The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-22 00:00:00

LORD PALMERSTON TO MR. BULWER,

Foreign-office, 19th July, 1846.
Sir,—Two questions appear to me at this moment to
occupy, in a particular manner, the attention of persons
who take an interest in the affairs of Spain. One is the
marriage of the Queen •, the other the political state of
the country. As regards the first question, I have no-
thing for the moment to add to the instructions which
you have received from my predecessor. The British
Government does not propose to itself to support in an
active manner the pretensions of either of the Princes
who now offer themselves as candidates for the hand of
the Queen of Spain, nor does it think that it has a right
to oppose either of them. Tho choice of a husband for
the Queen of an independent country is evidently an
affair in which the Governments of other countries have
no right to interfere, unless there be a probability
of the choice falling on a Prince so directly belong-
ing to the reigning family of some great foreign power,
that a fear might exist of his attaching the policy of his
adopted country to that of his native country in a man-
ner prejudicial to European equilibrium, and dangerous
to the interests of other states. But neither of the per-
sons now mentioned as candidates for the hand of the
Queen is in this condition. These candidates, in fact,
are reduced to th re e—Prin c e Leopold of Saxe Coburg'
and the two sons of Don Francisco de Paula. Ido not
speak either of the Count de Trapani or the Count de
Montemolino, for there does not appear to be any
chance that the choice will fall upon one or the other of
these two Princes. As to the three candidates above-
mentioned, her Majesty's Government has only to ex-
press its sincere desire that the choice may fall on such
one of them as possesses the qualifications most calcu-
lated to secure the happiness of the Queen, and contri-
bute to the welfare of the Spanish nation. As regards
the second of the questions to which I have alluded—
that is to say, the political state of Spain, I have not at
this moment any more instructions to give you than
on the first. This political situation, it must be
confessed, cannot but be a subject of profound
regret and affliction for all who feel an interest for the
Spanish nation. After a struggle to obtain constitu-
tional liberty, which has lasted 34 years, Spain finds
herself under a system of government almost as arbitrary
in practice, whatever it may be in theory, as any of
those which have existed at any anterior period of her
history. She has, it is true, a Parliament according to
the terms of the law; but all liberty of election for the
Membersof this Parliament has been neutralised byforce
or by other means; and it no sooner assembles than,
upon the first manifestation of any opinion whatever not
in accord with the views of the executive Government,
it is prorogued or dissolved. The liberty of the press is
written in the law, but the arbitrary acts of the Govern-
ment have reduced this liberty to the publication of
what may be agreeable to the executive power, and no-
thing,
or nearly nothing else. The law has instituted,
it is true, tribunals to try prisoners who are accused of
crimes and offences; but a host of persons have been
arrested, imprisoned, banished, and even in certain cases
executed, not only without condemnation, but even
without trial. This system of violence and arbitrary
conduct appears to have survived, up to a certain point,
the fall of its author, and not to have been yet aban-
doned by the more moderate men who have succeeded
him in the Government. It is greatly to be desired that
the present Ministers of Spain, or those who may suc-
ceed them, should without loss of time return to a con-
stitutional course, and at length show a respect for the
law. A system of arbitrary violence like that which
has been followed in Spain, has for its probable result
the exciting of open resistance, when it is directed by the
firm hand and tte energetic will of the min who or•
ganised it; but when it is no longer sustained by this
vigorous hand, and it is attempted to continue it under a
weaker and less bold direction, it does not require much
sagacity to foresee that this system will inevitably lead
to an explosion. When the Ministers of the Crown
trample under foot the laws which guarantee the se-
curity of the people, we must not be astonished if the
people cease at length to respect the laws which guarantee
the security of the Crown. It certainly was not for the
purpose of subjecting the Spanish nation to the tyranny
under which it groans at present, that Great Britain
signed the engagements of the quadruple alliance in 1835,
and afforded, in conformity with the stipulations of that
treaty, the active support which contributed so power-
fully to the expulsion of Don Carlos from the Spanish
territory. But her Majesty's Government is so
fully satisfied of the inconvenience of all inter-
ference in the domestic affairs of independent states
—even when that interference is confined to friendly
counsels—that I must abstain from requesting you to
make any representation on this subject to the Spanish
Ministers. However, whilst being cautious not to ex-
press on this subject, on any occasion, sentiments dif-
ferent from those which I have just expressed to you,
and being careful also not to express those sentiments on
any occasion or under any form which might be of a
nature to excite, augment, or encourage the general
discontent, you need not conceal from any of the persons
on whom it may depend to remedy the present evils, the
fact that such are the opinions of the British Govern-
ment.

LORD ABERDEEN TO THE DUKE DE
SOTOMAYOR.
Foreign-office, June 22, 1846.
Monsieur le Duc,—You have informed me that you
were charged with ascertaining whether the British Go-
vernment would testify any displeasure in case the
Cabinet of Madrid should find it necessary, in the in.
terests of the Spanish monarchy, to choose for the
future husband of the Queen a Prince other• than
t a member of the House of Bourbon; and if in case
France, wounded by such proceeding, should seek I
to constrain the free action of the Spanish Government,
Great Britain would look upon such conduct with indif-
ference. I cannot find any difficulty in answering these
questions. We have always contested, and we still con-
test, the right or pretension of the French Government
to impose upon the Spanish nation, as consort for the
Queen, a member of any family whatever, or to exercise
any kind of control over a question so purely Spanish.
But we have comprehended and willingly admit that
there may be different reasons leading the Spanish Go-
vernment to select in preference, a prince of the House
of Bourbon. Among these reasons it was natural to
suppose that the desire on the part of Spain, and the
interests of Spain in maintaining amicable relations
with France, would have great weight. We, therefore,
made no objection to the proposition of seeking a
husband for the Queen from among the descendants of
Philip V., provided that the choice was conformable
to the inclination of her Majesty and to the interests
of her Government. We have never made any objec-
tion to the choice of Count Trapani, when it was in con-
templation to unite Queen Isabella to her uncle; but when
this alliance became manifestly odious to the Spanish
nation, we ventured, although without any Eng-
lish candidate and English preference, to point out
the Infante Don Henry as a prince who appeared to be
most suitable to choose, because he seemed :to be
most agreeable to the Spanish people.? If it be found
that choice cannot be made in all surety of edescendant
of Philip V., in accord with the happiness of the Queen,
and taking due care of the tranquillity of the country,
the Spanish Government, exercising its free judgment,
ought to act as the sense of its own dignity and interests
may dictate ; and in such case it cannot be a cause of
displeasure to Great Britain if it chooses a prince from
any other family. Whatever may be the disappoint.
ment such a decision may cause France to experience,
I know not how to admit for an instant the possibility
of a thing in every way so unreasonable and unjust,
as an attempt made to fetter the choice of the
Queen in an affair of this nature. The French Go

vernment ought to know
.perfectly well that any mar-
riage which should not be in conformity with the wishes
of the Queen, and which should not have the assent
•of the people, would not offer any chance of en-
;suring the happiness of ~the Sovereign, or the welfare
I tnd prosperity of Spain. France is too deeply interested
i n the tranquillity of Spain, and the Court of the Tulle-
ies is much too enlightened and just to conceive the
i idea of such an intervention as has been supposed. We
may then repel, this supposition, without hesitation, as
i. mpossible. But if, contrary to all reason, to all pro-
b ,ability, such or a similar project should be entertained,
tl hat is to say, an attempt to fetter the wishes and feel-
ings of the Queen, and the clearly manifested wishes of

lei- people, it cannot be doubted that Spain would have
in her favour the lively sympathies, not only of Great
Britain, but of all Europe.—l am, &c.,

ABERDEEN.