The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-06 00:00:00

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—The Times has the audacity to talk of the
" jobi,ing propensities" of the Whigs, and to refer to this
source the recent changes which have taken place among the
subordinate members of the Government. The charge carries
absurdity on its face. To " job," as the Tories have to •ght
us only too well, means to provide for political adherents at the
public expense. In the present instarce neither Of these indis-
pensable conditions is complied with. No one is provided for.
No additional expense is entailed upon the public. Perhaps
the Times will have the ,goodness to explain how the relin-
quishment of one of the most lucrative practices ever enjoyed
at the bar for a Chancellorship which carries with it no retiring
pension, is to be construed into an act of rapacious and sordid
grasping at public money. Or how the acceptance of offices
from which by next quarter .day they will not derive one six-
pence of emolument, if the Tories have a majority, is to
be considered as a general scramble for booty, on the eve
of leaving office, on the patt of Sir George Grey,
Lord Seymour, and Messrs Stanley, Sheil, Fox
Moult, and Le Merchant. The Tories used to provide for
their partisans after a very different fashion. The country is
at this moment paying pensions granted by the Duke of Wel-
lington's administration, when on the very eve of leaving office
in 1830, to persons whose sole claim consisted in their intimate
connection with the Tory party. On the 15th November,
1830, Ministers were defeated on Sir H. Parnell's motion, and
next day declared that they had tendered their resignations,
and only held office unit, their occessors were appointed. On
that very day, November 164, the following pensions were
granted out of the Civil List ;40
Amount of Pension
per Annum.
Drummond, EdWard... , ......... ..• £250
Greville, ••• ..... 230
Holmes, Thomas Kn0i44... •••• •• 500
And on the 20th, or just twoeia,r h, fore finally quitting office,
the following additiensl
Rae, Dame Mary ••• £5OO
These shameless and nefarious jobs were perpetrated by the
Government of the Duke of Wellington and Sir R. Peel, by
and for the behoof of the very men who now raise the cry of
wolf, and accuse the Whigs of abusing the possession of power
because they make changes which do not entail a single penny
of additional charge on the public, or put a single penny in the
way of permanent provision in the pocket of any one connected
with the Liberal party. The other branch of the accusation
—that these changes were made with a view to influencing
elections—is, if possibie, more palpably and ridiculously untrue.
Mr. Stanley exchanges an office which enjoys very extensive
patronage for one which enjoys none. The object, the Times
tells us, is to enable him to swamp the constituency of the popu-
lous county of Cheshire by a deluge of clerkships. Mr. Sheil also
is,by some unexplained process, to save his election by resigning
the very office,. the acceptance of which is to secure Mr. Fox
Maule, who, in his turn, being in jeopardy at Perth, hands
over to Lord Seymour a post which enables his Lordship to
bid defiance to opposition at Totnes. Such lies are like those
of Falstaff " gross, monstrous, and improbable." The fact
is, as appears clearly from the result of the elections, that the
Government influence, which the Times talks so much about,
is in reality worth little or nothing. At Devonport, Plymouth,
Portsmouth, and Greenwich, Ministerial Members are, it is
true, returned • but why ? Because those are large, indepen-
dent, and intelligent constituencies. Government influence may,
perhaps, carry a few votes, but nothing near enough to turn
the scale. In point of fact, Liberal Members were returned
for all those places in 1835, against Government influ-
ence, and would be so again. On the other hand, where
there are not large, independent, and intelligenteonstituencies,
Government influence is of no avail against the more power-
ful description of influence which can athard to pay, as at Har-
wich, 400/. for a vote. The result of the elections proves this
fact clearly enough, that wherever there is a large and incor-
ruptible constituency, the chances in favour of a Liberal candi-
date are at least four to one. Wherever there is a respectable
constituency, the chances are still in favour of the Liberals.
But wherever there is a constituency notorious for corruption,
subject to family influence, or so small as to make the purchase
of individual votes a feasible speculation, the tables sire turned,
and the odds are that the candidate of the Carlton Club carries
the day.
TIMES.—The season of the Irish elections is setting in
stormily. It is in Ireland that the great effort will be made.
It is there that the materials, as well as the instruments of agi-
tation, are found in the greatest abundance ; and it is there
that the agents of violence and terror are calculating upon
impunity from a Whig administration. Heretofore the great
jobber in Irish representation, who undertook and managed
everything, from a snug and cheap return for Mr. Hume in
Kilkenny, to a rough-ridden and somewhat costly contest for
Mr. Raphael in Carlow, had two kinds of mechanical power
to work with—money and intimidation; and most diligently
did he ply them both. The former resource, the money power,
was for some time supplied pretty freely from the O'Connell
rent. That stream, as long as it was kept tolerably full, as-
sisted most conveniently to turn the mill and grind the elee-
tions ; hut its current beginning to run too low, the Govern-
ment and the priests perceived that the machinery would want
bodily strength to work it, and they are preparing for this
service accordingly. In the ratio in which money falls off
force must be supplied. Whatever of intimidation has been
heretofore practised, is now to be renewed, reinforced, and re-
doubled. The Government, therefore, rely on the priests for
activity, and the priests rely on the Government for protec-
tion. Does England know what interest it was which
decided the Whigs to hold on through the struggle of a
general election, instead of resigning their offices, as in " the
spirit of the Constitution" they ought to have done? Does
England know who were the faction that bellowed for dis-
solution in the House of Commons, and who were the back-
stair deputies that pressed it upon the Cabinet? The O'Con-
nellite confederacy. They were aware that, for the
sinister purposes of their Irish electioneering, for the un-
interrupted action of their own ferocious influences, it
was indispensable that the Whigs should remain in office till
the'Sheriffs of the Irish counties had taken the polls. When
Sir Robert Peel's Government dissolved the Parliament at the
commencement of 1835, Sir Henry Hardine'e, the Chief Secre-
tary for Ireland, made such dtspo itions for preserving the
peace of that country in every one of its districts, that not a
singe life was lost throughout all the elections. It would not
at all have suited the pious objects of the holy partisans who are
keeping their eyes upon every Roman Catholic freeholder, that
a similar security should have been provided now. They are
free traders • they like "a Government that will let them
Whatmust
snotgn b
if ae
fe
election or two? These are only the evidences of "popular
asploirniet;
whrelpvreea.,sseesd obfyaccidental death at an
the despotism of con-
stituted authorities.

ADVERTISER.—After all the boastings of the Tories,. a
close calculation of the returns already made will prove them
to have as yet gained little or no advantage in the present
elections. By chance er design the nomination and days of
polling were fixed in those boroughs where their strength pre-
dominated at an earlier period than in others differently
situated, and consequently in the beginning of the " battle of
the boroughs," they appeared to have an advantage which its
further progress proves to have been altogether delusive. On
a comparison of the losses and gains on each side, the Tories
as yet appear to have gained but two or three seats more than
the Reformers; but, notwithstanding this, the general returns
'Phis exhibit
they against
expect,
ttoteoenvetyr:
come in the counties ; however, we have little doubt that the
returns of their gains in the counties will show their calcula-
tions to be as fallacious as have been those of their gains in the
boroughs. But what do the Tories expect to do in Ireland and
Scotland? There is the rub. These are items which the
Tories wish to exclude from their calculations, and discreetly
so, for in neither country has the faction any favourable result
to calculate upon. As to the English counties, the Tories
having already exerted all their strength therein, they have
obtained such an ascendancy in that portion of the representa-
tion as to leave themselves but little to gain, and their oppo-
nents but little to lose. In fact, by a judicious effort, the Li-
berals have almost as fair a prospect of gaining in the counties
as the Tories had of gaining in the boroughs ; for this reason,
the majority of the counties being hitherto represented by
Tories, just as the majority of the boroughs have been
by Liberals, it is here, as the great strong-hold of the
enemy, that the assault should be most vigorously directed. It
may be freely admitted that it was owing to the plan of attack,
and not to the intrinsic strength of the assailants, that London
and Westminster were deprived of one dialf of their Liberal
Members, and left in representative neutrality. But for the
loss inflicted upon these two important constituencies, the con-
test between the opposing parties would have been at the pre •
sent moment on terms approaching to the most perfect equality,
the Tories having no gain beyond the empty echo of their own
fallacious vauntings. Let the Reformers but be as alert and
active—we will not say as unscrupulous—in the counties as the
Tories have been in the boroughs, and even here it will be at
least an equal battle. But the Reformers appear apathetic,
while the Tories are putting all their energies into the utmost
activity.
POST.—The Ministerialists, while they admit a Conser-
vative gain, even upon the town elections of England, have
the effrontery to talk at the same time of Conservative " fail-
ure." Failure ! How have we failed ? When the Ministers
were beaten and reprimanded by majorities of the late House
of Commons, their reply was that they would go to the coun-
try, which they were confident would pronounce a more favour-
able judgment upon their polies, and conduct than the late
House of Commons had done. 't h y have gone to the coun-
try ; and the judgment of that part of the population which
is most favourable to them has been, that the last House of
Commons was not sufficiently hostile to them--that it was
not so Conservative as it ought to have been. Is that
Conservative failure ? The Ministers gave out that
they expected to succeed : they expected a return
of Members more favourable to them and their po-
licy, else why did they tlis-olve the Parliament ?
We see how that expectation has been answered. In
spite of all their Government influence, the returns are less
favourable to them. That there is Ministerial failure is, then,
apparent enough ; and yet ths, Ministerialists, in the face of
events, have the effrontery to say, with unblushing falsehood,
that the failure is Conservative ! They say this in the very
same breath that they admit the Conservatives to have gained!
Are we to conclude that the Ministerialists did not expect to
gain when they dissolved the Parliament and appealed to the
etiro
recoanlcolub
jileeetth,avtasthtoeyernknbeasrvrasthseythweouldbe
be oe ua
tnetnr
a? 1, d
Athreatwthe
proxi-
mate Government by taking advantage of Government influ-
ence to secure seats which would be used in oppesitien? Are
wo to conclude that they dis io:ved, not in the hope of obtaining a
more favourable judgmet t from the country, but in the ex-
pectation of putting a Isar in the way of a dissolution
under the auspices of a Conservative Government, which they
knew was inevitable? Either we mnsf 'thus conclude, and,
therefore. convict the present Ministers of the grossest false-
hood in their professions, and the grossest faction in their con-
duct ; or we must, on the other hand, conclude that they
counted upon success, and therefore that they have completely
failed. Either side of this alternative *very man who exer-
cises his judgment at all, must take. There is no escape ex-
cept in not thinking at all about the matter. And upon this
ameher alternative hangs : either we must suppose the Minis-
ters to have spoken falsely in the reasons which they assigned
for dissolving the Parliament, or we must suppose the Ministe-
rial organs to speak falsely in designating the result of the elec.
t ions, so fir as they have gone, as a failure of the Conservatives.
HERALD.-1 he elections are already so far decided that,
dismissing all anxiety as to the side on which victory will de-
clare itself, we may turn our attention to the probable conse-
quences of it. What may be the numerical majority of the
Conservatives in the next Parliament it would be as premature
as useless to predict, but at arty rate it will be sufficient to
secure the transference of the Government to their hands.
Indeed, the Ministerial press do not affect to deny this. All
that they attempt is, to console themselves for present defeat
by triumphs in prospectu, and they certainly do apply this flat-
tering unction to their souls to a very comfortable extent. The
morning organ of the Whigs has even discovered that the vic-
tory of the Conservatives is highly desirable as a necessary
preliminary to a re-action against them) and that it will be