The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-19 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION.

to receive his reply and that reply showed that their minds had
some time since been fully made up on the question. A letter
without date had been read from the John Bull of Sunday
last, for the purpose of showing that Lord John Russell had
changed his opinions. That letter contained the opinions he
had held as a very young man, when he represented an
agricultural constituency; but had not Sir Robert Peel
and the Duke cf Wellington changed their opinions on
Catholic Emancipation ?—( Cheers.) Had not Lord Stanley
changed every one of the opinions which he had' held as a
young man?(Cheers.) But he had nothing to do with the
changes of opinion of any man, he supported the resolution on
principle, because he thought it would be for the general in-
terest of the country, and for the benefit more particularly of
the labouring population. The agricultural labourer received
only 9s. a week wages, and the manufacturing labourer was
quite as ill paid, and because both were in distress that was
considered a sufficient reason for leaving matters alone. They
were taxed to the amount of double the value of the bread
they consumed, and that not for the support of the revenue,
but to go into the pockets of the monopolists.—(Cheers.) He
did not approve of many of the details of the New Poor-law,
but he thought the principle of it ajust one, that the labourer
should be taught to rely upon his own resources and frugality ;
but the labourer had, at tt e same time, a right to demand tnat
he should be afforded a sufficient supply at a fair market price,
and the principle of the New Poor-law was not applicable un-
less the Corn-laws and all other monopolies were abolished.
—(Cheers.) Allusion had been made to the recent elec-
tions. He, for one, considered it no disgrace to the Ministry
to be in a minority in the present House of Commons, be-
cause that House was composed of a majority of monopolists.
—(Cheers.) They had heard of the immense sums which had
been spent by the aristocracy in the recent elections, in de-
bauching the morals of the people, and in bribery and cor-
ruption. Now was it to be supposed that this expenditure had
been incurred for the sake of mischief alone? No such thing.
It was because they got by it, and they could well afford to
corrupt electors, when by means of the protecting system they
Niue enabled to squeeze sixty millions annually from the
pockets of the unfortunate people.— (Cheers, and cries of
"St. Alban's.") Well, admitting that bribery had been
practised at St. Alban's, what did that make against his argu-
ment? They could not out of two evils make a good.
(Cheers. ) He was actuated by no party motives, but he
would do the Ministers the justice to:say that their conduct, in.
his opinion, showed they had taken up the question honestly
—(Cheers)—because, without regard to the chance of being
beaten, they had boldly attacked the three monopolies at once.
--(Cheers.) That showed that they were actuated rather by
principle than by party tactics—(Cheers)—and they certainly
had adopted the most honourable course by so doing.
Mr. GADSDEN defended himself for sending out • a circular
in opposition to the proposed address. He had been requested
to act as secretary to a number of gentlemen who were op-
posed to it, and he had not made it general met ely in accord-
ance with their feelings. He was astonished to hear such
respectable men as the mover and seconder of the address deal
in such sweeping charges against the landowners of the coun-
try. They were, probably, not so well acquainted with land-
owners as he was, and he broadly asserted that if the land-
owner were to give up every farthing of rent. it would not
make the loaf a halfpenny cheaper.—( A laugh.) He etas-
tended that the whole rental of the country did not reach IL
an acre. If the Corn-laws were repealed, the agricultural in-
terest would be destroyed, and would become dependent upon
foreign countries. _

M. BOWER had always, and would again that day, vote
against the motion. The reduction in the price of corn was
only sought by our manufacturers for the purpose of getting
their labour cheaper, and so enable them to compete with the
foreigner. What benefit, then, would the workman receive?
How could that Court, which had so often petitioned for the
abolition of slavery—(" Oh, oh")—give their support to a set
of men who would repeal the Emancipation Act ? Could
the Court come to a vote which in effect would be to say that
the bust of Clarkson was unfairly placed in that Hall ?
Mr. PEWTRESS was astonished at the arguments of the last
spea' er, for was it not one of the strongest and most often re-
peated arguments in favour of emancipation, that slave labour
could not stand against tree labour—(Cheers)—aud what did
Ministers propose? Not to put slave sugar upon an equality
with the produce of our free colonies. No ; they proposed to
give the latter a protection of 50 per cent. He thought the
. present propdsition of the Government a fair one for the benefit
of the country ; and, therefore, lie ,gave -it his warmest sup-
port. It was absolutely necessary that they should remove the
restrictions. upon the importation of food, for the landlords
refused.trstake steps by which they would be- enabled to sup-
port the population. He had always thought it would be im-
possible to carry out all the stringent enactments of the new
Poor-law without some such measures as those now proposed.
Let them become the law of the land and the large union
workhouses would be useless, for the whole population of the
country would have plenty of work and would want no pa-
rochial relief.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") 'I he plan
was too comprehensive to have been brought out upon the
spur of the moment—it must have been long under
consideration, and he trusted that a large majority of the
Members cf that Court would do justice to their constituents,
and vote in favour of a measure that was fraught with un-
mixed good to the country.
Alr. LAWRENCE ridiculed the cry of humanity that had
been raised against the introduction of Brazil sugar; the great
humanity-mongers, the great growers of sugar in the West
Indies. had no horror at using slave-grown sugar when they
could obtain it for less than they compelled us to pay for their
produce. The price of labour had nothing to do with the
price of corn—at least so far from lowering the price of labour
when corn was low, it had always, since the peace, been then
much higher. More labourers than were wanted reduced the
price of labour in the market. Make labour plenty, and its
price would he high, whatever the price of corn might be.
The question was not one as to who should be in or who should
• be out; it was one of life and death to the people of the
country, and would within a very short time force itself upon
the attention of all, and the people would not confine them..
selves to a demand for the abolition of the protective system as
applied to corn only, they would extend their demand to the
abolition of the system altogether.
Mr. Alderman HEVGATE contended that the question wa as
political one--(" No, no")—it was brought forward for the pur-
pose of bolstering up an Administration which the people of
England had repudiated at every election which had occurred of
late. The present was not the proper or fit time for consider-
ing the question, it ought to have been brought forward not in
the month of May, but in a speech from the throne. (Laugh-
ter.) He trusted the Court would not lend any assistance to
men who, because they could not live in a house, set fire to it.
Mr. HALL felt hound to say that the sentiments expressed
by the worths, Alderman were not the prevailing ones in the
ward he presided over. The Court, to be consistent, ought to
agree with the address, for the same proposition was carried in
1639, and also in 1840. Surely it would be unbecoming in
that Court to refuse to come to some determination on the -im -
portant question, as they were asked to do by the amendment.
Mr. Alderman 13eowsr rose amidst loud cries of " Divide."
He said it was a strange feature in that' debate that all the
supporters of the proposed address had carefully denied that
they had brought forward the motion with any intention of
aiding a Government who were incapable, and eelebrated for
nothing but a tenacity of office, which reminded him of the
eel. He contended that the price of bread would fall with a
repeal of the Corn-law, and consequently the price of labour,
--(Laughter, and cries of " Oh.") The Corn-laws were not
intended as a pi otection for the rich man against the poor ;
they were for the general protection of all.—(A laugh.)
Mr. J. LART instanced the ease of America, where food
was very cheap and labour high ; while in this country the
price of corn was twice as high as in 1835, yet wages were never
so low as at the present moment. The Hon. Gentleman con-
tinued to speak at considerable length, but the Court was so
impatient that. his voice was drowned.
Mr. AsoURST remembered when King William refused the
Reform Bill, the worthy Alderman quoted Scripture to him,
(Mr. Ashurst), and told him to " Fear God, and honour the
lng." Now he was disposed upon that occasion to return
the compliment, and the passage he would quote was, " He
that withholdeth corn, the people shall curse. "—(Cheers.) So
well had the people of former times understood the question,
that even in the time of Solomon that had become a maxim,God,
for•the purpose of protecting his creatures, caused corn to
grow in every country on earth. There were two instances
which he was anxious to state to the meeting. The first was
Holland, that country could not grow corn enough for her sub-
sistence: she had not land enough for the purpose—she was
not cursed with a Corn-law, yet she had at all times a stiffs,-
cient supply of food.—( Cheers.) The people of that counter
trusted to God's providence, and they were liberally supplied.
Again, take the case of Ireland—she hada Corn-law, under the
operation of which her labourers were starving on 6d. a day,
and every fourth one was a pauper, that was the state of things
under a Corn-law. But then he was told that he must nok
go to a country where corn is cheap, or his 6d. a-day will
dwindle in proportion. Now, suppose he was to leave Ireland
and land at New York, there he would find the wheat selling
at 255. a quarter, having left it in Ireland between.7os. and
80s. Well, remembering what he was told by the pretended
friends of the labourer at home, he would naturally
fancy that his 6d. would not be more than
2d. or 3d. a day, how astonished then would he
be to find plenty offering him work at a dollar a day.—(Loud
cheering.) Let them contrast those two cases, and then say
whether the poor had anything to do with the Corn-laws. If
labour had been represented in the Legislature would those
things ever have been allowed. The real root of the evil was
this. In this country we had a labouring power equal to 600
millions of men—the population was 28 millions—and if' they
bringo
wl
btuia.i t
mhTyeeahtteßiesee aiaasr
manufactured to such an extent, it was clear that they could net
d
consume the productions ; they must therefore starve if they
could not have the advantages of foreign trade. With such a
population as outs in a starving condition, would life and pro-
perty be safe ? It could not. Then he called upon the Court
to take their choice of the least of two evils, for it was a moral.
impossibility to put a stop to the powers of steam.—(Cheers.).
Mr. Davison did nat desire to see the previous quesdon
carried, nor could he agree in the resolutiodproposed. When
an opportunity offered he intended to propose ar, amendment to
the effect that the present Corn-law had uot givena satisfaction.
—(Cheers.)
aalatL buttted,
o to revise the.
—(Cheers.) That, he believed,
he would only consent to call upon the 1..!
fur their guidance,
system, without pointing out any course
the
Mr. WELLS would cheerfully previous Quest*
support_roe.
and that because he was a friend of the poor.—( Laughter. )
was univer• 11
'Mons ofdebt.—( Cheers. ) 'the
from even alluding to the 800 millions
out ofthe B Berlin and
Every one who had spoken on the question had carefully shrunk
Prussian League was a mere carrying .
of England again to such a
Governors should have to se
open the gold of
Did Hon.
GMilaneGentlemen
edme decrees, e
levsa, I andst t carried further.
drain
n u p
degraded position as thboaelgt its d
assistance from the Bank
of France.
o
again on their knees, to
previous question, vvhiets
but only occasional customers.
o question that the corn
Mr. STEVENS rep e
imported of late year
was Only demanded- from
this country ; but that g
us, be.
divided
on the '
by a majority of lb. The Lord
cauisleewce
was negatived
for Mayor, 6 Al-
dermen,d ne eommoneis voting it ; while 2 Aldermen, an
commoners voted against it.
and 79
pavisoe then proposed the following amendment :
owueritetnhoent p
That this Court, being impressed with a conviction that
the existing Corn-laws have not worked beneficially for the va-
rious interests of this country, and fully convinced, therefore,
of the iicresity of the subject being revised, do petition both
Houses of Parliainent for a revisal of the laws which regulate
the importation of corn, with a view to the introduction of such
measure or measures as in the wisdom of Parliament shall be
calculated to itimeasa the trade, both domestic and foreign, of
the country at large, and ameliorate to the utmost the condi-
tion of the labouring population."
A desultory and ,egr •d. •
3 discussion arose on points of order,
in the midst of which Mr. King made several motions for ad-
journment. The amendment was negatived. Many of the
members made their escape by the Alderman's entrance door.
Mr. KING then put it to the Lord Mayor whether, some
Members having left the Court after the question had been put,
the Court was not dissolved.—( Much laughter. )
Mr. Alderman COPELAND moved that the Town-clerk read
the oath taken by Common Councilmen.
After considerable confusion the resolutions and the petitions
founded upon them, were *Wowed to be carried without a divi-
sion.
• to be
The petition to the Commons was ordered,. presented
by the Sheriffs, and Earl Fitzwilliam be requested to present
that to the House of Lords.
The Court adjourned at half-past six o'clock.

Lord Headley, who succeeded to the family title
on the death of his uncle, in 1840, is about to lead to the hy-
meneal attar Miss John, daughter of 111 r. William Johnson,
one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas, Ireland.
His Lordship arrived at Branham Hall, his seat in Yorkshire,
from Aghadoe, Ireland

*RN ING EDITION

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

PROM THE DAILY PAPERS Or YESTERDAY.

CHRONICLE.—The debate on the sugar duties is again
adjourned. The monopolists, who, as long as they thought
they could deceive the people into a high notion of their hu-
manity, were all eager for display, begin now to shrink from
discussion. One fact cannot fail to strike our readers. Sir
Edward Knatchbull, who moved the adjournment on Friday
night, and who ought to have opened the debate last night,
refused to speak at the commencement of the debate ! The
monopolists are afraid of discussing the question, and Sir Ed-
ward Knatchbull of committing himself on the Corn-laws,
which the Duke of Buckingham suspects Sir Robert Peel of
an intention to upset. Sir George Clerk prevented Sir Ed-
war4 Knatchbull from speaking, as they were afraid of a se-
con edition of his nusquam tuta fides, which Sir Robert Peel
has not forgot, any more than the old uncompromising Tories.
What a combination: It was remarked last night that Mr.
Muntz, who uttered many a proposition which set all consist-
ency at defiance, was loudly cheered by Sir Robert Peel, on
those occasions when his friends were in the greatest pain on
his account.
TIMES.—The tactics of the Ministerial party are now be-
eoming apparent. Rumours were current early in last week
of a determination on the part of Ministers to prolong the
debate till Friday at the latest, for which various unsatis-
factory reasons were assigned; and when Friday came, it
turned out that her Majesty had a ball for that evening,
which made a division impossible, and then a further adjourn-
. ment took place till Monday. On Monday, her Majesty had
a concert ; and Lord John Russell was seized with a new and
disinterested anxiety that el the Members who represent great
constituences should have an opportunity reserved to them of
expressing their sentiments, which for eight long nights, it
seems, they have sought in vain. So long as there re-
mains any single Member desirous of spouting out weari-
some commonplaces on a subject which he does not
uoderstand, the Noble Secretary will certainly take no
" steps to hasten a division." Many and great have been
the questions agitated within the walls of Parliament
since Lord John Russell has been a Minister of
State—Parliamentary Reform, Corporation Reform, Church
Reform, Slave Emancipation, Tithe Commutation, Church Ap-
propriation and Spoliation—Corn-laws Ballot, Irish Coercion,
Irishjite,gistration—questions about Spoliation—Corn-laws,
about Jamaica,
about China—many a disappointed Member there has been on
all those occasions, who came down to the House with a speech
in his pocket which he never found the opportunity of deliver-
ing. But we never heard, on any of these questions, that
Isord John Russell displayed any peculiar tenderness of consi •
deration for would-be orators. What, then, we are to judge
on the present occasion ? Plainly, that Ministers and their
partisans are speaking against time ; every man of straw whose
voice they can command is set up to prolong the debate, and
all the arts and appliances which Court favour places at their
.. disposal are put in requisition to facilitate the tedious manoeuvre.
Under such circumstances, the course which the Conservatives
must pursue is obvious. They have no reason to fear the
event of a dissolution, come when it may, or whatever
. may be the slap-trap on which Ministers may rely for
success. The ludicrous failure of the agitation hitherto
attempted, and the unmitigated contempt displayed for
the Anti-Corn-law humbug and its authors by the working
classes throughout Britain, at Edinburgh, in London, at Not-
tingham, and at Sunderland, may well inspire them with un-
wavering confidence if they will only be true to the people and
to themselves. But it is of importance that the country
should understand the nature of the Whig game beyond the
possibility of a mistake. Sir Robert Peel will speak this even-
ing ; after which, whatever may be the multitude of Ministe-
rial speeches, either upon the present question, or upon the
amendment of which Lord John Russell has given notice, we
trust no single Conservative will offer to address the House.
Let it be made apparent to every man, that the Whigs, and the
Whigs only, desire to obstruct the course of public business for
the purposes of faction—let them have both the talking and
• the credit of it all to themselves.
AD V ERTISER.—There is a party among the Tories who
think that the debate on the sugar question has been conducted
• • by the Opposition on " wrong principles." In their secret
souls they deride the hypocrisy and humbug humanity of their
leaders, and take their ground upon a general view of our old
colonial and maritime system. What the Buckinghams and
the Inglises are to the corn and Church section, this remnant
of the old West India interest, typified by the Goulburns and
Gladstones, is to the present sugar monopolists. It is a pity, for
• the sake of all concerned, that the question had not been argued
upon this ground, were it only for the purpose of demonstrating
the uiitenableness of our present course of conduct towards the
other nations of the world, which is, in fact, nothing more than
• a state of perpetual commercial hostility, and that, too, in the
speere c-f men's most important interests, viz., their material
ones. There was a time when our West India trade was re-
garded even by such authorities as Lord Nelson, as the great
nursery of our seamen, and the cradle of our maritime su-
periority—a time when our Colonies were looked upon as
the only necessary outlets for our manufactures, when the
carrying trade and the 'unreserved supply of the whole Con-
tinental markets were enjoyed solely and exclusively by the
merchants of Great Britain. This was an age of gold
to England, but an age of iron to Europe. It passed
away with the military reign of Napoleon, and left England
unable to contract within the limits of her colonies the com-
merce which had expanded to such a vast extent, because her
foreign markets had become indispensable to the existence of a
surplus population, which that expansion had created. The
theory of these Tories, namely, that an empire, self-sufficing.
in all respects, in consumption and demand, by means of its
home trade and colonial dependencies, forming one entire
and perfect " chrysolite," can be maintained in the present
state of England and the world, is perfectly impracticable
and visionary, whatever it might have been at one time.
These Tories are forty or fifty years too late with
their principle. We depend for our existence upon our foreign
trade, and this foreign trade, and the millions who live by it,
must be sacrificed ere we can recur to the system they desire—
we must recur to the happy feudal state ardently longed for by
the Quarterly Review, and pass the ploughshare over Man-
chester and London. If this perfect state of accord between
all the parts of the empire has not been attained, the Tories
have themselves principally to blame. It is not impossible that
Eugland might base been so governed as to have formed a vast
empire all-sufficing in itself, finding in its transatlantic and
other colonies markets large enough for the utmost energies
of its home population. Had George 111. so governed the
American plantations as to have avoided the war of inde-
pendence, we might have depended upon the mutual help of
the whole Anglo-Saxon race, wherever situated or belonging.
At all events, our hold upon them would have been stronger
than our present commercial relations were proved to be at
the time of our boundary disputes. But Diis aliter visum.
Nor is that the only instance in which great national advan-
tages have been lost by their blinded policy. With regard to
this very sugar question itself, had the Tories, in 1816, at
the Congress of Vienna, when Lord Castlereagh had only to
ask to obtain every concession from the Sovereigns of
Europe, only thought of demanding the Islands of Cuba and
Java, the slave trade would never have attained its present
height, nor the supply of sugar ever have failed to the pre-
sent extent. The supremacy of the seas and the monopoly of
trade were, however, never willingly conceded by the rest
of Europe to Great Britain. The Navigation Laws placed
Holland, the Netherlands, and Germany, virtually without the
pale of the commercial world, so far as it depended on U 3;
yet, in 1667, in the Treaty of Breda, the States-General
forced Charles 11. to undertake to procure their repeal.
In 1787, the American Legislature passed a retaliatory
Act against us, which forced us to make concessions.
The Northern Powers threatened the same. Again we were
forced to give way. -In -1815, more concessions were made to
the United States. In 1822, Prussia, by an order in Council,
struck a retaliatory blow at us which was found most effective
against British shipping. Mr. Huskisson remonstrated. The
Prussians replied, n Our shipowners are going to ruin—you
have set us the example. hitherto we have confined the in-
crease of our port and tonnage charges to ships only ; but it is
the intention of our Government 'next year to imitate your
example still more closely, by imposing discriminatory
duties on the goods imported in your ships." Once
more we were obliged to give way. Finally, the Tories
were forced to concede reciprocity treaties to one and all of the
European Powers. But all the boons that were thus conceded
have been found by these nations to be trifling and insignificant
compared with what remains. The onward movement had
been proceeding with increased power and Velocity, until what
the Tories refused in 1n29, they cannot withhold in 1841. If
Europe was tee powerful for them in 1829 to resist, shad
its just demands be less powerful now ? How can they
blaiee - the Whigs for yielding in 1841 to what they
could net deny twelve years before ? Do they think the world
has (X)d still since that time ? Or do they suppose the ques-
, tion,ol the abandonment of the corn monopoly has been fel-
, getters by the rest of the world, or our own famishing millions?
When does hunger sleep? Well aid the Anti-Corn-law Dele-
gates declare, on the last defeat of Mr. Villier's motion, that
they retiree for that time—bnt only like the waves of the ocean,
" More auful to return."
Well vl ill it be for the monopolists to be wise in time.
GLOBE.—The Times complains of the prolongation of the
debate as a Ministerial manoeuvre. To this we may remark,
firstly, that the debate will of course be prolonged se long as
Sir Robert Peel declines speaking ; and secondly, that Sir Be
Knatchbull himself moved the adjournment on Friday' at a
quarter before twelve, and refused to open the resumed debate
last night, on the pretext that, " as the debate was already ex-
hacsted, he did not think it necessary to trouble the House
with his sentiments on the subject, the more particularly as it
had been intimated that there were a dozen gentlemen on the
other side who wished to speak. Now, unless the Hon. Baro-
net wished to get possession of the House for the purpose of
making a speech, there was no good reason for having moved
the adjournment at so early an hour, when there was time enough
to continue the debate on Friday. The natural inference is,
either that he was not so anxious as the Times is on behalf of
his party,• that the debatet dto sdseheuldlleecndeids an early
period, or that having intended
en
Cornelaws, heeal h
was dissuadednd from
doing on the question of -th
doine so, lest his present friend (and former enemy) Sir R.
o
Peel might be inconvenienced by explicit statements of the
duty of the Conservative p
fact is, the Duke of Buckin- gahrtay at the present moment. The
ni and his party much mistrust
Peel ; and the greatest exertions have been employed to uzzle
'their
4
tbo Tory agriculturists, anclooax
them to postpone
-oft-repeated pledges to their constituents, for the tom_
porary avoidance of embarrassment to their party. That dis-
like and apprehension of the continuance of the debate should
be expressed by the Opposition organs, tinder these circum-
• stances, we cannot wonder. The public, however, will not be
-apt to participate in this prudent impatience. They will be
apt to- think that, however inconvenient to party, it is highly_
• important to public interests, in the present position of affairs,
that the opinions of Sir Robert Peel, and of his followers,
should, if possible, be ascertained.
STANDARD.—Last night witnessed the seventh ad-
journment of the debate on Lord Sandon's resolution. This
procrastination of a debate is, we believe, without precedent,
we at least remember no precedent. Neither in the discussion
• of the Roman Catholic Bill in 1809, nor in any stage of the
Reform Bill, though both were revolutions, was so much
• time consumed; but Ministers have, if not fairly,
it must be owned, impudently confessed that the ad-
journments are not designed to procure a full investi-
gation of the question before Parliament, but to obtain
an interval in which they way try to inflame the country
up to that point when they can venture upon a dissolution with
some prospect of success. On Friday it was arranged that the
Hone should divide ; the same arrangement was repeated yes-
terday, and Mr C. Wynn alluded to the circumstance upon tee
sitting of the House, nhile Sir E. Knatchbull, who was in pos-
session of the chair, waived his right of speaking, in order that he
might not obstruct the termination of the debate. Lord J. Rus-
sell, however, then announced, that he had ta.elve orfourteen men
--ready to consume the public time, arid these creatures " reed
for powder, fit to fill a let as well as better men," were „cord.
itegiv'peraded, twelve of them, it is observed by the Times,
spoke consecutively, no Conservative speaker interposing
Of . fuels • a night's work it would be an absurdity, and
trespass upon public pitience, second in insolence
only to that of which the parties concerned were guilty, to
offer- any attract or analysis. Who cares for the speeches
of the Roche:and the Halls—the Gyases and the Cloamheses?
Who ever thought of investigating the contents of sand-bags
thrown into a stride?.-The question before the House of Com-
the" has been' l'intaustterstood and decided by the people—it
Ir traits : -are we justified
,in
__promoting crimes of the deepest
dye, for the sake of a profit in tradin with the criminals ?
COURIER.—Lord Clarendon was vastly indignant yester-
day, we see, at the imputation that Ministers hired agents
to perambulate the country and
spout against the Corn-laws.
1-Tis denial of the fact was strongenough in language, and so
r as he himself is concerned, orlikely to be in the secret, we
are bound to give him all credit for sincerity. But we may re,

mind his Lordship that his position in the Cabinet is much too
insignificant and devoid of importance to warrant the supposition
that he should be let into all the mysteries of trea-
sury craft, and we should rather conclude that such more im-
portant persons as Mr. Underling Secretary Stanley are likely
to be infinitely better versed in the little intrigues out of door
of his party—the heads of which, naturally enough perhaps,
consider that the Lord Privy Seal should only be too thapkfu
to take his salary, " eat, drink, and be merry," without
being troubled with any work more dirty and unbecoming
than an occasional set harangue of free trade and liberal
policy common places. It might, however, have occurred to
his Lordship that the same management under which the
speeches of Lord John Russell, Mr. Labouchere, and the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer are being circulated in pamphlet form
throughout the country by tens of thousands, cost free to the
receivers, although not to the Treasury, might also provide
funds for itinerant lecturers and Anti-Corn-law agitators—with-
out the necessity of his cognizance in the one case as in the other.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
POST.—Business was again languid at the Stock Ex-
change, the quotations generally for the English market, and,
we might add, for the foreign as well, continuing much the
same as on Saturday. A good deal of speculation and conjec-
ture were indulged in with regard to the probable composition of
the future Ministry, it being assumed as certain, and this very
naturally, that the Melbourne party will be unable to resist the
consequences of the approaching vote. Sir Robert Peel is of
course looked to as the Statesman most likely to be charged
with its formation ; but the Duke of Richmond, notwithstand-
ing his well-known bias in favour of the existing Corn -laws,
has been named as a Nobleman to whom the Queen may pos-
sibly have recourse in the present emergency. A coalition be-
tween Sir Robert Peel and some of the men now in power has
also been talked of, as among the projects under consideration.
We refrain, however, from pointing out the individuals with
whom it was said Sir Robert would, perhaps, be called upon
to act. This sort of idle gossip seems, for the moment, to have
completely superseded the ordinary business of the day.
CHRONICLE.—We have had some buyers in the Market
to-day, which has made the Funds a shade better. These gen-
tlemen of the Bull species are understood to have been sent
forward as " puffers," or " family flappers, by the Tories, to
give prices a start, upon the rumour, which has been again ra -
,ther rife to-day, that the Government would resign upon being
in a minority on the motion of Lord Sandon. Some of the
people in the house" have certainly got it in their heads that
the possible accession of the " Tutzs' OwN" to office would be
rather favourable to the funds ; and we have lately stated rea-
sons why such would probably be the immediate result. In the
first flush of power their influence with many capitalists would
nduce these people to make great exertions to prop up the
funds to give a show of popularity, and, for a short period, pro-
bably with partial success; but the advance could not be great
nor permanent, and would be followed, under existing circum-
stances, by a re-action of a very different and determined
character.

LOSS OF THE WILL BROWN,

( From the Havre Gazette.)
The English and American Consuls have addressed to us the
following letter, which establishes in their true light the la-
mentable occurrences which followed the wreck of the William
Brown. The result is, that the frightful necessity of sacri-
ficing part of the passengers for the safety of the rest, is fully
proved. In face of this conviction in the minds of the honour-
able representatives of the two nations interested in the ques-
tion, every injurious reflection ought to cease, and nothing re.
mains but to deplore the fate which warranted this direful sa-
crifice, at nine in the evening, when at the dawn of the next
day succour came in sight :
" Sir,—As much has been said about the unfortunate acci-
dent to the William Brown, and as a complete statement can-
not as yet be laid before the public, we have decided upon
communicating the principal facts. On the arrival of the
Ville de Lyon with seven of the crew, it was thought right to
examine them at the American Consulate, and since the arri-
val of the Crescent we have also interrogated the mate and
several of the passengers. From their evidence it appears,
that in the morning, when the boats divided between them
the people who remained in them, after the ship had gone
down with the thirty passengers left on board, the long-
boat, being overloaded and deprived of her rudder, must
have gone down if the wind came on to blow hard. It did in
fact get up, and towards night the sea became rough, and the
boat, making a great deal of water, presented the alternative
of either going down with all in her, or of saving her by sacrificing
one part of those who were in her to save the others. Sixteen
passengers, fourteen of whom were men and two women, who
happened to be nearest the crew in the middle of the boat, were
thrown into the sea. The principal leak was then found, and
the men were able to stop it, empty the boat of the water, and
keep her afloat, which they previously could not de. This terrible
sacrifice of lives commenced about ten at night, and at six in the
morning the Crescent came in sight. At the beginning, the women
were all placed in the stern, and at the bows of the boat, in
order that they might not impede the men in managing her,
and this explains why so many of them were saved. They
were all severely affected by the cold, and it appears that
scarcely any of the passengers who were thrown into the sea
made any great resistance, most of them being previously laid at
the bottom of the boat as if they were dead. Throughout the
affair, we have not discovered any fact capable of drawing down
blame upon any one whatever.
We have the honour, &c.
" A. G. BEASLEY, Consul, U. S.
"G. GORDON, British Consul."