The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-23 00:00:00

DAGUERREOTYPE or PHOTOGENIC
PORTRAITS.

ADELAIDE GALLERY, STRAND.
A. CLAUDET • has the pleasure to announce to his hien&
and the public that the INJUNCTION obtained by Air.
Richard heard was yeAerday DISSOLVED by the Lou!
Chancellor ; and that he has therefore resumed the TAKING
of PORTRAITS by his improved process, at the Adelaide
Gallery, Strand.—July 22, lti4l.

LONDON, FRIDAY, J ITL I' 23, 1841.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

CHRONICLE—The list of the Peel
Flto3l TILE eroesiete repress or TIIIS DAY.
Welliegton llinistry
which the 314"."i"9 Reread chose to communicate, has set the
various Tory Journ'h by the ears. The difficulties of the
State managers will rot be by any means lessered by the pro
mature discussions which have thus been entered en. Th
Heralri is very anxious to disclaim the paternity of the lis•
which it published, but wishes it to he believed that it was de:
ived from an authentic source. We have no doubt that thr
'ist. emanated from one of -she s.ections of the Cabinet expectant.
which is doubtful of its influence' with Sir Robert Peel, ane
therefore endeavours to call in the aid of•the public. Ths
sifficulies of Sir Robert Peel are not a little increased
by the length of the interval which must elapse before he cat
be in a position to conclude any arrangements. We shall
lave abundance of appeals to the public in tie
meantime. The discarded by one Journal . will le
taken un by the next, and there will be warm work of it befor
the various claimants are fairly installed. The Standard crits
peceavi for having allowed itself to be seduced by respected
Correspondents into premature armouncements, and promises
amendment of its ways. Sir Eardley Wilmot and his friend,
must, therefore, try • through some other channel for the
Speak: rship. The Duke of Iluekingham's
party think Si,
lames Graham too heavy and lumpish for the Indian empire.
From the sneers of that Right. lion. Baronet at the hear!,
Lincolnshire yeomen, it is clear that he is not disposed to think
meanly of his own accomplishments, and the charge of un-
eouthness will be any thing but palatable to bins. Is there
no Journal to fight for the broad-shouldered Baronet of the
borders ? It may be allowed that he is molt unfit be
the Governor-Generalship of India, for which, indeed.
very different qualifications are required than what arc
possessed by him ; but it is not the less true that be
has long aspired to India, and that the setting him aside wilt
be aeh ep mortification, But a Cabinet without Lord Lynd-
hurst I Where is the Times, between which and that Mile
and Lea nets Lord, there has been such an intimacy ? It will
assuredly come to the rescue. It was but the other day that
the 7'inies moved heaven and earth ,to instal Lord Lyndhurst
as Lord Steward at Cambridge, atetelf he be not restored to
the Woolsack, abundred Catholieuses will be launched by out
Contemporary of Printing-hotee-square against the Tamworth
Bsronet. This, exclusion of Lord Lyndhurst, coming abruptly
as it did oh the public; has given rise to all manner of con:
jectures. What, Lord Lyndurst, who has twice held the seals.
sent an exile, as it were, to Paris ! We wonder it was not
proposed to send him to his naive country, the United States.
But that the thing is meditated in hiah quarters is evident
from the awkward manner in which the Herald dealt with
this announcement. The courier was quite indigt.ant at this
insult to Lord Lyndhurst
We arc yet to learn, however, on what particular ground
our contemporary has thought proper to pass preliminary
sentence ef exclusion from the Lord Chaecellorship against
Lord Lyndhurst, who we see is summarily transported into the
otherwise splendid exile of a- Parisian embassy. The suc-
cession of Lord Lyndhurst to the Chancery seals rests on a
right stronger and more indefeasible than any title of nobility
deriving from hereditary descent
,could be, for it! Is a right
founded on past invaluable service. and unassailab y fortified
with the unquestiorable capacity for the performance of stile(
greater for the future." •
Several good reasons for the re-appointment of Lord Lynd-.
hurst are here omitted. • On all occasion', he has been the un-
flinching advocate of all abuses. What Sir Robert Peel had
not the courage to attempt in the House of Commons, Lord
Lyndhurst did in the House of Lords—he fought for every
corrupt interest during the passage of the English and Irish
Municipal Bills through the House of Lords, and succeeded in
burdening the various communities - with heavy paymen' s to
town clerks and other functionaries of the old corpo-
rations. Lord Lyndhurst, by resisting every improvement,
sneh es local courts, for instance, proved that he had taken most
kindly to his adosted principles, and while Sir Robert Peel was
half ashamed of his party, his Lordship was always a ready and
unscrupulous champion of Toryism in its worst shape. He has.
Vierefore, established a strong claim on the Tories ; and those
who distrust'Sir Robert Peel, and have " no surrender" fer
their motto, will hardly view with satisfaction the banishment
of Lord Lyndhurst. But besides, before sending the Noble and
Learned Lord to Paris, it may be worth the while to inquire how
this intrusion into their ranks will be relished by the corps di-
plomatique. It is understood that the Marquis of Londonderry,
though be renounced St. Petersburgh, considers the sacrifice
he then made to enable Sir Robert Peel to get rid of a very in-
convenient member, as giving him a well-founded claim on
Parii. Then there are Lord Stranglird, Lord Cowley, Sir R.
Gordon, and Sir Stratford Canning, to be provided tor. But
these matters we leave to the Tory Journalists and their respec-
tive patrons to settle among themselves.
HER, A 1, a _When our readers perceive thedat e of the address
" To the Electors of the City of London," signed "J. Rusiell,"
(which will he fews(' this morning in our advertising columns),
they will probably surmise, as we did at a first glance—that
there must be same mistake as to the day on which that per-
formance was reary ushered into the world. They will have
perused in yesterday's Herald another communication dated
from " Mints House, near Hawick, N. 8.," Tuesday (the
:10th) announcing the interesting ('act of his Lordship's
espousals at Minto Castle with the Lady Fanny Maria Elliott.
" How," they will ask, "can one of these events have so
immediately preceded the other ?" And how to reconcile to
their oWn notions. of the more appropriate modes which readily
suggest themselves of occupying the penultimate day of a
widowed loneltness, about th be exehanged for {we sincerely
trust) a felicitous awl long-enduring union with an a,ecom.
plished, alniahle, and-noble latlyr—such an irksome and un-
seasonable task as that of .adt.lr,saint a huge body of electors,—
we would rather say a haughty polsal coquette whose colder
preference had not awarded to - •
" The man she ingled from the world"

the same exclusive pre-emitience of choice, but had only pro-
claimed him fourth and last on ihe list of her recognised ad-
mirers. For oar own pir:s upon better consideration
that Lord John, having postponed to the very last moment a
becoming civility to the lady of London,—was naturally
anxious not to mar the happiness that awaited him in those
new relations of domestic life which he was about to contract,
and therefore reso:vcd at once to dietniFs the disagreeable duty
of fenniog h's a.ldress, even at that eleventh hour, and thus to
escape—for a long hurdiy at least,—from the wearisome &-
man& of electioneering ceremonial. His Lordship acted, if
such was his motive, like a wise man. But we cannot unite,
with our congratulations on the auspicious alliance which he
t
has just formed, any compliments on the manifesto he has just
published. It is about as warm, as sprightlybe refbrined July
and encouraging,
as genial and bright and inspiritingas
weather we are now enjoying iu England. On the 19th it must
surely have been very dull weather in Scotland; and a colder or
more misty indication of the climate it never was our fate to en-
counter. We may pass rapidly over the initiatory paragraphs of
this address. The first, in acknowledging the honour which the
electors have done him by returning him to Parliament as one of
their representatives suggests no disagreeable reference to mark
which of the two extremities of the poll of four successful can-
didates; the constituency of London permitted him to occupy.
The second professes to account for the delay of this acknow-
ledgment by a plea which, if good en the 19th of July, was
scarcely less so on the 12th or the 9th instant, and is therefore
no apti.ogy at'all on the question. 'lhe fourth is a good speci-
men of one of the devices (No. 1.) which we have described
above. • •

In the early part of last
year, when a resolution declaring
a want of confidence in the Government was broUght forward,
1 distinctly announced the intention of proposing additional
taxes to meet, the increased expenditure Of the country."
We will notstrouble. Lord John Russell to tell us by what
course of policy—under whose administration of the Govern-
ment,—this increased expenditure had been incurred ; though
the answer to Mot question might probably be conclusive
against the whsle ease which Lord John or his friends for him
can ever put. in favour of their fiscal management. But why
did the Noble Lord do that for which he thus loftily takes
credit? Why did he "distinctly" make the announcement he
alludes to? 'Because he was compelled to do so. What was
the merit (thus palpably assumed) of the Noble Lord's " dis-
tinct announcement?"—Nothing. So, again, of the eighth
paragraph—
• " But, upon a careful view of our commercial imposts, we
came to the conclusion, that by removing prohibitions, and les-
sening restrictions, it was possible to replenish the Treasury ;
and at the sane time to'secure to the working classes a greater
_command of the necessaries of life at steady and moderate
prices."
Now never, surely; did-the-hero of a political imposture con-
trive a more suicidal assault on his own invention than the
Noble Lord has managed to perpetrate in-this declaration. He
says that under the pressure of this alarming deficiency of the
public revenue, Ministers came to a caretuily-considered con-
clusion " that by removing prohibitions and lessening re-
strictions"—that by such-a course of proceeding, what might be
effected? Observe—" That" (thereby) "it was possible to
replenish the Treasury." Aye ; —that was the pinching
case, the indispensable want; under the contemplation of which
even Mr. Robert Gordon's animal spirits and constitutional
equanimity bad sunk, and Mr. flaring was pining with de-
spair ! The consumers (poor devils !) their sugar wants and
money wants on which Lord John, afterwards so affectingly en-
larged, at this time could not have occupied even that parenthe- •
tic& place, its his Lordship's reflections, to the dignity of which
they are now conveniently elevated in his letter. Too ;Ape Lord
takes great credit fur the aslant-able tneasurcx of
through the blessing of Whig legislators. He th pe-
culiar exultation to the Ronan Catholie a moreJothe
Reform Bill and the Municipal Corporatiorr,t ma); INC sup-
pose that in his hurry,—and having su littlett MS to spare,—
Lord John was unable to look us up (which -IWoulti have been
agreeable for the very rarity of such a discovery) one single
litttle specimen-fruit of the advantages derived by the empire
from any one of these three mrasui es ! The Noble Lord an.
ticipates his fate with a small inkling of resignation :
" As soon as the new Parliament meets, we shall take the
first opportunity of asking for a clear and decided judgment
upon the policy we have proposed.
he result of such all appeal may now be easily foreseen."
At the very mention of Ireland,— that sad infatuation returns
upon him which' has already made shipwreck of the political
character, of himself, the Premier, and all their colleagues.
Lord John Russell insults the credulity, and taxes the forbear-
ance of the who!c British public, and impeaches his own can-
dour and fir dealing by this wondrous statement
In power, we have carried into practical effect the princi-
ples of equality of civil pi ivileges between Protestants and
Roman Catholic=, and have thereby secured to the Crown the
affectionate loyalty of the people of Ireland."
Where are his'preofs of its existence? In the extent and
development of the rilland conspiracy ? In the lawless condi-
tion of three-fourths of that country ? In the treason-twaddle
talked by O'Connell, or the treasonable violenecs of others
la)ruled bY•pl:,saia'inntfiray ? In
inflammatory
appeals to the fierce passions of
n ignorant the unbridled outrages which in
every hour of every clay since the elect.ons just terminated first
opened in Ireland have been perpetratial against life and limb,
property and liberty, at noon Ole and on the public high roads
as well as by night and in the remoter districts of
the - is:and ? lu the political delirium and degrading
buffoonery manifested by the factious priests who have
been • bussing themselves in marshalling captured convoys
of voters carried by force from their intended destination, or
brosight by all the arts whirls crafty superstition can exercise
over the most benighted bigotry, moral and religious and poli-
tical, to forswear themselves, to betray their benefactors,. to
abandon their best friends, to plot and cabal against their land-
lords? Does the Noble Lord, in short, discover this " affec-
tionate loyalty" in the hundreds of thousands of Irishmen
banded together, according to their arch agitator and arch
enemy, O'Connell, to work out the Repeal of the Union? Had
Lo-d John Russell committed no greater act of Ministerial
folly or presumption—than to have chosen such a season, and
such a party pur-
of London;" he
• bas is'uo:he woulda obsrua vts'jeue each:, 12)sitnyi
ae:rifdiits
recedes of
iti
o suchtthe
the
sceitltesa,ct
tifoosrnsss
encoun-
tered and those he has yet to meet; the recorded distrust and
suspicion of the }loose of Commons ; the indignation and 're-
sentment of the British people.
ADVERTISER.—If a Conservative Administration be
fogged at all, any QM of the difficulties with which Sir Robert

Peel will have to contend would swamp it in three months,
even were his majority twice as great as it is. He must either
attempt to retain power by an abandonment of principle, which
will render hitt odious and contemptible to the more honest
poi tints of his own adie•rents, or, if he persist in his attarh-
mut to the principles he lately professed, he will as a surediy
become an object of hatred and derision to the country. Were
it not our fixed opinion that paltry personelities ought to be
avoided its a great and public cause, we should say that the first
obstacle he as ill have to encounter is the known repellence of
the Queen both to his person and his politics. We neither know
nor care whether it be true that he lately had the temerity to
boast "he would make her a Tory in six weeks." The rumour
may, perhaps, be a clumsy parody of the declaration falsely im-
puted to Lord Brougham, when informed of William the
Fourth's intended lapse into Toryism, that " with a bottle of
hlackstrap he would make him a Reformer aeain an half an
hour"—a report which, though based on falsehood, as we have
every reason to believe, made the desired impression on the
sensitive mind of a monarch who, although he frequently forgot
his dignity himself, never allowed others to attempt the smallest
infringement on it. But it is swatter of history that. Sir 11.
Peel outraged the warmest feelings of the Queen when he
bluntly intimated to her that she must sacrifice the friends of
her youth ; and it is matter of fact that, however plausible he
may be in the House of Commons, he is wholly destitute of •
those "Oozing airs," which are supposed to exert an influ-
ence so powerful in the circles of a Court, and in which the
present_ Premier is notoriously emapproached and unapproach-
able. George the Fourth—an authority dear to Tory ears—
lOng ago settled this important point; and since the day when
that prince of gentlemen emphatically pronounced Peel
to be "no gentleman," the Honourable Baronet is un-
derstood to have made no advance in the graces.
These are NV, ighty matters, however, which eve
shall leave to the Solons of the Times, Herald, and Standard,
*ha are gravely writing " leaders "on the rumoured Royal
conversion. We shall proceed briefly to notice one or two
other questions which will quite as.effectnally bar the " proxi-
Mate Premier's" progress, even if he should succeed in the first
ins'aece in "glazing over" the repugnance of the Queen. If to
take up the corn question, which it is impossible for him to
avoid, how will he contrive to unite the interest of the majo-
rity of his supporters on the one hand, and that of the people
Of England on the oilier ? Will the landlords be satisfied with •
any modifica'ion of the sliding scare, unless he make it turn in
their favour? Or will the millions of the country quietly sub-
mit. to have the promised food torn from their grasp the mo-
ment it has been presented to their view ? How is he to re-
concile the avarice of the timber merchants, of the Glads'ones,
and other monopolists of coffee and sugar, with the interest of
the inhabitants of Britain? The small portion of the commer-
cial community ttat now support him, he will find are attached
In his Government solely because be protects those abuses by
svhicli they flourish; and though place may satisfy the Glad-
'stones and a few of the lesser fry, no bribe which it is in his
power to offer will conciliate the others if he attacks their in-
terest by adopting a liberal preicy. He will be still more de-
nuded it he expect he can sacrifice the welfare of England to
!either. If, again, turning his eyes from the heelers in com-
merce to the retailers of cant, in what manneteis lie to act with
the religious part of his supporter§ ? Is the nation to be taxed
to realise the Bishop of London's favourite plan for the erec-
tion of a score of new churches in the capital, when not a
tithe` of those already built are now filled? or' Sir Robert
Inglis's hopeful scheme for extending the same blessing to the
Country that already teems with spires in every direction ? Are
;the thirteen new Bishoprics which the Archbishop of Canter•
'bury, and others on the Episcopal Bench, contemplate creating
en the colonies, to be endowed at the expense of the United
'Kingdom; or does Sir Robert Peel imagine that the whole of
;these men are such hypocrites as to abandon, immediately on
'his access to office, designs which they have declared necessary
for the preservation of the empire both at home and abroad ?
To these queries Statesmen of the calibre of Mr. Goulhurn
;reply by informing us that the new Premier is to govern by
letting things alone.'.' But the Tory Baronet will find such
a course impossible. A great nation must either -advance• or
retrograde, and if he attempts to rule on such•stagnant prin-
ciples, he will only precipitate his own.and his country's fall.
TINIES.—The day before marriage is usteillv devoted to
cettlements, and on Monday, the 19th inst., Lord John Russ
sell, being then at Minto, and having marriage in contempla-
!don, seems to have determined to get rid of all encumbrances
Hat once, and make a clear score of it altogether. Accordingly
!i he employed the evening in "knocking off,". among otter set
tlements, his long over-due address of thanks to his constitu-
i ente of London, and we are informed that, on the next day, the
Noble Lord " led to the hymeneal altar the Lady Frances
Anna Maria Elliot, second daughter of the Earl and Countess
of Minto," &c. Yesterday the ante-nuptial address appeared
in the leading Government Journal, decorated with those
honoints of type which are usually reserved for the speeches of
Ro)alty. Without subscribing to the compliment thus
' intended to be paid to the lucubration of the Noble
Lord, we feel bound in candour to admit that it does not con-
stitute the only point of resemblance. To say as little, and
that little in, as vague and evasive a way as possible, is the
' usual characteristic of Royal Speeches ; and this the "little
• man " has certainly imitated on this occasion with more success
than attended his endeavours to walk in the footsteps of Pitt.
Lord John Russell's Address lays claim to the character of a
manifesto -of the forthcoming Opposition. It is divided ',into
three branches; the first of which consists in a mere recapitu-
lation of the old 'apology fa• the bubble. Budget—an apology
which will be repeated; 'i:9' doubt, to the end of -time, but
which ,even if it had rot been a•tlietusand times disproved, nobody
could ever believe. The second breech .of. Lord Jelin • Rus '
sill's Address is that in which he speakr of the'position and
prospects of his party. •
" As soon as the new Parliament meets, we shall take the
first opportunity of reeking for a clear and decided jujgmcnt
upon the policy we have proposed.
" The result of such an appeal may now be easily foleseen.
In the English cities and ;boroughs there is a small majority in
our favour. In the Scotch cities and boroughs, a eery deci-
sive majority the same way. In the Irish boroughs arid coun-
ties there is also a majority in favour of the policy of the pre-
sent Ministers. In ,the Scotch counties the majority will be
the other way; and in the English counties that majority Will
be overwhelming.
" To tl.ose who recollect Lord Stanley's description of our
English county representation, or who have observed the
effect of the. Chandos clause of the Reform Act, this result
will not be at all surprising. It should be added, however,
that the manufacturing districts have not, as might have
been expected, tended to restore the balance. As no Minis-
ters of the Crown can stand without the confidence of the
House of Commons, our retirement from office will imme-
diately follow the condemnation of our policy. In this altered
position it would be inconsistent with my notions of public
duty,to harraes the Government *of 'the day by vexatious oppo- '
sitien; still less to deny to the Crown the means of maintain-
ing the reputation of the country abroad and internal quiet at
home."
We cannot say that it is any surprise to us to learn that
the Whigs mean to cling to salary till the latest possible inn-
ment; or that we ever . expected them to resign before, the
meeting of Parliament. Still it is impossible not to be struck
by the, unprincipled inconsistency which can announce such
a course in the same breath with a sententious declara-
tion, that "as no Ministers of the Crown can stand
without the etinfiJence of the. House of • Commons, our retire-
ment from office will immediately follow their condemnation of
our policy." The House of Contimens; as bird' John Russell
cannot have forgotten, pronounced sentence of condemnation
upon the policy of Ministers full two months ago. Yet. ;Minis-
ters did not retire. They, pretended to believe that a risS7
House would reverse that judgment, and therefore presumed to
continue in office upon the pretext of appealing to the country.
The appeal has been made, and Lord John Russell does not
now affect to deny that the country has more than ratified the
decision of the House of Commons. The pretence, therefore,
upon which lie has clung to power since the division on Sir R.
Peel's motion is now cut away from under his feet ; and
yet he sticks fast still, and refuses to budge till fairly driven
out by a formal Act of the new Parliament. 'I he re-
cords of that Parliament will probably tell posterity that
such outrages. against the British Constitution
.are not to be
committed with impunity. Of the result of the elections Lord
John Russell speaks, as is his wont, in a spirit of pettifogging
evasion. He boasts of the small majority in his favour in the
English cities and boroughs, of the decisive majority in the
Scotch cities and boroughs, and of the actual majority in the
Irish boroughs and • counties, while be admits, with affected
candour, that in the counties, both Scotch and English, the
majority against him it " overwhelming." But he has for-
gotten to notice the fact, that in no one class of constituencies
in the whole united kingdom has he done otherwise than LOSE
GROUND by this election. He .has lest ground in the
English cities and boroughs : he has lost ground in the
Scotch cities anti boroughs • he has lost ground in the Irish
cities and boroughs; he has last ground in the Irish counties.
Where he had a majority before, that majority is seriously re-
duced ; where he was in a minority, that minority has become
smaller still. Every class of constituencies in the United
Kingeom has dec'ared that its confidence in the Whig Ministry
' has diniinisliNt. is diminishing, and (if their clays wore not
mercifully cut short) would soon have attained, as that of the
aggregate has long since done, to the vanishing point.
Lord John Russell promises that he will offer no
" vexatious opposition ' to the Ministry of Sir Bane
Peel. We do not believe him. He cannot keep this pro •
mist without ceasing to be leader of his party ; and sooner than
that, lie would consent to 'brush Mr. Roebuck's shoes, er per •
form the ho-tow to Mr. O'Connell, in the face of the assembled
Rouse of Commons. The conclusion of the Noble Lord's
speech is prefaced by a prophecy, that the "great principles of
religious, civil; and commercial libcity," will not suffer from
the retirement of. the Whigs. Lord John Russell may com-
fort himself with the assurance that the country is of the same.
opinion. We may now hope to be governed by men whose
notions of religious liberty will embrace churchmen, the great
majority of the nation, as well as the noisy minority who fol-
low their own inventions in the paths of Dissent—men whose
exertions in the cause of civil liberty will not terminate in re
during paupers to the-condition of slaves, arid merging local
government in centralization, and whose zeal for commercial
liberty will never prompt them to do what (by their own con-
fession) would be likely to retard the settlement of important
commercial questions.
POST.—Lord John Russell, who continues to be her I‘la-
jesty's Secretary for the Colonies, was married on Tuesday in
the south of Scotland, to a daughter of the Earl of Minto, who
continues to be the First Lord of the Admiralty. On Monday
Lord John Russell penned an address to the electors of the city
of London, not on the subject of [its marriage,- but upon his fu'
tune prospects, which we trust are of far more blissful aspect in
teepect to his private, than they appear to be in respect to his
public career. His Lordship's address to the electors of Lon-
don relates wholly to politics, anti by no means implies that
happiness of temper, or love of truth, which one would naturally
wish the Noble Lord to have been posSessed of at such a time.
We have never been able to think otherwise than very slightly
of Lord John Russell. In this we know that we differ from
many whose experience and judgment see respect, but we
think that we too, found our opinion upon good evidence. We
look upon him to be a person without any honesty of purpose
or largeness of mind, in respect of political affairs. He is not
without dexterity in the management of party matters, and
perhaps he is, upon the whole, about us good a leader as such a
party could have. But we cannot regard him as a public man
with anything like respect. Ile seems to have at once a low
and a reckless mind—a mind which is ever condescending to
small shifts and pract ices, and yet apt enough to lie deeperate,
even whets great results are concerned. His Lordship's sddress
to the electors of London, instead of shaking this de-
rision respecting his public character, tends to confirm
it. To. us this address—considering that it comes from
a leading man—appeals to be fussy and contemptible.
The most important point in the address is the notifies
tints
winds it gives that the present Ministers do not
mean to resign until " they have asked for a clear and decided
judgment mate the policy they have proposed." Now, we look
upon this, and we trust, the British public wall look upon it, as
nothing better than impudent mockery. Ministers know very
well what is the clear and decided judgment of a large majority
of the present representativesof the people upon the Ministerial
policy which has been Proposed, Lord John birnself says that

-