The Sun.
London, England, 1840-12-04 00:00:00

you whether you see in all this a systematic insult on
the part of the Powers ? No, Gentlemen, but I will
freely admit that I have barn much struck with one
phenomenon. I have seen that the propositions made to
the Cabinet of Ist March became less and less favourable
in proportion as the pretensions of that Cabinet became
more and moreexorbitant. The error, Gentlemen, has
been in your own diploinscy. It is to ourselves, and
to ourselves only, that we owe the rupture of our
alliance with England. I think that the facts to which
I have alluded roust produce upon your minds the same
effect that they have produced on mine, and that it
will not again be dehberately said that the powers
of Europe have insulted the French nation. There
is indee. one thing which has given me pain, there
is one act which I should almoet be inclined to
construe into insult. Whilst we were arming with
vigour, and with a sort of fanaticism,—whilst we were
calling for the fortifications of Paris, as if we supposed
that they were destined to receive the assault of the
Four Powers, and that the capital was to be exposed
to invasion, those Powers did not levy a single man, or
move a single cannon towards their frontiers.—(Agita-
tion.) And why not ? Because those Powers said to
themselves, " We have no bad intentions towards
France ; she is acting under the influence of a momen-
tary effervescence, and when that shall have passed
away she will acknowledge her error." You see then
that there neither has been hatred nor secret antipathy
against France. No, Gentlemen, France is not hated,
she is loved, she is respected, her alliance is desired, and
it will be her own fault if sue remain isolated. Before
I conclude, I will address one word to the Cabinet. I
will say to it, return to the Treaty of the 15th July,
but return to it as becomes France, with honour, with
dignity, with your flag unfurled, and with important and
conciliatory concessions for your policy and your country.
Demand these concessions with the dignified calm which
should characterise a strong Government, and be sure
you will obtain them ; for Europe, when it shall see
you are alike conciliatory and firm, will not hesitate to
grant them. if they should, however, be refused, you
can then assume that imposing attitude, which has been
so well described by Marshal Soult and M. Guizot.
You cannot indeed accept the the policy of the late
Cabinet, you cannot accept the note of October 8, and
you will make the changes in it which are demanded by
the dignity of the country.—(Applause). You will be
more prudent and pacific than your predecessors, and
the Powers of Europe, which neither desire to insult
nor to defy you, will appreciate your sentiments, and
not refuse concessions which are due to honour, but
which they would not yield to menace. Having pre-
sumed to give this advice to the Cabinet, I will say to
the Chamber, do not listen to the appeal of an agitat-
ing press ; do not bilieve in the existence of that
hatred of the other powers, of that coalition against your
revolution, the belief of which these journals would in-
stil into the country. When you see this press lament-
ing over what it calls the degradation and humiliation
of France, endeavouring to rouse hostility against the
Government as traitors to national honour, when you
see it sowing discord and suspicion and calumny, hop-
ing to set party against party, and authority against
authority, that they may tear and destroy each other,
when you see this, Gentlemen, do you think it is a spec-
tacle that will invite the people of other nations to
abandon their old institutions, and place themselves
under such a :system ?—(Approbation from the
Centre.) No, Gentlemen, it is only moral
liberty—liberty based upon laws and just institu-
tions—which can excite envy and imitation from
other nations. As to those turbulent spirits which do
not fear to agitate the country, and to rouse bad pas-
sions, that they may themselves become more prominent
by floating with the scum, I say of them that they are
the enemies of liberty and liberal ideas, and as such I
deliver them up to universal execration—(Loud appro-
bation from the Centre.) Compelled by the late Ca-
binet to choose between general war and revolution,
France has refused both. I entreat my fellow-citizens,
therefore, to give their support to the men who have
taken office in this moment of difficulty.—(Great in-
terruption from the Left.) I have no uneasiness for
the honour of my country, for it is in safe hands.—
(Great approbation from the Centre, and loud marks
of disapprobation from the left,) I repeat, Gentlemen,
that I am not uneasy for French honour, for I see it
protected by that warrior, who, when the sword of
France was snapped, still continued to defend the
country with its fragments.—(Fresh interruptions from
the Left.) Such is my opinion of the present Cabi-
net—l do not blush at declaring it—and France is of
my opinion.—(Exclamations of " No, no," .‘ Yes, yes.")
We have heard much of revolution, and of revolutionary
instinct. Revolution is not here the question. We
are talking of France, and France is not a revolution :
it is a nation of humanity, of progress, and of civilisation.
I know well that there is, to a certain extent, agitation
and effervescence for war ; but true patriotism, Gen-
tlemen, consists in peace.—(Great approbation from
the Centre.)
It being nearly six o'clock when M. de Lamartine had
done speaking, the Chamber Rijourned till to-morrow.
SITTING or Dec. 2.
President, M. Sautet, t.nk the chair V•ali-^- •