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London, England, 1841-06-04 00:00:00

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EVIPERIAL PAItLIAMEN I.

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 3.

Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
A Messenger from the House of Coroifons brought up the
Turnpike Roads Bill, and several private Bills.
The Duke of WELLINGTON presented several petitions
from places in Somerset, Norfolk, 11.mpihire, and other coun-
ties against any alteration in the present Corn-laws.
The Earl off ROSEI3ERY, presented several petitions from
places in Stirlingshire, praying for an alteration in the Corn-
laws.
'I he Earl of LICHFIELD presented several petitions from
the borough of Great Yarmouth, in favour of the abolition of
the Corn-laws.

The Earl of WINCHILSEA presented petitions from Can-
terbury and other places in Kent against any alteration in the
Corn-laws.

The Earl of WARWICK presented 55 petitions from the
counties of Devon and Somerset, and 61 petitions from War-
wickshire, against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
Lord BEA UMON T presented petitions from places in
Oxfurdshire and Suffolk against any site: ation in the Corn-laws.
The Earl of RIPON
,presented 34 petitions from places,
in Essex and Kent, against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
The F:arl of HA REWOODpresented a petition from York-
shire, against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE presented a petition from
I3uckinghamshire, against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
Lord BROWNLOW presented a petition from Lincolnshire,
against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented petitions from
Somerset. Oxfordshire, and Northamptonshire, against any
alteration in tt e Corn-laws. 'Also a petition from certain in-
dividuals in Somerset, the rental of whose lands amounted to
90,000/. annually, and on which 100,000/. had been expended
feo(r::tohren-ilmatmvsewnsoeuoldutdleayproisi•ethth:emsuorpt
c.
hear.)
in improvements. The petitioners stated that any alteraticn
tinionth c_li(anticeal!f, remunera
Earl BEAUCHAMP presented petitions from North and
South Devonshire, and several plaCes in Worcestershire, against
any alteration in the Corn-laws. •
Lord KINNAIRD presented seventy-sii petitions from
places in Scotland; also MI-eight petitiotts fr.inm Ilundee and
its neightiourhOnd, one of which was oWrgid by 8,900 persons.
He (Lord Kiunaird) had received a letter from a gentleman
who had signed that petition, iu which he complained of what
he tei med the smo'hering of discussiints in that House.
Earl FITZ WILLI AM presented petitions from Hastings,
Stirling, Stroud, Birmingham, Warwick, Devonport, Fife,
Devonshire, and several other places, in favour of .the re-
peal of the Corn-laws.
Lord PORTMAN presented a petition from Stockton-
upon-Tees for an alteration in the import duties ; also a peti-
tion from Inverness, praying for no alteration to be made in
the present system of Banking in Scotland; also a petition
from Staffordshire, praying for the abolition of Church-rates.
The Duke of RU "'LAND presented a petition frtnn Lei-
cester, in favour of Church-rates ; also a petition from
Grantham, praying that no alteration be made in the present
Corn-laws.

Lord ASHBURTON presented several petitions from Es-
sex, against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
ARMS (IRELAND) 'ALL.
Lord DUNCANNON, after adverting to the conference that
had taken place between the Houses respecting the amend-
ments to this Bill, moved that their Lortishtps should not insist
upon their amendmerlts.
The Earl'of CHARLEVILLE said, as the rejection of this
motion would be the loss of the Bill, and as he thought an Arms
Bill was necessary fa• Ireland, and that the present Bill was an
improvement upon former ones, he should nut twist upon the
amendments he had proposed.
The motion was then agreed to.
VICTORIA PARK BILL.
_ _

Oa the motion of Lord DUN CANNON,the Victoria Park
Bill passed through Committee.
Several private Bills also passed through Committee.
The Earl uf SHAFTESBURY pret:ented petitions in favour
of the Corn-laws.

- ---
The Earl of DEVON presented similar petitions from
Blandford.

JEWS' DECLARATIONuBILL.
The Marquis of BUTE moved the second reading of the
Jews' Declaration Bill. The Noble Marquis- saA the object of
the Bill was to enable persons of the Jewish religion to hold
offices, to which they might be elected by their fellow-citizens.
He would remind their Lordships that an Act had been passed.
to enable Quakers and Muravians to accept office without tak-
ing the usual oaths. '• It was not then deemed expedient, to in-
clude the Jews, but he was free to confess, that, in his opi-
nion, the case of the Jews rested upon much stronger grounds
than that of the Dissenters. He did not mean to go back to a
remote period of history; but in their own day they found
these Dissenters rot only refusing Church-rates in the most
obstinate and disagreeable mariner, but also refusing tithes.
It really seemed to him that the claims of the Jews, under such
circumstances, abstractedly from all political considerations,
were much stronger than those of the Dissenters. He would
ask their Lordships what was the state of the law as it at pre-
sent stood. He appealed to any legal Lord present whether
it might inot be evaded by any party' who chose to do so? It
wai only necessary for the party elected to any municipal office
to subscribe the ueelaration of the 9th Geo. IV., and the thing
was done. It was to avoid the legal quibbling which such a
state of things gave rise to, that he prayed their Lordships to
give their assent to the second reading of the Bill.
The A rchbiAlup of CANTER 11U lt Y said the Noble Mar-
quis had certainly taken great care to avoid any topic of itri-
Ilion in his observations, and that added to the feelings of
pain with which he felt it his imperative duty to oppose the
second reading. There was one point Which, it appeared to
km, the Noble Marquis was in error respecting, and that was
with regard to the insertion of the words in the true faith
of a Christian" in the declaration to he subscribed by the
party accepting office. The Noble Marquis had stated that
there had been no violence or resistance to the law on the
part of the Jews, and to that he was ready to hear his testi-
mony ; but it was not to the character of the individual he
looked in conceding a great principle like the present. His
objection was to the religious profession of the parties, and he
could not forget that they were of a religion which
was apostate front the faith of Christ, and who held
and believed that that faith was a. tissue of fraud and
imposture. He could not, therefore, give his consent to
the admission of these persons to municipal offices and
situatians of power and trust in this Christian country.
If their admission was sanctioned by the Government he
would say that the great principle on which they accepted
office was violated, anti-that the exclusively Christian character
of the country was done away with. It had been said that we
ought to be charitable towards our neighbours, and do to them
as e e would be done by; but he did not think that a virtuous
species of charity which would extend indulgence to individu-
ate at the expense of their duty towards their God and the
State. Ihe Most Rev. Prelate concluded by moving that the
Bill be read a second time that. day six months.
After a few words from the Marquis of BUTE, in reply,
their Lordships divided, when there appeared,
Contents
Non-contents
Majority for the second readily —l
The Bill was then read a second time, and
The Bishop of LONDON moved for a copy .f the despatch
from the East India Company to the Governor •General of
India, on the subject of further separating the Governor-Ge-
neral of India from the idolatrous practices tallied on in that
country.—Ordered.
Adjourned.

Mr. HECTOR presented a petition in favour of the repeal
of the Corn-laws.

Sir M. WOOD presented a petition from a congregation of
Dissenters in Fetter-lane, against Church-rates.
Mr. C. ROUND resented a petition from a place in Essex,
prayin., for Church Extension.
DUNCOMBE presented a petition from a !dace in
Yorkshire, against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
Mr. HODGES presented a petii .n from a place in Kent,
pray ing for an alteration in the Corn-laws ; also several peti-
tions against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
Mr. BAINES presented a petition from a place in the West
Riding of Yorkshire against. Church Extension.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from Middlesex,
signed by 1,600 pet sons, in savour of the Government measures
for the reduction of duty on timber, sugar, and corn ; also a
petition from Abingdon, praying that ad restrictions on the
iraportatiGn of necessary articl..s of consumption be removed ;
also petitions in favour of the liberation of all political pri-
soners, and a petition in favour of the Charter.
Colonel SAL WE Y presented a petition from Wellington
praying for the abolition of the Corn-laws.
Mr. BAILEY presented fifteen petitions from the county
of Hereford against any alteration in the Corn.laws.

Sir H. PAANELL presented a petition in favour o: the re-
peal of the Corn-laws.
• Mr. GILBERT HEATHCOTE presented a petition from
Lincolnslare, against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
Mr. H. ELLIS presented several petitions from Lancashire
against the existing Corn-laws, one of which the Hon. Mem-
ber said was signed by the largest landowner in the county.
Mr. HUME presented four petitions from Bucks in favour
of the repeit of tile Corn-laws; a petition, signed by two
hundred and sixty-nine persons, from Johnshaven, in Kin-
cardineshire.. Several similar petitions from Ireland,
Also a petition from Sudbury, Suffolk, against any restric-
tion on free trade; also a similar petition from Richmond,
Yorkshire; and several from Scotland ; also twelve petitions
from different parishes in Devonshire, praying for the repeal
of the Corn-laws.

Lord ELIOT presented ten petitions from the county of
Cornwall against any alteration in the existing Corn-laws.
Mr. PENDA RYES presented a petition from Camelford
in favour' of a repeal orthe Corn-laws.
Mr. O'CONNELL presented 15 petitions from places in the
neighbourhood of the metropolis, in favour of the repeal of the
Corn-laws; also one from Colchester to the same effect.

Sir FRANCIS BURDETT .1-wesentedapetition from Wilt-
shit e, against any alteration in the Corn-laws.
Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN presented a petition from Fal-
mouth, in favour of an alteration in the Corn-laws. _ _

Sir W. FOLLETT presented a petition from the neighbour-
hood of Exeter against any alteration in the Corn laws : also
one from The Victoria Theatre, praying for the abolition of the
tolls on the metropolitan bridges.
Mr. EDWARD ELLICE presented a petition from Nun-
eaton, signed by 1,460 persons, praying for a total repeal of the
Corn-laws.

Mr. R. STEWART presented similar petitions from various
parts of Scotland.
Mr. COMPTON presented a petition from Hampshire
against any repeal of the Corn laws, and praying the House to
address her Majesty to dismiss her present Ministers.
On the motion of Mr. WOODHOUSE several returns were
ordered with respect to the price of Foreign and English corn.
BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS.

Mr. GODSON moved that the yetition of Edward P. Coxe,
presented the second of June, should be printed with the votes.
Mr. T. DUNCOIMBE did not rise to oppose the motion.
but these charges ought not to be made against, or any in-
quiry into the practice of bribery confined to, one party ; he
therefore moved that the petition of Samuel Doubleday, pre-
sented by him yesterday, be also printed with the Votes.—
(Cries of '6 No, tio," and " Order.")
The SPEAKER said no notice of the motion had been given
by the Hon. Member fur Finsbury. He was proceeding to
put the motion when
Mr. DUNCOMBE said both petitions related to the same
subject, and ought to go together. He, therefor e, moved that
the debate be adjourned till to-morrow.—(Cries of No, no.")
On the understanding that his motion would not be opposed to-
morrow he would withdraw his motion.

The original motion was then agreed to.
Mr. DUN COMBE then give notice of his motion for to-
morrow.

LORD WALDEGRAVE.

Mr. LEADER, before the debate was resumed, wished to
say a few woi ds with respect to a misstatement which had ap-
peared in the papers of last week, and in consequence of which
two persons considered themselves aggrieved. If the misre-
presentation men I:. affected himself he should not have thought
it necessary to offer any explanation. He had received last
night a letter from Mi. Chapman; the Marshall of the Queen's
Bench Prison, and also a letter from Lord Waltlegrave, who
was confined in the prison, stating that they had seen a
report of a speech of his (91r. Leader's) in which
he had said that Lord Wal icgrave and Captain Duff
were allowed to be outside the wads, and received indulgence
which other prisoners were not allowed. That, he believed, was
the substance of tie letter, but he (Mr. Leader) had not said
that they were outside the walls, but in the out ward of the
Queen's Bench prison. He made that statement in justice to
the character of the Marshal of the Queen's Bench, who con-
sidered it injurious to him to have it stated that he allowed an
indulgence to those persons which he did not extend to other
prisoners.
WANT OF CONFIDENCE IN MINISTERS.
ADJOURNED DEBATE.

The Order of the Lay for resuming the adjourned debate
having been read,

COLQUIIOUN said he was sorry he did not see the
Hon. Member fur Ltncolnshire in hisplace, for after the phials
of wrath which he had poured out upon his Right Holum.
able Friend, it was impossible that he should not advert
to his extraordinary speech. Extraordinary it appeared
to him under all the circumstances, but more ex-
traordinary still since he hail come into that House, an
Hon. Friend having put into hisliand a record of the votes
given by that lion. Member whilst he occupied a Tory no-
mination borough.—( Hear, hear.) He founa this lion. Gen-
tleman, so eloquent on the subject of Ireland, voting
again and again against the Catholic claims, and the
only speech of this Honourable Gentleman, who could not
bear to tear himself from the side of the Reformers—the
only speech of the Hon. Member for Lincolnshire which he
found recorded was a speech on the 28th of :February, 1822, in
which he denounced with the utmost contempt the measure of
Parliamentary Reform. Then this Hon. Gentleman said to
his Right Hon. Friend, " You have been false to
party, but true to principle." Yes, it was true
that there were men who did abandon the emoluments
of place, and the connections which grew out of it, when a high
and imperious principle demanded the sacrifice. He would
ask the Hon. Gentleman what he thought of those who, on a
very vital question, proved true to party—and a party to which
they had very recently attached themselves—but false to their
principles? The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for
the Tower Hamlets, in that earnest and eloquent speech
which he delivered last night, had said that party connections
were of the greatest value in order to carry great principles.
But what should they say of those Hon. Members who
when the most valuable principles were, by their own confes-
sion, assailed by the Government, still continued their support ?
The Hon. Member for Lincoln (Mr. Handley) was very anx-
ious on the subject of the Corn-laws. He (Mr. C.) could
not enter into the Hon. Gentleman's fears upon the question.
He did not think the revision of the Corn-laws was at all
unadvisable ; hut he was surprised when the Hon. Gentleman
declared that, according to the great principles of his political
creed, he would support the Government oil a motion of vote of
confidence in the Government. The Hon. Member for Lincoln
said last night that he I,ut himself forward as the representative
of the heavy agricultural party of the county of Lin-
-cola. He (Mr. C.) did not know whether the Hon. Gen-
tleman was
'qualified
to be such, but it did strike him that he
was better qualified to serve in a squadron which some
long time ago was called by a very curious name, the
squadrones volantes who figured in the Scotch Parliament
at the time of the Union. They were at the same time friends
of both parties giving their votes on an emergency when
the balance of parties required it—giving their votes
sometimes to one party and sometime: to another, securing
the confidence of neither ; welcomed by both when they came
to them, . but trusted by none, and at 'last when the einer-
gency had passed away which made the assistance looked for
distrusted by all, condemned by the public, and repudiated by
both part ies. lie (Mr. Colquhoun) did not see the Judge-Advo-
cate in his place. He turned to his speech with great satisfaction
because it was a speech characterised by honesty of intention,
and by great ability ; but he (Mr. C.) contested that his
Right Hon. • Friend had put forward some questions which
rather surprised him, When his Right Honourable Friend
said he wanted to know what were the grounds
upon which the Conservative side of the House
sought for the public confidence---what measures they had
brought forward which seemed deservie: of such confidence—
when his Right Honourable Friend put forward such
questions, lie (Mr. Colquhoun), was indeed s-erprised.--
( Hear.) He thought it a most extraordinary qii,"stion,
to put to an Opposition, and if the Right Hon. Gentlema:7
would read the annals of Parliamentary warfare, he would
find that it was not the duty of the Opposition to tell
on what grounds they claimed public confidence. But he
( Mr. Colquhoun) would briefly refer to some of the measures
which had been passed through the instrumentality, of the Oppo-
sition side of the House. When the Jamaica Bill was brought
forward, was it not the Right Hon. Baronet the Member
for Tamworth who had concocted it? Was not the deficient
Canada Bill, was not the Electors Committee Bill, was not
the Irish Tithe Biil, was not the Irish Municipal Bill—
(Hear, hear, from Mr. .O'Connell)—passed through
the instrumentality of the Right Honourable Baronet?
He confessed that one proposition laid down by his Right Hon.
Friend surprised him. He said that the proposition which
they maintained was, that a Government unable to proceed with
measures which they deemed important for the pablic interest
should resign upanjhe first defeat. He ( Mr. Colquhoun) looked
across the House, for he thought he must find there a Govern-
ment just entned upon office, but instead of that he found
a Government that bad been in office six years, and had
brought forward measures on which the House had ex-
pressed their opinion, yet they were told they were un-
able to pronounce whether the Government were or
were not worthy of the confidence of that House.
But time next proposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman was,
that if they could not carry measures necessary fur the public
service, it was their duty to resign or dissolve. If that was
true in 1841 it was true also in preceding years. Why then did
not the Government act upon it in 1838, when a
great measure affecting the Irish Church, was negatived ?
Why did they not acs upon it in 1839, when they were defeated
on their Canada and Jamaica measures? Why old they not
act upon it in 1 sio, when they were twelve times soundly beaten
on most important questions ? Why did they not, on these
cccasions, resign their offices, or appeal to the country ?
Oh but the Noble Lord opposite said this was a special case—
it was a special case of finance—and he (Mr. Colquhoun) was
afraid if it had not been for the motion of the Right Hon.
Baronet that special case would never have been made.
Had it nut been for that her Majesty's present Ministers
would have tamely submitted to the beating they had
received, as they had hitherto done, His Right Honourable
Ftiend, the Judge Advocate, talked very loudly last
night about a dissolution, and stated that they en
that side of the House were prepared for a dissolution.
It was true that on that side of the House they had dared
her Majesty's present. Government to a dissolut ion, but until the
present time they had feared to meet the people. The Right
Hon. Baronet, the President of the Board of Control,
had referred to the precedent of Mr. Pitt. He ( Mr.
Colquhoun) could recollect tie time when the ex •Meraber for
Westminster would have denounced Mr. Pitt. But
now, such was the nakedness of his argu.nent, that
he was obliged to refer to Mr. Pitt's wards. He ( Mr. CQl-
aubonn)
would ROW allude to the statements of the man
of. very different principles to Mr. Pitt —he alluded
to Mr. Fox. Atter quoting from the speech of
Mr. Fez in
,1784, he begged to ask whether upon-the show-
ing of. Mr. Fox the present Ministers were justified in keepine.
1 their placel .ever. since -15,38,, from which tiJ4e. thcy.-14

PRICE 5d

been unable to pass . any one opposed measute;
He would ask them whether they considered such
tenacity to office was consistent with their duty—if they could
not conduct the business of the country in that.. House it was
their duty to appeal to the people, either by • a dissolution, or
in some other manner. Bat in all those references to the times
and conduct of 'Mr. Pitt, it is to be remembered his situation was
very different from that of her Majesty's Government. He was
possessed of the undoubted confidence of the Crown, and he
believed he had that of the peoele, and in that belief lie was
fully justified, for whenever a general election took itlece,
he was supported by a large majority. Now had the Ministers
possessed—did they believe they possessed the confidence
of the people since the year 1838 ? No—in defiance of
the well-known opinions of the people out of doors
and in the face of those in that House, whose confidence they
did not possess, they maintained their places. He would
ask in what more dangerous position could they place the
Crown ?—(Cheers. ) They maintained office without the power
of carrying a single measure which they deemed essential for
the welfare of the country. Now, although he was well
aware that the loyalty of the people was not to be
shaken that it was indomitab;e, still he contended
that they were placing the Crown in a moot
dangerous and most difficult position.—( Cheers. ) The /tight
Hon. Baronet the President of the Board of Control had been
indignant with the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tam-
worth, because he had called the 'Government an oscillat-
ing. one ; and he said was it an oscillating Government.
which had carried so many measures, which he enumerated?
The polity pursued he the Government was, that of throwing
themselves now to •the right and then to the left, in
order to adjust the balance of power. That was
their only course, under the very skilful guidance
of the Noble Lord. The Government, for instance,
appealed at one time to the sympathies of such men as
the Honoinable Member for Shrewsbury and others, sincere
friends of the Church, and at another time to Gentlemen such
is the Hon. Member for Lambeth and others, who advoceted the
voluntary system. Now how, he would ask, eouldariy straight-
forward Ministry continue te follow up such a line of policy ? In
1836 the Noble Lord opposite supported some naas-t excellent
Church and Conservative measures, and !hi Noble Lord than
opposed the motion for expelling the Bishops from the House
of Lords. A similar course was pursued in 1837 and 1338. In
1839, however, the scheme of na. tonal education was brought
forward for the purpose of redressing the haleness.
It was so, too, on subjects of general policy.
In 1836 the Canada question was deferred, from an
apprehension of displeasing the extreme Liberal party ;
but in 1838 certain measures were adopted in regard
to Canada, which led to a defection in the Ministerial
ranks. In 1839, hoWever, when the Government, who had
been defeated on the Jamaica question, again retu. ned to power.
they thought it proper to take some step fur the pur-
pose of satisfying the extreme party, and the Ballot
was accordingly made an open question.—( Hear, hear.)
That system of compromise went on. In 1840, precisely the
same system was pursued. There was a declaration, by the
Hon. Under-Secretary of State, of attachment to the
Scotch Church, which was re-echoed by the Lord Advocate ;
but when a proposition was brought forward to support the
Church, down
.came the voluntary principle men and
the Dissenters, declaring that if such a meatture was
proposed they would withdraw their support from
the Government—( Hear) and thus everything was
obliged to •• yield to the system of compromise.
How had it affected their finances? The same sys-
tem had obliged them to pass the Penny-Postage,
a good measure in itself, but brought forward at a time when
they were in circumstances of great difficulty, there was no
justification for it. The Hon. and Learned Member for
Heading had said that it was not material to the question
in what state the finances of the country were left in the hands
of the Government. Now, he thought the most Ina.-
terial to the consideration of the question of whether
the Government possess the confidence of that House. If they re-
ceived the finances in a 'flourishing condition, and left a bankrupt
Exchequer,—if they had a surplus of a million in 1836, and
ended with a surplus expenditure in, he hoped. their let
year of office, of 1,800,C001., did not this justify a vote
of pant of confidence? There was another proceeding in which
he thought the Government was not justified. They had been
cutting and carving out commissions, with what object he
did not know. He could not tell the amouest, but upwards of
800,0001. had been doled out amoung 800 13aronets, Majors in
the' army, ex M.P.'s, and lawyers of six years' standing.
The foreign affairs of the country had, for the last six years,
been conducted most disadvantageously for • its interests.
.The Stade duties, the proceedings of the Noble Lord
on the Coast of Africa, and the trade in South
America, had been the subject of complaint with Members who
rarely whispered a syllable against the Government. What
was the result of all this? Why, G,mmissson after Commis-
sion—a Commission in China, in Africa, in Portugal, and in all
places where the evil results of this policy had been experienced.
He confessed that on all these grounds—on the ground
of the oscillation of their general policy—on the ground
of their neglecting the trade of the country, and on the ground
that they had afforded no protection to the people, he could
net place any confidence in her Majesty's present Mi-
nisters, and rejoiced in the present motion. It was only when
they were tumbling out of office that they were endeavouring
to retrieve their ways. It was most desirable that they should
at last come to the conclusion of the present state of
things, and it was time that it should he known which party
had the confidence of the House, and alto of the country.
He rejoiced in tne motion of the Right Hon. Baronet, and
would accordingly support it.
Mr. O'CON NELL said that there were three grounds of
complaint which he had to make against the
Honourable Member who had just sat down. The first was
that he had not mentioned the resolution of the Right Hon.
Baronet; the second was that he had taken a liberty with the
Gallant Member for Lincoln ; and thirdly, that he concealed
his real antipathy to her Majesty's present' Ministers.
The Honourable Member had not read the resolution because
there was not the confidence of the country in it ;
and as to his Gallant Friend the Member for Lincoln,
he had attempted to take the gilt off his gingerbreade for
he had repeated almost all that he had said, ..but he had not touched
upon thereat cause of complaint against the present Ministers.
He (Mr. O'Connell) was not acquainted with the public his-
tory of the Honourable Member for Lincolnshire (Mr. Hand-
ley). That Hon. Gentleman had spoken in very strong
terms of the turpitude of public inconsistency, He (Mr.
O'Connell) did not know whether he was right in
his recollection; but certainly he thought there was
a certain Honourable Gentleman who was Member
fer Kilmarnock, whose principles at the time of the Reform
Bill approached to Radicalism.—(Hear, hear.) Yet they
found that Hon. Member now on the Opposition benches, the
ardent advocate of that party who had been opposed to the Re-
form Bill throughout. His (Mr. O'Cnnnell's) object in rising
now was merely to protest against the present attempt of the
variegated party on the other side of the House to seize the
reins of Government. They were not now special pleading in
that House on the precedents of former Administrations.
There was a great question before the House, and that was,
how this country was to be governed? He believed the at-
tempt to seize the reins of Government was never made with
more courage than at the present moment. He believed that
its full merit was great political courage. It was a daring—
he would not -call it a noble daring. The question should be
considered according to the claims of the present Opposition
to hold the reins of power. The Opposition had estallished
that the principles of the present Administration were such as
that the country ought to condemn it. They had to prove
that their own principles were such as that the country ought
to adopt them. They had been exceedingly cautious in te:l-
- the House what they would do for the country if they
came into power. They had not been successful in impeach-
ing the present Administration as to any substantial portions
of their policy. Their foreign policy the Opposition would
attack in vain. They could not say they would be more su e-
cessful in the East—in Syria, India, or China. They could
not say that the colonies were so mismanaged that it was ne-
cessary to change the Administration in order to establish a
better system of things in that part of the British empire.
On the contrary, there was peace and tranquillity in all the colo-
nies. and the gyeat, majestic experiment that was mode of libe-
rating 80(1,000 human beings had succeeded, even beyond the
most sanguine hopes of the supporters of that measure. Look-
ing back on the period of ten years, during which the
cduntry. was governed on anti-Tory principles, how many use-
ful measures were seen to result from those principles ? When
he contrasted the conduct of the present Government in Ire-
land with the mode in which that country had been governed
before them, he felt a most powerful motive to call on the
country to support her Majesty's Ministers. They were the
first and only Administration that ever sought to conciliate Ire..
land by doing justice to that country. Wrist was it then that
called upon that House to change the administration ? It was
not as he had said, their foreign policy, nor their colonial
policy, nor the admini,tralion ef affairs in England iieelf, nor
above all the administration of affairs in Ireland. For in ,Eng-
land what impeachment lay against their p-slity ? if they Lad
any fault at all, it was that they had not gone far enough in the
cause of reform, that they had stayed too much the movement
towards ameliorated institutions. They had governed the
had restored peace and order, without resorting
to an
eoentr? during periods of discontent,andtumult,and turbulence,
and
yti,:LZStitUtiOnal law, or claiming any powers that were
not familiar to ti: 1, institutions of the country. They had been
taunted with allowing' the Chartists to go too far; but let the
result be looked at ; was not peace in that respect eompleteij
established ? Had not the C:mstitution vindicated Itself, and
'
that without a single attempt beii: made at a prosecution that
that
could be justly stigmatized. They vindicated the
law ; they
roi l
punished the delinquents ; they established P
lity, and abolished the slightest ground for e
apprehension
tect
t ra nqu
n
-
itth
inal
t subject.reland ? That was
wasw dasetshcerbed
rpoliinc
yon word—doinghausti
ineteewtaos
that country as far as they could. He knew that those who
would inflict injustice on that country, were
at the notion of doing justice to it.
,Hed the first to sneer
defied any man to
look back to the history of Ireland
and
during which any Government, point out a period
had conducted itself
towards that country as the present Administration
had done. Let them- show h'which him any period in
the interests of
party were not preferred to the inte-
rests of the people in the Government of that country
As Hon. Member opposite had spoken of the Irish Corpora-
tion Bill ; and what was the explanation ;2ivsn upon that sub-
ject? It was said that the Bill had been made perfect by the
Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamwoteli and his sup-
porters. He (Mr. O'Connell) wished that that should go to
Ireland, The Corporate Reform Bill made perfect ! aye, and
in that way the Administration of the Right Hon. 13aroeet
would be made perfect in Ireland; that was to say, by depriv-
ing the Irish people of their rights and franchises. The Irish
Corporation Bill, as brought in by the Government, resembled
the English and the Scotch Acts; but the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet and his party subsequently altered it. He kiieiv
that the Right Hon. Baronet wouldgive them very plausible
explanations upon the subject, but no extent of hypocrisy
could prevent the people of Ireland from seeing the indignity
that had been done to them. The great questions in agitationre
in that House related to the administration of affairs in
were
not The differences between both sides of the House
".etteeb
not great upon any other subject. They approacheduestions
other at all events, but to. nearly in his
.opinion,,on
questions
ofthe
great • but it was en the affairs of Leland that
general policy ,
great and important divisions took place between them. It
was said that the Government did not possess the cenfidence of
House;_ but how had they lost it?
the great majority of that Heus,. ,
fh didnot know that they
had there a man wild heard him at
had lost it by reason of separatee lections in isolated places ?
-
Was there one man who did net know that every one those
elections were carried by the gro-sest and the matt palpable
bribery ?—( A loud and vehement cry of " No," from an Hon.
He repeated that bri-
beryptit o benches.)
Member on the Opposi
had taken
place
to
baseanenormous extent at the late elections,
been confined to either side in particu-
lar.although itrnight not d
reate by the diminished franchise. If
The corruption was e
the franchise were extended, coupled • with the Ballot, then
bribery trust
cease. But what chance of any of those bene-
ficialmeasures if the Hon. Gentlemen opposite are allowed to
eome into office ? They would not extend the franchise in