The Sun.
London, England, 1840-09-25 00:00:00

LORD PALM ERSTON'S POLICY

(From Galignani's Messenger.)
We extract the folowing article from the Presse.

is curious, as being a sort of defence of the policy of
Lord Palmerston on the question of the East ; for
whilst nearly afl the other journals, in their ignorance
of the state of public feeling in England, or with their
unfounded suspicions of the political integrity of Lord
Palmerston, have charged him with having sacrified the
interests of England to Russia, the Presse declares that
the policy of Lord Palmerston is wisely calculated to
preserve England, which, of all countries, would suffer
most from Russian preponderance, against the effect of
any ambitious designs which the Czar may entertain.
The Presse, which is an anti-English journal, dues not,
indeed, defend Lord Palmerston in the language of a
partisan, and attributes to feelings towards France
which, in all probability, he never entertained. The
object of the Presse in defending the English Minister
appears to be solely to attack M. Thiers ; but in doing
this it places some points, which had been in ignorance
or ill.natuie misrepresented by the other journals, in a
true light. It says
Lord Palmerston saw if England did not unite with
Russia, that power would aet alone in the East, without
his being able to prevent her, and that circumstances
might arise in which Russia would act conjointly wish
France—the latter exercising a protectorship over
Egypt, and the former reserving to herself the protec
torship of Turkey. With incontestable tact and ability
lie perceived that the most propitious moment for ren-
dering such a connection impossible, was that in which
the French Cabinet had at its head a President bound
to the alliance with England by a speech, the impru-
dence of which can be effaced by no act of his life.
Lord Palmerston thought thus—Either the French
Cabinet, under M. Thicrs, will content itself with de-
claring its neutrality, or it will protest against the treaty,
and exclaim that England has betrayed France. In the
first case England, without sacrifice or danger, will corn-
gel Mehemet Ali to expiate the resistance which he
has always opposed to the pretensions of England
over the Isthmus of Suez ; in the second case, England
has not to fear reprisals from France, and an offer to
join with Russia in a treaty from which En2,land should
be excluded, it being impossible for M. Tniers, after
his speech of the I4th January in favour of the alli-
ance with France. Lord Palmerston saw that the mo-
ment was propitious for lowering Mehemet Ali ; that
if France should remain neutral, this would be unat-
tended with the slightest obstacle ; but that if she should
protest against the treaty, and unsheath the sword in a
contest of one against four, she must necessarily close
the doors of her manufactories, cut short the progress
of her trade, leaving her roads and canals unfinished, re-
main with mere patches of railways, and divert public
credit. which was so powerful and fruitful in peace. to
the murderous and sterile purposes of war. Lord Pal-
merston felt that England had nothing to lose, and much
to gain."

-
Yesterday the reporter was favoured at the ma-
nufactory of Messrs Taprell and Holland, upholsterers to
her late it0:,,l Ili4 sis the Princess Augusta, with a
view of the inner cutfinn' vshich the remains of her Royal
Highness are to he enclosed.
milacture. formed of thefiri
, andis
an e Spanish mahogany, exqui-
It is of the most costly ma-
-3 tely polished . inch and a half thick. The in-
s de is beautifully lined with the richest white satin, closely
fluted. There are to he three coffi .
—ns v,z., one of massive
lead, then another of fine Spanish
any, and lastly
the outer coffin, also of fine polishedmahog
studded with
silver.gilt nails,
with the ricllest crimson velvet, whichinwialhl togany, covered
massive silver-gilt handles, -and other ap-
propriate ornaments. The inner coffin was removed last
evening in a hearse from Messrs. Taprell and Holland's
premises to Clarence House, St. James's Palace. We
can conridcntly state that, up toga late hour last evening
Royal Highnesss funeral was not defirri:
the day for her Roy
tively fixed upoo. —Morning Herald.
TIIE VERDICT IN MADAME LAFFARQE'S
CAsa—t, poi respect for the Jury," says the Siecle
'• makes us deeply regret that a trial, which was followed
thruughout with so much anxiety by the entire of France,
a ,uuld again present t:ie extravagant anomaly of an affir-
mative decision upon a charge involving the most terrible
of all crimes, committed, according to the accusation, with
an atr.cious 1-Ailment of cruelty and perfidy, yet accom-
panied, nevertheless, by the declaration that there were
extenuating circumstances I It is in vain that such a ver-
_,
Ei„ is recorded ; the p consience will not acce
ith er the crime has beenublic proved,c and in that hypothesis it
appears surrounded
render it monstrous,
with all the circumstances that can
of the Jury,
and all
or a doubt has entered into the minds
ti,,n of ext---Iscall will agree that it is not by a declara- i
m.,n;feverunllionmg circumstances that a doubt should be l
an occasion."
:according to such
Anivole
a Milan letter in eie rJournal de
Fcanhjorpt, Count
with the rineess de mu Demidoff, upon his marriage
of widowhood, an annual settled on his lady, in case
joint property is to be enjoyedincome of '250,000f. The
p cr annum is to be paid to he in common, and 25,000 f.
Princess as pin money.

PATERNAL ADVICE FROM THE
FRENCH CAMARILLA TO THE SPANISH
REGENCY.

(From the Charivari.)
My dear Regent,—lt is with the deepest emotion
we learn that you are afflicted with misfortunes. Alas !
who is not in this world below ? We ourselves but this
moment have lost a piece of .50 centimes in the street.
You are at odds with your people. So far there is no
bartn ; there is no king whose reign has been of any
duration but easily makes up his mind to this, from long
custom. It is the especial attribute of such Govern-
merits as arc founded on unanimuus suffrage. But the
I dissension has a more decided character than in its ordi-

nary state. The municipality of Madrid, your capital,
bag, in your absence, invested itself with authority, and,
supported by the troops as well as by the adhesion of
the principal towns of Spain, continues to exercise it
without you, and even begins to do so against you.
This is vexatious, and for our part we sympathise most
strongly, for who knows what fate may await him to-
morrow

But how the devil, dearest Regent, have you ma-
naged to get yourself driven into so unfortunate a posi-
tion ! Not to agree with the nation is a matter of daily
occurrence ; that the nation should desire one thing
while one is anxious for the very reverse, constantly
happens, even in the most unobjectionable monarchies ;
the nation strives, with more or less energy, to accom-
plish its wishes, while we resist this impulse with equal
cunning, and such a struggle is admitted in every good
Constitutional Government. Should the nation allow
itself in the least degree to become apathetical, we
immediately press forward with all our weight, and thus
gain ground ; if, on the contrary, the nation becomes
too urgent, we yield adroitly, and seize the opportunity
of a re-action to regain the ascendant. This perpetual
motion to and fro is, in gubernatorial language, termed
the play of the national institutions. It is less old, but
much more amusing, than the Royal Game of Goose.
Now, this piece of mechanism, plied by skilful heeds,
becomes most valuable. In France, a Government,
when supported by ingenious systems, will make it last
about fifteen years. When we sent it by our Ambas-
sadors to be employed by you, together with directions
how to use it, we reckoned that it would work for a
space of thirty years in Spain, where the strings of it
are still new.
We are, however, mistaken ; you must have forced
the machinery. After having for a long time weighed
heavily on the Spanish nation, for, Heaven be praised,
your's was no sparing hand (we may remark here that
you have even gone too far, albeit our indulgence is
great for that kind of venial sin)—after this, we say,
when the Spanish nation, wearied out, begins to make
a few encroachments on your ground, you have thought
proper to oppose your utmost resistance. What do I
say ? You swell every vein ; you strain every nerve to
increase your resistance ? Have a care, Regent, or
you may meet the same fate as the frog in the fable.
Have you then lost those rules of conduct which we
had laid down with so much minuteness, that you allow
yourself to be hemmed in at Valencia by blustering
municipalities, who are openly leagued against you, and
impose conditions on you ? They arc the very rules
which guide us at Paris, and we, to say the least, are as
stanch anti-revolutionists as you can ever be in Spain.
Yet observe what a difference in our positions ? Our
unanimous suffrage is radiant with good living, while
yours is frightfully emaciated. No, no, Friend Regent,
you are no adept at making the representative pot boil ;
you heat it till it burts—a scalding job.
Have you not known, then, how to employ your se-
cret funds in rallying to your standard, both from the
press and from the people, disinterested servants ?
Have you not known how to decompose a majority, by
giving a place to this Deputy, a ribband to that one,
by addressing an invitation to one, a flattering
word to the other, and lastly, by familiarly dragging
the most obdurate into a window recess for a quarter
of an hour's conversation ? I had particularly recom-
mended window recesses. You cannot imagine how
many convictions have been laid aside through them ;
window recesses throw a new light on circumstances,
and many a conscience has been suddenly enlightened
merely by having retired for a few minutes into one of
them. Have you not been able, when a majority was
too compact to allow of being broken up by fragments
—have you not been able to decompose it constitution-
ally, by a well-timed dissolution, that it might be re-
organised by some skilful hand? Yet we had sent you
a skilful hand, and one modelled exactly on that of our
Montalivet. Perhaps, mistaken as to its use, have you
employed it in emptying the state coffers?
When the discontented public threaten a legal ex-
plosion that might plunge you into a tangle of diffi-
culties, do you not know how to get up a small con-
spiracy ? how to bring about a gentle riot to frighten
the goednatured citizens, and produce a reaction in fa-
vour of public order ? If the jury are to be feared, have
recourse to the Court of Peers. You do not seem to be
perfectly aware what advantages may be derived from
a Court of Peers. It has been objected that these Courts
are in general worthless ; yet, bad as they are, some use
can he made of them—a further reason for employing
them, since it is the only purpose they are fit for. You
have then forgotten—but we forget ourselves that you
are in difficulties, and that therefore this is no time for
finding fault. Instead of lecturing you, let us consider
how you may be saved. What is most urgent sit pre-
sen' is to save you from drowning, after which we shall
have time enough to make complaints.
The fact is, you must quit the position which you
have taken, for we frankly assure you it is not tenable.
For of what consists the monarchial state? Money
and power. The King is the type of human happiness,
for be is the man who has the greatest power and the
most money. Now, dearest Regent, these elements are
far from plentiful with you. As for power, already more
than half Spain has gone over to the Madrid Junta.
which is so little disposed to obey you, that its com-
mands are death to whoever shall execute a single order
of yours. If you allow this state of things to con-
tinue, your sway will soon be limited to Valencia and
its suburbs. As for money, your receipts will follow
the same descending course as your power. 10,000,000
are yearly allotted to you to reign over all Spain, which
contains 500 towns ; if now but 200 towns remain
affected to you, you will only receive 4 000,000 ; and as
each town detaches itself from your alliance, your pit-
tance will suffer an equivalent diminution, and that so
effectually, that when your sway is restricted, as it pro-
bably will be, to Toboso (Dulcinea's native town), your
civil list will be reduced to 39f. 40c., a sum bearing the
same ratio to the 10,000,000 that Toboso does to Spain.
A dreary prospect, Regent, a dreary prospect ! Well,
from these straits it is easy to escape, you have only to
follow our advice. Spain pronounces decidedly in favour
of the Exaltados, against the law of Ayuntamientos and
the present Cortes. Yield ! yield I dear Regent, in-
stead of resisting with that blind and unthinking obsti-
nacy fit only for walls and mules.
They desire that you should dismiss your Constitu-
tional Ministry ! Dismiss! dismiss ! For less than
that did we not dismiss our Mole?
They desire that you should renounce the law of
Ayuntamieutos. Renounce ! renounce! Did not we
renounce our detached forts and our apanages ? They
desire that you should appoint Ministers horn the Ex-
altados ? Appoint ! appoint ! We, too, did we not
consent to appoint Parliamentary Ministers, so called,
and who were forced on us from hatred to our personal
government ?
They desire that you should publish a Radical mani-
festo. Publish! publish! We, too, did we not publish our
Hotel deVille programme? And when you shall have thus
yielded, when you are thus surrounded by Ministers
forced on you by an adverse opinion, do not conceive
yourself to be checkmated and conquered. Fatal mis-
take! Your position will be thereby strengthened.
The malcontents, satisfied with your submission, will
lay down their arms, and will even clap their hands in
applause. Then either of the following conse-
quences will ensue :—Either these new Ministers
will be conscientious individuals, and will take
their radical mission in a literal sense, in which case,
firmly reinstated in your throne, and rebellion once sub-
sided, being no longer an object of fear, you will
purely and simply dismiss them, as we, in a similar case,
dismissed Lafayette, Laffitte, and Dupont (de l'Eure).
Or they will be men of ambitious views, who have only
served a party that they might the better come to power,
in which case they will espouse your cause ; they will
restore the same Cortes ; they will repass the law of
Ayuntamientos ; they will even lend you their assistance
in punishing the rebellion of their former partisans.
Look at Thiess, both a Parliamentary Minister and re-
storer of the Ist of March.
In both cases you will have recovered your former ad-
vantage, and your situation will have acquired new
strength ; this you will gain by yielding, whereas by re-
sisting you will lose all. Ruse, dearest Regent, is more
effectual than brute force, and the people are as easily
taken by their gullibility as rabbits by the ears.
Try it, my dear Christina, and tell us what you think
of it. But observe, when you do tell us pray pay the
postage. We know how to make a sacrifice to circum-
stances, and to circumstances alone.

Believe us, yours, &c.
CA MA RILL A.

oLympic.—This theatre, which
twill
bere-
opened on Thursday next, under the management of Mr.
Butler, has been completely re-decorated, and will present
a light and elegant appearance. The spirit and liberality
displayed in the management last season, as well as the
numerous successful novelties produced, afford a gratifying
augury of future exertion and prosperity. Mr. Butler, we
understand, has already secured a galaxy of female beauty
and talent, among which may be enumerated, Miss M.
Glover, Miss Jane Mordaunt, Miss Shcarstnith, (a young,
lady, it is said, of considerable musical promise), oar old
favourites Mrs. Carrick, Mrs. Beverley, Mrs. 11. Cummins,
&c. Among the actors are the subjoined—besides Mr.
Butler himself—Balls, from Drury Lane, S. Roxby, as
low comedian, Brookes, capital in old men, and Baker who
resumes his former station, as stage-manager, to the satis-
faction,
preparation,
believe, of all parties. Novelties we hear are
in but on this head secrecy is at present ob-
by the sobri-
quetserved.
sometimes ricLculousl
/to • (having been
o
M. TilLieTAs'diGninoi:terran
). Chance
Government is
is
(bars
onamon:
quizzical.term e din
—3ICa /rah?. ilvaasrt

MEHEMET ALI AND THE TURK-

ISH AND ARABIAN RACES.

(An article from the Revue des Deux Monde:, by M.
St. Marc Girardin.)
Mehemet Ali has numerous admirers in Enrope, who
laud him for the numerous things which he has borrowed
from Europe. I admire him, on the contrary, as one
who has preserved the best qualities of the East. Ore
great theme of praise with his admirers is Mehemet Ali's
having founded an Arabic empire. M. Clot Bey espe-
cially applauds him for this, and quotes from Napoleon's
memorial of St. Helena an approbation of the attempt
to form an Arabic empire in Africa. Unfortunately,
Mehemet Ali has done the very contrary of what Napo-
leon has recommended. Thus, he has raised soldiers in
Egypt. but he has not appointed a single Egyptian offi-
cer. Command is everywhere in the hands of Turks or
Mamelukes. He never placed authority in the hands of
the natives of the country ; on the contrary, he has ruled
like a Turk, by Turks, and has declared himself an
obedient servant of the Ottoman Porte.
. Mehemet Ali is a Turk ; he speaks no other language
than Turkish, and has alwas s intrusted his authority to
Turks ; it is not from any love ofthe Turks that be has
acted in this minuet, but from a just appreciation of
the state of Egypt, and of the character of the divers na-
tions which inhabit it.
I know not how strong Egyptian nationality might
have been under the Pnaroahs, but since their
time it has never existed. Egypt, conquered by all the
nations who have played a great part on earth, has for a
long time lost the habit of being independent. Many
races of conquerore, conquered and enslaved in their
turn, inhabit Egypt. The Turks are its last con-
querors. There is no race in Egypt, save the Cop-
tish, perhaps, which can pretend to be the na-
tional one. Similar, indeed, is the state of all the
East--an old land, occupied by all nations—a care-
vansera in which all nations have lodged, with
no better title one than the other. In these
countries of continued conquests, the difference of
race is every thing, and it is this difference which
divides the inhabitants into maste:s and subjects. The
Turks in Egypt form the military race, accustomed to
command, and possessed of talents for Government.
The Turks have an intelligence less quick and less ardent
than the Arabs ; but their character is more resolute
and more persevering, and a Government is better di-
rected by character than by intelligence. It is a truth
already proved in the East, and which will be proved by
degrees in the West.
'l'he difference between the Turkish and Arabic race
in Egypt is a curious subject of study and reflection.
The Arabs, taken individually, are superior to the
Turks. But in the struggle between nations the supe-
riority of individuals is nothing ; what gives ascendancy
is tire quality, not of the individual but of the mass ; it
is the spirit of ensemble the aptitude to command or to
obey, which, after all is the same thing. In this point of
view the Arab is inferior to the Turk. Enthusiastic, witty,
de'icate, made for poesy and adventure, sober, inured to
fatigue, as gay and as variable as the Turk is serious and
grave, the Arabic race is still what we see it in history,
and such as are still the Arabs of Grenada and Cor-
dova. But when, forgetting for a moment the bright-
ness of their conquests, we closely examine, even in
history, the character of the Arab race, what do we see?
A race whose religious enthusiasm created an army ra-
ther than a nation, and incapable of founding an empire
as the Romans had done, it gave rise to I know not
how many empires, and how short-lived. How many
dynasties heaped upon one another ! What a chaos,
and in this chaos what a rapid and tumultuous motion.
Unity and duration were ever wanting in the govern-
ments created by the Arab race. Children of the south,
these governments enjoyed the life of the plants of
their own climate, brilliant and brief ; whilst children
of the north, the Turkish race, has founded an empire,
now expiring indeed, but which has, lasted 500 years
and more. For an empire in the cast, 500 years'
duration is eternity.
Thus history agrees with the judgment of 'Mehemet
Ali. Even in its best days, the Arab race was not
made for command. Degraded in Egypt by long
slavery, it has none of the qualities requisite for govern-
ment. 'We need no proof beyond the words of M.
Clot Bey. M. Clot Bey is very favourable to the
Arabs. He enumerates with complaisance all that
Mehemet Ali has done to regenerate the Arabic race,
and he praises him much for it ; and then he continues
—" The Egyptians have not the instinct of command ;
this is the reason why the Viceroy has not been able to
entrust them with the first employment. Although
very intelligent, if they are not directed they can accom-
plish nothing. The Turks, on the contrary, accus-
tomed to superiority, have that conduct, that dignity and
confidence in themselves necessary to those who govern."
I will add to the testimony of M. Clot Bey another
testimony, which will still more confirm the justness of
the system of Mehemet Ali with respect to the Arabs.
'The Land
the arce country,
ye r t recruitedhey are
amongst
monksnp of h
tthe inhabitantse Hoy
e i
all Europeans ; and when some one asked the cause of
their exclusion, " YoU can never dePend upon an
Arab," observed one of the Fatheri. 's and the Holy
Sec could not entrust sacerdotal authority to them."
Thus Mehemet Ali and the Pope form the same judg-
ment with respect to the Arabic race. They both find
in this race talent and intelligence, but, nevertheless,
regard it as incapable of being its own guide, either in
civil or religious matters. I must explain, en passant,
why M. Clot hey is favourable to the Arab race.
M. Clot Bey is Director-General of the Medical De-
partment in Egypt. He has founded the school of Me-
dicine in that country ; he has bad Arabs for pupils, and,
as all those who have taught Arabs, he was struck with
their facility for learning. A few attentive observers have
thought that the Arab race possessed especially that fa-
culty of imitation which characterises the Sclavonic race,
but without the intelligence which makes science its own,
and renders it fertile by labour. Memory is, among
the Arabs, more active than their judgment ; they learn
quickly and forget quickly. This facility of learning
naturally deceives those entrusted with their education ;
especially if they be foreigners, spending a certain num-
ber of years in the country, and then going away with-
out waiting to see whether the effect of their lessons is
efficacious and durable. If this observation respecting
the imitative faculties of the Arabic race be exact, it is
curious to see how Europe has, if I may use the expres-
sion, at its two extremities, north and south, two races,
the one the Sclavonian race, the other the Arabic,
destined by their special nature to inherit European
civilization without increasing it, and to take of this
civilization all that was mechanical and external, that is,
its science and arts of luxury, without taking that which
forms its essence and its virtue. These races are sent
by Providence during epochs of transition, to pre-
serve and transmit the precious deposit of civi-
lization, without adding to it either a new science
or a new idea. I might add, that at the epochs
when these races prevailed a general levelling takes
place of intellect and information, when all that is
abstruse is explained, and the generality come very near
in understanding to the learned few. This is the epoch
in which every one has wit, in which all things explain
themselves gracefully, easily ; in which everything is
understood, in which every one seems to have genius,
either in politics or in literature, because memory serves
as thought, and expression as knowledge ; in short, it
is the epoch of journals and journalists. But in thus
extending itself; this civilisation diminishes, and by thus
weakening itself prepares and proportions itself to the
spirit of the imitative races which are to become its
depositaries.
By putting the Arabian in the background and the
Turkish race in the front, Mehemet Ali has not only
followed the custom and habit, he has obeyed good and
philosophical reasons. Mehemet Ali made no theory re-
specting the inferiority of the Arabic to the Turkish one;
he merely felt it, and this was enough. " I have done,"
said he to a French traveller, " in Egypt what the English
did in the Indies. Their Indian soldiers are commanded
by English officers, as yours must be by French officers
if you form Algerine regiments. The Turk is much
fitter for war and for command than an Arabian ; he
feels that be is made for it, and the Arabian, in his pre-
sence, feels that he is made for obeying. I once saw
an assemblage of 3,000 Arabians ; it seemed as if they
were going to destroy everything. I sent one of my
officers with thirty Turks, and all this multitude was
dispersed. In the war of 1832 the Arabs fought well,
because they followed their officers. All my art is to
get Turkish officers. Luckily for me the Sultan does
not give good pay ; I give better, and by that means
the officers come to me. I had then to ensure their
fidelity ; I fhund the way by preventing their becoming
landed proprietors, or getting personal influence amongst
the people."
Mehemet Ali is a Turk, not only because he makes
use of Turks for governing ; but he is a Turk, espe-
cially because he: wishes to be a Pacha belonging to
the Turkish empire ; he is a Turk by his sub-
mission towards the Ottoman Porte. To Europeans
this submission seems a mockery. It is a singular sort
of subjection, that of a Pacha, who in two years twice
makes war on his Sovereign, and tears away provinces
from his empire. But, in the East, this does not pre-
vent Mehemet from being the slave of the most glorious
Sultan. 'Fire slave may beat the master ; but this
neither astonishes nor embarrasses the Orientals. Nor
in the West wore we more particular two hundred years
ego. Have we not seen for a long time, under the feu-
dal system, vassals making war on their Sovereign, and
even under Louis XIV., the Prince of Conde making
war upon the King, without, on that account, thinking
that he had broken every tic between him and his So.
vereign ? War did not destroy the titles of vassality or

sovereignty.
The two attributes of sovereignty in the East are,
prayer and justice. Prayer, in Egypt, is made in the
name of the Sultan, and justice in the same manner.
M. Clot Bey says that the Sultan sends every year to
Grand Cairo a Grand Cadi, whose jurisdiction extends
all over Egypt. Mehemet Ali has never let pass an op-
portunity of showing his respect for the Sultan ; he
sands to felicitate him on the birth of his children ; he
employs on every occasio❑ the tone of a subject towards
his toaster, and I think that tone sincere. Mehemet
Ali wishes to govern his pachalics absolutely, and of
these he wishes to have many ; but in the East, autho-