The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-25 00:00:00

THEATUE,ROYAL COVENT GARDEN.

, _ ........
UNDER THE 'MANAGEMENT OF MADAME
It ESTR.I S.
THIS EVSNING, J. 2.5,
Will be performed Colman and Garrieles
CLANDESTINE MARRIAGE.
Lord Ogleby, , Mr. W,*Farren; Loveweil, Mr. G. Vanden-
hoff ; Sir John Melville, Mr. Coopor; Stering, Mr. F. Mat_
thews; Mrs. Heidelberg, Mrs. C. Jones ; Mis. Sterling, Mrs.
Nisbett ; Fanny, Mrs. Walter Lacy ; Betty, Mrs. Orger.
TO conclude with the New Grand Comic Chiutmas Panto-
i mime, entiiled
HARLEQUIN AND THE MERRIE DEVIL OF_ED-

MONTON ; OR, THE GREAT RED OF WARE.
Weih entirely New Scenery. Machinery, DressoL, and De-

eorations.
I Har.equin, Mr. C. J. Smith ; Clown Mr. T. Ridgway ;
Pantaloon,Mr,Morelli ; Merrie Devil, Mr. Gibson ; and Co-

=bine, Miss Fairbrother.
Dress Boxes, is; Second. Price, 3s. 6.1. ; First and Second
Circles. ss. ; Second Price, t:s. ; Pit, 3s. ; Second Price,
1 t,s.; Gallery, Is.
\ Doors to be opened at half-past Six—the performances to
commence at Seven o'Clock.
Tickets and places for the Boxes to be taken of Mr. dotter,
'• at the Box-office, from Ten till Four, wh re Season Tickets
may be had upon application.
Private Boxes to be had solely of Mr. Andresys. bookseller
I, 167, New Bond-street.

ROYA L SURREY THEATRE.
The Grand Comic Pantomime, universally allowed to be the
best iii London. is atttac!ing the most brilliant overflows
ever witnessed, and will be repeated every evening.
THIS EVENING, JAN. 25,
Will be repeated, an entirely new Legerulat v Drama, Galled
THE LAPIDARY OF LEYDEN.
After which, the New Romantic Drama, called
MICHAEL EARLE, THE 31ANIAC LOVER.
Character: by Messrs. Saville, H. Hughes, Aevilie, John-
oa, and Smith; Mrs Vinin7, Mr!. Day, and Miss Martin!
To conclude IN u h the New Grand Christmas Pantomime, called
THE QUEEN BEE, OR HARLEQUIN AND GOODY
TWO SHOES.
The splendid Scenery by Mr. Brunning—The magnificent
Diorama by Mr. P. Phillips,
Columbine, Miss Sharpe ; Harlequin, Ciown, Pantaloon, and
Sprite, by the Bolero Family.
Messrs. Sams of St. James's-street; Andrews, Ebers, and
itc hell, Bond-street ; and Seguin of Regent-street, Rook-
scilers, are appointed to let Private and Public Boxes during
toe son of the Pantomime.

HIGH-WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO- .10RIZO W.
o, nines 47 m':ntttes alter 6, j Evening II minute alter 7

_
lc-,
*--",

erseeutlon. He declined to follow the cha
Bishop's recommendation, and direct the law against
the Socialists. - A-

The Bishop of LONDON wished the Government to
interfere, and assured their Lordships that the Socialists
were incraasiag.. He insisted on its being the duty
of the Government to give circulation and extent to
sound Caristi:ln priacipi,a:, and he did not rety on
truth and goodness to obtain the mastery over talse-
hood and vice. He stated that the two Members for
Coventry had subscribed to build a Socialist Hall in
that town.
Viscount MELBOURNE denied that he was in any way
responsible for Mr. OwEN's opinions from having pre-
sented him at Court. He had merely performed a
formal duty, and lent him his card in order to enable
Mr. OWEN to present a petition to the QUEEN. He
expressed a strong reliance on the force of truth in put-
ting an end to these pernicious doctrines, and made
some strong and pointed remarks against the calumnies
to which he had been exposed. Like the Marquis of Non-
MANEy, he doubted the prudence of the course recom-
mended by the Bishop of EXETER, and declared that he
had always thought Mr. OwEN's opinions wild and
mischievous. The Noble Lord said that of late years it
had been the policy of all Governments to give the Puss
its full swing, but he doubted, from the calumiles and
falsehoods that were now propagated, whether the
public would endure it much longer. The Noble
Viscount concluded an eloquent speech with some
strong and remarkable observations on the peculiar and
exaggerated opinions row prevalent in society.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE quoted part of a letter from
Sheffield, stating that the introduction of Mr. OWEN to
the QUEEN was a voluntary act on the part of Lard
MELBOURNE.
The Duke of WELLINGTON thanked the Ri2ht
Reverend Prelate for calling their Lordships' attention
to the subject. He admitted that it was a most difficult
subject, and was not certain how it could be best dealt
with. The Government should warn Magistrates, how-
ever, on the subject, and in some way or other pro-
nounce an opinion against the system.
After a few observations from the Earl of GALLO-
WAY, the petitions were laid on the table, and their
Lordships adjourned.
In the Commons, the SPEAKER. informed the House
that the Sergeant-at-Arms had a communication to
wake to the House. The Sergeant was called in, and
stated he had been served with a writ of Habeas
Col nus,.commanding him to bring up the bodies of the
Sheriffs.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved- that the Sergeant
be directed to make a return to the wri;. that he holds
the bodies of the Sheriffs by the order of the House of
Commons.

After. a few remarks from Mr. GODSON and Mr.
CRESSWELL, the motion was agreed to. The ATTOR•
NEY-GENERAL thinks that the Queen's Bench will
proceed no further.
Sir JOHN BULLER announced that the terms of his
motion would be, that the Ministry, as now constituted,
does not possess the confidence of the House.
After a variety of notices and petitions, that are
shortly reported in the debate, Lord JOHN RUSSELL,
in a Committee of Supply, moved that the sum of
0,000/. be granted to Prince ALBERT of Saxe Gotba
on the occasion of his marriage with her MAJESTY.
After some conversation chiefly about the mode of
putting the several questions, further proceedings on the
subject were postponed till Monday, and the House
adjourned.

The Birmingham election has been decided in
favour of Mr. Birmingham
The ancient, consistent,
and amusing advocate of Catholic persecution, the
Chancery Knight, made a much worse figure en
the poll than we expected, but honourable to the
Reformers of Birm:ngliam.

According to a statement in the Morniag
Chnnicle the gentlemen of the Bar have been ad-
vertising for clients against the House of Commons.
Lest individuals should not be enconraged suffi-
ciently by the success of Mr. STOCKDALE, by
Lord DENMAN'S avowed opinions, and by the cer-
tainty that the Sheriffs—at least during a Proroga-
tion—will execute the law, the gentlemen of the
bar " pledge themselves individually to lend their
professional assistance to the humblest individual
in the land. who may think fit to bring an action
against the House of Commons." We have heard
for some time that briefs are remarkably scarce in
Westminster Hall, and we are not much surprised
at the members of the " noble profession," seizing
the present opportunity to bring all the grist possi-
ble to their own mill.

We are not disposed to enter into a criticism of
the Protest, lest it should be, as we trust it is, a
hoax, for it can scarcely be considered &cent that
the members of the Bar should speak of the House
of Commons as " a democratic body," whose " en-
croachments the courageof a DENMAN is praised
for " curbing." At the same time we are
inclined to think that there is good foundation
for the spirit of hostility which is ascribed to the
Bar, by several persons, towards the ReArrned
House of Commons. That House has made some,
though feeble, attempts to sweep out the Augean
stable of the law ; it has effected some, though but a
little good ; and the whole tribe of lawyers, who live
by the fictions they reverence, and the quirks they
invent, dread every kind of reasonable reform, as
bringing their mystical and enigmatical craft into
danger. Their bread-winning cunning has lost some
of its advantages, by the conduct of the reformed
House of Commons ; they fear to sufFdr still mote ;
and the whole body is very likely to combine to
perserve, as far as possible, the dominion of their
grimgribber over the whole property of the country.
We make these few observations, seeing that much
is now said of the contast between privilege and law, ,
to show our readers that, if we are opposed to the
House of Commons on some points in the privi-
lege question raised by Mr. STOCKDALE, we do
not make common cause with the rapacious Bar
and the ambitious Bench.

We are really anxious that the House of Com-
mons should possess, undisturbed and unopposed,
the privilege of publication within due bounds,
and therefore we wish to see it placed on the broad,
general foundation of public utility. For the same
reason we wish to see that House so conduct its pri-
vilege quarrel as to merit and obtain public sup-
port. Amongst the many sinister interests the
nation must quietly overcome, by means of the
House of Commons, is that of the lawyer tribe,
and to subdue them it is essential that it be armed
with the privilege of making publicly known all
the vile chicane and contrivances by which that
tribe have perverted the noble art of administering
justice into a gainful scheme of perpetrating and'
perpetuating wrong. That tribe is immensely
powerful ; it is firmly fixed in the Upper House,
it is rooted in all the Courts, and for the House of
Commons to be victorious in a contest with it,
no power public opinion can lend it ought to be
denied.

On this account we regret to see the privilege
claim. placed, as we think, on an insecure founda-
tion. Thus it is asserted by the A TTORNEY-
GENERAL that the Bill of Rights establishes for
the House of Commons the privilege of not having
its debates and proceedings impeached or questioned
in any place out of Parliament. Now, the Bill of
Rights was wholly (Lrected against the usurpations
of the Crown and the Judges, and nothing was in
the contemplation of those who drew it up but pro-
tection for Parliament against the aggressions of
the two hostile powers mentioned. Least of all
was it ever intended to be a protection for the
Huse against the then almost unknown Press,
and .the then dependent Constituencies. It was not
meant that the House should not be questioned by
the public. As the House of Commons has in-
terpreted its privileges in modern times, however,
" any place, out of Parliament," has been held to
be a bar against the scrutiny and condemnation of
the people. Placing the privilege required on such
a foundation is the certain means of making it on
Popular, and depriving the House of Commons of
public support.
If the privilege of not being questioned out of
Parliament for what is done in it be only a defence '
against the Crown and the Courts, it follows, we
think, that Parliament may be questioned by
apralyriiianmdicviildtuaalll'ofwors
atnhyatintoj
übrey idtomneayonlyiflibcyt
po
en t
thi iomn
but if it mean to limit the people to that single
mode of redress for its own wrongs, that should be
expressly stated and known.

The Judges were, in the time of CHARLES
I.
and JAMES IL, in the habit of condemning
PMem-
bers of the House of Commons on the prosecution
of the Crown, or at its instigation, and the part of
the Bill of Rights referred to was strictly meant, we
believe, not to prevent individuals from appealing
to a Court for redress in case of being wronged b;
a servant or a Member of the House of Col:mons-
but to prevent the Crown from prosecuting and in-
juring Members by means of the Courts. On this
ground we hold that it is on the part of the Com-
mons altogether an erroneous and unjustifiable ex.
tension of the privilege conceded by the Bill of Rights
to set it up as a bar against individuals seeking re-
dress for any injury it may do them by any other
means than petitioning the House itself.
Another principle which has been very imprc-

THE SEJN. L

perly, we think, pressed into the controversy, so far
as the particular case is concerned, is the grand in-
quisition principle. The House of Commons is
said to be the grand inquest of the nation ; it is
bound to pry into all abuses. Then a fine picture
is drawn of hunting out the iniquities of some great
culprit, dragging him to the bar, and obtaining
redress and vengeance for the people ; which is all
very fine, but is a most pompous and misplaced
introduction to a poor case of paltry libel on a
private individual. We have contended above, and
always shall contend for the power of the House of
Commons to pry into public abuses, and insist
that it is one of its highest duties to drag public
delinquents, however lofty their station, before the
bar of public opinion. There may be some diffi-
culty, we admit, in defining the limits of that
power ; but, between dragging to light a public
delinquent and publishing any kind of defamation
of a titan who fills no public station, who does what
is perhaps wrong in his ordinary calling, there is
such a wide difference, that the House of Com•
mons, in our estanation, injures a good cause by con-
necting the miserable, paltry case of SToCKDALE
with such -a noble and necessary function.
We do not join the Tory press in condemning
the conduct of the House of Commons, because it
is led on by the Ministers ; but we wish to see the
privileges it claims placed on grounds which are
dikely to be good in 1940 as well as now. The
seventeenth century will never return. The princi-
ples then acted on will not be suffered to guide our
successors. It is useless or even absurd, therefore,
to appeal only to that. A time, it may be hoped,
will come, when Kings and Law CoUrts will be
estimated by the utility they are of to society, and
then the privileges of the House of Commons,
which can only be defended on the ground, that
they were necessary to enable the House to resist
arbitrary Kings and tyrannical Judges, will be
,considered as superfluous, if not nuisances, by the
public.

It will be seen by our report from the Queen's
Bench, that the Court has declined at present to in-
terfere, on account of noreturn having yet been made
to the writ of Habeas Corpus. The LORD CHIEF
JUSTICE said he supposed a return would be made.
By our report of the proceedings in Parliament, it
will be seen that the SERGEANT-AT ARMS has
been directed to return, that he holds the bodies of
the Sheriffs by virtue of a warrant from the
SPEAKER. Which, then, of the two—the Judges
or. the Commons—will now give way ? Those
Journalists who have already asserted that the
Commons had retired from the conflict, are evi-
dently in error.

The House of Lords presented last night another
example of Mr. CARLYLE'S statement, that the
working classes are seeking for guides and leaders.
Great numbers of them, it appeals by the state-
ment of the Bishop of EXETER, have embraced
Socialism, and have adopted principles directly op-
posed to the principles on which political and re-
ligious society are at present founded in this coun-
try. They no longer follow the Church, which is now
correctly described as not teaching the people nor
the aristocracy, which is equally correctly described
as not ruling them.
Viscount MELBOURNE seemed at the close of
his speech to suppose that such peculiar and ex-
traordinary opinions were the natural spawn of un-
quiet times; but the Nobie Viscount and the Peers,
who will probably on this point go with him, will
fall into a sad and lamentable mistake if they
suppose that these wild opinions have not some
foundation in facts. Every general faith is founded
on some general principle, and contains in it some
important truth. It is not suitable, therefore, to
the dignity of the Legislature to lay aside the im-
portant matter of which in truth Socialism, and
Chartism, and Puseyism are only parts, without
further inquiry,--satisfied by an assertion that these
strange opinions are the offspring of unquiet times.
The unquiet times grow from the strange opinions,
and their origin must be ascertained before any ra-
tional steps can be taken to put an end to them.
It is quite certain that opinions are as much under
the influence of general laws as the phenomena of
matter. In fact, all men refer for the correction of
their opinions to the external world, which ultimately,
therefore, models them, and makes them in the end
as regular as itself. At present, however, our so-
ciety presents to view the remarkable circumstance
that the great mass of the. people are exposed to
great physical suffering, for which the prevalent
theories of Government anti religion do not account,
and cannot find a remedy. Nay, more, they give no
hope of redress or relief. It is the struggle to
escape from this abyss of suffering and misery, out
, of which neither the Church nor the State offers
the multitude the least clue, which makes them
ready to try any doctrine, however wild, which
gives them the least hope or promise of improve-
ment. Until the Government, therefore, relieve
the physical suffering of the people, which it can
do—until the Church show them the way w hap-
pinees, the wild doctrines propagated will gain
more favour with the suffering multitude than the
doctrines on which Bishcps are enriched, and
Nobles maintained, in unjust and unvarying
affluence.
One thing is made palpable by
Thee
statement
of the Bishop of EXETER. Church
has not •instructed the people, is not fol-
lowed by them, and as a political institution is a
complete failure. It abounds in wealth, it has an
army of priests, but the Socialists and the Char-
tists who threaten the peace of society forsake,
despise, and contemn it. The Bishop of EXETER
is sensible of that, and he would fain call on the
arm of the law to make the people believe the doc-
trines which he gets a large revenue for teaching.
The gist of his observations last night was that
there ought to •be an inquisition established into
mere opinions, and some certain opinions should
be put down by persecution. Fortunately for the
peace of the country, our civil rulers have
more discretion, as in olden times, than our
ecclesiastical superiors. Let the latter but
get a little more power, and be a little
more afraid of its continuance, than at present,
and if the fires of Smithfield be not re-
kindled, it will be because secret dungeons—
solitary confinement—will answer their purpose bet-
ter than public displays of cruelty and heroism. The
debate in the House of Lords last night will
convince every reflecting man that every day in
which the Legislature neglects to institute a solemn
inquiry into the condition of England, hastens for-
ward great and alarming dangers.

The Standard of yesterday contained an article,
the object of which was to show—with reference to
Sir JOHN YARDE BULLER'S notice of motion of
a want of confidence in ministers—that a minority
in the House of Commons may have the same
" moral effect as a majority. We congratulate
our contemporary on the glorious chance that his
party has of obtaining this minority ; and are per-
fectly rgree4 with him also, as to the " moral ef-
fect " likely to accrue from it. It will indeed have
a striking " moral effect." it will convince all un
prejudiced people that the Tory pear is not yet
ripe; that the faction, though numerically strong,
is morally weak ; and that the country has not yet
forgotten nor forgiven the vast amount of public
suffering occasioned by a long system of Tory
mist ule.

Sir JOHN BULLER'S notice of motion was
evidently no impromptu matter. The scheme was
laid beforehand, in the confident expectation that
the elections would have turned out, if not wholly,
at least in a great degree, favourable to the Tories.
Herculean efforts were known to be making at
Newark—at Devonport—at Southwark, and else-
where ; and it was presumed that these efforts
would scarcely fail to be successful. Besides, the
more ardent spirits of the party were desperate, and
desperation knows no impossibilities. But, alas! the
Tories—as they have so otten done of late—reckoned
without their host. They shouted before they were
c!ear of the wood. Defeated at their stronghold,
Newark—defeated at Devonport, notwithstanding
DERRY DAWSON'S convenient change of opinion.
on the Corn-laws—defeated, too, we hope, at Ba-
verley—defeated, iu short, wherever they have
ventures: to make a stand. The Tories have now
nothing left, but the consolation which they may
derive from the " moral effect" certain to be pro-
duced by their minority.
We can afford to pity them, for their expecta-
tions were high-raised, and it is only within the
last one or two days that they have talked of their
tame
theys said
l their organs,
" minority." Previously to the Southwark Elec-
tion, they were as vain-glorious as Bobadil. The
Ministry,
must go out ; and it is
high
have forty-eio
sthould W hat a marvellous. change
h
hours wrought in their prospects I