The Sun.
London, England, 1823-07-11 00:00:00

. .
by a Provisional Junta, which he himself nomi-
nates, to aid him by its counsels, and to relieve
him, we presume, from the weight of his respon-
sibility. Lie professes his determination not to
yield to the foreign invaders ; hut as he is now
a friend to the cause which they espousei there
is no farther occasion for hostilities between
them. He undertakes the internal police of
the provinces which it was lately his duty
to defend by arms, and the foreigners may
go about their business.—ln this' way the
counter-revolution would seem to be comiug
Ito a close, if any thing could be certain
that depended on the popular will. Suppose
Ferdinand VII. restored to his throne. The
Spaniards have already had a proof of the grati-
tude which he evinces towards those who defend
his right during his absence, and open the path
for his return. Ire will not, we predict, render I
himself more respectable, or consolidate his
power, when re-endowed with free agency, and
suffered to follow the bent of his own genius.—
Quirogb' . the Captain-General of Galicia, having
declined entering into Morillo's views, is said
to have lied.

[N EW TIMES.]
The Paris Journals of Tuesday contain in-
telligence of considerable importance. Gene.
ral Morillo has declared against the autho-
rity,of the self-constituted Regency of Seville,
and made, preparation for convening a Pro-
visiorial of Government. Ile had also
dispatched a Flag of Truce to the French
General Bourck, communicating his resolution,
and proposing a suspension of hostilities.—lt is
stated' in a private letter from Madrid, of the 2J,
that in answer to Morillo's proposal of an armi-
stice, he had ,been informed that it could not be
granted except on condition of his recognising
the Regency of Madrid. Quiroga, not agreeing
in opinion with Murillo, had set out for Corunna
to embark there for England.

ONING ERALD.]
The Irish 'Tithe
H
Bill passes through the Lords
with a sort of hopeless acquiescence. Its ma-
chinery is so complicated that we shall not ven-
ture to touch its provisions in detail. The gist
of the debate—if conversations, Various rather
than adverse, may be so called—turns upon the
:compulsory clause—that is, a clause empower.
ing the Lord Lieutenant to appoint a Commission,
which shall impose upon both parties a cer-
tain composition, where they have not come
to a mutual agreement. This clause, it is true,
is guarded by a variety of precautionary restric
tions. But it is evident, that, with every qua-
lification which the utmost foresight could
invent, this power of compelling is a startling
invasion of the freedom of contracts be.
tween man and man. But then, without such a
clause, the Bill is a nullity -and as an acknow.
'edged nullity it is about to pass. Lord Liver-
pool himself, whilst he resists the clause, admits
that the compulsory power must ultimately be
enacted. The motive at present, then, seems' to
be merely the gaining of time, by " throwing out
a tub to the whale," or, at best,something in the
way of experiment. We are far, however, from
denying that the Bill does credit to the Govern-
meta. It is not easy to legislate at once upon p
grievance of long standing, and of peculiar diffi-
culty and delicacy. The observations that have
in various stages fallen from the Noble Person at
the bead of the Administration deserve particular
attention, from his personal and official authority.
He has frankly admitted the evil—manifested a
sincere disposition to remove it—and by con-
ceding, or rather contending for, the principle
that Parliament has the right to legislate on
tithes as on other subjects, he has established
the great basis of proceeding. In the course
of the discussions on this measure two
modes have been proposed and agitated,
in and out of Parliament. Tim one is to
cleave down the Establishment in Ireland,
and thus directly get rid of the burden of tithes
in a great proportion. We apprehend that urging
this coarse will only retard the passing of any
beneficial arrangement. It will excite alarm and
animosity, which must shackle and impede the
Government and Parliament. The other is sug-
gested with remarkable brevity and clearness by
Lord Ellenborough. " In Ireland," says his
Lordship, " a hilt of commutation is wanted--
not a bill of composition." Now time equity and
"legality of commutation are fully contained in
the principle above alluded to, and urged by
Lord Liverpool, respecting the right of Par-
liament over tithes to and all that remains b
e

considered is its expediency. Nothing appears
to' be more easy of proof—and indeed, the above-
mentioned principle admitted, there is scarcely
any matter for controversy remaining. It wilt
be allowed that a complete equivalent could

be given to the Clergy in land. But ad-
mitting the right of Parliament, what more
than a complete equivalent can be demanded ?
Next, it will be admitted that the commuted
equivialent in land would put an end to the lode.
corous wrangling, the ruinous litigation, the so-
canary scenes of perjury and drunkenness, which
take place periodically, as we are informed, twice
a year. Surely the tithe owners in Ireland,
Laymen or Clergymen, cannot have so strange a
taste as to prefer an income wrung in mites and
scraps 64 from the hard hands- of peasants" to
the tranquil and secure enjoyment of such an
equivalent. If they say this is an illegal tam-
pering with the title by which they hold, it is
a conclusive answer--AG repeat what has al-
-1 ready been observed—that the right has been
asserted in Parliament, and is practically
dicated us the pending Composition Bill.