The Sun.
London, England, 1871-01-20 00:00:00

THE REPORTED RESIGNATION OF MR.
CHILDERS.

Yesterday morning the Times appeared with a statement
that Mr. Childers had resigned. In a second edition,
however, the Daily Telegraph published the following :
" There is no truth, whatever, in the statement made in
the leading article of the Times this morning
concerning the resignation of Mr. Childers,
First Lord of the Admiralty. The right
hon. gentleman, though still unwell, has not re-
signed, and it may reasonably be hoped that such arrange-
ments may be made as will give Mr. Childers the
temporary rest he requires, without forcing upon him the
necessity of placing his post at Mr. Gladstone's disposal.
It is almost needless to add that the whole of the details
in the columns of our contemporary connected with this
subject have no foundation in fact."

MR. OTWAY, M.P., AND HIS CONSTI-

TUENTS.
(CENTRAL PRESS TELEGRAM.)

Last evening, Mr. Otway, M.P., late Under-Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, addressed a crowded meeting of his
constituents in the Lecture Hall, Chatham. The High
Constable, Mr. H. P. Mann, presided. Alluding to the recent
changes that had taken place in the Government, Mr.
Otway paid a tribute to the abilities of the late Lord
Clarendon, who, he said, up to the time of his death, was
engaged in endeavouring to bring about a mutual
disarming of the two great Powers now at war. It was
impossible to say that his efforts would not have been
successful if he had lived. Mr. Otway then proceeded to
deal with the question of his recent retirement from
office. It was said by some persons that an under-
secretary was nothing more than a mouthpiece. As
regarded questions involving no great principle, he would
not say that that statement was altogether incorrect.
In reference to great questions dealing with the
honour, and perhaps the safety of the country,
the matter was, however, different, and he maintained
that no man who had the misfortune to differ from his
chief on such questions could honourably, to himself or
to the Government, continue to remain in office. Last
autumn a question of the character to which he had
alluded had arisen, but though he desired to deal
with his constituents in a spirit of perfect frankness, he
thought it would not be fair to the Government, none of
whose members were present, to enter into such details as
would involve a discussion of the foreign policy of her
Majesty's Ministers. He would, however, assure
them that both Earl Granville and Mr. Gladstone
approved of the motives which had caused him to resign,
and he believed that when the question came to
be discussed in Parliament, it would be admitted
that he had adopted the only course open to
an honourable man, and worthy of the representative
of the electors of Chatham. Mr. Otway, referring to the
speech of Mr. Forster at Bradford, which he thought
must have been incorrectly reported, said that it was not
the case that the Prussian Government accepted the
advice of the English Cabinet to prevent a
quarrel with France. The fact really was that Count
Bismarck informed Earl Granville that he could not even
lay the proposal of the English Government before the
King of Prussia for his consideration. A vote of confi-
dence in Mr. Otway was proposed, seconded, and carried.

MR. STANSFELD, M.P., ON THE CONTAGIOUS

DISEASES ACT.

Mr. Stansfeld received on Wednesday a deputation at
Halifax, who presented resolutions passed at a meeting on
Monday in favour of unconditional and immediate repeal
of the Contagious Diseases Acts, as immoral and uncon-
stitutional. Mr. Stansfeld said his position as a
member of the Government must affect what he could
say on the subject at this moment. If he were
convinced that the tendency of these Acts was immoral,
he would not be a member of the Government to support
them. But whatever his opinions might be, since a com-
mission had been appointed by the Government, which
itself held its judgment in suspense, he was determinad
to express no definite opiniOn until he had weighed their
report. He admitted the burden of proof lay upon the
defenders of these acts. If they were proved to be im-
moral in their tendency nothing could justify their main-
tenance ; but there were men on the commission, such as
Mr. Jacob Bright, Mr. Mundella, and Professor Maurice,
who would fully recognise the moral element in the ques-
tion. If their impressions were decidedly unfavourable,
they would be bound to say so. If, on the other
.land, they considered these Acts were a material advan-
tage, they would still be bound to see whether there were
no other methods free from objection by which these
advantages, or the greater part of them, could be secured.
He believed the commission would probably report at the
end of this session, and that the matter would be dealt
with in the next.

MR. STANSFELD AT HALIFAX.
(CENTRAL PRESS TELEGRAM.)
HALIFAX, THURSDAY EVENING.
This evening the Right Hon. James Stansfeld, M.P.,
addressed the electors of Halifax, in the large room of the
Mechanics' Hall, which was densely crowded fully an
hour before the proceedings commenced. The meeting
was afterwa.ds adjourned to the drill-shed, which was
filled with about 5,000 people. Mr. J. D. Hutchinson
presided.
Mr. STANSPELD rose amid mingled cheers and hooting,
and having made a few introductory observations, said he
hoped and believed that a University Test Bill, at least
not less liberal than that of last year will be introduced,
and not again be rejected by the House of Lords. He
entertained a hope that a Ballot Bill,would be introduced
very early in the approaching session, and would
also become law. With respect to the Contagious
Diseases Act, being a member of the pre-
sent Government, he owed it in common regard
and respect for that Government to suspend the final
expression of opinion upon the Bill until the proper time
arrived. (Cries of dissent.) Speaking upon the questions
of the foreign policy and armaments of this country,
Mr. Stansfeld said : England differs in this from every
Continental land—that she has, and can have, no interests
save those of peace. No questions of frontier can
affect her interest or her safety, as her frontier is the
sea. No combinations are necessary to secure her safety.
She has learnt from her history of old how costly was the
policy of persistent intervention in the quarrels and the
wars of Europe, Land persistent non-intervention, unless
compulsory intervention was necessary, is now the
settled policy of this country. (Cheers.) Ido not believe
there exists in this country any party or any body of men
whom we need take into acconnt who would desire to
retain the policy of former times. (Hear.) I know these
has been of late some talking and some writing upon
the subject of active intervention in the war between Ger-
many and France. I know that a good deal of that talk-
ing and that writing has been based upon sympathies
which I approve, and which I cannot say I do not share ;
but for myself—l tell you here to-night plainly, so that
you may not mistake me—l would not remain one hour
a member of a Government who hazarded the peace, the
welfare, and the prosperity of the vast working population
of these islands on grounds of mere sympathy, without
staying to count the risk and the cost, and to reflect
whether intervention at present to stop the war, might
not simply mean the plunging of this people and of the
whole of Europe into war. (Cheers.) But, although
neutrality is the recognised policy of this country—and
rightly so—it is not without its own difficulties and dangers.
The nations that make war on each other in Europe desire
the influence and the aid of England, and they are not
willing we should hold aloof. It is true that Germany did
not ask for our intervention, for she did not need it; but
a great part of Germany at this moment believe
that we might have prevented the outbreak of the war.
whilst France, not justly, but naturally, thinks that after
the defeat at Sedan, when she had ceased to be the aggres-
sor, and when the Empire was at an end, we might, but
' would not, stop the ruin and the slaughter of her sons.
(Cheers.) All this is natural and inevitable, although
unjust. Our answer is simple ; and the time will come
when they will understand and believe it. I Our answer
is this—that we could not hope to prevent the war for
which a whole generation of these two mighty peoples had
been preparing—(cheers)—and our answer is also this,
that if we were now to interfere by force of arms to
endeavour to stop the war, we should not stop it,
but should make it world-wide. (Loud cheers.) I look,
and ask you to look with me, at the face of
Europe. No thinking man can look at Europe
without feeling a deep sense of humiliation. We
look upon these two nations as disturbers of the peace.
They disturb the peace of England, and threaten the
peace of Europe. Neutral nations stand by passive,
hesitant, speaking words of peace with bated breath.
These two combatants make themselves the complainants,
and neutral England benevolently is put upon the defence.
I ask you, is it not a strange inversion of ideas that this
state of things should exist ? The policy of the future should
be something like this, that there should be an interven-
tional court of arbitration, supported by a force contributed
by the different nations of Europe; and I believe that
one day this plan will be carried out in our midst.
At the conclusion of the hon. gentleman's address, a
resolution of confidence in him was proposed, and an
amendment of confidence, except with respect to the Con-
tagious Diseases Acts, was also submitted to the meeting.
The amendment, upon being put to the meeting, was car-
• ried by a small majority.