75 cents. to 7 dollars 87k cents. per 100 lb.
Whiskey is dull at 26i to 27k cents.
Nothing doing in Whale oil. 6,0001 b. South Sea
Whalebone was taken for export at 30 cents cash.
The rates of freights are—To Liverpool, cotton, id.
to 3 16d. per lb.; flour and turpentine, Is. 3d. to Is. 6d.
per barrel; grain, 6d. to 7d. per bushel. To London-
2s. 6d. per barrel for flour, and other articles in propor-
tion. To Havre—Nominally for cotton, kc. per lb ;
flour, 50c. per barrel; ashes, at 10 dollars per ton; rice,
10 dollars per ton.
Exchange on England bas again advanced, the closing
sales being 110 to 110} per cent., but private bills are
almost entirely withheld from the market. .Bills on
France, 5.25 to Mg.

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