The Sun.
London, England, 1841-11-27 00:00:00

PUBLIC OPINION.

In a leading article on the subject of naval and' mili-
tary promotions, the Morning Post makes the following
remarks :—" England is superior to any other country
in the world in the commercial marine, which is the
only natural, and always indispensable, source of an
efficient naval force. It is to this, we imagine, com-
bined with the vigour and steadiness of the national
character, which British sailers and soldiers share alike,
rather than to any superiority in the system of one ser-
vice over that of the other in respect to the promotion
of officers, that the more prompt and constant supe-
riority of our naval force over every antagonist is to be
ascribed. As to the system of promotion in the two
services respectively, if we may judge from the number
of complaints arising in each, we should certainly -be
led to conclude that the system of the army is infinitely
the better of the two. Nor is this conclusion in the
smallest degree invalidated by the fact that our military
force being less intimately connected with the peculiar
character, habits, and resources of the nation, and con-
stantly opposed to the formidable military arm of other
countries, has not been as invariably triumphant over
every foe as our naval force."

The Times, referring to Sir Robert Peel's Irish policy,
observes as follows :—" It will henceforth be clear to the
whole of Ireland upon what principles Earl de Grey
means to govern. To consolidate, and not to divide, to
pacify and not to exasperate, to fuse together all parties,
and not to favour one—this will be his policy, this his
august function. The curse of Ireland does not lie either
in the numerical. preponderance of her Roman Catholic
population, br in the superior endowments of the Church
recognised in the State, but in the deadly distractions,
feuds, and animosities which struggles for an exclusive
pre-eminence have created. Let the Irish Protestants,
on the one hand, welcome the majority of their coun-
trymen to their full share of influence and civil privi-
leges, to which nature, reason, and the law of the land
proclaim their right—let the Irish Roman Catholics, on
the other, respect the conscientious obligations of the
Imperial Legislature, and the established settlement of
property, and a new era of peace and prosperity will
dawn upon their common country."—lt is not from Earl
De Grey's policy—at least if it is to continue as it has be-
gun—that these desirable results can be anticipated. His
Lordship, it is true, hoists the flag of impartiality, but he
is not true to his colours, and acts under the banner of
party. What else, however, was to be expected from a
member of a temporising expediency Government ?
The Herald thus pathetically bewails the present sec-
tarian disturbances in the University of Oxford:—" The
present aspect of the University of Oxford exhibits a
most deplorable picture of theological strife and debate.
The University which has heretofore been considered
the rock and fortress of our Protestant Church is now,
alas ! split, into conflicting sects and factions—some call-
ing out for the admission of Dissenters, and others for
the union with Papists. The quiet haunts of academi-
cal study are now beset with the struggles of Puseyites
and Liberals. Even the vacant chair of Poetry is en-
compassed with the demons of discord, and Dr. Pusey
scares away the Muses with the trumpet of a polemic.
The prototypes of all this double double, toil and trou-
ble,' are to be found in the concoctors of that logic which
glories in the name of Dr. Whately, but which was
equally the child of Newman."—lt is a curious complaint
of our Contemporary that Puseyism and Liberalism are
the results of logic—that is to say, of the reasoning fa-
culties. Had he complained that they resulted from the
non-exercise of reasoning, there would have been some-
thing in his complaint.
The Chronicle says:—" Lord Nugent is a Corn-law
Repealer, and advocates free-trade principles, but dis•
approves of some of the Anti-Corn-law League, to which
body his Lordship was sent as a delegate by the Mary-
lebone Vestry. He therefore tendered his resignation;
but, at the desire of those whom he represented, agreed
to continue to act on their behalf. His Lordship's dis-
satisfaction, not with the objects of the League, but with
some of its means, might be well or ill founded ; but,
passing that question, his course, first in resigning and
then in resuming his appointment, appears to us
straightforward, honest, and patriotic. The Times,
however, characterizes it as one of frailty," im-
becility," stultification,' and, by implication, as
not ' honourable.' His Lordship will probably not
be greatly moved by this soft impeachment,' even
though he be the Duke of Buckingham's uncle,' and
continues to act as the representative of Marylebone in
the Anti-Corn-law Parliament.' But there is more in
the censure cast at him than a personal reflection. It
assumes, and is directed to enforce, a principle of politi-
cal conduct which we know very well that the Times re-
pudiates for itself, but which it would gladly see applied
by the public to the Corn-law question ' • or, indeed, to
any other question by which its party is likely to be em-
barrassed. The principle amounts to this: that we ought
not to co-operate for the attainment of a just and pa-
triotic object, unless we approve of the mode in which
others are actively labouring for the attainment of that
same object. A very comfortable doctrine would this be
for the possessors and abusers of power, and a most con-
venient shelter for the. most iniquitous oppressions."