The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Times.)
There is no doubt that the note of the Bth inst. from
M. Thiers is at least a promising indication, if nothing
more. A lowering of extravagant pretensions always
diminishes one class of difficulties, because it tends to
quiet the angry spirit of altercation. But there still
are solid grounds of anxiety when we come to the ques-
tion of what measures are likely to be adopted, per-
mitted, or resented between the parties. The tone of
their note may be unobjectionable,but what if the Govern-
men, of M. Thiers, under the name of securing " an an-
chorage" in the Mediterranean, should occupy with a
squadron of French men-of-war the harbour of Candia
or of Port Mahon : would such a step be held by any
British statesman compatible with peaceful relations ?
It is true that there did not arise naturally out of
the Eastern question any cause or pretence of quarrel
between Great Britain and the French Government.
England, at least, never dreamt of one until France
raised one, and then began to hector and threaten and
scold because this country bad placed herself under
engagements to perform, in concert with other Powers,
certain acts which, without the slightest notion of in-
juring or insulting France, were deemed of common ex-
pediency for the peace of Europe. It was France first
talked of war. It was France that first armed. But
she " never could bring herself" to explain distinctly
what it was she wanted to effect by war. To drop,
however, the chapter of retrospections, it is agreed that,
this quarrel shall terminate on the part of Turkey by a
relinquishment of Egypt in lasting inheritance to the
Pacha. But this has been run away with a little too
fast, by construing it into a pledge, that let Mehemet
act as perversely or as mischievously as he thinks fit, he
shall under no circumstances be deprived of Egypt. Such
a pledge on the part of Turkey and her Allies would be
suicide. If, on being beaten out of Egypt (which, if the
British Ministers have not been scandalously mean and
feeble in the scale of their preparations, he must be with-
out difficulty or delay), Mehemet Ali should pervert Egypt
into a battery for keeping up his fire against the Bri-
tish and the Turks in Syria, the Allied Powers are at
once released from their engagement, and Egypt is for-
feited by reason of the hostile purposes to which the
Pacha will have applied it. We trust, however, that
he will bethink himself of this in time. The sole point
which now remains to be touched upon is the new
fashion of diplomacy (of what precise date we have no
distinct recollection), according to which a Minister of
the Foreign Department conceives himself at, liberty to
treat of, and arrange, the most important questions
litigated between adverse Governments, not through
the medium of those written communications, which in
business, public or private, are the only safe ones for
the negotiator himself, and the only honest ones to-
wardlitke.,..V9Ler _which employs him, but by verbal
intercourse alone. Mere gossip, mere passing sound,.
which leaves no particle of trace behind it, thus usurps
the place of enduring and unerring records, and opens
the .INstr.to . innumerable and most irritating disagree-
reente,,,es well: as most unjust impressions. We need
scarcely refer- byname to that example of a flat contradic-
tion. to a long series of statements by Lord Palmerston,
on s u bj e c t , too (namely, the question of French con-
sistency or tergiversation), which had been raised into
one of great magnitude by the parties themselves.
France, we repeat, flatly contradicts the assertions,
and defies the British Minister to bring proofs of their
veracity ! Was ever public functionary in such a
plight ? We, for our parts, put firm faith in the cor-
rectness of Lord Palmerston's statements, and have
ground for belief that there is moral evidence acces-
sible which, in a court of honour, would fully bear
him out. But where, my Lord, are your formal proofs?
Where your official vouchers ? If not, you stand on
record as a fabricator of proceedings which never had
reality or substance, and deserve no credit with man-
kind. The fact is, that in the present case the biter
seems to have been bitten. He spoke instead of wrote
to escape the responsibility of adverse records produci-
ble against him. But there was another side to the
table. He lost, by the necessary operation of the same
expedient, the advantage of being able to adduce
vouchers in his own behalf. Had Lord Palmerston
insisted on M. Sebastiani noting down his propositions
respecting a division of Syria in writing ; or had Lord
Palmerston hiMself made notes of them, and then, sub-
mitting such notes to Sebastiani, required a written
answer whether they were correct or not, all the trouble
and distrust which have now arisen would have been
completely averted.
(From the Morning Herald.)
The diplomatic information which we published yes-
terday, constitutes a new phase in the Thiers-Palmer.
ston negotiations. The two redoubtable diplomatists,
who are keeping all Europe in agitation and alarm,
would, at a period when truly great men moved on the
theatre of the world, be very insignificant personages
indeed. What a practical illustration do these two
political tricksters present, in the position which they
occupy, and the attention which they attract, of the
sort of wisdom and talent that is " competent" to ob-
tain an ascendancy in managing the affairs of nations in
the nineteenth century—the boasted age of intellect!
It is not long since Palmerston and his colleagues, and
all the journals devoted to the service of the Whig Mi-
nistry, assured the public, over and over again, that the
principle of loreign policy most conducive to the interests
of England, the peace of the world, and the advance.
ment of civilization, was that of a close and intimate
alliance with France. So far did our Whig Ministers
go in that respect, that they took very patiently more
than one insult offered to our flag by the Government
of Louis Philippe, which we thought and said ought
to have been energetically resented, or amply atoned
for. But dearer to the Whig Ministers is " the pre-
servation of the integrity" of the decrepid and perishing
Ottoman empire than the vindication of English honour
and the protection of English interests. But the Anglo-
Gallic alliance, so skilfully manufactured by Whig po-
licy, has snapped asunder like a rope of sand. Brunow
bas beaten Thiers, Nicholas has superseded Louis Phi-
lippe, and the absolutism of Russia has displaced the re-
volutionary dynasty of France in the affections of the
Whig Government. Who could have supposed only a
year or two since, that England and France would be seen
to-day taking up an attitude so hostile, that the preserva-
tion of peace cannot be positively calculated on for a sin-
gle hour. When two next-door neighbours, who have
lived for some time in seeming peace and amity, exchange
the tones of friendly salutation for those of rancorous
animosity, and not stopping at scolding bitterness of
language, prepare deadly weapons to plunge in each
other's hearts, it is time for those whose duty it is to
prevent violence and bloodshed, to demand of them
mutual securities of the peace; for when neighbours
bear such feelings towards each other, there is no say-
ing how soon even an accidental collision may ripen wrath
into action, and produce deplorable consequences. But
where is the preventive police that shall compel France
and England, if they be minded for war, to keep the
peace. England has a weight of public debt about
her neck, which particularly unfits her for the active
and costly exertions of war. We recollect when Lord
Brougham said that " the national debt bound Great
Britain in a security of 800,000,000/. to keep the peace
with all the world." He said that in aliusion to a
mere defensive war. But who could have supposed that
there could exist such folly, such madness, even in a
Whig Administration, as to put this country in a position
to encounter the risk of a European war, on the pre-
text of protecting the independence of the Ottoman
empire against the ambition of one of its own vas-
sals ? If a war should unhappily result from the inter-
Prence of our Government in the disputes between the
Paella of Egypt and the Turkish Divan, it will in truth
be the consequence of the most monstrous fatuity that
ever aspired to the government of mankind. In such
a war Great Britain would be inevitably dragged into
the abyss which the insidious " friendship" of Russia
has prepared for her—France would be so crippled as
' not to be able to offer any resistance to the insatiable

ambition of the north for a long time to come—and the
Ottoman power would be enchained for ever in the iron
bonds of Russian protection. Let the common sense
of the British public, withdrawing itself from the maze
of verbose and shuffling diplomacy by which it is bewil-
dered, look at the origin of all the diplomatic jargon, hos-
tile threatening, and warlike preparations which keep the
mind cf Europe on the stretch of an alarming excite-
ment. What was it ? A question whether Mehemet Ali
was to be allowed or not to govern a portion of Syria,
with " the holy cities of Arabia, which the Porte was
and is wholly unable to govern." Such is the question
which constitutes the cause of European another ex-
and possibly of European war. It is only excitement,
emplification of the cutting truth of the sarcastic obser-
vation of the Chancellor of Sweden, " Go forth, my son,
and see with how little vrisdora the world is governed."
We should think that in this the fortieth year of the
nineteenth century, the " little wisdom" to which Count
Oxensteirn alluded has pretty nearly decreased to its
minimum. If it were not so, it would be utterly im-
possible for such political pretenders as Lord Palmer-
ston and '1 hiers to kindle the flames of war with volumes
of dull diplomacy, and to make England and France
gird on the armour of battle to determine whether the
Pacha of Egypt, or the Russianized Divan of Turkey,
is to rule the Syrian desert, or regulate the pilgrimages
of Arabia!

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
A short while ago we deemed it necessary, as did a
considerable portion of the press, to remark on a very
carious and significant article in the Quarterly Review,
then just published, on Mr. Carlyle's work entitled
Chartism. The article, indeed, was sure to attract
attention, if only for the extravagance of that memor-
able passage so often quoted, in which the writer stig-
matises manufacturing speculation is gambling, and
proposes to " restrain" it, suggests the desirableness of
razing half the metropolis to the ground, and proposes to
break up the population into little feudal colonies so small
as to be conveniently placed under aristocratical and cleri-
cal government. • There are but twoplaces in the country,
Bedlam and Oxford, where such a paragraph could be
otherwise than startling. Being led by it to notice
other features of the article, we found in it, besides
great cleverness and much of a demoralizing, blas-
phemous, and even atheistical tendency, very distinct
marks of a clerical origin, and of the identification of
the writer (notwithstanding his individual extrava-
gances) with the High Church and ultra section of the
Tory party. Of this, indeed, the appearance of his
tirades in the Quarterly, and the greatly expressed
sympathy of the Morning Post and Standard, were
good external evidence. A writer, however, in the
Times of Saturday, in a sort of shamefaced apology for
the article in question, demurs to this identification, and
even dares to treat it as a wilful perversion, and ca-
lumny. We shall therefore offer some independent evi-
denee on this point. A series of works is now in course
of publication called the " Englishman's Library," of
which the Rev. E. Churton and the Rev. W. Gresley
are editors, and amongst the contributors are the two
Rev. Messrs. Wilberforce, the Dean of Lichfield, the
Bishop of Oxford's Chaplain, and the Rev. William
Sewell, Fellow and Tutor of Exeter College, and Pro-
fessor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Ox-
ford. The last published volume is by the last men-
tioned author ; and is entitled " Christian Morals."
We presume there can be no doubt about the fairness
of taking this volume in evidence of the notions of a
party, or the section of a party, in Church and State.
The Oxford Professor of Moral Philosophy coincides
with the Quarterly Reviewer in his fierce intolerance,
representing even the external ceremonies of the
Church as essential to salvation ; in his denunciation
of " the crimes of the Reformation ;" in his hostility
to the instruction of the people ; and in his claim
of preternatural powers and divine right for the
clergy, in the latter privilege graciously Conde-
scending to include the Monarchy when not in
collision with its ecclesiastical superiors. What will
any friend to good order say to the broad assertion
that " Christianity was not promulgated to unite all
men in one fraternity?" That there may be no mis-
take, we subjoin the Oxford Professor's own amplifica-
tion of this novel point in " Christian morals."
" You hear in the present day much about love and
charity, and mutual toleration ; that we should over-
look differences of opinion and think only on points of
agreement ; that all men, however they vary in specula
tire doctrines, are in harmony on the great fundamental
truths of r eligion and morals ; that it is our duty to bind
together, not to distract society ; that Christianity itself
boasts as its chief merit that it preaches peace on earth
and goodwill among men. I answer that it is false;
that every Tee of these maxims is false, it not balanced by
another Of a Very different nature; aye, and held in sub-
jection to it."—p. 102.
After this, it is not surprising that in the new High
Church and Tory school of " Christian morals," a dif-
ferent estimate should be formed of historical charac-
ters from that which has been generally received.
Such principles obviously tend to generate a sympathy
with, and taste for, the bigot and bloody persecutor,
rather than the Protestant and popular Sovereign.
" The time will come," opines the Oxford teacher of
morals, " say modern historians (query what historians ?
have the venomous reptiles already stained with their
slime our country's annals ?) and say truly, when, com-
paratively, we shall venerate the character of Queen
Mary and condemn that of Elizabeth 1" This chance
of opinion, he predicts, will be brought about by the
clergy, for whom he claims the moral infallibility of Him '
whose ministers he affirms they are.
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
We have shown already, in more than one article,
the hollowness of the pretence, as a cause of war, that
the honour of France had been insulted by her being
lett out of the Treaty of July the 15th, for the settle-
ment of the Eastern question—we have proven that it
was she who isolated herself from the allied Powers,
parties to the Treaty, and not they from her—we have
hinted at the designs which she might have in view in
opposing herself to the disinterested objects of every
other Power in Europe, and have pointed to the
seizure, retention, and attempted colonization of
Algeria, as a proof of the reliance that is to be placed
upon her honour and promises ; but it remained for M.
' Thiers himself to justify the policy pursued by the
English Government, and to bring forward principles
of political morality and political action, such, we be-
lieve, as were never put forth before, except by Mehe-
met Ali himself. That " vassal Prince," as he is styled
by France's Prime Minister, it might be politic to leave
in the quiet possession of Egypt during his lifetime—
nay, considerations of the same nature might induce,
might conduce to the concession of a hereditary right in
it ; but when it is asserted that because a Prince vassal
has succeeded in establishing a firm rule in a certain por-
tion of the country, therefore he ought to be left in un-
disturbed rule over it, by whatever means he may have
acquired it, we beg to tell M. Thiers that the adoption of
such a doctrine is not only contrary to morality, but strikes
at the very foundations of every existing Government
and institution—nay, at the very rights of property it-
self; which, disguised how it may be, is the basis of ci-
vilization. We are by no means squeamish upon the
subject of Sovereign rule, seeing that we live under a
Government emanating from, and supported by, the
supreme will of the people ; but a Government estab-
lished by the people is a totally different thing from a
power forced upon them. In the one case, as in the
revolution which seated Louis Philippe upon the throne,
it is but the resumption of a legitimate authority—in
the other it is either a tyranny in its purest form, or, as
in the case of Mehemet Ali, a dowright robbery, the
magnitude of which only has, by usage, not on any re-
cognised principle of political or moral justice, exempted
it from the usual punishment inflicted on persons guilty
of felony.
(From the Morning Post.)
The Ministerial Examiner feebly imitates the Minis-
terial Chronicle in au absurd attack upon the Tory party
with reference to the war question. Nothing will serve
these veracious journals but the assertion that the
Tories rejoice at the prospect of war,to and thattleydo
all they can to cause actual war
place. they
resent,
We
hope the public will not tail to mark and so
far o asg cjouos
be
lee cm
odreeman notoriousd s, thi st h rancorous
thateoro_
the
efarrl
_soerhi,oso,d,.o
farN oo:-
they have had any opportunity, and the 'Tory journals
unanimously, have expressed as strongly as language can
express it their utter repugnance to war upon such
wretchedly foolish grounds as France has set up. No
journals in England have denounced so earnestly as the
Tory journals have done the war-breathing madness
of the French commentaries upon public affairs.
No journals have argued more continuously and
patiently than they have done against the national
wickedness of devastating Europe with slaughter, and
interrupting the progress of industry and civilization,
for the sake of a dispute about the sovereignty of Syria.
And yet it is in the face of this notoriety—such is the mi-
serable party spleen of the Whig journalists—such their
love of abusiveness and their hatred of truth—that they
unite in crying out against
rejoice
have a
boi in theprospectatn o e a of
atil 11 e
warpar ! Toriese
as
Instead
politiciansg oed o
gForeign Minister for the purpose of supporting him in
against
a ia thiss t v h
the
l.
i
Tories o
the
what we trust will turn out to be his firm and pacific
policy. We support hint against the war party in France
whieli attacks him, and which menaces war against this
country on account .if his policy. If we Tories were led
merely by party rancour. what so easy as to support
the French war eiV against Lord Palmerston, and thus
encourage the French to such a pitch of audacity
as would render war inevitable ? It our To
policy
were merely hatred of the Whig Ministry--if 0.nLr_1,.51.1.._
were to stop the progress of improvement by the ":"-
I bduateiobneeenfoottrreobdviriofousl
course. And
shows would have been the o(
tt7iasr 'a
11 this
would
experience
policy of the Jacobin Whigs,

had our position been theirs. Dot Tories scorn this.
miserable virulence—this dastardly prterence of party
triumph to patriotic sentiment. As Twies we will fight
our party battle without flinching, upon film y questions ;
but, when the nation is threatened by foraiiin menaces,
our party feeling is merged in our nation AI feeling, and, let
who will be ;Minister, the Tories will give no cisunte,
ounce to the enemy. We will not imitate the conduct
of the Whigs when a To-y Government had to guard
the country from foreign em,,mirs. When the country
is threatened from abroad the Tories are ever with the
Crown, for upon the Crown is devolved the duty of de-
fending the country in such a case.

CONDITION OF THE PEASANTRY

OF ENGLAND.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
Let not ambition mock their useful toil,
Tutir horn:Ay joys; and destiny obscure ;
Nor grandeur hear with a disdainful smile
The short and simple annals of the poor.

The mental destitution of our rural districts proves
how slowly knowledv advances ; for, notwithstanding
the extraordinary exertions of the religionists and the
moralists, of late years, to disseminate knowledge among
the people, yet is there no visible effect of their laudable
efforts apparent in the manners and conversation of the
peasantry of this country. Situated as our agricultural
labourers are, how is knowledge to be acquired by
them ? Toil without intermission is their lot ! how is
it likely they can have a relish for intellectual pursuits ?
Or even possessing a taste for mental food, what means
have they in their power for acquiring the same?
Ere any extensive beneficial measures can be carried
into operation, it is generally admitted that a great
amount of knowledge should be imparted to the people.
for Ignorance is the curse under which man labours—
Knowledge must and will be his Redeemer. But how
or when this knowledge will be communicated, I dare not
attempt to predict. In the rural districts of this country
the labourers are in a state of ignorance, such only as
superstition 004 engeAtler ; their bodies but ill fed,
h",-'add dotted, are six days out of the seven sub-
jected to a dire species of physical slavery, whilst on
the s:venth their minds arc rendered subservient to a
species of mental slavery by In ing taught to repeat
certain creeds, prayers, &c., of which the understanding.
is entirely ignorant. The minds, the souls of the pessawry
of England may be said emphatically to be in the keep-
ing of those individuals who desire rather to perpetuate
ignorance than to disseminate knowledge. Toe ei rgy
of this country Ice! deeply interested in
from the people useful knowledge ; foil well I het koow
that the longer they retard the progre,s of tie A B
devoid of sectarian tinge among their flacks, the,liiegoe
will they be permitted to take to them,,eives the flec:-.e.
The labours of England may be looked upon as the
especial charges of the clergy of our established
religion ; under their auspices have they been
bred, born, baptized, educated, and matured !
what appearance do these same pupils of oar r.,•t.;,.y
present ? What. character do these t roe HT-

ciples of the Established Church assume ? Why just
that appearance, and precisely that character their
tutors, their pastors, intended they should present and
assume, seeing that no system of teaching, both tempo-
ral and spiritual, is so well calculated to perpetuate that
Church by which they are maintained in affluence.
Under such a state of things t.he❑ we risk. I:ow
ledge to penetrate into our rural districts
knowledge what community ex:: tie protiGurv!,l I.appy
This dark arid cloudy state of things, wit: show
that man, whose heart beats with high a,pirations for
the welfare and happiness ut his fellow-beings, the many
and great difficulties that are to be overcome ere his
wishes can be accomplished. The more difficult the
task the greater are the exeriious required. S.iting
these difficulties before our ey, s, let us not remain in
active in this Pandemonium state of society, anti drean
that we are en the threshold of paradise, but let us
buckle on the armour of knowledge and contend with
the innumerable host comprismg ttie army of igr.:orane..-

SUGAR MONOPOLY.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sir,---In one of your last numbers is an allusion made
to the incorporation of a Company for the cultivation of
Sugar in the East Indies. as it such was the only step
whereby the scarcity of Sugars could be removed with-
out promoting the evils of slavery. Unacquainted with
your exact sentiments on this question, I cannot help
thinking that you are labouring under the same erroneous
impression as many others on a subject so important to
the comfort of our own population, and to the well-being
of our relations with other countries ; for instance, in
the paragraph above alluded to is the following
" As a means of carrying out the abolition of slavery
this is the best step yet taken. Sugar mast either be
had from the slave states of Brazil, &c., or at still
higher prices from our own West India Colonies, or
we must go to beet-root like the French."
So there is no remedy for the difficulty but that of
going the "whole hog," and excluding the produce of
slave labour. What a reflection on the common sense
of the country. As if Sugar was the only article of
slave labour consumed in it, and that almost evasy arti-
cle of common necessaries or of luxury, might not
come under the same ban. En revile the East and
West India Sugar proprietors mast possess a
more than common share of assurance to
suppose that such a dose could be swallowed.
Has it not been over and over again demonstrated that
we could not exist as a manufacturing nation if we re-
jected the produce of slave labour? Is not our chief
supply of cott.oa drawn from the slave States of Ame-
rical7lpi
point,
does
Brazils f
rooems ntoilte s? I
the
a mes
vs
eonot o
very
yr
cseuur;z
Sugar
rnu
dppl
thaty o
what
w f(i,st
fionb co
more
in-
ict
tos the
opr d
(i
fieult to swallow come here to be refined (I mean Ii
zil Sugar), for the purpose of sending it out to her Me-
jesty's liege subjects in Canada, the West Indies' or
any where else that chooses to take it ? In other words
the colonists may cat as much slave Sugar as the;
please at a very cheap rate, whilst their poor half-starved
brethren at home are nut allowed to touch it, save at
monopoly prices What a burlesque on philanthropy
or on practical legislation. Who will attempt to say
that the age of monopoly is past, when a Com-
pany solicits fot Royal patrona,T to furnish an
article that is teeming in other quarters, and ready
to make up our deficient supply ? If the East Indies
cannot produce an adequate quantity under the present
unrestricted system, and with an open inark.l,,
any sane person sul,pose that it ail be atiaitiett tiy the
mere incorporation of a Company ? or, in other %lords,
instituting an odious monopoly, to the disadvantage,
probably, of hundreds of small planters in India.
A direct allusion has beer, made to Brazil in this
question, and it is only to be wished that the paess
would take a little more trouble to inform themselves as
to the real merits of the case. To say nothing of the
absurdity of our admitting e,iton, coffee, and other
articles from the Biazik wilieu are alt.() the produce of
slave labour (coffee being only parifictl tram its cacti;
stein by a voyage to the Cape), let us consider the po-
sition in which we stand with that immense country.

The present estimated value of our exports to Brazil
is five millions sterling, and our manufactures are re-
ceived on the most favourable footing there. It is
only by an interchange of commodities that this trade
can be kept up ; and the great staples of Brazil pro-
duction are Sugar, cotton, and coffee, but in some pro-
vinces the first-named article (Sug,a) greatly prepon-
derates ; for instance, the annual export of Sugar from
Bahia is about 60,000 cases. Hitherto, such Sugars
have been prohibited here, and the vent for them has
been in the continental markets, thus giving to foreign-
ers all the advantage of the carriage, sale, wad con-
sumption of an article sent as returns for British account,
for after all the value of such produce of slave-labour
must find its way back to England, sheared only
of the advantages which it is capable of affording
to the shipping and to the commerce of the
country. The time is aeon approaching when
the Brazilian Government will take a lesson out of our
book, and show us the folly of propping up particular in-
terests at the sacrifice of great national bmiefit,. They
have long felt indignant at their Sugars being excluded
from consumption here, but they have always under-
stood It was to protest the West India interests. Now
the same object is sought for under the miserable plea
of abolishing slavery. Suppose such a reason to have
been given when the treaty was made with Brazil,
would it have been tolerated ? There are many intelli-
gent Brazilians quite as much opposed to slavery as we
twweccanuthe country
are, and Cie time may come when they would gladly rid
themselves of it ; but Brazil is not a country that can
afford to give twenty millions in compensation monpy,
and therefore time alone can remedy the evil with them.
Our refusing or consenting to receive their Sugarsean
not effect this vital question ; but the fordme doubtlessinrduce them
can, and will, produce, much irritation, an
blow may
to take retaliatory measures, by
be struck to the relations
productions,
lose good customers for our manufacturingthus afford to
It remains to be seen whoeftthheer
and it also remains to be scent whetherinterests of the nation,
large, the revenue, and thebes
shadow, embodied
oa groatritries.
are to be, sacrificed to a chimericaliwhich
0., selfish monopoly, sought
under the reality of a g_reasstp
India i a Sugar Planters. It is
for by the East and IN
the' Carn-laws, becuse there is no
ten times worse thant.duty
by vviiich a scarcity of
graduates] scale o ,*ifed against ; and the marvel is,
the article can be pros i
masses of our countrymen seem to under-
how little the
interests when Placed in juxta posit
stand their own
.-
f • • d' .. 1 I
comparatively few in icieua.s.
with that of a l
am, Sir, your obedient servant,
A MERCHANT.

Liverpool, 'October J 6, I ‘'S.lO.

urLieYE:
Aaotood to be, that the ptiaAitlhunenTtuyiece::lr Service Clubs is
will be coadtnumed to
the less of his commission, but attended by a strong re-
commendation on account prevwus encunistances. The
Deputy Judge-Advoca:e-Gencral, Mr. Sergeant Arabin,
after laying the proceedings before her :11.4jevy at Wind-
sor Castle, transacted business at the Comma. day
soffice. The result will be promulgated iw& Y
or two.

•.----

YEN 1N( EOITION

FRENCH LEAVE.

(From the Gazelle des Tribunaux.)
At a late hour of the ni;:ht a respectable gentleman,
aided by the flickering light of the pale nil-lamps, was
hurrying through the tortuous and narrow streets of a t
most lonely quarter, impatient to regain his domicile.
This honest pedestrian was no other than a native of
Bas-Lmousin, driven to the metropolis by the urgency
of an impending lawsuit. Fagged with numerous and
unavailing visits, with comings and goings in every di-
rection,
exhausted with business appointments, idle con-
ferenees, and wasted words, the poor man, whose fate
the morrow was to declare, had just been ferreting out
'his solicitor and his counsellor, one at a family dinner
party, and the other at a had. The excitement of see-
big his rightful property contested, the tear of some un-
fortunate encounter, of which he had read so many ex-
amples in the newspaper, sufficiently explain the des-
perate rapidity with which he was moving on.
Lie had gained without accident the obscure street
which had the good fortune to contain his modest habi-
tation, and might with Sosia have exclaimed, " Aleis je
vois ma maison et ma fray cur s'evade," when, 0 luckless
encounter ! the sound of footsteps, light but hurried, and
in a parallel direction to his own, struck his ear ; and
ere he had time to take refuge in his dwelling-place some
one brushed swiftly by him. Retreat was impossible—
be ventures on a glance—'tis a woman—he breathes
again. lie gave a second glance—but this time a bold
one—which enabled him to remark a recherche toilet, an
elegant figure, and, but for the uncertain and oscillating
light swayed by the wind, he would have sworn to one
of the loveliest faces or. earth.

On reaching the end of the street the lovely stranger
stopped, and looked anxiously round in apparent uncer-
tainty. It was evident that she had lost her way. Our
geutleman had stopped also, doubtless with no sinister
iatention, but merely trout curiosity to see how the ad-
venture would terminate.
After turuing her eyes in every direction, the lady at
last directed them on her mysterious fellow-passenger.
Probably this impromptu look, aided by the light of the
lamp. assumed a particularly attractive character, for
our litigant immediately advanced towards her, hat in
hand, his toes turned out, and his person inclined
according to the most approved rules for a respectful
bow. " Madam, if lam eat strangely mistaken, it
appears to me that lou are seeking your way !" " Your
conjectures, S.r, are unfortunately but too well
founded," replied a gentle and musical voice ; " I am
a stranger to this quarter, and know not which .way
to go." "If you would do me the honour to inform
me what street you inhabit, I may, perhaps, be for-
tunate enough." " You are very kind, Sir," interrupted
the fair wanderer, " but that would be useless; I am
in the most ealoarrassing situation. My porter has ac-
tually had the Lee to refuse opening the door to me.'
' Past 12—you know the rule, as the man says in
the play,' No doubt, but the case is a hard one. Two
friends, of whom I asked hospitality, were positively
obliged to refase it , my only resource now is to seek
en: a third friend—but the distance is so great, and I
am warn out with faCeue—perhaps, too, they may have
gone to bed. Dear, dear, what shall I do?" " Madam,"
sila the gallant provincial, at the same time brushing
up his gray hair, " I cannot see you thus. In a
word, learn that I ant the father of a family, with a
wife and children, arid incapable of behaving un-
worthily, witness my gray hairs ; permit me, then, to
entree that yeu will accept my devoted arm, my re-
sidence is within a step, and I shall consider it my
duty to offer you half of toy apartment." " Really,
Sir I crienot think—"
Tee lady hesitated, the greybeard insisted ; at last
the lair one yielding timidly passed her arm in his,
art I alter a short but eminently virtuous and moral
coneen,ation, both arrived at the promised asylum.
More generous still then the hero of Sterne's " Senti-
mental Journey," the gc ntlenaan ceded his only bed to
his guest, and more religiously obsery ing the treaty
tlr iu Yurick, occupied a chair with heroic resigna-
tion in an adjoining closet. At dawn of day
he arose, and mysteriously emerging from his
hiding place, crept softly across the room, without
venturing a glance towards the bed, and, satis-
fied that he hail not disturbed his visitant, descended
the :taire and went forth in scarce of his men of busi-
ness, from whom Ire received assurance that his success
was certain. Joyfully returning, he prepared himself to
provide a delicate breakfast, as a climax to his chaste
hospitality, when to his utter astonishment the bird had
flawn. lie immediately ran up to h.is apartment ;
heavens what a litter, every thing topsy-turvy ! the fair
incogwia had decamped with an ample share of booty.
lite poor man, out of his wits with indignation, ran
off to the commimaire, who promised him an effectual
arri prompt revenge. In the mean time his cause was
tried, and a verdict was given against our provincial,
who, howevel, had the consolation to see his perfidious
gut-st appear in humble guise before the Correctional
I'oliee, where, having previously beets detected in similar
, freaks, she was condemned to 15 months imprisonment,
and five years' supervision.