The Sun.
London, England, 1871-02-01 00:00:00

THE ELECTIoNs IN FRANCE.

The Times thus refers to the coming event :-;—The
Assembly to be chosen will pronounce exclusively on the
question of Peace or War. By this we must understand
that every other subject, including the future political
constitution of France itself, will be deferred until
the enemy is removed from the soil of France,
either by her submission or her victories. In fact,
the Government contemplates a prolongation of its pro-
visional character until Peace be made ; it has fought
as the Committee of National Defence, and under
the same title it will negotiate. Thus the pur-
pose of calling together the Assembly is to ob
tain authority for M. Favre and his colleagues
to treat with the German Emperor. So far as they
form a Republican Government, a Republic will
exist ; but we conceive that the object of the
Paris rulers is to avoid complicating the issue at the elec-
tions by considerations of the future constitution of
France, It may be that they desire men of all parties to
understand that in voting for such or such a candidate they
do not commit themselves to any definite form of Govern-
ment. If this be the case, the task both of the actual rulers
and 4 the people becomes easier. The electors will
have one, and brit one, question before them. They
must consider whether there is such a chance of re-
covering their capital and expelling the invader from
France as will compensate them for the certain cala-
mities of further resistance. This imposes on the Govern-
ment the responsibility of acting frankly and openly to-
wards the electors. M. Favre and his colleagues know
well that peace can only be had on the German terms,
and that those terms are hard. They have been, like the
rest of the world, informed of what they substantially
are ; the principles to be accepted are quite under-
stood, and the details are a question of more or less ter-
ritory, of such or such a fortress, or so many millions
of francs. In summoning an Assembly, therefore, they
do morally take upon themselves the responsibility
of recommending peace on such terms as will satisfy the

invader. Otherwise the whole scheme is futile, and the
country is once more deluded by the false hopes engen-
dered by its leaders. A government may make its
opinions known without unduly imposing them on the
electors. In the present condition of France, such an
acknowledgment of the necessity of peace is almost indis-
pensable to calm the excitement which prevails in the un-
invade d provinces.

The Daily Yews remarks :—lt is not improbable-that
the first cry of such towns as Lyons and Marseilles wil I
be for a continuance of the war, and that they may
insist on using up the armistice in the way of pre-
paration in those districts not occupied by the Germans.
Against these influences in the National Assembly,
should they exist in any force, will be placed, we doubt
not, the vote of most of the districts in the west, north,
and east which have experienced all the horrors

of the campaign, and have seen how hopeless
the struggle has latterly been. These are un-
pleasant speculations ; but they are forced upon
the attention of England at this moment, when
the future destiny of France hangs upon the decision
to be given by the Bordeaux Assembly a week hence.
The terrible responsibility of the men who will then be
deputed to record the wishes of the nation need not be
impressed upon them. Every Frenchman, in view of
this critical and momentous period, must think
of the millions of peasantry upon whom fall the worst
effects of war—upon men and women who, when they
lose hope, lose everything. The issue dependent on
the National Assembly is briefly and accurately described
in the Versailles report of the Armistice Convention.
" An assembly to decide upon peace or war shall be held."
That is the first and most pressing business. The
question of the next Government for France may be
postponed until it has been settled whether the
war is to continue or not—for a continuance of
the war might materially alter the conditions on which an
effective Government ought to be nominated. The
eighteen days which the armistice has yet to run will form
a busy period for both France and Germany. Prisoners
of war have to be exchanged, so that a considerable

number of German scidfers will be relieved from

the necessity of having to return h)me after
their comrades have left the country. The great task of
revictualling Paris devolves upon the French Govern-
ment, and the Germans have undertaken to give all the
aid in their power. This entry of provisions into the
capital is no longer a matter for military concern on either
side. With the forts in their possession, the Germans can
have no objection to Paris being provisioned for as many
years as it has lately stood months of siege.
The Standard observes :—The conditions of the capitu-

lation which ends the siege of Paris, and of the armistice
which all must hope will end the war between Germany
and France, seem, so far as we can judge from the
telegraphic version received from Versailles, just
and reasonable. The French nation is undoubtedly
anxious for peace. It sees now how enormous
must be its efforts, how terrible its sacrifices, if
it persists in the resolution to yield no inch of territory
and no stone of a fortress. Victory might follow such a
patriotic determination, but to the mass of men peace at
once would be far more agreeable if Prussia would only
offer a peace which they could venture to ac
cept. For a cession of territory we must suppose the
whole nation is ready now that the phrasemonger who
proclaimed its impossibility has practically assented
to it. It is possible that a National Assembly,
meeting at Bordeaux next week, might agree to the ces-
sion of Strasburg and Alsace ; but if Count Bismarck
insists upon taking a large part of Lorraine, with Metz,
and furthermore, Belfort—that is to say, all the three
gates for the invasion of France—we can hardly believe
any Assembly will accept his terms. That he will do
so is still most probable, and that M, Favre
would agree, we suppose, is equally probable.
But an Assembly meeting at Bordeaux is not likely to
make the convenience of Paris its rule, and some of its
members may suggest that, if Germany takes Mezt, the
only chance of independence for France would be the
removal of the capital from Paris. We can but express
our earnest hope that Count Bismarck and Count Moltke
will shew the same good sense in the terms of peace
they offer as they have exhibited in the armistice
they have prescribed. But we do not ask them to be for-
bearing or generous. Forbearance and generosity, as
mere forbearancs and generosity, are out of place in
striking a bargain. What we hope is that they will ask
only of France what France can give with some intention
of keeping her word, and what Germany can hope to main-
tain in peace. No French Government, no French National
Assembly, can honestly agree to the cession of Metz,
and Germany does not need it for her security. It might
be rash to say, perhaps, that the Bordeaux Assembly
would
not accept a treaty surrendering Met; but it may
be said, with the utmost confidence, that France would
never rest, if such a surrender were made, until the shame
of it had been redeemed ; and that means that Germany
would reap none of the solid advantages her people expect
from a triumph all the benefit of which has, at present,
gone to the King of Prussia.

The Telegraph says :—At the approaching elections in
France more than usual interest will be excited by the
fact that the Princes of the House of Orleans will ap-
pear as candidates for the representation of various con-
stituencies. If we are rightly informed, the Princes, fol-
lowing out the rule they have laid down for themselves
during their long exile, have refused to interfere
in any way with the internal politics of their native
country. Offers, however, having now been made to
them from several towns—notably from Paris,Angouleme,
Cherbourg, and Clermond - Ferrand they have not
thought it consistent with their duty to decline the responsi -
bility of presenting themselves for election ; and in all
likelihood, amongst the representatives who will meet at
Bordeaux on the 15th of this month, to decide the
issue of peace or war, will be found at least two of the
sons of Louis Philippe. Failing the Bourbons and the
Bonapartes, the new dynasty must be taken from the
House of Orleans. The Citizen King was always
popular with the French bourgeois class ; and, as years
have gone by, the professional and educated
members of the community have learned to look
upon the era of Constitutional Monarchy as a golden
age. Moreover, the high character, the purity of private
life, the regard for public duty, which the descendants of
Louis Philippe have maintained throughout their long
exile, have not been lost sight of in the country of their
birth ; and, by a natural reaction, an almost exagge-
rated importance is now attached in France
to those characteristics in which the Imperial
rggintc was conspicuously deficient. Moreover, by a wise
combination of policy and fortune, the Orleans Princes
have contrived to keep their names before the French
public without identifying themselves with any party
movement or organisation. Even now their entire
freedom from responsibility in the origin or the conduct of
the war places them at great advantage ; and their pre-
sence, unsought and unsolicited, in the Assembly of Bor-
deaux, as delegates of great French constituencies, can
hardly fail to strengthen their claim to selection if France
should decide to replace the Republic by a national Con-
stitutional Monarchy.

Hospital Sunday at. Newcastle-on-Tyne has pro-
duced £2,038.