The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-19 00:00:00

PRICE sd.

REPRESENTATION OF IPSWICH.

( From the Ipswich Express.)
We last week announced the intended retirement of Sir
Thomas Cochrane from the representation of this borough,
upon the dissolution of the present Parliament ; since then
the " why and the wherefore" of the divorce of this politi-
cal union has been bruited abroad. The real state of the
case is now fully ascertained. A letter has been addressed
by the Hon. and Gallant Knight, to numerous persons,
who, it appears, have claims for certain electioneering debts,
and who have been most woefully left in the lurch. This
letter fully exculpates the Honourable and Gallant Knight,
and shows an open and straightforward dealing, and at the
same time a zeal for his party, which command respect and
justify his high character as a gentleman.
The following extracts embody the principal facts :
" Early last summer," says Sir Thomas, "an offer was made
to me of standing for the representation of Ipswich, in the
event of a dissolution of Parliament. This led is conferring
with several gentlemen, at which I set out with most distinctly
stating that I was not a person of large income, and could
not afford to go beyond a certain sum in any con-
flict I might enter upon. Ihe descriptions given to me
as to the probability of success and the extent of liabi-
lities, were encouraging ; but our negotiations went off,
in consequence of my declining to keep myself dis-
engaged for a vacancy . at whatever period it might
offer. Mr. Gibson's resignation suddenly and unexpect-
edly occurred, and I was immediately applied to, to en-
counter a contest ; but declined on the ground that, as I could
not engage in two contests, I must hold myself free for the
contingency of a dissolution. I was then extremely pressed
to change my determination. I was told it was of vast impor-
tance, to prevent the intrusion of a Whig or Radical into the
borough, and that if I did not undertake the task,the seat would
in all probability be lost ; and Mr. Fitzroy Kelly declared, that
if I would consent to make the attempt, he would guarantee
that the expense on my part should not exceed a certain sum,
and that he would give me a letter to the leading men of Ips-
wich to that effect."
On Sir Thomas's arrival in Ipswich he had an interview
with one of the leading men, and he goes on to state, " my first
step was to place Mr. Kelly's letter into his hands, containing
the conditions on which I had come down ; his reply was, that
he did not see how it was to cost so much. This answer having
perfectly satisfied my scruples," &c.
" Before the day of election arrived," continues Sir Thomas,
" I had paid the whole sum I had, on my departure frordton-
don, stipulated to advance, and I left Ipswich after the elec-
tion, under the conviction that I was as free from any pecuniary
obligations to that place, as if I had never heard of it. Within
two or three weeks after, I received a letter from Mr. Fitzroy
Kelly, asking me to pay a certain further sum on account of the
election. 1 was not a little surprised by such a demand, and
particularly coming from him, but still I paid it without any
comment or observation, feeling that, at all events, now my pecu-
niary obligations were definitively discharged. Not long after
this, Mr. Kelly told me that, on a recent visit to Ipswich, he
had been informed that there were outstanding debts there,
due for previous political occurrences, to the extent of
nearly 2,0001., and that, unless these demands were liqui-
dated, the Conservative candidates would suffer upon any future
election.; that he had agreed to pay 1,0001., and suggested
whether I would not pay the remainder. To this astounding
information I scarcely knew how to reply, and I recapitulated
to Mr. Kelly all that passed between me, himself, and the gen-
tlemen of Ipswich. Mr. Kelly admitted the truth of my state-
ment, but at the same added, that if the money were not paid
both our seats would be endangered ; he afterwards requested
me to receive a communication from 'Captain Fitzroy, which
contained little more than a repetition of what Mr. Kelly had
stated, with the addition of his own opinion, that the people
of Ipswich were determined to have the money paid, and that
if I did not come forward they would find some other person
who had two or three thousand pounds to spare, and throw me
over, and I closed the discussion by repeating my determina-
tion never to accede," &c.
Sir Thomas then goes on to state—" It was not till the month
of February (1840) that a further demand was made upon me
for nearly bOOl, which has been the more immediate cause of
the dissolution of my connection with Ipswich."
Sir Thomas, after expressing his surprise at the new demand,
recapitulating all the circumstances attending his first coming
forward—his unwillingness to do so on the ground of expense,
his consenting on the clear understanding that the expenses
should be limited to a certain sum, concludes by stating that
his anxiety that the Conservative cause should not suffer by a
rupture, was such that he would engage to meet the demand
of nearly 5001. provided he found upon a future election that
• he received that fair and honourable support he considered him •
self entitled to.
" The gentlemen to whom this proposition was submitted,
, have, in other words, given it to me as their opinion, that it
will not meet the views of the electors of Ipswich, and feel-
ing convinced, in my own mind, that nothing but the pay-
ment of the greater demand, in addition to the 5001., will
, secure to me the entire support of the Conservatives of Ips-
wich, and that the apprehensions entertained by Captain Fitz-
' roy are about to be realised, I consider no alternative is left
me but to terminate my political connection with Ipswich."

NOTTINGHAM ELECTION.
(Abridged from the Nottingham Review of Friday. )
Yesterday (Thursday) evening a meeting, consisting of be.
tween three hundred and four hundred of the Liberal electors
of the town was held in the Exchange Hall, to hear Mr. Lar-
pent, the Liberal candidate, deliver his sentiments on his first
appearance in the town of Nottingham.
Lord RANCLIFFE, having been moved into the chair, pro-
ceeded to address the meeting, and said, I feel sure that any
one you may choose must fall short of my dear and re-
spected friend, your late representative.—( Applause.) In
looking at his career, one as bright, brave, and good, as any
man can boast of, either as a warrior or a statesman, every
one of you would be ashamed if I did not join in this tribal e of
affection and regard for his memory.—(Loud applause.) But
though, in the current of events, he is taken away from this
mortal career, and perhaps for better purposes—to fill his place
in your hearts, and to occupy his station in the affairs of the
country, although I had nearly given over politics, and every
thing connected with them, I bring forward Mr. Larpent, who
although he has not signalised himself yet, is well qualified
to represent you.—(Loud cheering.) I stand before you
as I have ever done. I stand here as a thorough-paced Radical.
—( Applause.) In 1812 I did the same. I then voted against
everything that could injure the working classes, or oppress the
community. So I began, and so I will die.—(Vehement cheer-
ing, his Lordship expressing his sentiments most energetically.)
And I have not the least doubt that. my Hon. Friend, if he will
allow me to call him so, will not fall short in my steps.—
( Hear, hear.) I take my leave in introducing him to 3oti.—
( His Lordship took his seat amidst much cheering.)
G. G. de H. LARPENT, Esq., rose immediately, and said—
The first question I was asked when I came to Nottingham was,
Who and what are you ?" I knew that lam a stranger, and
that I came to succeed one who was well known. I have,
therefore, come here to tell you what I am ; but I will first
tell you what I am not. lam not a nominee of Govern-
ment.—(Great cheering.) I have worked too hard for my
independence to barter it to any one ; but feeling, as I
do, that the party to which I belong is the one most
likely to give good sound government, and that we cannot
without the assistance of the present Government exercise any
material power—l will for that waive some of my principles so
as to prevent the return of one of an opposite party, who
would be an enemy to all good government.—( Hear, hear.)
I will now tell you what I am. I am, and always have been,
engaged in commercial pursuits. I have opposed the great
monopoly of the East India Company, deeming that it would
be of great benefit to the country, which it has since proved to
be, as well as that in China.--(llear.) It is my boast that I
contributed to the destroying of that monopoly. That being
done with I turn my attention to the country, and look for-
ward to the time when all taxes but those absolutely neces-
sary to the maintenance of the revenue will be repealed, and
when class legislation will be abolished; for it will ever be
my greatest endeavour to stop all class legislation.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) I would with this view refer you to the re-
port of the House of Commons—there how forcibly is depicted
the crippling our commerce and the extreme evils we suftbr
under, when if those obnoxious laws which press so heavT on
industry were repealed, we should beat all off; when, if it
were not for the pernicious Corn-laws, which still foster and
nurture manufactures abroad, which have drawn away our best
Bi itish managers and artisans, we might now have been the
market for the world.— (Hear.) I have seen in my business,
lace, hosiery, and woollen cloths, manufactured abroad, which
were as beautiful as any that can be made in this country, and
which were offered for sale to use. These would never have
been manufactured had it not been for the Corn-laws,--
(Applause.) If this is the case, what can be done to stop such
an evil state of things? In 1828 I was one of the parties
who presented a petition to Parliament in favour of free
trade, grounded on the principle that actuates us all,
namely, " Buy in the cheapest market and sell in the
dearest;" that was the first attempt made. The petition ways
presented by Lord Ashburton, who, I am grieved to say, is
since changed. I have not done so.—( hear.) It is my pride
to maintain them and thus assist in freeing the country IYom
incidentally
mentioned trammels which now beset her. I have now
mentioned the Corn-laws—not incidentally, I hope, however,
for the mode in which those imposts are collected is one of the
most vile ever known, and its workings still worse. It deranges
the monetary system, it has brought the Bank of England
nearly to bankruptcy, it has starved the greater part of our po-
pulation, and it has brought the corn trale to a system of
wholesale gambling.—(Hear, hear,) Let us get rid of this
law, odious and detestable as it is, and then let us see what we
can procure in its place. Another point is the Poor-laws—
indeed they go together. Let us lock at the workin -
classes, and consider what the Poor-laws are for ;—why
to throw them on their own resources. But was it fair to dO
that until they found them something whereby they might ob-
tain those resources ?—(Hear, hear.) Is it not the all-starving
Corn-laws that prevent them, I ask ?—(Yes' yes.) God for-
bid that I should advocate the Poor-laws, to relieve the landed
interest from their rates.—(Hear.) Let the Corn-laws be
repealed, and the altered state of the people will be immedi-
ately perceptible.—(Loud applause.) With respect to the
Poor-law Bill, the majorities of the House have decided that
for five years longer at least it shall become the law of the
land ; but I will give you my earnest professions—for profes-
sions are all I can give you now—but I think from my past life
they are worth something ; I give my most earnest professions
that I will always test it on the principle of " What good can
it do to the working classes ?" That shall be my polar star.
After some further remarks in the same strain he stated that
he was in favour of an extension of the franchise and the
ballot, and against Church-rates. He was much applauded,
and after thanks had been voted to the Noble Chairman the
meeti, )crated.

ng sep;

The town is all alive with the anticipated election.
The chief topic of discourse is, who is to be the man ?
The Journal, last week, was so obliging as to name a
Mr. Fox as the candidate ready cut and dried for us, but
the men of Nottingham do not mean to have a Go-
vernment retainer, a " Ministerial hack," crammed down
the it throat:. A meeting of Liberals was held at the Ex-
change Rooms, on Wednesday night, when Mr. Larpent
was proposed by Mr. Close and Mr. Sands, as a suitable
mar,. A statement of his political principles was made,
individuals.
One letters read respecting him from influential
One letter from the well-known J. Morrison, Esq., M. P ,
says, " I have great pleasure in stating that I have known
. •
Mr, Larpent fur some years, as the active partner in one
of our most eminent houses in the East India tra‘le, as
well as chairman of the East India and China Assor iation
and from my knowledge of his great talents, and his mer-
cantile knowledge 4nd standing*, I should say L ;
-c
pecu-
liarly fltted to repreEent a commercial community,
and that
the selection of such a gentleman would do Lonour to any
constituency in England."—Another luster was from W.
Leaf, Esq, the eminnt merenant, who writes, " I haven()
hesitation in saying, that Mr. Larpent is in every way
qualified to represent the town of Nottingham; he is a man