The Sun.
London, England, 1840-06-08 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, itINV P, IP4O

Mr. COGSWELL, to which we then referred, hid-
den in obscurity, and which might serve to explain
the embittered feelings of the working classes.
Every day is now bringing such cases to light,
and Messrs. ROBERTS and CARRIER, with another
person named POTTS, have been so punished for
advocating the real or supposed rights of the
working classses as against the middle classes. We
are not surprised, therefore, to learn from an
answer returned by the Chartists of Sunderland to
an invitation of the Anti-Corn-law Committee of
that town to make common cause with it for the
abolition of that law, that the working classes use
the following language:--

What, then, is our present relation to you as a section of
the middle class ? It is one of violent opposition. You are
the holders of power, from the participation in which you
exclude us—for demanding which, you persecute us, with
a malignity, paralleled only by the ruffian Tories and
mammon-hunting parsons towards the poor pea-
santry of Ireland. We, are, therefore, surprised
that you should ask us to co-operate with you. You, who
have through your press, and by your orators, described us
as a bind of lawless adventurers, violent and illegal in lan-
guage as in object—impracticable as wild in our schemes
—men contemplating the destruction of property—violence
to persons, and anarchy in the State—we are surprised that
you, who through one of your secretaries, recently de-
clared that a connexion with us was "highly undesirable,"
should now solicit our aid. We are the same men now
we were three months ago--our principles and objects re-
main unchanged. Have you now become what you then
described us—or are you now convinced that what you then
said of us was unjust, inexpedient, or both ? Ist addition
to this local manifestation of feeling toward us, there is
still more ground for surprise, when we consider the treat-
ment which we, the Chartists, have received at your bands,
in advocating our views, which, admitting they were wrong,
you have Lever attempted honestly and in a kindly spirit
to correct. Our interests, you have stated, are identical
with yours, but how have you proved this? The press,
which is almost entirely in the hands of the middle class,
has systematically either burked our proceedings or only
noticed them to extract matter for cold-blooded sneers and
ridicule, or still worse, to mark us out as victims for the
blood-hounds of the law which you let loose upon use
You, the middle classes, used your influence to
create a sedition and treason phobia, under cover
of which, you might establish a truncheon, pistol,
and cutlass force, to knock, or blow our brains out,
or lop of our heads if we should dare to use them for the
emancipation of our class. You did this at the very time,
when, in the debates of the enlightened, calm, and philoso-
phic members of the Corn-law League, ranker sedition
was spouted, not uttered under the pressure of
poverty's woes, as our's was, not in ignorance,
but in knowledge ; and, do you think that we
can, with these things fresh in our recollection, co-
operate with you ? Now, when you are gagging our
patriots, stifling their voices, filling your dungeons and
gaols with their bodies, subjecting them to the most
re-
fined torture, and slowly starving them on prison fare, iik-
ducing diseases by that, and your prison discipline, under
which they are gradually sinking, victims to our cause,
and your hatred of it. We say, your prison discipline,
because it is the work of the
," enlightened and humane"
men elected by you. While these things are actually oc-
curring—when those whe, under the torments of hopeless
misery, or those who, though more fortunately situated,
bleeding in sympathy with the victims of the system, give
utterance to the strength of their feeling in appropriate
language, are bitterly persecuted by you—can we, think
you, forget these things in a moment, and warmly embrace,
as brother patriots, the class who have been guilty in the
face of Heaven of this foul wrong ?

No: are we surprised to learn from several pro-
vincial papers, that the letter which Mr. O'CON-
NELL sometime ago addressed, through Messrs.
WARREN and NIGHTINGALE, to the working
classes, has been very generally replied to in
a similar spirit. Co-operation is refused, and
taunts are thrown out against the conduct of the
middle classes. Political economists may write till
their brains are as dry as their books about the
interest of all classes of society being the same--
about the welfare of the landlords and the capitalists
being closely bound up with that of the labourers;
but while the labourers only are made to bear all
the burdens of society—while they suffer much and
enjoy little—while every effort which they make to
improve their condition is repressed by severe laws,
they will write in vain. Their precepts will
avail nothing against the examples the working men
daily see ; and the vast social schism between the
different classes, compared to which the disputes
betwixt Whigs and Tories, and betwixt Churchmen
and Dissenters, are the paltriest of all paltry things,
will go on widening and widening, till these classes
will become more deadly enemies than ever were the
French and the English. Already it is difficult to
hold society together, and if something be not
speedily done to reconcile the conflicting bodies
the most serious consequence may be anticipated.
We have long thought that this is a proper
occasion for the priests of all sects to exert their
mediation, and impress on all parties the common
rules of morality. If, instead of going about preach-
ing up strife and exciting sect again sect, about
some unimaginable and inappreciable differences--
if, instead of inflaming all the bad passions, making
bigotry more bigoted and rancour more rancorous,
they were to interpose, and rebuke, on the one
hand, the law-makers for their carelessness, their
injustice, and their cruelty, and on the other
the working classes for their extreme impatience to
procure redress—if they were to encourage the
middle classes to have more confidence in the
working classes, and supply the working classes
with reason to believe less ill of the upper
classes—if they could or would impress upon
the latter, including the Spiritual Lords, the
necessity of abstaining from legal extortion, and so
give the former some hopes of obtaining fair con-
sideration and an approximation to justice, things
might yet go well ; but instead of engaging in this
good and Christian work, the bulk of the clergy
are strenuously exerting themselves to exasperate
all the evils and dissensions of the community.
We are afraid therefore that there are no means of
reconciling the different classes, whose enmities,
we regret to observe, are every day becoming more
marked and more profound.

We learn from the Manchester Guardian of
Wednesday, that the original publisher of that book
for selling which Mr. CLEAVE has been sentenced
to four months' imprisonment, has been discharged,
on entering into his own recognizances, to appear
when called on. It is true he pleaded guilty, while
Mr. CLEAVE at least thought himself innocent,
and therefore defended his conduct. It will
be a disgrace to the law, even more than an
injustice to Mr. CLEAVE, that the same
offence, when acknowledged at Manchester
shall go free, and honestly denied in London,
be punished with four months' imprisonment.
There is no difference but the denial of the offence
and is that to be punished ? The man most
conscious of innocence is the most firm in his de-
nial, and to punish the denial of an offence is, there-
fore, to punish a consciousness of rectitude. Her
MAJEsTY's Ministers arc too much alive, we are
sure, to the propriety of preserving for the law the
respect of the people, not to procure her MAJESTY'S
pardon for Mr. CLEAVE, in order to relieve the law
from the discredit of the discrepancy we have
pointed out. He ought, for the sake of the law,
to be placed in no worse situation than Mr. HEY-
WOOD.

The Church of England passes with the world
for Protestant. If we are to give heed to the de-
clarations of the Lords Spiritual in Parliament,
and to the ravings of certain defenders of the faith,
more notorious for their want of charity than re-
markable for their abundance of wisdom, it is the
only Protestant Church in the land. This claim
has at least impudence to recommend it, and with
multitudes of unreflecting persons impudence is the
test of truth. Their belief is exactly in proportion
to hardihood of assertion. Churchmen know well
how to turn the gulping propensity of the multi-
tude to advantage.
It was under the disguise of Protestantism that
the Church of England came into the possession
of the endowments and privileges from which the
Catholic Church was ousted. The deception must
be kept up. In order to retain these advantages it
is necessary to impress on the members of the law-
establi6,hed faith, and on the community at large,

the notion that the difference between the old reli-
gion and the new is utterly irreconcilable —as
wide as the gulf between heaven and hell. Interest
is at the bottom of this policy ;morality has nothing
to do with it.

Could the members of the Church of England
be prevailed upon to shake off the mental indo-
lence which a religious establishment begets, would
the) take the trouble to look into the fundamentals
of the two systems, and then screw their courage
to the point of judging for themselves, we venture
to say that they would be not a little astonished at
the real identity which lurks under an apparent
difference between them.

It would lead us into far too wide a field to
enter upon a comparison of principles, doctrines,
and forms. Tr.e task of exposing by this means
the deep delusion which prevails on the subject
even among otherwise well informed people, we
leave in the able hands of the honest Oxford-tract-
men, who are doing the business most effectually.
All that we wish to do at present is to make a
remark or two on the scene which took place on
the Right Reverend Bench the other day, and
which, as it throws light upon the Protestantism of
the Anglican Church, seems to us to claim the se-
rious consideration ofits members.

When the Archbishop of DUBLIN presented a
petition to the House of Lords from a numerous
body of the Clergy, praying for a little more liberty
of conscience—merely a little easing of the screw
—in the matter of subscription to the Articles and
Liturgy, his Grace s supporter—his only sup-
porter !—the Bishop of NORWICH, was met by an
outrageous burst of angry vituperation from the
Bishop of LONDON. In the course of his excellent
speech in favour of a measure, the object of which
was to bring the faith contained in the formularies
of the Church into harmony with the faith of the
Clergy, Dr. STANLEY, in the warmth of a benevo-
lent heart, stated that the Church of England was
founded on liberty of conscience. This was too
much for the temper of CHARLES JAMES. He
could contain himself no longer. Up jumps this
mitred firebrand and blazes away at his brother
Prelate for this awful heresy after the following
fashion :

" I should not have addressed your Lordships at all,
but for the observations which have just been made by the
Right Rev. Prelate (Bishop of Norwich) who has resumed
his seat—observations which I consider to be nothing less
than a libel on the Church.--(Loud cheers.) I have
heard with surprise many of those observations, but that
which principally excited my astonishment, was one which
I considered a most remarkable expression from a Chris-
tian Prelate. He has said that ' our Church is founded
on liberty of conscience.' It is true that the Protestant
Church permits As much liberty of conscience as the
duo regard to her functions and the proper discharge
of leer duties will allow ; but I have always thought that
our Church—the true Catholic Church—is founded in
truth—( Loud cheers)—on the firm, solid rock of everlast-
ing truth.—( Continued cheering. )"
The Metropolitan Bishop of the English
Church is lost in surprise, absolutely overwhelmed
with astonishment, that a Christian Prelate should
say that their common Church was founded on
liberty of conscience I May we ask this overbear-
ing Priest, on what principle he pretends to jus-
tify the so-called Reformation, if he throws over-
board liberty of conscience ? The fundamental
principle of that Act, was the right of individuals
to judge for themselves in matters of religion ; the
Act itself was the practical exercise of the right.
Without this admission, the separation from the
Catholic Church was nothing but a schism—a
heinous crime, deserving the severest punishment,
both civil and ecclesiastical—and a sin against
GOD of the deepest dye.
The Bishop of LONDON says, "that the Pro-
testant Church permits as much liberty of con-
science as the due regard to her functions, and the
proper discharge of her duties will allow ;" that is
to say, she permits just as much as she pleases.
She claims a right over conscience, and what more
does the Church of Rome do ? "Oh I but," ex-
claims the Romanizing Prelate, " our Church is
founded on the solid rock of everlasting truth," she
must be right ! And what says the POPE ?—pre-
cisely the same thing. " Our Church is infallible
—she is founded on the solid rock of everlasting
truth,—she cannot be wrong." In both the prin-
ciple of infallibility is maintained, with this differ-
ence, that in the one it is consistent and harmo-
nious, in the other inconsistent and contradictory.
In the one it is openly and boldly professed, in the
other sneakingly and hypocritically disguised.

From the Brussels, Hamburg!), and German papers,
received this mornibg, we quote the following items of
intelligence :
Her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, arrived at Berlin
on the 3d instant, at 3 in the afternoon.
A letter from Nice of the 29th May, says—Paganini
died at Nice on the 27th May, leaving a great name and a
pretty considerable fortune to his only son, a fine lad 14
years of age.

The Madrid papers are of the 30th ult. The Go-
vernment had received a despatch from General Espar-
tero, announcing the fall of Morella. We copy from
the Chronicle an interesting account of this affair,
written by an eye-witness, which will be found in an-
other column. The Governm.:nt had likewise received
a despatch from General O'Donnell, which stated that
on the 20th ult. that gallant officer, at the head of six
battalions and 200 cavalry, attacked Cabrera, who
commanded eight battalions and an equal number of
horse, at Cenia, a town in Catalonia, on the confines of
Valencia. The Cubits had all the advantages of
number and choice of position, nevertheless, the
QUEEN'S troops defeated them, took the town sword in
hand, and seized CABRERA'S baggage and carriages. In
the action the Christinos had seventy killed and woun-
ded. Among the wounded was the brother of Ge-
neral O'DONNELL, and it was feared mortally. Lieut.
ASKWITH, the English Commissioner, was also slightly
wounded. The loss of the flarlists amounted to 200.
This is the first appearance of CABRERA in the field
since his illness.

The Madrid Papers report the appearance of the
Carlist Chief BALMASEDA, at the head of six battalions
and 400 cavalry, in the neighbourhood of Guadalajara.
A strong division of the QUEEN'S army was ordered to
march against him. This will delay for some time the
departure of their Majesties from Madrid.
By a delicate jobbinc, manoeuvre, the Finance Mi-
nister contrived to produce' a rise of from 25.1 to 27
in the price of the Five per Cents., on the 30th ult.
The following is the text of the New Treaty for the
Navigation of the Douro, agreed to by the Governments
of Portugal and Spain :
" The Spanish Commissioners renounced their preten-
sion of having a special judge to decide on all points in
litigation, which shall hereafter be judged by the regular
Portuguese tribunals.
" They also gave up the right they claimed of export-
ing wines through that channel, and consented that all
goods imported from foreign countries into Spain by that
river should pay the consumption duties in Portugal.
The Spanish grain for exportation sent down the
Douro is to be placed in bags, but, on its arrival at the en-
trepot they may be emptied and sent back to Spain, to be
used for similar purposes.
" They agreed, moreover, that Spanish wheat should
pay a transit duty of one real per fanega.
" The navigation of the river from one point to another,
within the limits of Portugal, is to belong exclusively to
the Portuguese ; but as respects the navigation from
Spain to Portugal, or from Oporto to an inland point in
Portugal to Spain, it will be common to the subjects of
both nations."

The Paris Journals of Friday and Saturday have all
reached us. They bring an account of the presenta-
tion of the Arms of NAPOLEON to France in the person
of the KING, on Thursday, by General Count BER,
TRAND, which will be found in another part of The Sun.
On Friday the Chamber of Peers sat to receive the
Report of the Committee on the Translation of the
Remains of NAPOLEON Bill. The Noble Reporter,
General CAFFARELLI, began by stating that the Cham-
ber participated in the enthusiasm with which the De-
puties and the nation had learned that the KING had
nobly resolved to restore to the nation the remains of
the greatest of her Sovereigns. Vie give the only pas-
sage in the Report interesting to an English reader.
The Peers it seems are still more enthusiastic admirers
of the EMPEROR than his worshippers in the Second
Chamber
The Government has applied to England for the remains
of Napoleon, and that nation has replied to the application
with generous alacrity. Your committee participate in the
noble desire expressed by England to efface by this act
every remnant of old national animosities. The French
people are full of admiration for the illustrious Sovereign,
the wise and enlightened legislator, the great captain, the
able administrator, who put an end to a long and sanguin.
ary anarchy, who re-established the empire of justice and
the finances of the state, created a strong and moderate
Government, restored religion, and carried our arms to the
highest pitch of glory, and who desired, above all things,
the welfare and greatness of the people, from whose ranks
he felt it an honour to have sprung. Your committee have
thought that the monument destined to receive the mortal
remains of Napoleon, should be worthy of the greatness of
the nation and of himself. The demand for funds cannot
be considered as a question of money. We do not hesitate
to propose to you the adoption of the grant proposed, and
do not doubt that, in case of insufficiencies, the Chamber
of Peers will be ready to vote the supplementary credits
which may be applied for.
Previous to the departure of the Duke of ORLEANS
from Africa, be addressed an order of the day to the
troops, highly extolling their discipline and valour, of
which his Royal Highness has promised to cherish a
lasting remembrance.
There is no other news of much importance in the

French journals of Friday and Saturday. The little
worth notice is included in the following extracts :
The Prio,le announces that M. Mathieu (de la Redorte)
is appointed Ambassador to Madrid in the room of M. de
Rumigny, and that the ordinance was signed yesterday.
It has been decided that Admiral Dupotet should re-
main under the command of Rear-Admiral Baudin, who
is going to take the command of the expedition against
Buenos Ayres. To appoint another Admiral in the room
of Admiral Dupotet would have the appearance of a dis-
grace, which the conduct of that officer has not merited.
It has been asserted to-day that Admiral Baudin, whose
instructions are now drawing up, desires to have 3,000
land troops with him, in order to bring about more
efficaciously there by the blockade the submission of Rosas,
in case the latter should reject the proposals which are
going to be made to him.—Le Temps.
The Le Temps publishes the following extract of a let-
ter from Senegal:—
The accounts which we receive make us fear new
difficulties in the affair of the Gambia. The English
tribunal at Sierra Leone has declared the French schooner
a good prize, notwithstanding the official character of its
mission. Thus the French government is accused and
condemned as guilty of carrying on the slave-trade, for it
is entirely the Government that is the principal in the
person of the captain, and the latter is entitled to claim
the guarantee of the Government, for he acted in the
name and on account of the Government, and it is under
its patronage and by its order that he executed his expe-
dition, escorted by a king's ship, and it is with his patent
in his hand that he has remonstrated against the ill treat-
ment he has experienced from the English authorities.—
Le Consitutionnel.