The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-06 00:00:00

AMERICAN SECURITIES AND

PROJECTED IMPROVEMENTS.

(From the Gateshead Observer.)
We trust that with the year 1840 a brighter period
than that to which we have been some time accustomed,
is destined to dawn on the trading and manufacturing
interests of this country. Indeed, in the midst of the
gloom and despondency which are now brooding over
the great seats of national industry, we think we can
perceive some indications of improvement. The foroign
exchanges, though still adverse, have lately exhibited
signs of amendment ; and the Bank of England, daily
gathering strength, seems disposed to relieve the pres-
sure in the money market, by diminishing, ere long,
the rate of discount. The accounts, too, from the
United States, by far the most important of all our
customers, fill us with hope and expectation,
We have observed with regret the violent spirit of
hostility which animates the Times newspaper in re-
gurd to the financial affairs of the United States—a
spirit the more to be deprecated because that journal
justly enjoys the general reputation of superior know-
ledge and information on the difficult and perplexed
questions of the money market. That the imputations
in which the Times has so indiscriminately indulged
against the soundnsss of American securities are un-
founded, will be obvious to any man who has applied
his attention to the subject. A pamphlet which has
reached us from London during the week, called " A
Letter on the Commercial Relations of Great Britain
with the United States, by:a Citizen of New York,"
places in a very strong point of view, not only the in-
creasing ability of the different States to discharge
their obligations (a point which the Times had called
in question), but the stern and unflinching spirit with
which they have always addressed themselves to an
honourable maintenance of their credit ? What, then,
is to be gained by these loose and irritating charges ?
The political and commercial union between Great
Britain and America is of such national and obvious
importance, that its interruption, for any tempor.iry or
partial ends, would be an act of monstrous and criminal
absurdity. Every dollar of value, sent by Great Britain
to America, is the parent of new wants and new desires,
to be again supplied by the products of our industry ;
and thus the furthest outposts of emigration are linked
to the heart of European civilization, by invisible,
but the most enduring bends. There is net a hamlet
on the banks of the Mississippi where the English tra-
veller does not find the hardware and cutlery of his own
country in common use ; and it is by the demands
which have sprung up generally along the western shores
of the Atlantic, that millions of our people are main-
tained. In the City article of the Times, of Dec. 27,
we remarked some comments on a loan contracted by
Messrs. Wright and Co., of London, with the State of
Illinois, dictated by the unfair and splenetic disposition
to which we have just alluded. (By the way there is a
mistake here—the loan was not contracted" by
Messrs. Wright and Co., it was entrusted to them for
sale.) The object of this loan is to effect a commu-
nication between Canada and the Gulf of Mexico—
an undertaking which, when completed, will open the
whole country of the Illinois—(perhaps the most
favoured by soil, climate, and other natural advantages
of all the States in the American Union)—to the freest
intercourse of European commerce. Such a work is
not only. calculated to augment indefinitely the pros-
perity of the Illinois, but is also a pledge of the ag-
grandisement of our trade, and of a good understanding
between the two nations. If, as is generally expected,
the proceeds of the sales of waste land in every separate
State of America are to be constituted, by an Act of
Congress, a guarantee for the public debts contracted
by that State, there can be little question about the
security of the loan, which is to bear interest at the
rate of 6 per cont.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
We this day publish the Quarterly Revenus Ac-
counts, which, as might be expected, exhibit a failing
off in the produce of the taxes on consumption. On
the year ended sth January, 1840, as compared with
the year ended sth January, 1839, there is an increase
of 824,3951. ; but on the quarter ended sth January,
1840, as compared with the quarter ended sth January,
1839, there is a decrease of 342,2451. On the Stamps
alone there is an increase ; it amounts to 65,9381. On
the Customs, there is a decrease of 75,0831. On the
Excise the decrease is 199,9191. On the Post the de-
crease is 14,0001. From the distress experienced through
a great pert of the country, a falling off, in the Excise
more particularly, was generally anticipated.
We are sorry to say the proceedings at the Anti-
Corn-law meeting at Sheffield, on Thursday last, by
no means correspond with the inference we drew from
the statements in the Address from the working men of
that town as to the abandonment of Chartism. It had
bean arranged that the meeting for the repeal of the
Corn-laws was to be held in the Circus ; but the
Chartists broke open the Circus, and drove the advo-
cates for repeal to Paradise-square, where their
petition was passed unanimously by six thousand
people. The Chartists, on the other hand, «era at
the sable time passing resolutions respecting univer-
sal
suffrage, Bzcin the place of which they hi) d
obtained possession. Not satisfied, however, with
the advantage they had gained in the Circus, they
determined to try their strength also in Paradise-
square, and with all the additional strength they
could muster they bore down on that meeting.
Before the close of the proceedings in this new arena,
the whole number of persons assembled are said to have
been at least 12,000. The Chartists would not for
some time suffer either Mr. Ward or Mr. Parker to be
heard ; but at length Mr. Ward succeeded in obtaining
a hearing. The moving a vote of thanks to the Requi-
sitionists, by Mr. Ebenezer Elliot, was the signal fur a
tremendous uproar on the part of the Chartists, which
only ceased on the earnest remonstrance of Mr. Gill,
the late delegate from Sheffield to the Convention, who
pledged himself to reply to Mr. Ward. Mr. Ward did
not spare the Chartists, and used the argumenlum ad
Imminent to Mr. Gill with happy effect. Alluding to
the charge brought against him by Mr. Gill, that he
wished to retain some property qualifications, he ob-

served—
" If he required any excuse for this, he should find it in
the conduct of Mr. Gill himself and his colleagues in the
National Convention, whose speeches and motions had
done much during the last twelve months to convince all
thinking men of the impossibility, in the present state of
this country, of trusting uneducated numbers with abso-
lute power. They had thrown back the franchise question
immensely, by the constant use of words, which they did
not understand themselves, and could explain to nobody
else. Mr. Gill had just done this himself. What did he
mean by an equitable distribution' of national wealth ?
Was property to be sacred or not? He (Mr. Gill) wore
a much better coat and hat than many of those around him.
Did he mean that would lie an equitable distribution' if
another man were to take them off his back ?"

Mr. Gillw;sWidently notir.irepared part with his
own property, however well disposed to share that of
others, and to this appeal he answered, " No, I worked
for what I wear, and they are mine."
" Exactly so," retorted Mr. Ward, " but somebody
has worked somewhere, and at some time, for everything
that everybody has, and by what right can you take it

away? And, if you do not take it away, how are the
masses to get a larger share of the national wealth? You
mean, therefore, a scramble, or nothing at all ; and I mean
the perfect security of the fruits of labour to every indus-
trious man. Rich or poor, all have the same interest in
it. Property is the first step from the savage to the ci-
vilized state. Ihe abuses of property are a very different
thing, and those, in the case of the Corn-laws, I am
ready to remove."
They who wish an equal distribution of property can
offer no reason against another distribution when it shall
be called for ; and it will not do to answer, like
Mr. Gill, that he had worked for his clothes, if other
men without clothes wish to share with him. When
the resolution for thanking the Requisitionists
was put to the vote, the numbers were so nearly
equal, there being about six thousand, for, and six
thousand against it, that it became impossible to decide
on which side was the majority. Some slight disturb-
ance took place when Mr. Ward and his friends mixed
with the crowd, and one of them, Mr. Wilkinson, re-
ceived a severe blow ; but the working men were evi-
dently ashamed of the outrage, and escorted the party
home. At Leeds, on the preceding Tuesday, the
Chartists cut but a very poor figure in point of num-
bers ; not above 100 hands having been held up for the
amendment—

" That this meeting is of opinion that the present in-
famous and diabolical Corn-laws will never be repealed
by the present corrupt House of Commons ; and this
meeting is also of opinion that the repeal of the Corn-
laws, with the present expenditure and taxation of the
country, instead of being a good, would be a positive evil;
and this meeting is further convinced that the present
Corn-laws never will be repealed until Universal Suffrage
becomes the law of the land.—( Cheers and hisses.)"
In the Leeds Mercury of Saturday the proceedings
of the meeting in question are reported at great length.
In point of reasoning, the speeches of
~the Chartists arc
contemptible ; but they are important as indicating the
very bad feeling entertained by the working men to-
wards their employers. If the Tories plume themselves
on their dexterity in arraying the workmen against the
masters, by representing that the repeal of the Corn-
laws is only for the interest of the masters, all we can
say is, that we are mistaken if they do not purchase
this advantage at too high a price. The following ex-
tract from the speech of David Black, who moved the
amendment at Leeds, will serve to show the Chartist
spirit in the town selected by Mr. Feargus O'Connor
for his head quarters :
" Did you ever know the money-mongering merchants
and manufacturers declare for a law which was not for
their own individual interest?—(Cries of " Hear, hear,"
and " Question, question.") I tell you that until you can
turn the introduction of foreign grain into its proper course
—that is, into your stomachs—the whole affair is a piece
of humbug ; and I caution you not to be taken in by the
men who have always deceived you.—( Cries of " We want
to turn corn into your stomachs, and you won't have it,"
followed by " No, no," and much laughter.) Are we
not famed, far and near. for our skill and industry as a
nation, the fruits of which are torn frcm us by the oppres-
sive hand of tyranny and misrule, in order that others may
enjoy those fruits in extravagance and idleness?—(" Ques-
tion, question.") Do we not see this, whilst thousands
of working men and their families are destitute of the bare
necessaries of life ?—( Hear, hear.) Universal suffrage is
the only remedy, and without it all your efforts are in vain.
—( Cheers and hisses.) You should direct all your ener-
gies to the attainment of that object.—(No, no.) What
matters it to us whether the tyrants put a tax on bread or
on anything else, so that their object is to strip the working
man of comfort and independence ?--.( Question, question.)
I say that a man who does this is worse than a traitor,
and ought to be dealt with as such."—(" Come down wi'
thee.")

Thc; Anti-Corn-law speech of Mr. George Dawson
has naturally directed attention to Sir Robert Peel.
On referring to the speech of the Right Honourable
Baronet in 1827, when he supported Mr. Charles
Grant's resolutions, we find him quite opposed to a re-
strictive system like the present :
" An Honourable Gentleman," he said, " had compli-
mented him upon having introduced the measure which
established the currency on its present footing ; but let
them not now adopt a measure, which would bring back
upon the country a return of those evils which a different
system had brought upon them, and which he now hoped
and trusted were nearly overcome. He was sure the
House would join him in opposing any measure calculated
to produce a recurrence of those evils, and therefore he
relied upen their- rejection of the plans recommended to
them from'othercfnarters. After stating it to be his opi-
nion, that the mischiefs likely to arise to the agriculturists
frorri the proposed alterations were enormously overrated,
the Right Honourable Gentleman proceeded to contend
that the Honourable Member for Essex was mistaken in
stating that the measure then before the House was an ex-
periment in legislation hitherto unheard of. It was no

such thinff; ache would show by a short historic refer.
ence. From the Revolution to the year 1774, there had
ben an absolute prohibition of foreign corn ; whilst from
1774 to 1815, there had been leave to import it on the
payment of certain protecting duties. Now he would

show, from what had occurred within these two periods,
that there was no greater fallacy than to suppose that the
importation of corn was fatal to agriculture."
(From the Times.)
The return of the revenue, which we publish to-lay,
presents very few points for observation. There is no-
thing in it at wbich the country may rejoice as an in-
dication of that progress which it ought to make, but

there is no syrnpton, on• the other hand, which should

make us despond. As regards the annual account, on
which there is a declared increase of 824,0001., it is to
be observed that this sum, added to the increase on the

year ending January 5, 1839, which was 1,075,0001.,
as nearly as possible makes up the deficiency of
1,900,0001., which appeared in the account for the

year ending January 5, 1338, showing that two
years have been required to overcome the effects of
the crisis of 1837, which two years have brought us,
be it observed; into the middle of another crisis. Such
are the capricious and fatal changes to which the
first commercial country' in the world is exposed
under the operation of an ill-regulated currency !
In the quarterly return some reaction is apparent,
the result probably of that new crisis. The decrease
in the quarter ending January 5, 1840, compared with
the corresponding quarter of 1839, is 342,0001., by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer's table, but not so great by

more than 100,0001., if the comparison is limited, as it

. . .
ought to be, to the items of revenue in that now an-
nexed, which carries the comparison two years further

back :

JANUARY RETURN FOR

1837. Is3B. 1839. 1840.
-- ---
X.
Customs 4,089,938 4,b23,278 4,854,388 4,779,305
Excise 3,803,764 3,590,864 3,627,190 3,427,271
Stamps 1,573,529 1,544,400 1,521,123 1,587.061
Taxes
Host-office 349,000 376,000 365,000 351,000
---- --
11,390,891 11,613,570j11,954,390 11,729.336

All the old deceptions in the revenue returns, of
" Crown lands," " inaprest monies," and " repayment of
advances," which have been so frequently exposed, as
juggling expedients to create, so far as they went, a false
notion of prosperity, are now at an end, and even figure
to the disadvantage of the present account. This will
be at once evident from the inspection of the above table
and the return from the Treasury. The real deficiency
in the January quarter of 1840, compared with 1839, is
225,000/. Of this nearly 200,000/. is in the Excise,
and, as an index to the condition of the country, on its
nternal consumption, this is certainly the worst feature
of the present return. Altogether, it gives us a chil-
ling sensation, as would the prospect of a country
asleep and torpid which ought to be all life and activity.
Income is one thing, expenditure another. To the
latter it is not the object of the Treasury in this
return to afford any clue. The solitary item which
bears upon it is that of the deficiency bills, " the pro-
bable amount of the Exchequer Bills required to meet
the charge- on the Consolidated Fund," which explains
the state of the account between the Treasury and the
Bank of England. The case of the Government does
not differ from that of the private merchant, whose si-
tuation may be judged of from the degree in which he
anticipates his coming resources by requiring advances
from his banker. In this respect the Treasury is worse
off by about 770,000/. than at this period of last year,
this item being now 6,450,0001. against 500,000/. in
January, 1839. The steadiness of the items of per-
manent debt" and " terminable annuities," in the Conso-
lidated Fund account, should not pass without notice.
The increase which appears in the former must be set
down to the late funding of Exchequer Bills ; from the
small addition of about 1,8001. to the terminable annui-
ties, it may be inferred that all conversions of the kind
from stock have been nearly at a stand for the last 12
months.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
We present to our readers elsewhere the regular
quarterly account of the income and expenditure of the
country during the last year and quarter. Upon the
year there is a gratifying increase of nearly a million
sterling, and upon the quarter a decrease of something
more than 300,0001. We scarcely expected the former ;
for the year, take it altogether, has been one of great
commercial difficulty ; while, with regard to the latter,
the amount of deficiency is infinitely less than could have
been anticipated ; yet we should not wonder that the
Tories, resting the gullibility of the public. upon the
quarterly deficiency in the revenue, which is attributable
only to the State relations between this and other coun-
tries, will say that the country is going to ruin T. Nous
verrons.
We have always said that the greatest enemies of the
Church are those who minister at her altar. Dis-
senters have done something, and will probably do some-
thing more, towards the desirable consummation of her
downfall ; but without doubt the grand agents after all
in the holy work of labouring for her overthow are
the clergy themselves. They are the men for dealing
her out " heavy blows and great discourage:nents ;" she
staggers under every successive stroke they give her.
Puseyism broached and fostered in her leading Univer-
sity, and thence propagated throughout the length and
breadth of the land, has already well-nigh laid her
pernicious scheme of theology
prostrate , but, as if that
were not doing the work of destruction with sufficient
expedition, her clergy come forward to give it
a helping hand, by pursuing precisely that line of
political conduct which they know must render her

peculiarly obnoxious to the community. When--
ever a Tory dinner is to take place, and her
Majesty is to be outraged and insulted by indecent
language on the part of the speakers, there the clergy
are sure to muster in great numbers, and to applaud
with all the vehemence their physical capabilities will
admit of, the most treasonable and disgusting epithets
which may chance to be applied to her. The more
treasonable and disgusting, the louder are their plaudits.
Bradshaw of Canterbury, Roby of Manchester, and all
the kindred Tory spirits, are special favourites with the
Rev. Gentlemen who fill the pulpits of the Established
Church, Were Demosthenes himself to arise from the
dead, and to deliver an oration in the hearing of the
English clergy, far surpassing in eloquence of diction
anything which he ever addressed to the Athenians, they
(the clergy) would set his oration down as immeasurably
inferior to the oratorical performances, duly seasoned
with indecencies against the person of the Queen, of such
personages as the Bradshaws, the Robys, the Greggs,
and the M'Nieles, whose atrocities they so warmly ap-
plauded of late. The course which the Conservative par-
sons have recently pursued, in reference to the Sovereign,
has done a world of mischief to the Church. How is it
possible that the virtuous or right-minded people of this
country can respect a Church which nourishei in her
bosom a body of men, who can thus trample alike on
all the decencies of life and the precepts of a religion
which enjoins obedience to, and veneration for the
powers that be, on the ground that such powers are
ordained of God ? And, so far from such conduct
being discountenanced and condemned by the heads of
the Church, as persons might reasonably have expected
it would be, it seems to meet with special approbation in
the very highest ecclesiastical quarter in the land. Will
it be believed, that Doctor Molesworth, the Tory parson
who was present at the Canterbury dinner at which
Bradshaw applied his abominable epithets to the Queen,
and threw out his atrocious insinuations against her, and
who not only heard the filthy language of that man
without disapprobation, but is said to have been among
the most prominent in greeting that language with plau-
dits , will it be believed that this Conservative parson
has just been promoted by the Archbishop of Canter-
bury to a living supposed to be worth about 2,000/. a
year ? Incredulous as it may appear, such is the fact.
We shall allow our readers to meditate on this indecent
promotion for a day or two, and then we shall have a
few mare observations to make on the subject.
(From the Morning Post.)
We present our readers with the usual comparative
quarterly statement of the produce of the public revenue
for the years and quarters which terminated on Satur-
day. It will be seen that in the whole year 1839, as
compared with 1838, the income of the State has in•
creased by the sum of 824,393/., of which 134,721/.
arises from the accidental source of repayments of ad-
vances, leaving the clear increase under the ordinary
heads of revenue, 689,6721. The Customs have yielded
in the year an increase of no less than 685,484/., a
considerable part of which may be acceunted for,
we presume, by the extraordinary importation of
foreign corn. The increase of the year under the
head of Excise is 88,138/., of Taxes 58,976/.,
and of Miscellaneous Receipts 5,906/. ; while a de-
crease is found under the heads of Stamps of 38,466/.,
of Post-office 6,0001., and of Crown Lands 10,000/.
The increase of receipts in the first three quarters
of the year 1839, as compared with the correspond-
ing period of the year 1838, must have been much
larger than is indicated by the above figures ; for when
we refer to that division of the official tables which is
appropriated to the last quarter of the two years respec-
tively, we find an absolute diminution of 342,2451., or,
deducting the :ecrease under the two heads of acciden-
tal income (Imprest and other Moneys, 83,0681., and
Repayments of Advances, 16,8261), a decrease of ordi-
nary revenue amounting to 242,351/. The comparison
thus presented between the three first quarters of the
year 1839 and its last quarter, shows a declension of
extraordinary suddenness and rapidity in the na-
tional resources, which, although it may in part
be accounted for by well-known circumstances, is cal-
culated to excite %cry serious apprehensions for the
future. The only head of revenue which pre-
sents an increase in the quarter is that of Stamps,
65,938/. ; while the Customs have declined 75,083/. ;
the Excise, 199,919/. ; the Taxes, 1.990/. ; the Post-
office, 14,0001. ; and, the Miscellaneous items, 17,2971.
It will generally, we think, be admitted that the offi-
cial statement now before us is little adapted to sustain
the intrepidity or vindicate the prudence of those Mini
store who have dared to engage in a hasardous experi-
ment upon one considerable branch of the public reve-
nue, not merely at the tisk, but with the strongest pro-
bability of destroying, a source of income which has
heretofore yielded upwards of a million and a half an-
nually, and in a manner so gentle and so genial that it
was never regarded as a tax. It will be seen that the
single month's trial of the reduced postage, at the un-
form rate of 4d. for half an ounce, has occasioned a loss
to the revenue of fourteen thousand pounds.
(From the Morning Herald.)
The quarterly tables of the revenue, published on
Saturday night, present the following returns :—On the
net produce of the revenue for the year ending sth
January, 1840, there is an increase of 824,3951. ; the
total income of the year ending sth January, 1839,
having been 44,176,0141., while that for the present
year amounts to 45,000,409/. The last quarter, hoe-
ever, exhibits a deficiency of 342,245/.—a most dispro-
portionate falling off. In the comparative table of the
income for the corresponding quarters ending 51-h
January, 1839 and 1840, we find the following items :
Customs, an increase of £55,587
Excise, a decrease of
Stamps, an increase of
Taxes, a decrease of 1,990
Post-office, a decrease of
Miscellaneous, decrease 17,297
Inprest and other moneys, decrease
Repayment of advances, decrease 16,826
making on the whole, in comparing the quarters' income
of the two years, a decrease of 213,3441. It will be
observed that a material feature of this decrease arises
from the falling-off in the Post-office receipts, which is
stated in the table at only 14,000/. It must, however,
be remembered that this deficiency has occurred within
the space of 23 days, and, therefore, the loss upon the
month being calculated at about a fourth more, would
make the real monthly deficiency 17,500/., or upon the
whole quarter 52,500/. We shall rejoice to find that the
penny panacea is likely to remedy this result of Whig
finance. Teetotalism appears to have had a good deal
to do with the chief item of decrease, that on the receipts
of the Excise ; the difference amounting to no less than
200,789/. The diminution of drunkenness in Ireland is
undoubtedly a benefit conferred by Father Mathew,
though achieved at the expense of the revenue. But
did the O'Connell Cabinet, who are his theologico-poli-
tical allies, anticipate this ?

FROM THE xVENING PAPERS OP SATURDAY.
(From the Globe.)
The darkest hour of the night, they say, is that
which precedes the dawn ; let us hope that it may
prove so now, and that the present period of severe
distress may be the means of bringing about a repeal
of the unjust and oppressive restrictions which hang
like a millstone about the neck of British industry.
The commercial history of the -last twelvemonth,
calamitous as it has been, has perhaps prepared the
way for a better state of things, by affording on every
point a complete practical refutation to the arguments
urged in support of the present system of Corn-lave s.
The favourite fallacy—in fact, we may say, the
one great fallacy—by which the advocates of mono-
poly have sought to blind the people of England
to their true interests, has been this :—Cheap corn, they
say, makes low wages ; low wages diminish the means
of the labourer to consume manufactured articles ; and
thus by the repeal of the Corn-laws you ruin
your home, which is your best trade, for the sake of
supplying America and India with cottons and calicoes.
Talk of the danger of foreign competition, of manu-
factures abroad forced into existence by our restrictive
system, and competing with us in every market of the
world, and the answer is, Let us stick to the home
trade. Tell them of the hundreds of thousands of
human beings who depend for their daily bread
upon our export trade, and who are literally starving
because we deny them the poor man's sacred right
to exchange the products of his industry in the best
market, and still the same cuckoo note of " the home
.
trade" is raised in reply. How, then, it can be esta-
blished on the clear indisputable basis of statistical
facts, that the " home trade is precisely the trade which
has suffered most severely in consequence of the rise in
the price of corn, and that the amount of manufactured
goods exported has actually increased in consequence
of the extraordinary falling off in the home demand,
and the impossibility of effecting sales in the home
market ? By reference to " Burn's Commercial
Glance," we find a diminution of 317,796 bags, or
about 25 per cent. in the quantity of cotton imported
during the first nine months of 1839, as compared
with the corresponding period of the
receding year.
The stock in hand, however, in October, 1839,
being estimated at about 60,000
1838, the total reduction inthe quantity of raw cotton
consumed, and consequently in the quantity of cotton
manufactures produced, will be about 20 per cent.
during the same periods: the official values of the ex-
ports of cotton manufactured goods were respectively
12,629,1061. in 1838, and 13,910,2621. in 1839, being
an increase of 10 per cent. for the current year. It ap-
pears, therefore, that the whole effect of a rise of 151 pc:
cent. in the necessaries of life—namely, from 625. ld.,a
quarter, which was the average price of wheat during the
first nine months of 1838, to 71s. od., the average price
during the same period of 1839—has been to diminish
production in the chief branch of manufacturing indus-
try by 20 per cent. ; it has diminished the home con-
sumption in a ratio so much larger, as to compel the
manufacturer to increase his exports in ,he face of an
unfavourable state of markets, as a last resource fur
getting rid of the stocks accumulated on his hands.
Such has been the practical working of the s)st,•rn
which the advocates of dear bread are facetiously
pleased to term .‘ protection of the home trade."
(From the Courier.)
At a late Anti-Coru-law meeting in Manchester, a
person, euphoniously distinguished as Alderman Cobden,