The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-16 00:00:00

THE S ITN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1847.

Mr. P. BORIikiWICK wished to krow, after what
had fallen from the Noble Lord Ist night in reference
to the motion of the Member for Montrose, and the
amendment of the Member for Finsbury (Mr. Dun-
come), relative to the interference of the British in the
affairs of Portugal, whether the Hon. Member for
Finsbury had consented to bring forward his amendment
as a substantive motion.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, with regard to the
resolution of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, that the
constitutional rights of the people should be observed,
he did not consider it was of much importance whether
it wes proposed or not, as the Government felt that it
was their duty to see that the liberties of the people
should be maintained.—(hear, hear, and cheers.) He
was happy to be informed, within the last ten minutes,
that dispatches hied been received from the Portuguese
Government that they were prepared to extend to
the prisoners who were lately taken by the British naval
force as full and ample an amnesty as was guaranteed in
the original conditions proposed by the Powers who had
signed the articles for the intervention.
Mr. DUNCOMBE thought that the Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. Borthwick) ought rather to have asked the Hon.
Member for Montrose what his intentions were.
—(Laughter.) For his own part he thought that
from the reception his resolution had met from the
House, as well as from her Majesty's Government,
he should rest satisfied. At all events, he con-
sidered that the Honourable Gentleman who had in-
terposed to put an end to the discussion, and the party
with whom he acted, and who had given vent to such
indignation at the conduct of the Government with
regard to the intervention, should be consulted as to
the course they would wish to adopt under the cir-
cumstances.—(Laughter.)
Mr. NEWDEGATE defended the course he pur-
sued last night in moving that the House be counted.
He justified his conduct by stating that when he made
that motion there was not a single Cabinet Minister on
the benches opposite.—(Oh, oh l)—(Mr. Hume entered
the House at this moment, amid much laughter.]—And
on his own aide of the House he was solus. He consi-
dered, therefore, that he was justified in adopting any
course rather than that the debate should proceed under
such circumstances.--(0h:)
Mr. HUME agreed with the Honourable Gentleman
who had just sat down, that he occupied a very singular
position—(Laughter)--and he must say, that it was
little creditable to the Government that this occurrence
took place. For his own part, he did not believe that
it could have taken place without an arrangement to
that effect.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet
who had addressed the House last night, in a tone of
the greatest acerbity, and his whole speech was a
tissue of the grossest absurdities and misstatements,
He believed that, the House was counted out by a pre-
vious arrangement ; and he considered it very discredit-
able that it should be so on a question of that import.
ance. He had no remedy for it but a renewal of his
motion ; but he did not think the House was disposed
to follow him in adopting such a course. He would not,
therefor% adopt that course, unless some further acts of
Colonel Wylde, who had acted as a firebrand in Por-
tugal, should force this upon him. At present he thought
he had done his duty, and he deeply regretted that the
debate had terminated as it had done.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that it was not his in-
tention to defend the Rigl Hon. Gentleman the Member
for Tamworth from the misrepresentations which had
been made respecting him, considering, as he did, that,
in his admirable and comprehensive speech, he kept
closely to the facts of the case, and deduced inferences
which in reason it was difficult not to perceive.—(Hear,
hear.) But the 'Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken
said that there. was an understading between the two
parties that Ole debate should be disposed of in the way
it had been, eine., the Hon. Gentleman who counted out the
House said th at no Cabinet Minister was present at that
time. He (Lord John Russell) considered that no one
was so grerAt a loser by that step as her Majesty's Go-
vernment.—(Hear, hear.) He thought an attentive
perusal -of the papers and of the speeches made during
the ,•013 tinuance of the debate would make it apparent
that the decision which must have ensued at
the termination of it would have given
considerable majority to the Government—(Hear)—
and there were undoubted advantages which they had
lost by the abrupt and unexpected termination of the
debate.—(Hear, hear.) And, therefore, when he saw
that the opponents of the motion were very great losers
by the motion, he was at a loss to understand the accusa-
tion of the Hon. 'Gentlemen.—(Hear.) Although he did
not think that there was an exact precedent fur such an
interposition ass that which had taken place—resembling
as it did none of those mythological interferences of anti-
qnity in wh'ieh the goddesses were represented to carry
away a here in a cloud, whence he go into a difficulty
from which he could not escape—(Laughter)— although
nothing of a similar nature was recorded in their own
time, be could not but believe that the circumstance
might be accounted -for without ascribing it to
a previous arrangement.—(Hear, hear.) The Honour-
able Gentleman said that he would not bring on
his motion again, and in this lie acts rightly, as in that
case he will save himself from the reply of his Noble
Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs and from the
division which would ensue. With regard to the charge
of the absence of the Cabinet Ministers, he wished to
observe that his Noble Friend the Secretary
for Foreign l'itl'airs had only left the House
for a short time—(A Voice—" No, he was in the
House")—and, for his own part, he and his lion. Friend
the Chancellor of the Inxchequer had, after the speech
of the Itigiat Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth,
gone to th e House of Lords to see what was going on
there--(e Hear, hear,' and laughter)—and, from the pre-
sent ceeestruction of the Houses, there was not
time to be back before the House was counted
out. The Noble Lord defended the conduct of Colonel
Wyldo in Portugal, and said there was no justification
for tree charges which were made against that officer.
He t'-as appointed to the office in consequence of his
knowledge of Spain and of the great services he had
performed there when Espartero was in power, to whom
he had given the most efficient and useful advice.
No man was more anxious for freedom and constitutional
rights thar. he was. He was desirous several times to
be ri calls d, and it was only at the instance of her Ma-
jesty's (iovernment that he consented to remain in the
difficult position in which he was then placed.—(Hear.)
Sir JAMES GRAHAM defended the Right Hon.
Gen leman the Member for Tamworth from the accusa-
tions whirl: had been made against him l the
Honourable Gentleman the Member for Montrose.
And firet, with regard to the charge of absur-
dity, .he would leave Europe and the world to
decide whether that charge more properly attached
to hrs speech or to the resolution of the lion. Gentleman
hive :elf—(Hear, hear)—and to those by whose interpo-
vatic!s the debate was abruptly brought to a close.—
(11e,tr, hear.) With regard to the charge of mis-
statement, if the *Honourable Gentleman the Member
for Montrose would renew his motion he would have
as 0-.)portunity of knowing that the facts referred to by
the Right 14.0 u. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth,
were not seas accurate than they were perspicuously
stated.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he had to
observe, with all deference to the Hon. elember for Bolton
(Dr. Boweing), that he preferred to go to dinner rather
than listen to his speech.—(Laughter.)
After si few words from Mr. S PAFFORD O'BRIEN,
Mr. NEWDEGATE said that the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman hed given them good reason to understand that
his appetite, if not his will, was in collusion with those
who terminated the debate —(Laughter.)
Mr. HUDSON said, that although he was absent at
the time the House was counted, he was not aware of
any such intention being in existence. He thought that
it was merely an individual act, and therefore blame
should not be cast upon a whole party. If the House
did not wish to be thus adjourned, care should be taken
that when a question of this importance was in agitation
a sufliciant Lumber of Members should be present.
TENANTS (IRELAND) BILL.
On the order of the day being read for resuming the
adjourned debate upon the second reading of the
Tenants (Ireland) Bill,
Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that he hoped in the
few words which he had to say upon this subject he
should be able to show that a most disorganised system
between landlord and tenant existed in Ireland, and that
the condition of the tenantry was such as to claim and
demand from that House a due consideration of their
state. It was impossible that either landlord or tenant
could be placed in a just and proper relative position until
many of the abuses which had crept into the system
were removed by the intervention of the House. The
landlords said that their rights had not been sufficiently
protected. He (Mr. S. Crawford) said that
not only had their rights been sufficiently pro-
tected, but that they had had too much pro-
tection, and that powers had been entrusted to them
which they ought never to have had, and which they
had used to the utmost extent, so as to be productive of
mischief to themselves and their tenantry also. He
could inform the House, also, that not only had these
legal powers been used to their farthest limits, but that
they had been exceeded in the most fearless manner,
for in many instances tenants had been ejected without
even the warrant which was required by the law which
then existed. The system of subdivision of land had
been for a great many years promoted and forced by the
law, and that subdivision was at present in a great mea-
sure the cause of the unsatisfactory position both of the
lancLords and tenants_ of Ireland. The landlords had
theu,selVC3 encouraged the system, and
they, therefore,
oUg.,t not to be the parties who should
•t to complain when the
be the cense-
q evres of their Own acts reflected upon themselves.
The Hon. Member then cited a number of instances
from the Parliamentary
that
h
proceeded
oudtgo sayhtto
that here there was plain Inference
be a legal enactment on the subject.
meetings in different parts of the counTtryh'e, There
ell hoafdwbnheiech
bad come to resolutions which acknowledged
of thosedged the
tenant rights, and asserted that the
tenants ought to be respected. But he had another and a
stronger resolution to place before the House. It was a
resolution passed at a large meeting of landowners at
Dublin, the Marquis of Ormond in the chair, and the
gendernen then present had been unanimous in support-
ing the principle which he advocated. He had firstm_-
trouced this principle in the shape of a Bill in lee.).
He bad again- brought it before Parliament
ib 1840, next in 1842, and then again in 1845 ;
and he had• trusted that her Majesty's Government
as now constituted, would have taken up the subject,

f'Y

and settled the principle which he desired to be adopted.
But if the Government did not interfere it was the duty
of the House to regulate the matter, and the preamble
of the Bill sufficiently showed the anxiety of the
promoters to improve the condition of the tenant in
Ireland. The chief object was to secure to
the tenant the value of the improvements which
he bad made on the property which he occupied.
This was provided for in the sixth chaise, but the
r]leventh clause went further, and was intended to ad-
vance the principle which had been previously stated ;
for although it was framed so as to secure the
rights of the tenant, it also respected the rights
of the landlord, for it provided that if the tenant
was to be entitled to the value of his im-
provements it was only. under the consideration
that they had been made with the consent of the land
lords. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the
reports which had been made to Parliament on the agri-
cultural condition of Ireland, and he proved from them
that the farms are so divided in Ireland, that there is
an utter impossibility of the occupiers achieving in-
dependence, the farms in the county of Cork
not averaging more than fifteen acres, and those
in Tipperary not more than twenty-four acres each.
If they wanted to increase the prosperity and productive
ness of Ireland, they must adopt the Bill which he had
proposed, because it would enable tenants to derive a fair
profit from the land assigned to them. Besides this, they
should instruct the people in the arts of agriculture, and
if they did so they would have a happy and prosperous,
instead of a wretched and poverty-stricken people. The
poor of Ireland had been called idle, ignorant, and
brutal ; but this did not come from their own choice—it
arose from the tenants feeling little interest in the
land which they held—from the nature of the
relations subsisting between them and their landlords;
and if the landlords understood their interest they
would do all in their power to emulate their tenants
to cultivate the soil, and to make it yield all that Pro-
vidence had designed it to yield. He trusted, therefore,
that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would
consent to the second reading; but, at the same time,
he wished it to be distinctly understood that he would
accept and support any measure which had the same
object in view as he had. Certainly, if they wished to
do justice to Ireland, they would lose no time in passing
a law to place the tenants of Ireland in a better
condition than at present. He had made private arrange-
ments with his tenants in accordance with the terms of
the Bill; he simply mentioned this to show that he was
willing to comply with all its provisions—(Hear)—and
he trusted that the example he had set would be followed
by the other landlords of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
It appeared to him that a more important subject than
that of tenant-right could not come before the House.
He begged to move that the Bill be read a second time.
Mr. MONAHAN (the Solicitor-General for Ireland)
rose to oppose the motion. He thought that at this
late period of the session no good could arise from assent-
ing to the motion, because the subject was surrounded
with great difficulties. He hoped, however, that at some
future time the nature of the relations between land-
lords and tenants might come under the review of the
House ; but at the same time he could not avoid stating
that he anticipated that far more good would come from
voluntary and private arrangements between the par-
ties than could be effected in accordance with any Bill
which the Legislature might pass. (Hear, hear.)
Under these circumstances, he should feel it his
duty to move, as an amendment, that the
Bill be read a second time that day six months.
There were objectionable provisions in the Bill, because
a tenant might take an undue advantage of his landlord.
For instance, a tenant for one, two, or three years might
make improvements which the landlord might be ill able
to pay for, and which the land itself was not in a con-
dition to allow. The arrangement of the amount of
compensation was also open to great objections, and
would involve both parties in great expense, because,
in the cases of arbitration which had come under his
experience, the parties had been involved in considerable
litigation and great expense, and he feared the same
result would occur in this case.
Mr. B. ESCOTT said the principle of the Bill was
exceedingly important—perhaps the most important
measure with respect to Ireland that had come before the
attention of the House this session; but he believed that
at that late period of the session it could not be passed
into a law, still the Hon. and Learned Gentleman ap-
peared to him to have not stated sufficient reasons for
opposing the Bill. It would be within the recollection
of the House that this was the second measure,
with respect to the rights of tenants which
had come before the House during the yresent sessioa;
and he did nut choose to have the second Bill, which he
believed to have been brought forward from the most
sincere motives, treated in the same way as the Bill of the
Hon. Gentleman the Member for Berkshire (Mr. Pose)).
He, therefore, wished to have some pledge from the
Government, if this Bill were withdrawn, that the
subject would receive their early attention in the ensu-
ing session. He trusted that the House would say that
it was better to read this Bill a second time, and con-
sider the objections to it in Committee.
Sir JOHN WALSH said that he dissented altogether
from the opinion expressed by the Hon. Member
who had just addressed the House. lie considered that
it would be a dangerous principle for the House to pledge
themselves to the abstract justice of a measure which
could not be carried this session. The Bill contained a
sweeping indictment against the landed proprietary of
Ireland ; and if they believed the assertions that
were made they must arrive at the conch'
sion, that what were called the rights of the
landlords, were in reality a usurpation. So far
[ was this from being the case, he asserted that
the facts would show that the landed pro-
prietors of Ireland had made greater sacri [I:TS
for the prosperity of their tenantry than the land-
lords in this country. Ile denied that the landlords
of Ireland were the cause of what he admitted to be a
great evil in Ireland, namely, the minute subdivision of
the land in that country. The people of Ireland were
oblig.-d to look to the land as the only mans of sub-
sistence. There were many prudent farmers in Ireland,
and it was not unusual for them to give portions to their
daughters. The son of a farmer might marry a female who
gut one of these portions, and would induce his father
to give him a part of his farm, and there was a subdi-
vision of land, without the knowledge of the landlord,
and with which he could not interfere. In England the
landlord provided buildings for his tenants, but that was
not the case in Ireland, though it was highly desirable
that it should become so. It would have the effect of
benefiting both the landlord and the tenant. The former
would derive great advantage from such a practice, as
it would give him greater security for the improvement
of his land, while the benefit to the tenant was
quite evident. He could not conclude without ex-
pressing his satisfaction that the Government had
postponed a measure of such importance to Ireland
until every information on the subject could be ob-
tained.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said that, if the question before
the House was whether or not they were to consider
of some expedient to improve the relation between
landlord and tenant in Ireland, he would not refuse
his assent to a motion for some legislative enact-
ment by which these relations should be ad-
justed.—(Hear, hear.) A contrary course would be
inconsistent with the opinions which he had already ex-
pressed. It had been stated that it was intended by
Government to bring before the House a Bill on the
subject.—(Hear, hear.) It had been only by that un-
fortunate event which deprived Ireland and the country
of the services of the Earl of Beaborough, and the
great pressure of Irish business on the Government,
' that they had been obliged reluctantly to give up
the intention of submitting such a measure to the 'louse.
Ile could not agree with those who said that no measure
on this question could be devised which would produce
beneficial effects. Ile thought that, looking at the state
of the relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland,
looking to the jealousies that existed beta een
two classes whose interests were identical, that a
measure might be framed which would meet
the exigencies of the circumstances, and restore
and perpetuate harmony between the landlord and the
tenant. He was prepared at all times to enter upon
the consideration of this question with reference
not only to general principles, but also with
respect to the special circumstances of Ireland.
But he submitted that that was nut the question before
the House. A Bill had been submitted to the House by
the Hon. Member for Rochdale. He never looked with
prejudice upon any Bill submitted by that Hon. Member,
with all his experience and good-will as au Irish land-
lord—(Hear)—but, after considering this Bill with great
attention, he was prepared to say that though it should
pass the second reading and go into Committee, that the
Government could not, without great modifica-
tion, even save any part of it which they could
advise the House to pass. It would give rise
to great misconstruction in Ireland, and originate
much contusion, and perhaps a little dispute on details
affected by the provisions of the Bill. It was not out of
any feeling of opposition to the Hon. Gentleman that he
disapproved the second reading of the Bill, or to the
good objects which it was his intention to effect, fur, like
him, he (Mr. Labouchere) did not despair of seeing
ultimately a Bill which would effect these good objects
without exciting the animosity, the lawsuits, and the
disputes which would arise out of the present Bill.
Mr. B. ROCHE considered the question affecting the
relation between landlord and tenant of such paramount
importance, that he was surprised that the only part
taken by the Government, when the only Member
of the House that had moved upon the subject
had submitted a practical measure upon it, was to throw
impediments in the way. He complained that the far-
mers of Ireland had been deluded by the Government,
who had promised to discuss the relation between land-
lord and tenant upon a substantive measure early this
session, but now, at the end of it, refused to hear or
say anything now that the question was pressed upon
them by another. They were deluded, too, by what had
been called the Irish party- -Irish, he supposed, because
they had promised much and done nothing.—(Laughter.)
That party consisted of the old nobility, the modern
aristocracy, and the gentry of Ireland. They met, and
their promises were great at Dublin, but their perform-
ance nothing at Westminster. They distinguished them-
selves by eloquence on the banks of the Liffey, but they
o on e good of
result r
were silent on the banks of the Thames. So then by
parties both these were the farmers and the
people
elaanrdhdsieh th deluded and deceived, not a step
e vote
having been taken to redeem their
io
day
promises
w tooul d Ireland.hav have
on
Ireland would be,
in that House, there that no matter what they promised
was but one hope for them, and
that was a domestic legislature.
had A.tn Honourable
Member Member near him wished
give him an opportunityion, of
andprovinghe tlh.e sinceeriwtrof
that wish next session, hoped he would
then give him his vote when he brought forward
a motion to repeal the union. The
people of Ireland
had been deceived by the present Government,
andn o
.
beenat
keptof the
snd it was
which d been madeashishohnaestbee to
conviction,he
as
awm had
well as that
Irish people, that it was to a domestic legislature alone

they had to look for a redress of the grievances under
which Ireland laboured. _ _

Mr. SHAW approved of the course which the Go-
vernment adopted with regard to the Bill.
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL thought that the Right
Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland had exhibited
very great caution with regard to this measure. He
thought, after the principle of compensation was ac-
knowledged by all parties, that her .Majesty's Govern-
ment should have come to some other conclusion than
that they did not despair that something
might yet be done to compensate tenants. He
did not know whether the result of the late Lord
Besborough's inquiries upon the subject were in the pos-
session of the Government; if they were, he thought
that that attention and consideration ought to be given
to them which had been accorded by all other parties
conversant with the subject. He hoped that the Go-
vernment would not allow a fortnight of another session
to pass without bringing forward some more per-
fect system of legislation upon this subject. He
hoped that no distinction of party or religion
would be permitted to interfere indirectly in this
question, but that it should be a comprehensive
scheme which would completely remedy the existing
state of things. Under the present system the abuses
which existed, so far from growing better, gravitated
from bad to worse ; and it was quite time that a check
should be given to these growing evils. With regard to
the present measure before the House, there were some
difficulties with respect to the details, but he hoped that
it would be applicable with some degree of benefit to
Ireland, and in that hope he should support the second
reading of the Bill.
Mr. TRELAW NY said that, in his opinion this Bill
was a palpable delusion to the people ot Ireland, and
contained promises which could never be realised. In
the first instance two of the assertions it contained were
quite incorrect. One of these allegations was that
the tenant was unjustly liable to ejection without any
compensation being given for any improvements he might
have made in the land. They made their bargain with
their eyes open ; so that under any other system they
would be liable to the same inconvenience. If the principal
ground upon which the Bill was introduced was false, of
what use would the Bill be ? It would not, he believed,
be productive of harm, but it would not lead to any
good, and would thus create a strong feeling of dis-
appointment; and he, therefore, gave his strongest oppo-
sition to the second reading of the Bill.
Sir H. W. BARRON said that, in his opinion, ameasure
of this description had long been called for by the con-
dition of Ireland, and by the condition of the poor
agricultural classes, who were unable properly to detend
their rights. It would have the effect of stimu-
lating them to improve their land, by giving them
proper security that they would be enabled to
enjoy those improvements which they had created.
It was all very well to come down there and make elec-
tioneering speeches on the eve of a new Parliament ;
but it was no answer to the responsibilities which they
had to fulfil to meet this Bill without being pledged to
its details, to negative its principle altogether. It was all
very fine to make such speeches in order to suit par-
ticular purposes, and it might do very well for the news-
papers to make such statements as those to which they
had lately listened to. And it must be recollected that fine
promises in the county of Cork were but badly re-
deemed by small performances on the banks of the
Thames—(Laughter)—and if these promises were made
with a view to prospective advantage, he could
assure the Hon. Members who had opposed the
second reading that that line of conduct would. not
answer their purpose. Yet, in giving his assent to the
second reading of this Bill, he did not intend to pledge
himself to the whole of its details. He had not
been a Member of that House for sixteen years
without being conscious that by giving his adhesion
to a Bill, he was in no way prevented from totally alter-
ing its character by a change of the details. To many
of the details of this Bill he had great and serious ob-
jections, but to the principle he was entirely friendly.
That principle he would support to the utmost of his
power, but at the same time he would not disguise his
desire that it should be greatly modified in Committee.
Mr. YOUNG thought that the objections which had
been urged against the Bill had all been founded in
misapprehension, and were likely to work a great mis-
chief. He believed that the sixth as well as eleventh
clause had been totally misunderstood. He considered
that tenants should receive fair compensation for the
improvements which they had effected. Nine-tenths of
the land in Ireland had changed hands in the last few
years, and if the improvements made by a tenant were to
constitute a permanent charge upon the rent, the new
proprietors would be saddled with charges of which they
knew nothing, and which it would be unfair to call upon
them to pay. The moment there was a demand for labour
tenant-right would valish. In Armagh, Meath, and in
some other counties, tenant-right did not exist. No one in
England ever heard of a landlord being called upon to
erect cottages and to plant trees every four or
five acres. Why, no amount of capital would
effect this. He believed, therefore, that the Bill
was based upon fallacious principles, and that it would
do injury instead of good. The Hon. Gentleman the
Member for Rochdale had laid great stress upon the
ejectments which continually took place in Iceland, but
he did not enter into the circumstances under which
they were made. Persons were proceeded against
by ejectment in Ireland, not really for the purpose of
ejecting them from their holdings, but for the purpose of
compelling them to make some arrangement for
the payment of their rent, because many of them
are in arrears from nine to eighteen months—
in fact, the arrears of rent were so great
i that the amount would scarcely be ereditt d in England.
!le believed that the landlords ot Ireland were desirous
of doing their duty, that had been amply shown during
the present session ; still he was prepared to admit that
the landlords of Ireland, especially the absentee, had
neglected the duty.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. LEFROY said he thought her Majesty's Govern-
ment had taken a most!proper course ; and he thought,
in opposing them, they would not be doing any benefit to
Ireland. If any measure could be introduced that would
have the effect of improving the relations between landlord
and tenant in Ireland it would be very desirable, but
he thought by adopting the course recommended by
some Hon. Members they would be holding out hopes
to the tenants in Ireland which they might sub-
sequently not realise. He himself had joined what
was called the Irish Party, but without any factious
views, and he had supported measures which he consi-
dered to be of benefit to the country, without reference
to party. He thought the Government were right in
the course they had adopted, and he would therefore give
them his support.
Mr. ROSS said he did not think it was right
that this Bill should go through its second
reading, and he thought those who censured the
Government fur not carrying their Bill this
session were guilty of great injustice. The persons
whom he would wish to compensate in Ireland were
those who were tenants-at-will, which would have the
effect of inducing these tenants to make improvements,
which they would not otherwise be induced to do.
Mr. M‘CARTHY said that every gentleman who had
spoken on this question bad admitted that something
ought to be done for the improvement of the relation
between landlord and tenant in Ireland.
The next objection of the Solicitor-General was that the
compensation was not to be given till the termination of
the tenancy. He would ask, was n't that the proper
time for the compensation? A further objection of the
Learned Solicitor was that the arbitration would be ex-
pensive, but he (Mr. J. O'Connell) did not think that
this would be the case if lawyers were not employed.
lie would not detain the House further, as it seemed
impatient for the division, but. would record his vote in
favour of the measure of the lion. Memher for Roch-
dale.

Mr. P. SCROPE thought this a most important ques-
tion, and the sooner a different system of tenure was
established in Ireland than that which at present ex-
isted the better would it be for the peace and
welfare of that country. Many might refrain
from supporting this measure from an apprehension
that a similar measure would be brought forward
for England, but he did not think the circumstances of
the two countries were analogous, and that a different
course of legislation would be neces.tary for Ireland.—
(Cries of "Divide, divide.")
The House then divided, when the numbers were—
For the second reading 25
Against it
Majority against the Bill
POOR REMOVAL ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
Mr. BANKES rose to move the second reading of
the Bill which proposed to amend the first clause of
the General Act of the 9th and 10th of Victoria. It
did not propose to affect more than part of
that Act, because no more than part had
excited universal disconten!. When the original
measure was itself introduced he entertained con-
wwashichtermheed
consideredirremovability
m tc
hi n s tteoaod
greatof
con-
siderable doubts about the beneficial working of what
to be introduced so suddenly. He voted for it, seeing
many of the representatives of the towns supporting it,
but he now saw that it was oppressive, not only to
the country, but to the poor ratepayers of the town
in proof of which, he said, the Honourable Member
read a letter from the clergyman of Blandford, who
stated that, in consequence of the Poor Removal Act,
the rate of that town had been doubled to 10s.
a year instead of ss. The Hon. Gentleman then re-
minded the House that in giving notice of this
Bill he had brought before them general complaints
from the guardians of the city of London and of the
metropolitan unions, that therates had been exceedingly
increased. He must say he was not prepared to hear
it in the Committee of which he was a Member from a
Poor-law Commissioner, that the guardians of the City
of London approved of the Act which he proposed to
amend, and he must say he did not think such was the
case. The Honourable Member then read a hater
from a Mr. Foster, in the city of York,
stating that unless this law was repealed the rentals
would be increased from 25 to 50 per cent.
The increase in the rates of seven parishes in York, for
a quarter of this year, amounted to 7,070/., showing
the additional burden cast upon the rate-payers.
He thought an alteration in the law exceedingly
desirable, and feeling convinced that the Govern-
ment would not effect an alteration either in the present
or in the ensuing sessions, he had, therefore, brought:
forward this measure, and trusted it would receive the
approval of the House. The Poor Removal Bill had
failed.—(Hear). He had sat on the Committee
which had reference to it, and was in a position to say
that it had not accomplished the good for which it was
propounded. It pressed heavily upon the rate-payers,
and did not afford all the advantage it should to the
poor. It prevented parishes from allowing a widow
2s. or 3s. a week, upon which, with the aid of her
friends, she might subsist. It put a stop to this
altogether—(Hear)—and W. could quote many other
instances of its oppressive working;
for instance, cases
in which poor widows were living with their friends and
living
receiving a small weeltly stipend from the parish, who

had had their relief stopped, anC who had been
driven from one parish to another to seek 1
aid. The whole of South Wales vas in a similar
condition with respect to rates as York. In
the parish of East Lew, in Cornwall, for instance,
before the passing of the Poor Removal Bill, the agri-
cultural population in the neighbourhood were in the
habit of coming into the town to sleep ; of this
the rate-payers did not complain until the Bill was
passed ; but since they found that these persons
in the period of distress became charge-
able to them—and other places had equally
reason to complain of the operation of the Bill.
If Poor-law7cotnrnissioners were to be set against each
other, he would take the evidence of Mr. Coppock, who
was the king of the Poor-law clerks, on this matter,
who said that the sooner the law of settlement
was repealed the better. He pressed this matter
forward, because he thought that the present law was a
failure. He had evidence from Leeds and other places
as to the working of this law, showing clearly its injurious
operation. On this day week he would bring on this
question, and he would conclude by moving that the
Bill be read a second time that day week.
The motion was agreed to, and the House adjourned
at Six o'clock.

lAILWAY COM M MITES.

(THIS DAY,)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
GROUP VI.

BRISTOL AND EXETER, TAUNTON AND
CASTLECARY BRANCH, AND BRISTOL AND
EXETER (BRANCH FROM BLEADON TO WELLS
AND GLASTONBURY).
The Committee met at the usual hour.
Mr. Sergeant WRANGIIAR opened the case for the
Bristol and Exeter Company. He proposed to treat the
two lines, as above, as one scheme ; and contended that
on the ground of the larger amount of local and through
communication afforded by these lines over the pro•
posed lines of the Great Western Company, they were
entitled to receive the sanction of the Committee.
At the conclusion of the Learned Gentleman's address,
which occupied the whole time of its sitting, the Com-
mittee adjourned till 12 to-morrow.

QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.)
(Before Mr. Justice WIGHTMAN.)
COLLISION.—SPARROW V. PEDLEY AND OTHERS.

This was an action to recover compensation in
damages for certain injuries sustained by a smack named
"Fox," the property of the plaintiff, by the negligence
of the parties entrusted with the management of a steam
tug called the Grey Mare Meg," belonging to the
defendant and others, who constitute the " United Steam
Tug Company." The smack was tacking across the
river, and the collision occurred opposite Wapping.. The
bowsprit of the smack received some injuries, but they
were not of a serious nature.

The case was commenced yesterday, and re-
sumed at the sitting of the Court this morning.
A considerable number of witnesses were examined
on either side—those on one side stating that " Grey
Mare Meg " vtas to blame, whilst those called on
behalf of the other as stoutly and positively
averred that the smack was decidedly to blame,
and that if she had not struck the steam-boat, she
would have come into collision with a number of barges
lying off Wapping. It was further stated by them, that
the smack was in a bad condition before the occurrence,
and that her injuries could be repaired for 104 or 154
The jury gave a verdict of 101. to the plaintiff.

Bath, July 6—G. Hirst, woolstapler, Halifax, Yorkshire
July 6—J. J. Price, currier, Builth, Breconshire, July 6—C. I
Gent, commission merchant, Bread-street,July 6—W. Mit-
chell, commission merchant, Westerham, Kent, July 6—G.
S. Coxwell, merchant, Newcastle-upon• Tyne, July 6—J.
Gillon, jun., wine merchant, Liverpool, July 6-1. Hall,
timber merchant, Saddleworth, Yorkshire, July G.
PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.
I. B. Brown, G. Reece, and J. G. Phipps, apothecaries,
Connaught-terrace, Edgeware-road—J. E. Pool and F. H.
Boulton, attorneys, Walbrook- buildings, Walbrook—W.
Hood and E. Rowland, brewers, West Bromwich, Stafford-
shire—J. Little and R. Byers, silk mercers, Liverpool—W.
Bindloss and E. Preston, silk merchants, Manchester—W.
Beales and J. Wilkinson, gardeners, Batley, Yorkshire—J.
Cartwright and J. Bruce, painters, avertree, Lancashire—
T. S. Dobinson, B. G. Tyzack, and G. S. Tyzack, anchor
founders, North Shields (so far as regards T. S. Dobinson)—
J. and C. Andrews, wine merchants, Leeds—J. and W. R.
Harrison, civil engineers, Sheffield—J. Walker and J.
Thurstons, merchants, Wolverhampton—W. Fellowes, B.
Best, and G Eglington, coal masters, Walsall, Staffordshire
J. and W. Le Marachal, velvet manufacturers, Russia-row,
Milk-street, City—L. Heyworth, P. G. Heyworth, and J
Heyworth, merchants, Liverpool (so far as regards J. Hey-
worth)—H. J. Dodd and G. Cole, grocers, Olveston,Glouces-
tershire—J. and G. Cooke, hosiers, Loughborough, Leicester-
shire—NV. Padbury- and T. Barnes, pill-box makers, Mason's-
place, City-road—J. Newton and A. Blenkinsopp, printers,
Silver-street, Wood-street, City—A. Brown and R. Roberts,
architects, Manchester—W. Wright, jun., G. Wright, and J.
Wright, coach builders, Westminster-bridge-road, Lambeth
—J. Dewhurst, A. Dewhurst, and W. Dewhurst, farmers,
Scotforth, Lancashire—S. Spencer, G. Spencer, and W
Smith, ice merchants, Oxford-street—R. Forth, J. Ogilvie,
and J. Ogilvie, jun, chemists, North Shields—J. Robertson
and R. Mackie, merchants, Liverpool—D. Bowen, F. Cosslett,
J. Cosslett, and S. Morgan, railway contractors, Newport,
Glamorganshire (so far as regards D. Bowen)— T. W. Spooner
and T. Phillips, linen drapers, Gloucester-terraze, New-road,
Whitechapel—D. Gass, S. H. Gass, and D. Gass, jun., gold-
smiths, Regent-street.
SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS.
Robert Hunter, earthenware manufacturer, Leith, June 21
and July 15, at two, at the Royal Exchange Coffee-house,
Edinburgh.
Andrew Leslie, merchant, Aberdeen, June 24 and July 14,
at two, at the Advocates'-hall, Aberdeen. -

Peter Findlay, linen merchant, Glasgow. June 18 and
July 9, at two, at the chambers of Messrs. Wilkie, Glasgow.
Robert M'Gown, tavern keeper, Glasgow, Jane 21 and
July 12, at twelve, at the office of Mr. Young, Glasgow.
John Cameron, grocer, Edinburgh, June 21 and July 12,
at two, at the chambers of Mr. Alexander, Edinburgh.
James Alexander and Company, tailors, Maybole, June 19
and July 10, at twelve, at the Crown Inn, Ayr.
Andrew Walker and Company, manufacturers, Tillicoultry,
June 22 and July 20, at the Crown Inn, Alloa.
George Symington, ironmonger, Paisley, June 21 and
July 12, at one, at the office of Messrs. Reid and Henderson,
Paisley.
Robert John Henderson, cabinet makers, Glasgow, June 21
and July 12, at twelve, at the chambers of Mr. Lamont,
Glasgow.
William Hutchison and Company, timber merchants,
Glasgow, June 18 and July 16, at two, at the chambers of
Messrs. Steele and Douie, Glasgow.

UNITED LAW CLERKS' SOCIETY

The annual dinner of this society was given yesterday
at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, when Mr. Justice

Erle presided. For the business of the day there was a
numerous array of honorary stewards, who were unre-
mitting in their attention to the guests ; and it is but
justice to the providers to say that everything that ex-
perience could suggest, or kindness could conceive, for
the enjoyment of those present, was placed upon the
table. The gentlemen present connected with the law
were, besides the chairman, Mr. Baron Platt, the Soli-
citor-General, Mr. Peter Erle, Mr. P. Erle, jun., &c.
During dinner, and in the intervals between the
several songs, select pieces of music were performed,
under the direction of Mr. W. F. Reed, of her Majesty's
Theatre. The vocal arrangements were under the
direction of Mr. Hobbs, assisted by Messrs. Francis,
Lockey, bench, and Hatton.
The cloth having been cleared, the good old custom
was gracefully observed of acknowledging the benefits
which had been partaken; and we notice it for the ad-
mirable manner in which the grace was both given and
received. _ _

In introducing the first toast, the Learned CHAIRMAN
said that it was only necessary to state that it was the
" Health of their Queen" which he had to propose to en-
sure a ready and hearty response from the meeting.
The National Anthem was then sung, with an enthu-
siastic chorus. . . .

In requesting the gentlemen present to join him in
the next toast, the CHAIRMAN felt assured that he had
only to mention the name of an Illustrious Lady, whose
conduct and character had alike commanded the respect
and esteem of every true Briton ; and he need, there-
fore, say no more in requesting them to drink " Health
and long life to the Queen Dowager."—(Cheers.)
Glee—" Marked you her eyes of heavenly blue."
The Learned CHAIRMAN said, that as a recommenda-
tion to the next toast which he had to submit, he need
only remind the members present of the prosperity and
advancement which had attended the nation since the
present family had been on the throne. He would,
therefore, give " Prince Albert, Albert Prince of Wales,
and the rest of the Royal Family."—(Cheers.)
Ode and chorus—" Hail to Prince Albert."
The report of the society's proceedings was then read
by Mr. ROGERS, the Secretary, the substance of which
was as follows:—That the sum of 2391. Bs. bad been
given for occasional relief during illness; and that during
the year, including the annual allowances, the sum laid
out was 1,4571. 55., considerably more than half of
which had been paid during the last five months. There
was, however, a further addition to be made of 4521. for
allowance to widows and widowers for burials, making
the sum during the period specified 2,2851. 19s. On the
20th of May last year the sum invested in the Funds
was 8,5641. 3s. 4d., while at the present time the
amount is 9,8101. 3s. sd. The favourable position of the
society would be fully estimated when it was stated that
the number of members is 508, while the increase of
claimants is only eight. The report concluded with a
good hope for the future.
The CHAIRMAN said that the next toast which he had
to propose to the meeting was one which nearly con-
cerned themselves; and in giving it he could not refrain
from expressing the satisfaction which he felt, and in
which he was sure they would concur, at the manner not
only in which the claims upon their benevolence had
been replied to as respected the amount, but also as re-
garded the prudent manner in which the funds had been
managed; for it was evident that, however comprehensive
their good-will, it would be useless if it were not di-
rected by prudence, and if care was not observed in the
administration of the funds. He was truly glad to find
tha' both these principles had been adhered to in the
society's proceedings ; and he thought that the intima-
tion that while all just claims had been fully complied
with all the applications of those who were unworthy
had been rejected, was deserving of commendation.—
(Cheers.) In making this statement, however, and in
bearing his testimony to the admirable conduct of this
society, and while evincing his sense of the manner in
VI. hich they had fulfilled their offices, he could not but
call to their minds the consideration, that not in sickness
or under misfortune only had they to rely upon this
society, but in the period of health, when all their
knight."
i d therefore
phreoueoebstuspoledebfrcevtfPta:ohrtrrieoi, ioeolisngoottsshcheaieaienftat
faculties were awake, there was a strong claim upon
their consideration, for they must recollect that they had
to support the respectability not only of their own body,
but of the profession of which they were members, and
in whose interests he, and a'l with whom he had to deal,
took a deep interest. Upon them it depended whether
this society and their individual interests were advanced
or retarded. From the expression which he saw in the
meeting he did not doubt but that it would be the
former. With this feeling he would give, with a fervent
desire for its welfare, " The Prosperity of the United
Law Clerks' Association."—(The toast was drank with
enthusiasm).
National air—" My ancestors were Englishmen,
.an
Englishman am I." This air was encored; after which
Mr. WILCOX proposed, " The Lord Chancellor, Lord
Lyndhurst, and the other Patrons of the Society.". He
felt assured that this toast would be received with the
utmost respect. They had attained their high position
through the exercise of ability which all must admire,
and with a virtue which all must esteem. This on the
present occasion was the more due, inasmuch as this
was the only opportunity during the year in which
they could do honour to the noble persons of whom he
had spoken. After paying a handsome and deserved
compliment, Mr. Wilcox proposed the toast which he had
announced.
Mr. HAMILTON said, with a due consideration of the
fouflkfieleptiongthupe
their society,
funds, anbdu thoof woyllut,
schemehlodtenh increasingradditionalmeetingHonourable
eneu oehr waat
times
wbhd whicheamike
nsme
Judge
oer
oue
te
nmdst
filled
advantages to be derived from the society, he thought it
a duty, from a sense of gratitude from those who had ob-
tained a benefit from the profession that there ought to
have been a compensating advantage reflected on the
society. There had been the highest testimony to its
merits, and he trusted that next year they would meet
again with increased numbers, increased subscriptions,
and increased power to do good to those for whose
benefit the society was intended.
Glee and chorus, "Look out! Look out! 'tis the good
STINTON said, that as he was the oldest barrister
a peculiar propriety was evinced in entrusting to
presentc
a, ldmd kri i
1..1
ei
him a e,ast, which was the health of one who had been
beloved while he was in his portion of the profession,
and who, he believed, was deeply respected now—
that was Mr. Baron Platt. While doing this, how-
ever, he did not forget that there was a duty to
op-
portunity of pressing upon them the necessity not only
eghbo hb
eeueeeerr
had,
hcnt
aeahads (
aeti,,
submitted on former occasions, and it was this—that
their next meeting.—(Loud cheers.) He would not
peculiar propriety for them ; but the name which he
e espe-
ciallyhs
have
v anedc since the chieflymtmehan member
mieet bxl thesee
ei
dsrttoteosn
chair. on occasions similar to this in favour of the
society—(Loud cheers)—that was the name of Mr.
Baron Platt.
Mr. Baron PLATT, in a reply of great eloquence,
which it would be vain to report within the needful
compass, said—He might, he trusted, be excused, if
he simply alluded to the way in which the law clerks
had discharged their duty. When he recollected that
Mr. Tidd had been connected with this branch of
the profession, he could not forbear expressing his
admiration
Lyndhurst,
,haandd b
of
fe no
tthheer
sra
easterciu of
a l
l). Lord
emi-
nent in the profession. The Learned Judge continued
—He concurred fully in all 'that had been said in the
.
previous speeches, and he readily responded to them r
the toast of "The Bench, the Bar, and the Profession.
Mr. SMYTHE responded to this toast, believing th,,a_t_hee
was doing honour to the profession by proposingd The
Honorary lidt;-; ebneee
the good
have been desired ; and while acknowledging
bound to assent to
management of the stewards,adveed thoante ctohuelierl
Song—" Queen of ray soul.
ftrhoemkitnhdenmesasnaagnedraseauttisoffacftoiromnhewrehs‘tYiecawhsarld. been derived
noupldrovhi

Mr. ANBTEAD proposed " The Health cf the Trustees
of the Society."
Song, by Mr. Hatton—" Sompti the CelLtrer,"
was elaiorea with great enthosiasui.
The additional subscriptions were then announced,
and the company separated.

Before cmmkt-ding- we must add that Mr. Harker, as
toast-master, proved himself a very competent judge iu
his profession.

IMPERIAL PARLIA,NIEI4T

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 15.
AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.
Lord STANLEY (in continuation of our Third
Edition, said)—During the long period of dismay
which followed, even up to the time when Charles X.
was obliged to give up his throne, did they ever
dream of interference?—(Hear, hear,) No, it was
never thought of, and in the Speech,from the Throne
at that time no such principle was enunciated.
It concluded by stating that the King regarded with
pleasure ihe convocation of the Cortes. At a somewhat
earlier period the great principle of non-interference
was laid down by his Noble and Gallant Friend on the
cross-benches (the Duke of Wellington). When
at the congress of Verona, he addressed a memorandum
to the French Ambassador, stating that he had availed
himself of every opportunity of recommending to his
Majesty wholly to abstain from all interference in the
internal affairs of Spain, because he believed that
any interference could only place that monarch
in a worse position, and prevent him from promoting the
interne' amelioration of that country.—(Hear.) One
other great authority—one with whom, in many respects,
he differed in political opinions—one to whose memory
he looked with affectionate reverence—one whose
opinions Noble Lords opposite were bound to
receive with great weight, and one for whom those who
differed the most with him in political opinions, he did
not in his life—and would not now hesitate to declare
that he was a statesman keenly anxious for the welfare
of his native country and of other nations—(Hear)—in
the year 1830, when negotiations were entered into with
the five great Powers of Europe, in pursuance of the
obligation of a treaty, for the purpose of settling the
arrangement between Belgium (which was then vir-
tually separated from Holland) and Holland—the
speech delivered from the Throne! on that occasion an-
nounced in distinct terms the principle which he was
anxious to lay down to their Lordships. The principle
adopted by the advice of Earl Grey was non-interference
with the affairs of Belgium as contrary to the laws of
nations, and by that advice Earl Grey was enabled to
strengthen his Cabinet. They could not justify interfer-
ence on the part of another country on the pretence of
danger, and he would go further, and say, that if
the Belgians had adopted a republican form of
Government, instead of a monarchy, he did not
think it would be justifiable to interfere, nor
would he consent to such interference." Such was the
language of Earl Grey, and at what time ? Why the
revolution was not twelve months old ; the con-
stitutional, yet nevertheless revolutionary, throne
of Louis Philippe was barely established ; and
Republicanism was neither dead nor asleep in France.
The establishment of such a state upon the confines
of the kingdom, would naturally excite the jealousy of
France. Yet they had heard that Lord Grey had laid
it down that such a state of things would not justify an
interference, Perhaps it might be said that these prin-
ciples were true with regard to other nations, yet that
they had such intimate and special relations with Por-
tugal, that they were bound by them to interfere. He
fully admitted that they had special relations with Por-
tugal, the earliest of which was not less than 500 years
old, and there was one obligation which ran through
the whole of them, paramount of all, namely, that they
would not permit the security of Portugal to be invaded
or violated by any foreign power whatsoever.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) It was on this principle that, in
1826, in virtue of the existing treaties, Mr. Canning
sent an expedition to Lisbon, with a view to protect
Portugal from an invasion of Spain. It was no civil
contest, when Mr. Canning interfered, and he was
sure the Noble Lord had more fully studied that prece-
dent, and that the shade of Canning was now pre-
siding over the discussion.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Oh would that the spirit of Canning were now presiding
over the Commons of England. Would that there was
the eloquent tongue of Canning in that House to do-
nounce the conduct of these Ministers, who for the pur-
pose of saving the Sovereign of Portugal from the effects
of her own misgovernment, had attempted to coerce her
people and deprive them of their constitutional liberties—
had invited a French fleet to enter the portals of their
cities, and called upon foreign standing armies to invade
their country.—(Hear, hear.) How different was the
course pursued by Mr. Canning. In 1838, when after a
series of violations of the most solemn and faithful
pledges—after committing murder and rapine upon all
hands, Don Miguel succeeded in usurping the throne of
his Sovereign and intended wife—at that moment the
troops of this country were stationed at Portugal, but as
their services were no longer required, as there was no
danger of a foreign invasion, and their presence inter •
fered with the settlement of the internal and domestic
affairs of the country they were withdrawn, and the
world was again convinced of the love of this country
for constitutional law and undeviating impartiality
in the performances of its duties to other nations.
The Noble Marquis opposite, in alluding to the affairs
of Spain, expressed his most anxious wish that the Go•
vernment would impress upon foreign nations the duty
of adhering strictly to the principles which actuated her
Majesty's Government during the conflict with the
princes of the House of Braganza. A Noble Lord (the
Earl of Aberdeen) laid down the law upon the subject
in the following terms:—he said, " that in the whole se-
riss of treaties there is no express stipulations which
warrant the interference of this country, neither is there
any such obligation implied by their general spirit or
tenor. The treaties were formed for the purpose of re-
sisting successful rebellion. It is impossible that any
Independent state could intend to commit the control
and direction of her internal affairs into the hands of
another party. Doubtless, if her Britannic Majesty
should be under the necessity of furnishing an armed
force for the internal regulation of the affairs of Por-
tugal, it would become his duty, and indeed an essential
duty, to prevent any such cause of necessity for inter-
ference at all. However, there would be required a
constant interference in the internal affairs of Portugal,
for it would be impossible for his Majesty to
consent to hold his fleets and armies at
the command of the:King of Portugal without having
the superintendence of the affairs, and being assured
that his forces would not be employed in arresting the
effects of misgovernment.—(Hear, hear.) The whole
spirit of the treaties, as well as their history, show that
the principle of the guarantee given by England is " the
protection of Portugal from foreign interference." This
was the principle which he contended lay at the root of
the whole question before their Lordships—it was his
duty to substantiate this, and to show to their Lord-
ships the grounds upon which all practical as well as
theoretical statesmen had acted ; and it was his opinion
that the Noble Viscount at the head of foreign affairs in
departing from that sound principle, had rendered him-
self a most dangerous master.—(Hear.) The principle
of non-interference was laid down by the Noble Lord
himself in 1829, in a speech he made at that time, to the
effect, " that every nation had the right to regulate its
own affairs—that it was a sound and sacred principle,
and one which he trusted England would never be found
to set the example of its violation—(Hear, hear)—
but that intervention by force of arms in the affairs of
other countries, was against general principle, and the
Hear,
hear.) observed practice of this country."-7( ear,
hear.) The Noble Lord also complained not against the
interference to which he was then referring, but because
of their interference on the wrong side.—(Hear, hear.)
He then stood up against interference, but expressed
himself in favour of intermeddling.—(Hear, hear, and
laughter.) This had been his plea then, so far as inter-
ference could be carried on without armed interference.
In 1833 a seeming departure took place from this princi-
ple of non-interference, in the case of Spain and Portu-
gal, when Don Miguel and Don Carlos were attempting
to depose the female sovereigns from the thrones of those
countries. Nay, so careful was his late lamented friend,
Earl Grey, to limit the application of that treaty within
the narrowest bounds, and most certainly in conformity
with the national obligations that it was in the
first instance entered into between Spain and
Portugal, for the expulsion of the claimant
to the Crown of Spain. By that treaty, France and his
Britannic Majesty were to be combined together for that
object, the agreement to have effect so soon as the French
fleet entered the Tagus ; but the King
.of the French
altered those conditions to these—that in the event of
his interposition becoming necessary to effect that object
he was ready to supply assistance, provided it was sought
by the united voice of the parties to the treaty. It was,
at any rate, a very doubtful question with regard to its
duration, and whether it was or was not imptropenrljot-
extended. These additional articles ctonrtoeomepla d
bute that
the expulsion of the pretender toaioth h
for the purpose of
assistance should be given to Sp
the
em was
doubtful
merits
that e
protecting her rights. He also
doubtful policy, and that it went thoughtbeyond
s of of the case required, and oreate.d besides
Portugal
e the ca a precedent of
a mischievous nature ; but stl 11
Burin th
were. held out that the
could not apply to the state of ain uring e time to
which he was referring. If it
ce admitted of qualification,
duty to submit to their Lordships
principle of non-interference
it would become his
as the second branch of this subject that the state of
things in Portugal,
with respect to which the Govern-
ment were called upon to interfere, was oae purely
domestic—one
purely n te r n a l
w—hoi ne
he affectingentitled
n 0
00
otherother
it did
country—and one, therefore,
Country to interfere ; not affect even the dynasty
of Portugal, and yet it was !an interference
which, by the hand of the British Government,
withheld from the people of that country the
constitutional rights to which they were entitled.
He would state shortly to the House what were the facts
which led to the coup de etat, which, in its turn, led to
the revolution of Portugal. It appeared that in March
or April, 1846, there was not Nominally, but really in
effect, at the head of the weak Ministry of the Duke de
Terceira, a Signor Costa Cabral, a man of ambition, as-
piring, active, energetic, and not of over scrupuloas cha-
racter, who had commenced life as an ultra supporter of
most ultra republican principles, who had been, in
1836, an indiscreet leader of the Septenabrist party,
where he manifested considerable ability, and was accord-
ingly rewarded by a subordinate post in the police. In
this situation he showed considerable power, made him-
self useful to the Ministry, and from being the most ultra
radical he came forward in the character of the most
violent partisan of Toryism, manifesting all the zeal of
the most fervent convert. He was thought some-
what a dangerous man, and, accordingly, the Duke
de Terceira overlooked him in the formation of
his Ministry, but he made himself so formi-
dable to the Government by his leadership of an
emute, that he literally stormed the Government, and
compelled the Cabinet to attend to his wants and wishes.
There was abundant proof of these statements in the
blue book. and the correspondence which had been laid