The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-16 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1847.

a fair extent since last Tuesday, and an im-
pression exists that prices have not yet arrived
at their loss est point, although the consumption is good.
The home and export demand has been licciited for Olive
Oil, and prices still tend downwards. Palm has been
purchased with evinced freedom, whilst the supply is
small, and prices are on the advance. Privately a good
business has been done, and the rates paid have been 3Ss
to 40s for good and fine, and 34s to 47s for low to mid-
dling. Of Cocoa Nut the supply is not sufficient for the
wants of the trade, and prices in consequence range
high. At auction 90 casks from Navigators Island were
sold. The market for Rapeseed Oil is looking quiet.
The supply is good of British, and of Foreign there are
further arrivals. Linseed Oil has been in excellent re-
quest on the spot for home consumption, whilst shippers
have been buyers to a fair extent.
TALLOW.—A further advance has taken place in the
value of Russian on the spot, and the demand has been
very good from both the soap trade and the candle
makers. The rates paid have been 50s 9d to 51s per
cwt for fine Petersburgh yellow candle. For home
made the demand has been active, and prices have im-
proved to 50s to 51s nett cash; although there is a large
supply. Other kinds of Tallow are wanted, and prices
keep on the advance, whilst the market is less freely
supplied,

TUESDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE.

Commissions by the Lord-Lieutenant of Berkshire.
George Henry Elliott, the younger, Esq., to be Deputy-
Lieutenant, June 5, 1847.
Commissions by the Lord-Lieutenant of Forfarshire.
Thomas George Earl of Strathmore, to be Deputy-Lieu-
tenant; David Graham Drummond Lord Ogilvy, to be
Deputy-Lieutenant; Lord John Frederick Gordon Hally-
burton, M.P., to be Deputy-Lieutenant; Richard Gardner,
Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant ; William Macdonald Mac-
donald, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant; John ;Ramsay
L'Amy, younger, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieutenant, June 5.
Commission by the Lord-Lieutenant of Suffolk.
East Suffolk Regiment of Militia—John Cobbold, Gent. to
be Lieutenant, vice Richardson, resigned, June 10.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS.

Trinity Term, in the Yenth Year of the Reign of Queen

Victoria.

Friday, the 11th day of June, 1817.
This Court will, on Saturday, the 3d day of July next,
hold a sitting, and will proceed to give judgment in certain
of the matters standing over for the consideration of the
Court. THO. WILDE.
WHITEHALL, JUNE 11,
_ _

The Lord Chancellor has appointed Frederick Charsley, of
Amersham, in the county of Buckingham, Gent., to be a
Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery.
BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED.

Meyer Abraham Seckel and Hillery John Banerman,
watch manufacturers, Duke-street, A ldgate.

BANKRUPTS.

Charles Gilman, oilman, Canal-terrace, Camden Town, to
surrender June 22, at one, and July 27, at eleven, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basing-
hall-street ; Lacy and Co., New Bridge-street.
John Evans, paper stainer, Pump-row, St. Luke's, June
22, at half-past twelve, and July 27, at half-past eleven, at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Bir-
chin-lane, Cornhill ; Weeks, Tokenhouse-yard.
Edward Edmunds, hosier, St. George's-place, Knights-
bridge, June 25, at one, and July 28, at eleven, at the Court
of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee; Reed, Langford,
and Marsden, Friday-street, Cheapside.
Edmund Lord, flannel manufacturer, Rochdale, June 29,
and July 20, at eleven, at the Manchester District Court.
Fraser, official assignee, Manchester; Hunt, Rochdale; Cragg
and Jeyes, Bedford-row.
Abraham Thomas, cart owner, Liverpool) June 25, and
July 23, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Turner,
official assignee, Liverpool ; Cornthwaite and Co , Old Jewry-
chambers; Pemberton, Liverpool.
John Fox Kemp, grocer, Uxbridge, June 24, at one, and
July 28, at half-past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Tarquand, official assignee, Old Jewry. chambers ; Bell and
Co., Bow Church-yard, Cheapside.
Henry Dircks, manufacturer of malt and hop extract,
Winsley-street, Oxford-street, June 24, at half-past one, and
July 28, at half-past two, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Graham, official-assignee, Coleman-street; Robinson, Queen-
street-place.
Thomas Shipman, jun., William Birks, and Benjamin
Shipman, lace manufacturers, Nottingham, June 18, and
July 16, at ten, at the Birmingham District Court. Bittle-
sten , official assignee, Nottingham •, Wells, Nottingham.
James Rollings, staymaker, Portsmouth, June 25, at
eleven, and July 28, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy.
Follett, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Lofty, Potter,
and Co., King-street, Cheapside.
`William Gideon Churches, Blackwell Hall factor, June 23,
at two, and July 21, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell,
official assignee, Coleman-street-buildings; Dickson and
Overbury, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry.
James Robinson, perfumer, Manchester, July 1 and 16, at
twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Hobson, official
assignee, Manchester; Abbott, Charlotte-street, Bedford-
square; Atkinson, Saunders, and Atkinson, Manchester.
Thomas Jagger, victualler, Birkenhead, Cheshire, June 25,
and July 16, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court.
Turner, official assignee, Liverpool ; Gregory and Co., Bed-
ford-row • Fletcher and Hull, Liverpool.
John Longman Shepherd, tavern-keeper, Basinghall-street,
City, June 29, at half-past eleven, and July 27, at eleven, at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Frede-
rick's-place, Old Jewry ; Buchanan, Basingb all-street.
William Broster, joiner, Tranmere, Cheshire, June 25 and
July 16, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Bird,
official assignee, Liverpool ; Gregory and Co., Bedford-row;
Fletcher and Hull, Liverpool.
William \Vorsey, dealer in stone, Forebridge, Stafford,
June 23, at eleven, and July 15, at twelve, at the Birming-
ham District Court. Christie, official assignee, Birmingham ;
Bowen, Stafford.
George Gilbert, leather cutter, Folkestone, June 22, at two,
and July 21, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell,
official assignee, Coleman-street-buildings ; Stenning, Lin-
coln's-inn-fields.

Archibald Dunlop, land agent, Belgrave-place, Pimlico,
June 24, at eleven, and July 21, at one, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall-street ;
Phillips, Basinghall-street.
Anthony Atkinson, share broker, Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
June 18, at half-past ten, and July 23, at half-past one, at
the Newcastle-upon-Tyne District Court. Baker, official
assignee, Newcastle-upon-Tyne; Crosby and Co., Charch-
court, Old Jewry ; Floyle, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT
Hu USE OF LORDS, June 15.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool-
sack shortly after five o'clock, when the House was very
fully attended by Peers, and there was a very numerous
assemblage of ladies in the galleries.
After the presentation of several petitious by Lord
BEAUMONT, and after the Marquis of LeetspoevNe had
laid on the table two minor reports,
AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.
Lord STANLEY rose to make his promised motion—
That the House was of opinion that the interference of
her Majesty's ikovernmeet in the affairs of Portugal was
unnecessary and uncalled for—ani said, that from the
course which had been pursued in the present session of
Parliament by those who had been unable to repose
perfect confidence in her Majesty's advisers be was
quite sure that they would have the credit of modera-
tion from their opponents. If they had been unable to
support some of the legislative measures which the
Ministers had brought forward, they had on no occasion
suffered their objections to degenerate into factious
opposition, but, on the contrary, had, whenever occasion
had offered, taken the opportunity to support rather
than to oppose the Government—and that whenever
tbey had felt it their duty to propose amend-
ments to the measures, those amendments had
been framed so as to show their effectual
desire not to embarrass her Majesty's Government.
Such had been particularly the case in the great, and
important subject which had chiefly absorbed the atten-
tion of their Lordships' during the present session.
And if several of the measures which had claimed
their Lordships' attention had, from peculiar reasons,
been decidedly objectionable to those with whom he
acted, and if the results of those measures appeared to
be fraught with these difficulties to a remarkable, if not
to a dangerous extent, all had been particularly careful
not to increase the difficulties of the Ministry by any
expressions to which they might give utterance in the
statement of their opinions. It he might adduce an
instance he would allude to the course which had been
adopted by this country with respect to the affairs
of a great and neighbouring nation, in which
he was himself deeply interested.—(Hear, hear.)
It did appear to him to be inconsistent with the first
principles of justice, a violation of all international law,
and in contravention of positive pledges already given
by this country to the various European powers. He
found that their interference in the internal affairs of
Portugal had been undertaken in a manner not
only at variance with the rights of that independent
nation but also in a spirit, he must say, far from that of
impartiality between the two contending parties; and
when he believed that the admission of the principle
upon which this interference was based was likely to
place this country in a position of serious embar-
rassment, he did feel that it was their duty no
longer to be silent upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.)
It was their Lordships' duty to vindicate themselves in
the eyes of the country, in the eyes of Europe, and in
the judgment of the present time and the judgment of
posterity, and to free the world from the impression that
they participated in the principle or approved of the
course which had been pursued by her Majesty's Go-
vernment in relation to the internal affairs of Portugal.
It was their Lordships' duty to take care that their
silence should not subject them to misrepresentation,
and they could only fulfil that duty by expressing an
opinion as one branch of the Legislature of this great
empire, upon this most important subject, and, in his
judgment, the present was emphatically the time when
that expression of opinion ought to be given to the world.
No vote of their Lordships could interfere with the
existence of that treaty—it was a treaty binding upon
this country, and the Government themselves in laying
that treaty upon the table of the House had announced
to their Lordships that they had performed their func-
tions, and they appealed to this House for their
judgment—they challenged their decision, having
offered a fair and a full exposure of all the
facts ; and they asked their Lordships to pro.
nounce their judgment in the matter, and whether
they had rightly, wisely, and discreetly, exercised the
trust which the constitution had placed in their hands.
His charge against the Government—for he did not dis-
guise that it was a charge which he brought against the
Government—was, that the treaty into which they had
entered was a violation of the principles of international
law, a violation of the great fundamental principles, that
it is repugnant to the spirit of all the treaties into which
this country had entered ; that this mode of interference
was not impartial, and that the execution of the
treaty in good faith, as he doubted not it was
their desire, to execute it was difficult, if not altogether
impracticable in itself, and likely to lead this country
into a perpetual labyrinth of complication, and threat-
ening the most serious embarrassments to the diplomatic
and foreign relations of this country.—(Hear, hear.)
Ile could not conceive any principle more closely esta-
blished and universally recognised—that with respect
to the domestic and internal management of any state no
other country had a right to interfere in any way, but
least of all by force of arms ; and the only qualification
of that universal principle was, whenever the so-
called domestic or internal affairs were in their nature
likely to end ginger, if not the institutions, at least the
great interests of that country. He trusted that he
should be forgiven if he adverted to circumstances
which were in the memory of their Lorships, and within
the limits of what might be called their own time, for the
purpose of showing the unvarying and constant
course of precedent and policy adopted by statesmen of the
present century of all shades and distinctions of politics.
In France, during the internal commotion which had
prevailed in that country during the last century,
England did not feel herself called upon to interfere. In
1792, when the French revolution was at its height—
when the Sovereign was deprived of the exercise of his
regal functions—and wken the events of that period excited
feelings of alarm throughout Europe, the language from the
Throne in this country with reference to those events was,
no doubt, the language of apprehension and of alarm, but
It was the language of nonintervention.—(Hear, hear.)
(The Noble Lord here read extracts from the Speech
from the Throne at that period—" that this country
entirely abstained from all interference with the
internal affairs of France.") And afterwards, when
the King of France was brought to the block and judi-
cially murdered, the war which ensued was declared, not
by England against France, but by France against Eng-
land.—(Hear, hear.) During the long period of dismay
which followed, even up to the time when Charles X.
was obliged to give up his throne, did they ever
dream of interference?—(hear, bear,) No, it was
never thought of, and in the Speech4from the Throne
at that time no such principle was enunciated.
It concluded by stating that the King regarded with
pleasure the convocation of the Cortes. At a somewhat
earlier period the great principle of non-interference
was laid down by his Noble and Gallant Friend on the
cross-benches (the Duke of Wellington). When
at the congress of Verona, he addressed a memorandum
to the French Ambassador, stating that he had availed
himself of every opportunity of recommending to his
Majesty wholly to abstain from all interference in the
internal affairs of Spain, because he believed that
any interference could only place that monarch
in a worse position,. and prevent him from promoting the
internal amelioration of that country.—(Hear.) One
other great authority—one with whom, in many respects,
he differed in political opinions—one to whose memory
he looked with affectionate reverence—one whose
opinions Noble Lords opposite were bound to
receive with great weight, and one for whom those who
with differed the most ith him in political opinions, ho did
not in his life—and would not now hesitate to declare
that he was a statesman keenly anxious for the welfare
of his native country and of other nations—(Hear)—in
the year 1830, when negotiations were entered into with
the five great Powers of Europe, in pursuance of the
obligation of a treaty, for the purpose of settling the
arrangement between Belgium (which was then vir-
tually separated from Holland) and Holland—the
speech delivered from the Throne! on that occasion an-
nounced in distinct terms the principle which he was
anxious to lay down to their Lordships. The principle
, adopted by the advice of Earl Grey was non-interference
with the affairs of Belgium as contrary to the laws of
nations, and by that advice Earl Grey was enabled to
strengthen his Cabinet. They could not justify interfer-
ence on the part of another country on the pretence of
danger, and he would go further, and say, that if
the Belgians had adopted a republican form of
Government, instead of a monarchy, he did not
think it would be justifiable to interfere, nor
would he consent to such interference." Such was the
language of Earl Grey, and at what time ? Why the
revolution was not twelve months old ; the con-
stitutional, vet nevertheless revolutionary, throne
of Louis Philippe was barely established ; and
Republicanism was neither dead nor asleep in France.
The establishment of such a state upon the confines
of the kingdom, would naturally excite the jealousy of
France. Yet they had heard that Lord Grey had laid
it down that such a state of things would not justify an
interference, Perhaps it might be said that these prin-
ciples were true with regard to other nations, yet that
they had such intimate and special relations with Por-
tugal, that they were bound by them to interfere. He
fully admitted that they had special relations with Por-
tugal, the earliest of which was not less than 500 years
old, and there was one obligation which ran through
the whole of them, paramount of all, namely, that they
would not permit the security of Portugal to be invaded
or violated by any foreign power whatsoever.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) It was on this principle that, in
1826, in virtue of the existing treaties, Mr. Canning
sent an expedition to Lisbon, with a view to protect
Portugal from an invasion of Spain. It was no civil
contest, when Mr. Canning interfered, and he was
sure the Noble Lord had more fully studied that prece-
dent, and that the shade of Canning was now pre-
siding over the discussion.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Oh would that the spirit of Canning were now presiding
over the Commons of England. Would that there was
the eloquent tongue of Canning in that House to de-
nounce the conduct of these Ministers, who for the pur-
pose of saving the Sovereign of Portugal from the effects
of her own misgovernment, had attempted to coerce her
people and deprive them of their constitutional liberties—
had invited a French fleet to enter .the portals of their
cities, and called upon foreign standing armies to invade
their country.—(Hear, hear.) How different was the
course pursued by Mr. Canning. In 1838, when after a
series of violations of the most solemn and faithful
pledges—after committing murder and rapine upon all
hands, Don Miguel succeeded in usurping the throne of
his Sovereign and intended wife—at that moment ,the
troops of this country were stationed at Portugal, but as
their services were no longer required, as there was no
danger of a foreign invasion, and their presenceinter-
fered with the settlement of the internal and domestic
affairs of the country they were withdrawn, and the
world was again convinced of the love of this country
for constitutional law and undeviating impartiality
in the performances of its duties to other nations.
The Noble Marquis opposite, in alluding to the affairs
of Spain, expressed his most anxious wish that the Go-
vernment would impress upon foreign nations the duty
of adhering strietly to the principles which actuated her

Majesty's Government during the conflict with the
princes of the House of Braganca. A Noble Lord (the
Earl of Aberdeen) laid down th: law upon the subject
in the following terms:—he said, that in the whole se-
ries of treaties there is no express stipulations which
warrant the interference of this country, neither is there
any such obligation implied by their general spirit or
tenor. The treaties were formed for the purpose of re-
sisting successful rebellion. It is impossible that any
independent state could intend to commit the control
and direction of her internal affairs into the hands of
another party. Doubtless, if her Britannic Majesty
should be under the necessity of furnishing an armed
force for the internal regulation of the affairs of Por-
tugal, it would become his duty, and indeed an essential
duty, to prevent any such cause of necessity for inter-
ference at all. However, there would be required a
constant interference in the internal affairs of Portugal,
for it would be impossible for his Majesty to
consent to hold his fleets and armies at
the command of the; King of Portugal without having
the superintendence of the affairs, and being assured
that his forces would not be employed in arresting the
effects of misgovernment.—(Hear, hear.) The whole
spirit of the treaties, as well as their history, show that
the principle of the guarantee given by England is " the
protection of Portugal from foreign interference." This
was the principle which he contended lay at the root of
the whole question before their Lordships—it was his
duty to substantiate this, and to show to their Lord•
ships the grounds upon which all practical as well as
theoretical statesmen had acted ; and it was his opinion
that the Noble Viscount at the head of foreign affairs in
departing from that sound principle, had rendered him-
self a most dangerous master.—(Hear.) The principle
of non-interference was laid down by the Noble Lord
himself in 1829, in a speech he made at that time, to the
effect, " that every nation had the right to regulate its
own affairs—that it was a sound and sacred principle,
and one which he trusted England would never be found
to set the example of its violation—(Hear, hear)—
but that intervention by force of arms in the affairs of
other countries, was against general principle, and the
constantly observed practice of this country."—(Hear,
hear.) The Noble Lord also complained not against the
interference to which he was then referring, but because
of their interference on the wrong side.—(Hear, hear.)
He then stood up against interference, but expressed
himself in favour of intermeddling.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) This had been his plea then, so far as inter-
ference could be carried on without armed interference.
In 1833 a seeming departure took place from this princi-
ple of non-interference, in the case of Spain and Portu-
gal, when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were attempting
to depose the female sovereigns from the thrones of those
countries. Nay, so careful was his late lamented friend,
Earl Grey, to limit the application of that treaty within
the narrowest bounds, and most certainly in conformity
with the national obligations that it was in the
first instance entered into between Spain and
Portugal, for the expulsion of the claimant
to the Crown of Spain. By that treaty, France and his
Britannic Majesty were to be combined together for that
object, the agreement to have effect so soon as the French
fleet entered the Tagus ; but the King of the French
altered those conditions to these—that in the event of
his interposition becoming necessary to effect that object
he was ready to supply assistance, provided it was sought
by the united voice of the parties to the treaty. It was,
at any rate, a very doubtful question with regard to its
duration, and whether it was or was not improperly
extended. These additional articles contemplated not
the expulsion of the pretender to the throne, but that
assistance should be given to Spain for the purpose of
protecting her rights. He also thought that that was
doubtful policy, and that it went beyond what the merits
of the case required, and created besides a precedent of
a mischievous nature ; but still, the case of Portugal
could not apply to the state of Spain during the time to
which he was referring. If it were held out that the
principle of non-interference admitted of qualification,
it would become his duty to submit to their Lordships
as the second branch of this subject that the state of
things in Portugal, with respect to which the Govern-
ment were called upon to interfere, was one purely
domestic—one purely internal—one affecting no other
country—and one, therefore, which entitled no other
country to interfere ; it did not affect even the dynasty
of Portugal, and yet it was an interference
which, by the hand of the British Government,
withheld from the people of that country the
constitutional rights to which they were entitled.
He would state shortly to the House what were the facts
which led to the coup de etat, which, in its turn, led to
the revolution of Portugal. It appeared that in March
or April, 1846, there was not nominally, but really in
effect, at the head of the weak Ministry of the Duke de
Terceira, a Signor Costa Cabral, a man of ambition, as-
piring, active, energetic, and not of over scrupulous cha-
racter, who had commenced life as an ultra supporter of
most ultra republican principles, who had been, in
1836, an indiscreet leader of the Septembrist party,
where he manifested considerable ability, and was accord-
ingly rewarded by a subordinate post in the police. In
this situation he showed considerable power, made him-
self useful to the Ministry, and from being the most ultra
radical he came forward in the character of the most
violent partisan of Toryism, manifesting all the seal of
the most fervent convert. He was thought some-
what a dangerous man, and, accordingly, the Duke
de Terceira overlooked him in the formation of
his Ministry, but he made himself so formi-
dable to the Government by his leadership of an
emute, that he literally stormed the Government, and
compelled the Cabinet to attend to his wants and wishes.
There was abundant proof of these statements in the
blue book, and the correspondence which had been laid
upon the table of the House. In fine, Costa Cabral
placed himself really at the head of the Government.
Under his administration all kinds of peculation, extor-
tion, and vexatious oppression was practised upon the
people ; the right of the election was interfered with ;
armed troops were brought out to vote ; and thus the
freedom of the franchise was interfered with. That,
however, which proved the ultimate cause of the expul-
sion of Costa Cabral was a matter apparently of little
moment. Among the other courses 'which Costa Cabral
had pursued—among the other vexatious laws he had
introduced, was one which, under the pretext of sana-
tory regulation, compelled all persons to bury their dead
in certain cemeteries ; and for the better support of
those who lived upon the taxes and imposts levied
upon the people, these cemeteries were left un-
walled and unsecured. The consequence was, that the
bodies were torn up by dogs, and one universal feeling
of disgust and indignation pervaded the whole country
at the tyrannical and disgusting proceedings of the Go-
vernment. Eventually a woman named Marianna
Montes, whose child had died, required that it should
be buried in the church, but the priest refused to bury
it there, pleading the law in justification of his refusal.
This gave rise to a disturbance, and the military were
called out when some blood was shed, and the women
and the peasantry fell upon the soldiers. In a few hours
the country rose from one end to the other, and Costa
Cabral becoming alarmed at the consequence of his own
acts, and the Queen at the prospect before her, the resigna-
tion of the Government was given in and accepted, and
the Duke of Palmella was called into office. In the
course of one week from that time the insur-
rection subsided, and the policy of the Duke
of Palmella had restored the confidence of the
people when the Queen demanded his resignation.
The Duke de Palmella proceeded to frame an electoral
law by decree to regulate the manner in which the elec •
tors were to take places at the ensuing election of the
Cortes. The plan was very generally approved of by
the people of that country. Thus matters stood on the
6th of October, 1846, the time at which the papers laid
upon the table of the House commenced. The Duke de
Palmella enjoyed the confidence of the people, but he
did not enjoy the confidence of the Crown. That was
surrounded by evil advisers, whom he had not taken the
precaution to engage in his interest. The royal ear was
poisoned by misrepresentations, and false views and
notions were most sedulously poured into the royal ear.
On the 6th of October, took place that extrordinary event
detailed in the papers before their Lordships, when with-
out warning, without notice, or without preparation, or
the least intimation of what was likely to take place,
the Duke de Palmella, was sent for to the Palace, and
there, with the Military Commandant of Lisbon, was
told that it was her Majesty's pleasure that they should
resign, that they should sign their own dismissal,
and the appointment of their successors, and
that they were prisoners in the Palace till
the so•called spontaneous act of resignation was
effected. This took place within four days of the period
appointed for the elections under the new law of the
Duke of Palmella. The communication made by the
Duke to her Majesty upon that occasion was in sub-
stance this—he did not entertain any apprehension of
danger from the prevalence of existing opinions in the
new Cortes—that he looked forward with considerable
confidence to be able in the new Cortes to reconcile the
undeniable rights of Majesty with the constitutional liber-
ties of the people, and it so happened that his predic-
tions were borne out in the case of four elections which
had then taken place, and there was no doubt that there
would have been almoderate and constitutional majority
in the new Cortes. Whatever might have been the
answer of the Duke of Palmella, it had no influence
whatever on the plans which were then contemplated.
The Duke bowed to the authority of his Sovereign, and
accepted the resignation which was forced upon him,
and, upon the instruction of her Majesty's pleasure, left
Portugal and sought the shelter of this country.—(Hear.)
The Marquis of Saldanha who succeeded him, admitted
that his whole Government was composed of the Ca-
bralist party, and as if to mark the connexion between
these two parties, Mr. Bulwer wrote from Madrid that
they were considered to be identical.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, the Noble Viscount at the head of !Foreign
Affairs in this country, some time afterwards, in a dis-
patch sent out to Portugal, congratulated the Govern-
ment of Saldanha that they had no connexion with the
Cabralist party.—(Loud cheers.) The new administra-
tion to succeed the Cabralist administration was formed,
and the first act was the revocation of the electoral de-
cree, and the suppression of all newspapers except the
official journals. In the course of a few days, a decree
was issued, by which her Majesty assumed the dictatorship
of the kingdom, and was made responsible to no one for
her acts. On the 3d of November a sanguinary edict came
out, that all the insurgents should be shot on the field
without trial.—•(Hear, hear.) On the 14th, an edict
came out seriously affecting the interests of British mer-
chants, and all classes of persons at Lisbon, by compell-
ing the circulation of the worthless notes of the Bank of
Portugal. These were the measures of the first fortnight
of the administration headed by the Duke de Palmella,
which had been established to redeem the acts of the
Cabralists, to redeem that solemn pledge which was
given to the people in the month of May by the Queen,
by her proclamation to confide in her royal word, as she
would henceforth govern within the terms of the consti-
tution.—(Hear, hear.) But what was the state
vent of things
e took
on the part of the people of Portugal. T
place on the 6th of October. The Duke of Ter-
ceira was sent to Oporto for the purpose of
carrying out the intentions of
.the Government.
agreed to at Lisbon but be found his authority treated

as nought, and his decrees as waste paper, and instead of
being looked upon as the Queen's Commissioner, he
found himsel; a prisoner. In a few days a provisional
Junta was formed, under the auspices of Co,de Das
Antes, and the state of things became so desperate that
it was contemplated that it would he necessary for her
Majesty to seek safety in one of her Majesty's vessels
lying in the Tagus. In ten or fourteen days from that
time, from Oporto to Coimbria, from Coirnbria to Ciudad
Roderigo, from Ciudad Roderigo to Torres Vedras, and
in fact from one end of Portugal to another, the flame
of insurrection broke out, simultane,uslv, and without
any connexion between them, and the Crown possessed
no authority save that which it held by the bayonets of
the soldiers. Why, before a month, the same spirit
burst out from every portion of the country, and could
any man doubt the feeling out of which these disturb.
ances arose, and that it was to oppose the dismissal of a
constitutional Minister, and prevent the recsl of one who
had been driven from power by the universal indignaii.n
of the country? Where, then, was the opportunity for
foreign interference? He could see none. Those who
rose to vindicate their rights to constitutional liberty
from the inroads of tyranny, professed the deepest re-
spect for the person of the sovereign ; but they pro-
fessed a still deeper attachment to those constitutional
rights which belonged to the subjects of a limited mo-
narchy. In both professions he believed them to be
earnestly sincere. He would not weary the House
with a detail of the long and tedious attacks which
were made by disciplined troops upon unarmed and un-
disciplined psasantry. One gleam alone appears to have
enlightened the general gloom, and that was where a
victory hed been gained by the Duke De Saldanha, after
an action in which considerable gallantry was displayed
upon both sides, where the insurgents entered into stipu-
lations that they should surrender as prisoners of war,
and have all the honours allowed to prisoners of war.
Among them were some of the best, some of the bravest,
and some of the most enlightened men in the land. They
were brought in as prisoners. How were they treated
after this surrender ?—(Cries of " Hear.") He would
quote a dispatch from Mr. Sotheron of 13th December.
The Noble Lord read that part of the representation
made by that gentleman of the severity exercised on the
captives, who were imprisoned in such a place as endan-
gered the health and perhaps the lives of the sufferers.
He (Lord Stanley) believed that her Majesty's Govern-
ment had exerted themselves to the utmost which they had
power to do on behalf of those sufferers. Col. Wylde, on
the 15th February, stated in a letter, that the Duke of
Saldanha had adopted his remonstrances, and expressed
his disapproval of exiling the prisoners taken at Torres
Vedras. But how were these remonstrances treated ?
The Noble Lord again quoted Mr. Sotheron's writing
en the 30th January, to the effect that several of the
nobility had been taken without notice and put
in close confinement. The dispatch of the Ist
February stated that the prisoners were crowded
on board of a vessel, preparatory to exile. The captain
of the vessel remonstrated against the indecency and
inhumanity of employing a vessel not fit for the lowest
or the vilest felons without danger to health or life, and
in packing the members of the noblest families in a
space not sufficient for one half the number. The
remonstrance was accompanied with the certificate of
the surgeon that he would not be answerable for the
consequences. The commandant, for his remon-
strance, was dismissed ; and the surgeon, for
his certificate, was imprisoned, and ordered
to be brought to trial. It was determined
notwithstanding to send the prisoners into exile, and the
only dispute was whether they should be sent to Gea, or
Madeira, or the Azores. To the Azores they could not
be sent, for it was impossible to prevent their returning
to Portugal. So that the election remained between the
unhealthy atmosphere of Goa or Madeira. Such was
the conduct of the Government upon the first and only
flush of success which attended their arms. Within a
few days after that first and only success, 'there was the
only security which was then left, that of trial by jury
abolished.—(Hear, hear.) It was also sought to be
established, that the cities were in a most illegal
and flagrant insurrection, but this is most strenu-
ously denied by the parties on the other side.
—(Hear.) It was true that there were a considerable
number of peasants who raised the cry " Viva Don
Miguel ;" and an officer of the name of Macdonald set
up the standard of Don Miguel, but he was himself put
down, defeated, and slain ; and from that time not even
a murmur was raised from one of the Miguelites. (The
Noble Lord here proceeded to read F eve ral extracts from
letters and dispatches written by Viscount Palmerston
and the Marquis de S'aldanha, in order to prove the real
character of the insurrection.) The objects, continued
the Noble Lord, was to put down that coup d'etat,which
surrounded the throne, and which, at the same time, was
a disgrace and dishonour to it. The Noble Lord at the
head of Foreign Affairs, had laid down a rule of strict
impartiality between the two parties, and he sent out
Colonel Wylde, for the purpose of observing the course
of events, but stated to him, at the same time, that the
Government could do nothing more than act as medi-
ators between the two parties. Colonel Wylde arrived
in Portugal on the 9th of November, but he had not

..,
fully carried out the purport of the instructions given to
him. The Noble Lord here read various extracts from

letters written by the Marquis de Saldanha and Colonel

Wylde, with a view of showing that Colonel Wylde had
not acted impartially between the parties, but had
favoured the cause of the Marquis de Saldanha.
Colonel Wylde, contended the Noble Lord, was a mere
tool doing the biddieg of the Marquis of Saldanha.:—
(Hear, hear.) The great principle which he had laid
down at the commencement of his address was that of
non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations;
he had endeavoured to show that the quarrel between
the parties, was precisely an internal quarrel, arising
from domestic causes, and could not, therefore, justify
any interference on the part of any other country. He
was certainly at a loss to understand what possible dan-
ger could have come over the minds of the Government
to convince them that what was wrong on the 6th of
October was right on the 6th of April; or how the Noble
Lord, at the head of the Foreign Department, had suc
ceeded in convincing himself that the arguments which
he before used were entirely fallacious. Up to the pe
riod of the sth of April, the interference was only that
of a mediator ; but, after that period, it became an
armed intervention; up to that period there was no
ground for complaining of the want of impartiality on
the part of this country, but after that the matter took
a very different turn; it was no longer a mediation, but
a mediation accompanied by an armed intervention.
Certain terms were tendered to the Crown, upon the ac-
ceptance of which the Government were ready to pro-
ceed, but upon the refusal, on the part of the Queen,
to entertain those terms, the Government could with-
draw from its ineffectual attempt at interference. The
offer made by the Government to the Junta was this :
These are the terms presented ; accept them ; if you do
not accept the terms without limitation, and without
alteration, we will come down upon you with the forces
of France and Spain, and compel you to accept them.
Was this an equitable interference between two contend-
ing parties, struggling together on an affair purely do-
mestic and internal ?—(Hear, hear.) The state of the
Queen's army was described by Sir H. Seymour and
Colonel Wylde as miserable in the last extreme ;
wherever the Queen's troops went they carried off the

flocks and the Crops of the country, while the troops of
the Junta were well fed and well clothed. It was under
these circumstances that the Government thought proper
to interfere, in conjunction with the forces of France and
Spain. Under these circumstances it was that the Go-
vernment had sanctioned an invasion of the soil of Por-
tugal ; and could their Lordships tell him upon what
plea it was that the Government vindicated
its oppressive interference with this couutry—
by a country which had hitherto been the
protectress of liberty. He had heard some reasons stated
why this country should interfere, but he thought that
they were based upon such low grounds that no states-
man would venture to interfere. It had been said that
if this country did not interfere other nations would.
What countries? France or Spain? Would they have
interfered without the sanctionofEngland? If
would it not be the duty of England to prohibit such in
terference? But he did not believe that any such inter-
ference 6 would have taken place on the part of France,
and he felt confirmed in this opinion by the statement
of M. Guizot, who expected the return of Don Miguel
to Portugal, and, in the event of such an occurrence
taking place, the Government of France would apply to
the parties to the Quaduple Alliance upon the subject,
and that that Government was ready to concert measures
with Spain, Portugal, and England. In a dispatch dated
the 9th of August, from M. Guizot to Lord Palmerston,
M. Guizot admitted that the treaty of the Quadruple Al-
liance was not at all applicable to the affairs of Por-
tugal. Sir H. Seymour, when he got credit for impar-
tiality, though he appeared to lean towards
the cause of the Queen of Portugal, and to
support the intentions of the British Government,
stated that the French Minister at Lisboa had offered
the aid of France, and that it had been declined. On
the news reaching England, Lord Palmerston called upon
the French Ambassador for an explanation, and in reply
he stated, that it was a mistake to say that the support
and aid of France had been offered to the Queen of Por-
tugal.—(Hear.) So much for France. The interference
of Spain 1 The interference of Spain, in
S her present
condition, in the affairs of Portugal ! That pain should
signalfi r first Spanish
po af nwi se hr
threaten to interfere at all was altogether impossible.
sWolhdyie,rifthtahtecGroosyseersntmheent
frontier bad
said,
ll b e" t.thbee
with England," did they think thaetnStapbalienewonodurtiohna,vaes so
o
frontier ? (The
Spain would adopt no
hfaary feoaregnott tae n
singleh e herself. 41
landdie hersoldier
a
Noble Lord here read a dispatch from the Spanish Mi-
c across the
ndi
eestieari,vestaet
Everything, therefore, showed
oinugrsethawtitthheouQtuetehneofcoSnsent of England.—
(Hear, and cheers.)
that Spain would not act independenity of England,
Even if the cause of the Queen of Portugal was unaided
by the arms of England, and Spain had marched an
army into Portugal, such an act would have protracted
the present state of the country, and would have caused
its people to rise up against such an invasion, and a war
of the most disastrous and bloody character would have
at once broken out between the two countries. They
had, however, undoubtedly succeeded in their interven-
tion; but had they advanced any nearer the final settle.
merit of the question in which they had interfered?
What had they gained for Portugal? what had they
gained for themselves?—(Hear, hear.) Had they gained
the personal gratitude of the sovereign of Portugal?
Perhaps they might; they had saved her throne, which
never was in danger except from her own misgovern-
ment—(Hear, hear)—they had saved her throne, which
she might have saved herself by a proper
policy; but whilst they hal saved the course of
throne, they had
h , ear)—she had been
humiliated the sovereign—
(Hear,
guilty of a long course of unconstitutional acts,
and had exasperated her
hmer people.—(Hear, hear.),
thecaeffnetctaionn;
friendship
dshthe
people Had tolife
y" tortuthn,
geal?—(flear.) Did they think they had
confirmed the old feeling of attachment
which had heretofore subsisted between this country
and Portugal ? Had they not rather given to the people
of Portugal henceforth reason
work its way to say,
in Portugal, "Tyranny may
secure that at the last mo.

. ----------------
meat it will he'protected from the, ust consequences of the
indignation of the people by the interference of forged
led on by England.—(Cheers.) Henceforthbut a the liberty -
and freedom of Portugal are but shadows— name.
For however unanimous the feelings of the nation way
be—however de'ermined their strugele for liberty, and
however successful the result—at the last moment li-
berty will be snatched from them by the interference of
France and Spain, aided by Councils, and by the arms ofef
England.—(Cheers.) England is no longer our powe
ful ally, under whom we were said to rest, and of whose
protectien we were sure when eppressed." From thie
time they would 1 iiik upon England ns leagued with her
en em ies.—( [leer, bear.) He did not stop
~land
t°,
inquire whether the terms proposed by Ene
faith"
were fair and equitable, whether they would be
fully carried out, whether the national lovers of freedom
might be satisfied, whether the Junta would have acted
otherwise than they had expressed themselves, but he
could not forbear inquiring when they anticipated the!
they could withdraw their forces from Portugal, anu
whether. %then they had done so, those of France migat
ht
not enter the country, whether it was not probable tb
by the voice of the nations of the continent they might
be called upon to continue that intervention to a greater
extent than they could now anticipate? Bin until
treaty
they were pledged to afford aid to the
herden until
but
had accomplished the pacification of ominions, b.tt
did that stipulation mean the total suppression of tee
power new arrayed against the Queen—tile suppression
of civil rebellion ; or did it mean the removal of the
causes which had led to this outbreak ; or did it mean
the pacification of the people, not
moral and mental, and the coneilia
affections of the people of Portugal ? Did the)?
mean to frame the laws of the country, to interfere In
the elections, to interfere in the internal affairs of Poe.'
tugal—that the tribunals of justice should not be 100°1:
tuted to power—that the voters should not be overborn:
by force, or prostituted by the bribery or undue influene
of the Government? but if they did not do this, the):
liberty would be protected. Then with pt
ihoyn mica)
of
f I:::
gave no guarantee to the people of Portugal that
etht.tre
conference—suppose it should consist of Costa Can 1
and others of the extreme party, how would theyeanceei,
Were they prepared to see another revolution
publiccomm
and by the exercise of their authority to Proteel
arbitrators?
justice and td make themselves rulers and a_.
To him it appeared an intervention of' mouldintoler
resieect t . the
character ; but it seemed to him that it berthe
far more intolerable if they were going
) to
this. He saw nothing but embarrassntunt ei.
lousies, which they would find it difficult. ht
remove. He hoped that the faith of the. Crown Injed
he maintained—that the electoral law might be they'
—that the Cortes might be summoned—and thal that
might respect the feelings of the people ; he,,h°„aence•
those feelings would not carry them her o° r-ti es.
otte Wes"
and lead them to the adoption of extre must be
What had been done was irredeemable, and . „e_
execrated; and if, on the contrary to his
it led to a restoration of tranquillity and the
appreheuhls;
tendde . ii_i;
ment of constitutional liberty in Portugal, esta ha
he shouldtha
glad. He, however, telt confident in his own mind,,4„, sna
the course they were now pursuing was ital"'" to
he could not think it consistent with his own dui fled
shrink from bringing the subject forward, and he t. with
their Lordships would not consider it consistentsewa
their duty to abstain from vindicating the° a of
in the eyes of the world and in the eiewhich
posterity against a participation in the coarsest
they
her Majesty's Government were pursuing, andthfee of
would express their sense of the reckless /Nu. id that
theth eyc owuorsueldwvheiteehatgheeinst Governmentihatwhie
which
had pursuedtc,llo2 an
act of great injustice, and at variance wPiPethatrheedfutniderterlrci
tal principles of the laws of nations. (The etieb. his
resumed his seat amidst loud cheers after stihreitt'llig
motion to the House.) goys ant,
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought n -0'
to offer his most decided protest against the-
the Noble Lord. When the Noble Lord, in to
the cruelties which had been toted that
committed, sta,
teedtn• ha
southeron had been most active in alleviating and
forgot to state that his conduct had been directr, in
pointed out by her Majesty's Government. Ile e_l4. by
entering upon this subject, he was not called uPresto
any observations made by the Noble Lord to einteer'iere
the expediency, under certain circumstances, of interfere
the °pi-
ing in the affairs of other nations. Although the do of
nion that no interference in the quarrels and diseeria by
other nations should take place bad been alwaYe liiele de-
e, small minority in this country, vet all those
dvertingge.
served the name of good and semi(' politiciane,Wwerthe is
favour of the contrary principle, and thought was
intervention in the affairs of other nationS ry.
soime no ony expedient but e_
necesr, to
Inmet s
the first instlance, be felt it necessa• in
call the attention of their Lordships to the relatlhas
which this country stood with respect to Portugal. 1001
peculiar connexion was founded upon the geograPoi of
positions of the two countries, and upon the sYsterts-
commerce which was carried on, and for ages that .aat
tion had remained nearly the same down to the Pre'" 0.
time. They practically knew that in the more distant Rats
tries, such as Japan or China, the consequence °f spee
and revolutions could not affect this country, but !oil
rience taught them that in no ono instance had 'royal
been touched without immediately and strongly twe:3, in
the intere,ts of this country. The Noble Lord h toy
the course of his observations, inferred that this el:i e
t/rw
was not only a consenting party, but gave that sPr of
tion which was implied by ours
silence to that c to
circumstances which had been described as 10°,10
the disturbances which had taken place. The/ bleb
bound to refrain from giving any indications rie, of
could be construed into a support of the
eitherprocedu%sa-
side as long as actual intervention of the 9.,,°tbre.e
ment and the nation was uncalled for. There we'inoteo.,
stages in the policy which the Government had a''it et
There was a timo when they took only the art
spectators—but interested spectators—of the e-eeof
discords of Portugal, and they could see that 0!) t-0 the
the conflicting parties came free from blame liti ' -in
tribunal of public opinion ; but there were t'eler:''or
00-
which all of them had committed acts which he 100
less required the disapprobation of those ic'et. tb°
interested in the affairs of Portugal. The state. page
country had been described by Sir H. Seymour' Tare the
221 of the report upon this subject. He stated teuahof
most alarming disturbances had been the conseqn , heee
the indulgence of all those evil passions which bawun
eared
called forth by the disputes between the Cr° yea'
the people. The whole of the attempt of the g° egte
ment had not been an attempt to overthrow the dyne
of Portugal—it was not an attempt to introduce any the
übeliosation
laws into Portugal, but merely an attempt to
Crown of that country into more close tom l
,sf those,
with the people, so as to obviate nsanYt or a :"
the country.
disturbances which had taken Place iii ustuell'
The Government laid between three thechar.)_ef Juno,
athnedsedeeshpeontiesems,
despotism with Donna Maria, a republeicgiuhetween all
if one 1 s some
eventually become the ascendant, un es
Government of this
wititwhasDohnaedMiguel. Se
thew
ence took place upon the part of the it would
country. From the dispatches e Bulwer, .
~
n Mr.
e. eious wise 0
be seen that there could not be a more
hain le was she re,
co-operate with this country, than that weee .0., the'
to exist on the Part of Spain. It was said, howe'rsh Go-
Spain should act under the command of the Eega a free
vernment. Now, was that language to be used 50.0 vie
would not
and independent Government? He thought Spule„ Oils
quite as interested in the affairs of Portugal leoti-
country could possibly be, and he could interfere
not with
ceive how Spain could possibly be more indiffeeeetsoelo
ae,
withnLordtinto
viewr
cots
ephat
aeioodi
nntheirthataffairs
N pi
otnaohwrt
fee:pr
oae
Portugal,
rt
Spain
interferencedup,
gataihannal n
wwotouhu 1i
di sd opportunityehhooaau vneett rhieei
e• ia had the
beets
ea
tT:
part
The-Neat
soei
efoug
.on .70:t
eat
brsior
00:f
tfehmraelinethileincgouFrrsaenpcoeinatnedd England; but even that 'h",- d
buysiotnhe
iNnobflivoLuoirdo•icsoi_tfri.
Noble Lord (Stanley)
had taken adv wb' age °,'
Guizot to draw a coountcl
views. They ought not
posed that in the course oftoe
come down with a war on S let itthat be 01
had
dve remained perfectly neutral .vents, _
__ wool
fore, that the Government had pursued a wise cours,„' irl,
this question. They had "not," as Mr. Cannieg see- rd
Spain, aainnd, tbhaett4reagnhete,
throot;
somewhere in that speech to which the Noble e.he,
(Stanley) had referred, " waited for war, but gulleedied
fore war." And the policy the Government hen Pu,'-esr,
would have been that adopted by Mr. Canning.--"Lli to
hear.) They (the Government) had endeavollrec bet
reconcile the Queen of Portugal to the feelings elhope
people. They had endeavoured to give her stittieuti„ to
that they might be able to induce the Quer-„..etl
revoke those unjustifiable measures which ei,%10.1..)
the indignation of her subjects.—(llear, e'Thwas
He thought that the Noble Lord (Stanley)
tint'
most unreasonable in his condemnation of the aPPajo
meets of the Government. They could not have 0,-de
a more judicious selection than that of Colonel WY
That Gentleman had been engaged for many years in
0
Peninsular war, and had become acquainted with thiii,
ahl
dtei peopleonno not
oEarl
w of
tfi
oc Spain
be
ea
he
ane
acquisitionsh
na
dls i habits
aa tnknowledge
oseifteuut
pointed. He believed that no more eligible Pe'tbo
could be chosen than that gentleman, and unless e-ois
Noble Lord told him (the Marquis of Lansdowne) s-ad
,e •
speciareircutnstanceof disqualification, he should sttr ible
mahnoadds t Pb:earel :olio!
here to his opinion. Sir H. Seymour also was a most ele'gfity.
person, possessing, as he did, knowledge and {tiledi to
He must say that the Noble Lord had totally und.
make out this part of his case ; and in the correl ed
ence that had taken place between Colonel wyldo Isor
Marshal Saldanha, the latter said :—" I give Yftif 11°,
word and honour that nothing could be more Patillot.
me than to think that I have given cause of coorstres
iAnd what was the conduct of these gentlemen I, celo'
t not in conformity with their character ? 11°t" ed.
nel Wylde and Sir Hamilton Seymour naturallYeeo's
dressed themselves first to the leaders of the quoit
party. But the Noble Lord said that when they e
the
Portugal understood that they were to fav°llrto
interests of the Queen, and that their views were 0 to
directed to establish a Government totally' differe,eooe
that then existing in Portugal. Now, these geut' teat
went out to Portugal upon the distinct impres_o of
their measures were to be directed to the recto
creme
the Legislature of the country in its fullest an lee lir
They were told also that the insurgents were to be pa
eluded in the amnesty. A better provision could not
procured for the insurgents, though the Noble 1-I°_r inter'
that they had derived no advantages from thehat the
ference of this Government. He contended "03000eff
Government throughout had acted in ii ace ,
calculated for the security of the Petitatio'
Europe, and had succeeded in securing a et''s,' reo°
ee 4.
for Portugal. In effecting that they had achle ,recira _
than it' they had gained a victory at TorreS_:oo h:
With respect e , the argument as to rumble
wer_
did not think the arguments of the Noble P_'__ 7;.ht h;
satisfactory. Abstinence from interference 47 're.,.
carried too far in public as well as in private 101 ev a da",,,/,
might arise a state in which interference becarbe eieol,
It was the same way in publie life., whet tu...j
of the Noble Lord reminded Mini 0' • eintados-
place at a trial. A person wig ,