The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-16 00:00:00

THE SECRET CORRESPONDENCE

REPORT.
That some respite is required from the ordinary vo-
cations of life is an established principle sanctioned by
the usages of all nations, whether Christian or Pagan.
One day in seven has always been determined upon as
the proportion of time ; and in conformity with the
wishes of the great majority of citizens in this country,
the first day of ' the week, commonly called Sunday,
has been set apart to that object. The principle has
received the sanction of the national Legislature so
far as to admit a suspension of all public business on
that day, except in cases of absolute necessity, or of great
public utility. This principle the Committee would not
wish to disturb. If kept within its legitimate sphere of
action, no injury can result from its observance. It
should, however, be kept in mind, that the proper object
is to protect all persons in the enjoyment of their reli-
gious as well as civil rights, and not to determine for
any, whether they shall establish one day above another
or esteem all days alike holy.
We are aware that a variety of sentiment exists among
the good citizens of this nation on the subject of the
Sabbath-day, and our Government is designed for the
protect:on of one as well as another. The Jews, who
I in this country are as free as Christians, and entitled
to the same protection from the laws, derive their obliga-
tion to keep the Sabbath-day from the Fourth Command-
ment of their decalogue, and, in conformity with that in-
junction, pay religious homage to the seventh day of the
week, which we call Saturday. One denomination of
Christians among UE, justly celebrated for their piety, and
1
ntbe moral obligation of the Sabbath, and observe
tct
Ihei eel. t sla 'e
m.; ;es Y
day.as good citizens as any other class, agree with
There are also many Christians among us who
derive not their 0 ,‘‘ligation to observe the Sabbath from the
decalogue but rega.
From the exam
sd the Jewish Sabbath as abro-
gated.
they have chosen the first :;14Y
the dectoa.'l4
inles of the Apostles of Christ,
of the week, instead of
devotions. These have generally
that day set apart in ue, for their religious
$,. and
the obser-
vance of the day as a devotional exercise, and would not
would en-
more readily enforce it upon others than th."
the fact
force secret prayer or devout meditations: urgir,
that neither the Lord nor his disciples, though often' cen-
sure.l by his accusers for a violation of the Sabbath, evigr
enjoined its observance. They regard it as a subject on i
which every person should be fully persuaded in his own
mind, and not coerce others to act upon his persuasion.
Many Christians, again, differ feom those professing to de-
rive their obligation to observe the Sabbath from the fourth
commandment of the Jewish decalogue, and bring the
examples of the Apostles, who appear to have held their
public meetings for worship on the first day of the week,
as authority for so changing the decalogue as to substi-
tute that day for the seventh. The Jewish Government
was a theodracy, which enforced religious observances ;
and though the Committee would 'hope that no portion of
the citizens of our country could willingly introduce a sys-
tem of coercion in our civil institutions, the example of
other nations should admonish us to watch carefully against
its earliest indication.
With these different religious views, the Committee
are of ;opinion that Congress cannot interfere. It is
not the legitimate province of the Legislature to deter-
mine what religion is true or what is false. Our Go-
vernment is a civil and not a religious institution. Our
Constitution recognizes in every person the right to
choose his own religion, and to enjoy it freely, without
molestation. Whatever may be the religious sentiments
of citizens, and however variant, they are alike entitled to
protection from the Government, so long as they do not
invade the right of others.
The transportation of the mail on the first day of the
week, it is believed, does not interfere with the rights of
conscience. The petitioners for its discontinuance appear
to be actuated from a religious zeal, which may be com-
mendable, if confined to its proper sphere, but they assume
a position better suited to an ecclesiastical than to a civil.
They appear, in many instances, to lay it down as an axiom,
that the practice is a violation of the law of God. Should
Congress, in their legislative capacity, adopt the sentiment,
it would establish the principle that the Legislature is a
proper tribunal to determine what are the laws of God, It
would involve a legislative decision in a religious con-
troversy, and on a point on which good citizens may
honestly differ in opinion without disturbing the peace of
society or endangering its liberties. If this principle is
once introduced, it will be impossible to define its bounds.
Among all the religious persecutions with which almost
every page of modern history is stained, no victim ever
suffered but for the violation of what Government denomi-
nated the law of God. To prevent a similar train of evils
in this country, the Constitution has wisely withheld from
our Government the power of defining the Divine law. It
is a right reserved to each citizen, and while he respects
the equal rights of others, he cannot be held amenable to
any human tribunal for his conclusions.
Extensive religious combinations to effect a political
object, are, in the opinion of the Committee, always dan-
gerous. The first effort of the kind calls for the estab-
lishment of a principle which, in the opinion of the Corn-
miitee, would lay the foundation for dangerous innovations
upon the spirit of the Constitution, and ups:o the religious
r ghts of the citizens. If admitted, it may be justly ap-
prehended
that the future measures of Government: will be
strongly marked, if not eventually controlled by the t;',ame
influence. All religious despotism commences by comba
nation and influence, and when that influence begins to
operate upon the political institutions of a country, the
civil ower soon bends uuder it, and the catastrophe o
other nations furnishes an awful warning of the conse-
f
quence. WORK BY THE AUTHOR OF
Under the present regulations of the Post-office de- THE NEW
TREMAINE." .--- " Do Clifford" is a sterling work—a
partmcnt, the rights of conscience are not invaded ; ~
every agent enters voluntarily, and it is presumed con- work not to be perused and dismissed in a breath, but to
scientiously, into the discharge of his duties, without be read and studied again and again. It is not for the
intermedoling with the conscience of another. Post- story but for the flue delineation of the movement of the
offices are so regulated as that but a small proportion of
human heart, for the striking descriptions of eminent po-
the first day of the week is required to be occupied litical and distinguishe'd persons ; for the great knowledge
in official business. In the transportation of the
mail of life, and men, and th;.ngs, displayed in every part; for
on that day, no one agent is employed many hours. just reflections on events which belong to all periods ; for
Religious persons enter into the business without vio-
others. Passengers in the mail-stages are free to rest
lacing their own consciences or imposing any restraints' of their writings ; and, above all, for an elevated, manly,
vigorous opinions on celebratesl authors and the tendency
and moral tone calculated to discou: are vice and inspire
upon .
during the first day of the week, or pursue their journeys as
turday, the Jew and the Sabbatarian may abstain frotit_hainlye their own pleasure. While the mss is transported on a-
agency in carrying it from conscientious scrales. W
class
it is transported on the first day of the week, anotherb
a.
may abstain, from the same religious scruples. The olasisiges , I virtue in every walk and relation of life. These volumes
will long continue to be an ornament to the polite litera-
ture of our time.—Literary Gazelle.
NAPOLEONIANA.— A letter from Auxerre
states that a few nights since a grand funeral procession
tiun cf Government is the same to both of these c lin honour of Napoleon, and in imitation of that which took
on which i, place in Paris, was made in that town. There was a car
claims of one should be more respected than those of the ,
and the Committee can discover no pi inciple the
I drawn by six horses, and followed by companies of men
th other,e
minorityen esscavalry soldiers bearing banners of the departments,
dressed as old soldiers, the crew of the Belle Poule, and
as
• &c• The Marshals were represented by some of the
It is the opinion of the Committee that
..
the subject 't •
shouldsB s
abeered admittedtha n those
ose that f the consciencesma jority.
,;principal inhabitants of the town. It was headed by some
aitrel
should be regarded simply as a question of exped.teicy, ir- ,
troops, and proceeded to an islet formed by the canal and
respective of its religious bearing ; in this light it h
as hi- 1 the river, on which was a catafalque illuminatedby Bengal
therto been considered. Congress have never legislated ~ ,
lignts. At midnight the procession returned to the Place
upon the subject. It rests, as it has ever done, in the legal ;
Notre Dame, and there dispersed amidst acclamations of
discretion of the Postmaster-General, under the repeated ~ „
" NM) i Empereur !"
refusals of Congress to discontinue the sabbath mails. His t - .

(FRON OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT. )
Notwithstanding that the severe illness of General Fer-
guson gave very little hopes to any one that he would
survive the present Session, yet the intelligence of his
death came very sudden upon his constituents. The
Tories had previously been active, and had made ar-
rangements for bringing down Mr. Walter; of the Times,
to contest the seat on Tory principles. On Wednesday
Mr. Walter arrived at the George the Fourth Hotel, ac-
companied by Colonel Sibthorp. On the evening before
the Liberal party held a Meeting, which was attended
by a great number of the most respectable Liberals.
Colonel Thompson was proposed, but he, it was deem-
ed, would have no chance without money, of
which he has very little, against a rich candi-
date, 'and smarting from defeat. Attention was
then turned to several others, but eventually some
letters were read from G. G. de H. Larpent,
Esq., in which his sentiments were detailed. He
declared himself a Radical in every sense of the word, in
favour of a Repeal of the Corn-laws, abolition of Church-
rates, the Ballot, and Extension of the Suffrage, and other
excellent measures. Very high credentials from the first
liberal men in London were read in his favour, and it
was eventually agreed to invite him down to address the
electors, and a letter was despatched to him. He will be
in Nottingham this day (Thursday ), and will, no doubt, be
the man adopted by the Liberal party. It is very much
to be regretted that a great split has taken place
lately among all parties on the Poor-law Question,
the Whigs having built a new workhouse on
the new principle, in spite of the efforts of the Tories
and Chartists to prevent it. The Tories have taken ad-
vantage of this, and, having joined with the Chartists,
got an ultra-Tory Board of Guardians returned on Tues-
day last, who have stopped the 'building of the new house.
The Tories deeming they will be joined by the Chartists,
on proposing Mr Walter, who is an anti-Poor law man,
are sanguine of success, but their hopes are most fella-
, for the Chartists, in full meeting at the Democratic
ci; veal, on Monday night, determined not to suppert a
Tory cu any grounds. The Radical principles of Mr.
just snit them—they will poll ,for him to a
no doubt he will be returned by a ma-
jorityrnL aa rnp,e
anon: d v;t'ob.
()Lel 3

LANDLORDS AND LABOURERS,

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Sin,—Your remarks upon the sufferings of the
labour class, and the bliodness of the landowners, reach
the very core of the wronged labourer's heart. You
were strictly right and in point when you mentioned
last night that the selfish conduct of our aristocracy
was occasioning investigation into the right of the ques-
tion ; and should you deem the following remarks
worthy of insertion in your spirited Journal, they may
be taken as a rude specimen of the conjecturing and
meditation of the labour class.
On what conditions was the land of the United King-
dom given to the ancestors of our near-sighted aristo-
cracy ? Every square acre of land had to sustain, when
necessary, a soldier—payment of the army may be
taken as one condition. Each Baron was respotisible for
the tranquillity of h;s district—payment of the police
may be taken as another condition.
The wisdom of our ancestors, in my opinion, was
forcibly shown in making those who reaped the glory,
pay the piper. Now the case is somewhat altered,
capital and labour is not only compelled to pay, but the
profit and honour is retained by the law-makers. Those
law-makers constrain us annually to pay twenty-eight
millions arrear of army debts, which they, according to
original agreement, ought to have paid themselves ; not
only do they enforce this iniquity, but further, by their
vile monopoly, take full twenty per cent. of the re-
mainder from us ; and, out of all this justice, should
any of us be enabled to save a portion of our toil, those
law-makers, at our death, grasp a considerable share ;
while their own real property remains unscathed.
This shocking conduct is filling the breast of every
workman, who reads, with indignation ; it is in vain to
tell them the population of England exceeds its capi.
tal. They ask what is capital ? And say, give it a lair
field and no favour, and it will become like the sixty
millions recently sunk in railroads. speedily turned into
a hundred millions. What portion of capital is defi-
cient, which constrains the cotton spinner to go idle,
cold, and hungry? Is it raw cotton ? No. It is ma-
chinery ? No. Is it want of money, providing there
was a profitable demand ? No, for hundred of moneyed
men are
Weager for such an opportunity. What is it,
then ? ant of demand alone. Who is it that shuts
out this demand ?
Mr. Editor, we of the working class know too much,
or too little ; we must very shortly have heavenly jus-
tice, or dark, dark despotism.
Most respectfully,
A TIN-PLATE WORKER.
Wednesday.

OF THE KING OF THE FRENCH.

REPLY OF THE PROPRIETOR OF THE " CONTEMPORAINE " TO
THE ENGLISH AND FRENCH PAPERS, RESPECTING THE AUTO-
GRAPHS OF LOUIS PHILIPPE, PART OP WIIICII WAS WRITTEN
DURING lIIS EMIGRATION, AND THE OTHER PART PROCEED-
ING FROM THE SECRET PORTFOLIO OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND,
The moment has come at last for me to break through
my long-protracted silence. I have, until now, allowed
attacks against my person and character to pass unnoticed,
without complaining, without lifting up my voice, without
protesting in the name of truth ; the most offensive impu-
tations, the foulest calumnies have been circulated, and
they have as yet not received from my pen that absolute
and solemn contradiction which I owe to myself, and by
which they can be so easily and triumphantly overthrown.
It is but fair to say that this great degree of forbearance
must be ascribed to an honourable motive, namely, my ap-
prchcnsinn of committing, through my open interference,
two individuals wiih whom I was not personally acquainted,
whose opinions and political sympathies are by no means
congenial with my own, but whom I looked upon as victims
of arbitrary power, and deprived of their liberty through
the effects of a Machiavelic system which I execrate, be-
cause lam acquainted with all its baseness. While the
publisher and editor of the legitimist journal La France
were under the bolts and Oars of arbitrary power, while a
sort of uncertainty hung over the nature of the proceedings
to be instituted against them, I silenced all personal consi-
deration of pride or self-interest; but now that I have ful-
filled an engagement, voluntarily entered into, now that
the power of speech is at length restored, I shall pull down
to the very foundation the scaffolding of false statements
and misrepresentations which calumny has so artfully raised
before the eyes of the public, so as to mislead its opinion
by completely intercepting the truth. It is in England that
I shall produce my proofs, because England is the land of
genial liberty, in which politics have not reduced justice to
subjection ; here a judge does not become a ministerial
tool; the courts are inaccessible to intimidation or to other
unworthy considerations ; the:Bench is independent ; those
who are entrusted with judicial authority are impressed
with the inflexible uncompromising sternness of the duties
which they have to discharge, any of them rendering him-
self subservient to the heads of the police, or any other de-
partment, is peifectly unheard of. In England the principle
of responsibility is constantly and practically adhered to;
a citizen can safely place himself in an attitude of defence
against persecution; justice can be claimed and appealed
to by alt ; strictly impartial, it communicates the impar-
tiality of the laws of the country to the judicial organs
whose office it is to expound and apply them ; every man
has a right to appeal to appeal to those laws, and every man
knows that they will protect him, if he is really entitled to
their protection.
It is sufficiently well known that I have now resided in
London for nearly seven years; that several autograph
letters of the Duke of Orleans, written by him (during the
period he was himself an emigrant) to the Count d'Entrai-
gues, to whom they aro directed, have long been in my
possession : it is further known that I possess more recent
ones, among others, forty-two confidential notes, which
hase found their way out of the private papers of
Talleyrand ; several of these letters and flutes have
been inserted in the Gazette de France, and the
paper called La France, without my direct consent,
indeed without my being at all privy to the circum-
stance. But it must be admitted that nothing can be more
indisputable than the genuiae authenticity of these docu-
ments. Their publication has created considerable uproar
in France, yet, strange to say, not one individual has been
found either candid ur courageous enough to state that
these documents had been published in London partly as
fat-similes, under the title of " Cortespondetace of the Emi-
grant Prince." These 27 pages (of which the Gazette
exhibited the original autographs in Court,) were thus
made known in England in 1835 ; subsequently the notes
and extracts of the secret correspondence of Louis Philippe
with Talleyrand made its appearance in 1839, in the anti.
Philippist paper entitled the Portefeuille Francais, dedi-
cated to M. Thiess, with this epigraph, " the style is the
man." Very many copies were sold publicly, with all the
usual forms, such as are customary, I mean, in England.
Not only, as has been above stated, were nine pages
fac-simile ef the secret correspondence publicly and
equally distributed to club-houses, libraries, hotels, and
public establishments, but I myself have, at various pe-
riods, directed and personally delivered them in London ;
they have also been forwarded by me to Paris, to the lead-
ing individuals whose names arc here subjoined :
To Count Sebastiani, Ambassador to the British Court.
To Field-Marshal Soult, Ambassador Most Extraordi-
nary to the Court of St. James's.
'l'o the Duke de Nemours, at his own residence.
To the Duke de Caze, at the Luxembourg.
To the Baron Pasquier, ditto.
To Count Camille Montalivet.
To Field-Marshal Gerard, Paris.
To Baron Bourquenay, Charge d'Affaires.
And lately also, with a complete set of the " Carica-
ture," together with the 27 pages fac-simile, &c. &c.,
to Monsieur Guizot, then Ambassador in London.
Besides which they were sent to many others, more
or less important individuals, whose names at the pre-
sent moment escape my recollection; yet they have had
in France the audacity to charge with forgery several
editors of newspapers, who have done nothing more than
reproducing my publications, the autograph originals of
which have all beet, and still partly are in my possession;
the English papers, all the London papers, have received
copies of the whole of my publications, fee-similes, carica-
tures, and others, ever since 1835. The proof of what is
here stated, were it needed, could be very easily given, by
merely bringing forward the receipts and vouchers for in-
sertions, more or less expensive, in the Chronicle, Morn-
ing Post, SiVirist, Standard, Court Journal, &c. &c.
The Times alone refused to insert all, and the True Sun
of 1835 alone inserted gratis as much as two columns.
I courted by all manner of means the judicial investiga-
tion of these documents, and impressions from the auto-
graphs, which were, and still are, in my possession; num-
beiless obstacles were thrown in the way of my publica-
tions, the fear of some, the pusillanimity of others,
operated for a long while as a bar to my exertions; had I
calumniated Louis Philippe—had my statements been
false, the English law would have visited me, while it
would have afforded him protection ; but his Ambassador
and Emissaries well knew there were no means of bribing
or intimidating me into silence, and therefore they kept
still, thinking, no doubt, the less they said about it the
better it was for their master.
I have been informed that Mr. Philippe Dupin, the
worthy champion of the tri-coloured purity of his patron
Philippe of Orleans, hid re-echoed the malignant stupidi-
ties and nonsensical calumnies proceeding from the cor-
respondent of the Morning Post (vide the insertion of the
20th of January, 1641) and the Prussian State Gazette ;
whence such stuff was derived as as a very transparent
mystery, truly worthy of the origin from whence it ema-
nated, as one of the papers then stated, it was easy to
recognise a pen just fresh from the Police office, and to
the same impure source may be traced what found its way
in Berlin (vide the State Gazette), through the medium of
Baron Arnim, a sort of unattached diplomatist, whose
credit is as problematical as his employment.
The Learned Barrister, Philippe Dupin, stated that I
had opened a species of bazaar where I sold autographs;
that I had had recourse to numberless manoeuvres in order
to compel French Ministers and Louis Philippe himself to
purchase letters which were forged and falsified by me.
Now Mr. Philippe Dupin has knowingly stated:that which
he ought to have known to be untrue ; and what stamps
it with a peculiar degree of impudence is, that he has
seen the original documents.
It is further stated that Mr. Philippe Dupin has dressed
and undressed my old literary fame ; he is entitled to my
thanks; he unwittingly supplies isle with a parallel in
which are blended royal and melancholy recollemions; the
beautiful and unfortunate Mary of Scotland, as the execu-
tioner, previous to the said performance of hie office, pro-
ceeoed to remove from her shoulders part of her vestments,
could not help saving ; " I had certainly never antici-
pated that fate held in reserve for me so strange and un-
leoked-fer a lady's-maid I" let me welcome you, Mr.
Dupin I
But to come to the point, I absolutely challenge ti e
learned gentleman ; 1 am ready to prove, before the com-
petent authorities, that the copies I sent to Paris, in
order to collect subscriptions for my collections, arc
scrupulously correct and verbatim, the counterpart of
the autographs (which are my propertt,) penned by
Louie-Philippe, with his own hand, during his emigra-
tion, and subsequently during the years he has been
on the Throne, as these documents proceeding from
Talleyrand's secret papers evidently show. These original
documents do not consist, as has been falsely represented,
in a few scattered scraps, or detached fragments, but in a
body of letters, memoirs, proclamations, notes, and letigth-
ened memorandums of both periods of the life of Louis
Philippe of Orleans, where the same train of thoughts
may be observed threading its course and unfolding itself,
according as successive events give those thoughts room
for expansion. I have sought, courted, challenged investiga-
tion (in this land of liberty well understood); any jury er
set of comoetent individuals, would at once level with the
dust the edifice Mr. Dupin has been endeavouring to prop
up by means of his wilfully erroneous statements. No
honest man or set of honourable men could for one mo-
ment doubt the evidence that would be produced before
them, as to the undeniable authenticity of all these papers
in the own hand-writing of Louis Philippe of Orleans.
The result of the suit instituted by the Gazette de
France against the Messager, has proved that the Judges
chose to close their eyes against the truth which stared
them in the face ; they sealed their eyelids, bent, deter-
mined as they were, not to see what was before
them; the original authentic documents have been
produced; I can produce one hundred snore if it
wt re necessary ; but what is the use ? the Learned
Judge on the bench would turn away his eyes, and
the Attorney-General would pull off his glasses, no
doubt in order to descant with better ease (yet in his mouth
it is somewhat awkward), on the immorality of such pub-
lications, and on the violation of the secrets of private cor-
respondence; it must be owned that there is something
comically absurd in such observations from such a quarter;
and bearing in mind the system by which France is at pre-
sent ruled, it would delight mo much to be told in what
consists the immorality and violation of confidenet.
so emphatically insisted upon in the preosrent
meto
stance. Well, well, I see it ; it is necessary fnone
come to the assistance of the Learned Gentleman;
of these letters or papers were ever addressed to.meLper-
had suc-
sonally, as a political publicist; I purchased lac na
don those those relative to the emigration, from a party who was
already the third individual in whose hands they
eflayr
answerless curious
the
cessively passed ; I bought themhattn order to publish them.
under similar circum:
every one will agree with me, t
stances, things are published
or interesting; so we can day-
mosta f treers oday,lut
that the scandal exists in this
Learned Attorney General,
matter, nowhere else than in the opinions, principles, and
un- urenchmanlike atrocities expressed in the original letters
cif Louis Philippe when a n emigrant Peince
, and subse-
quently continued tbroughout, in the secret correspondence
us latter collection was
of the king of the French. Tl
•
given me, and therefore also became my property for publa.
consequeetly the Learned Attorney-General will
cation ;
allow me to tell him, that in point of morality and scandal,
allowed or disallowed, he is not looked upon by me as a
competent judge.,