The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-05 00:00:00

E'VENING EDITION

in
order to carry his Bill. They had yielded on that point
their opinion to their opponents in order to secure the passing
of themeasure.—( Chee: s.) There had been no less of dignity
to he Noble Lord by the adoption of such a proceeding, and
reference to the House of Commons and the House of
Le'dss while they were constituted as they were at present, he
was. Persuaded that every Ministry to carry their measures
must be prepared to make compromises and concessions to
their opponents —(Cheers)—and that if any Government were
erer to adopt an opposite course, and attempt to pass measure.
4'ollU-tout listening te their opponents, such a Ministry would
vu lose the confidence of the House and of the country.
ant another part of that Bill that relating to the interests
of the existing incumbents, so strongly had Lord
Alt the
felt the force of the arguments of the Right Hon.
Ilaronet the Member for Tamworth that after requesting a
short time to consider the subject he had acceded to the sug-
gestions of the Right Hon. Gentleman, so
that these con-
'ions were not matters of such entire novelty—( Cheers)—
and without them it would be impossible to conduct any Go-
atee
anent, more especially if the necessity of carrying through
ftreat legislaive measures should be imposed on them.—
•Cheers With respect to the general results of that legislae
(lon, if they looked bsek to the records of the Statute-book
had
the time in which any of those great mess to whom he
trail alluded had taken a leading part in the legislation of the
country, they would find but few instances of the abrogation of
t'
!nut ,
esent had laws, or of the introduction of new enactments ;
Lo d when they looked back to the time that Lord Grey and
Alellicurne had been in office, it was impossible not to see
4,
ait treat
at great changes had taken place, some of them entirely in
of legislation, and others in matters relating
administration as well —(Loud heers.) Th e Right
L'anourable Gentleman had said that if he fame to the
aadministration of the affairs of this country it should
re, recollected that he had been ten years nut of administration,
d therefore he must take time to consider the whole financial
feessituatio of the country. He (Lord John Russell) must con-
ti,_ that that seemed to him a somewhat curious statement of
night Hon. Gentleman, as if he had not been narrowly
i'halehi"g the progress of affairs.—(Cheers. ) But taking
bue,llight Hon. Gentleman's own position, he (Lord John
.811) would describe to him the changes which he would
tChadtaken place since lie had quitted the administration of
left the country,
When he left the administration off affairs, he
e power of sending from 150 to 200 Members to that
~oeuse, entirely in the hands of individuals, who either returned
or bargained for the patronage of the Government
ti-"t`ea.tri:etne's
the friends of that Government, or sold the represen •
towns, for a
such}early pension. He Birmingham, the reat manufacturing
„ as Manchester, Leeds, and Sheffield,
the great seats of our manufacture and commerce totally un-
IP_Pwesented• lie would find no such nominees in existence
~,ms. and he would find the great manufacturing towns
pep
.tecl to the elective franchise.--( Loud cheers.) When he
detect Asiministration; he left 800,000 human beings consi-
-14,e " Roods sod chattels, treated with all the humanity of
liar to heasts—( Cheers )41i'sposed of as mere property, and
liev all the misfortunes attending compulsory labour.
euld souses and now find them all free men, in the enjoyment of
face of Property, and as well off as any labourer on the
. the earth.—(Loud cheers.) He left such abuses in the
the
itaztration of the Poor-law as were rapidly swallowing up
of th led Ireperry of the country and debasing the character
and
atouring classes. He would find the landed property
class"
the country freed from that danger, and the labouring
c r es raised in character.—( Cheers. ) He left the municipal
jratien', in many instances, self-elected, in all administer
htq ex! fueds, disposing of those funds; very often corruptly,
%all,vaYs withont popular control or superintendencen,
osdpreu'd find that popular control had been introduced
local l° improve the management of the funds and to reform
of ec g°lzernment.—( Hear, hear.) He left the tithes a source
coos,flastant dispute between the clergyman and his parishioners,
pea,
,etlY making those relations which should be those of
of ijie a,n,d charity, and benevolence, relations of disunion and
been .1?"1. He would find that those sources of contention had
whon, removed, and that that Church which the Noble Lord
( He had just spoken, said they had done so much to injure—
suroar' bear)—was avowedly more strengthened by the' mea-
itu for their removal than by any measure which had been
told by any previous Administration. He was not to be
Gentle
at that plan was partly the plan of the Right Honourable
if the"ernan' The attempt was first made
Al
Lord Althorp, an
R.,7 had bad the misfortune, like Lord lthorp, to introduce
Bill en the subject of tithes for two successive yearsav , without
the•
tYlet it through the House, they would no doubt he heard of
fact asa part of the offence. ( Hear, hear.) The important
coo was that they had introduced a measure which, in the
the se, jof
system year. promised to extinguish all the evils of
law Die
(1-I,ear, hear. ) He had hinted at the Poor-
left itt for England. In Ireland the Right Hon. Gentleman
out „." Poor, the destitute, the maimed, and the infirm with-
tleb:-Y legal provision whatsoever. He would find that, after
solutes which occupied two months, provision for such per-
itle far Provided by law, and lie believed the foundation was
(Hess'''. a great social and moral improvement in Ireland.—
dispute) The Right Hon. Gentleman left a constant source of
the between the Clergy and the Dissenters with respect to
fit Performance of the marriage ceremony according to. the
ta".°l- the Church of Fngland, and the necessity of receiving
_.Ptisto
at the Church -of England in order to obtain the re-
flils_tration nf the births of children of Dissenters. He would find
• Whets had been passed to remove those causes of. grievance,
11that those grievances had been removed which were at ]
11 e simple, and which was not complained of by any party. !
he had spoken of the English Corporation Act. The Right
exocrlit;
.Gentleman left the corporations of Ireland the seats of
1. isiveness and intolerance, to the injury of the great mass j
t People. At present the right principle had been intro-
("esat although it had not been acted upon, as he (Lord
rir,4ll.uasell).thought it would havebeen in its details, but the
of'sj Principle had been introduced of making the corporntions
Offer.gr.aat towns of Ireland subject to popular control.— ,
alCd hews). There was another subject to which he must ,
ezei,L.ne attention of tit! Haorutsye for a moment ; it was one not
discussion, but upon which a
vesgong certainly much
.eat change hadtaken place, and in which the present
amt'snritstration had borne their part ; he referred to the I
sleepailltents in the criminal law. He spoke, then, not of
ale form al amendments, but of amendments which had
.7ed the inimbev Of prisoners who had been both sentenced i
of "e a% and exec ed. He had asked for a return the other day
that the number, from 1821 inclusive. He found t
s in the first five years, to 1825, there were 5,2205 I
eni.
4y ti'lleed to death, and 364 executed, being an average of 7
111; that from 1826 to 1830 there were 6,679 sentenced to
thrps-',lied, 388 executed; being an average of 61 yearly. Taking
l.`osee.:°,,usfrom 1831 to 383 b, inclusive, there were 5,059 sen-
Ine five-I'ft% and 010 executed, being an average of 42. In
death aLears from 1836 to 1840 there were 1,181 sentenced to
that '),—;,',(411v 51 executed, being an average of 10 yearly. So
'a th.4l-e in the Brat 19 years 672 prisoners were executed—
tut 5ei.4t.„,10 years there were but 261, and in the last five years
tleiti'"ar this was a change which the Right Hon.. Gen-
,egithan
would find in the law. It was a change still going on
ehajeßard to the liability to capital punishment, and it was.tha
kreat'e "hish he ( Lord J. Russell) certainly regarded with
l',llll tut sfaction. Now put together these various Acts, the e-
Aso„,Acts the Abolition of Slavery Act, the Poor-law Act, the.
Boor. 'e,'Pal Corporation Act • the English Tithes Act, the Irish
;:,.e Act, the Registration of Births, Deaths, and Mar-
lsters Act, the Irish Corporation Act, the Acts for the amend-
teateit of the Criminal -.Law ; added to those, perhaps, the
a"
Union 'Act • and he would ask whether in an ten
la 4 —r.4--.( Hear; and l'oud cheers from the Liberal Benches)—
i,minsstrations of that country had ever introduced greater
lo more important measures—( Hear, hear)—had introduced,
(1..5"t141 sa reater and more important improvemerits ? t
ud cheers.) And yet it was upon their legislation tha
Wes e to be censured by Hon. Gentlemen opposite.—
, tear he „s
"Irer 4 ) Putting aside and giving up every question of
I.,tt ral and .axternal administration, every thing done by the
ehaeetnive at Lome, in the colonies, and abroad, founding their
tocttrges solely upon what had been done by Ministers to pro-
-1 legislation-La was upon legislation, and the failure of
Mss that they founded their charges.—( Cheers.) This
a Part of what had been done, omitting minor and inferior
eili• tylsich were not, without their importance; but with which he
ee 4 not trouble the House then. These were the important
ehollges which had been introduced by the Administration so
.the Red, and,
lie would say, so calumniated on the other side of
let e?se•—( Great cheering from the Liberal benches.)
kith
the reeellec,ed, too, that these great changes, beginning
dig"f,,,tne Rtfurm Act, exhibited none of the fatal and
had at effects of revolution ; that they had not seen what
alloc'eemnranied great changes in former days m this country,
the st in the present day in other countries. Civil war and
e4ffects of the division of parties running to arms against
with °liter. On the contrary, while these charges were made
11., respect to the management of the finances, the security of
ri,. funds showed that there had been increasing prospe-
44trorn the time when, in 1830, Lord Grey's Administration
the Is,nee, he %you'd even say, from 1835, the period taken
e =Noble Lord opposite ; nor *bile these changes were
psec- On. bad there been- any serious disturbance of the public
might He (Lord J. Russell) had been sensitive—perhaps it
rallyd " said rather too sensitive—with regard to what were
i;hsll organic changes ; fearing that, after the Reform. Act,
Asia g's or the same kind would lead to a perpetual habit, and
lag P"Petual desire of change, which at length might en-
liis all the most valuable and the most sacred institutions. But
anti
v_esation was, that in making very considerable changes,
eseasf.er_Y great improvements, the country had gone on to in-
trat.; tl'at prosperity had not been disturbed, but, on the con.
Ussi4 'he peaceful pursuits of industry had thriven as much as
,t 1 le„a Tury Administration, who thought it their chief glory
coeac-e things alone—( Hear)—to leave upon the statute-
atilt, the laws of the most barbarous tames, to leave in their
ln °
hs4:istration relics
of tae days of the worst and the greatest
trilLion•—( Hear, hear.)' He had stated what he thought
did the general changes that they had made, and he
think it necessary,
at that late period of the debate, to
whidetch the the 'Horse by going through all those instances
feetses'., had been- stated of measures that had been (-
ree- hat he would refer to three or four of the
(Pr
- earominent upon which this resolution was founded.
s
in s-s, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman stated the
the. Ands of the Appropriation Act, the Jamaica
,Act, and
to theedget. The Noble Lord then proceeds's: :—Mregard
11111 Appropriation Act.' we thought it our duty to introduce‘
whieli was likely to pass through Parliament without
th,.„euftt the clause which we had insisted on. We agreed,
(Lid o (4-et to the change proposed its the Bill, but that change
roati;°,t carry out the change made by the Right, Hon. Gentle-
ro,„4neeausts we were supported in it by the llouse of Com
ar-
lye,
iWe cried it through the House of Commons, and it
'art ti 1 le House of Lords the proposition was made to leave
ees,trie • clause. 1 admit that we had not the support of the
wan )1111 the manner we expected, but that was no proof of a
11,41‘. coinidence.—( Hear, hear.) But when the Right
Paronet says that he considered the resolution as no
ult:2 'nal, although I considered myself bound to support the.
thosent that hail been made, yet I could not advise
"lasi uilln opposed the resolution to be so extremely
( !lean fhat the time will not come when it will be earned.—
beet, r' Hear-) I say this, provoked by the allusions that have
fr,„l:lskade, t I state is without any intention of departing
`le settlement which has been made, on the contrary 1
Preasrren it my support, and intend to uphold the law as it at
ro,„, it exists. T.he next case to which the Right Hon. Ba•
u.bi,iiallud ad was the Jamaica Bill, and I think the manner in
'oar, tile Right Hon. Baronet treated that question was not
to
expect
with his usual candour nor in a manner we had a right
gestaiopte,et,. for he had stated that because we agreed to his sug-
ceessie with •respect to that measure that therefore it must be
aitterettV that we had not the confidence of the House. We con-
-11,,,a_ that the defeat we received upon that measure xas such
%p w, 7 " ere called upon to resign office. We did so, and for doing
!•ven by the Duke of Wellington that we were pre-
Alh,7_•
,The Right Hun. Gentleman was called upon to form an
svhi7l.l tatson, but in eoesequence of the circumstances, to
rooet
.r,s will not recur—(Hear, hear)—the Right Hon. Ba-
emit, Ind not succeed in doing so. The Right Hon. Baronet
had roanl e'll to the House and stated various reasons why he
ire...l it difficult to carry on the Government of the corm •
cis... the Hon. Gentleman has taunted us with our small
01,?Te's but lie should recollect that such Was not the care
otlZes!tuestion of the Speakerslap. The Gentlemen on the
could Lie 01 the House proposed a Gentleman to whom there
the
sae no objection in point of character and fitness and
ea_ ,e:ult was that there was a majority cf 18 in fabour of the
bigetsetoeluidteia)sskors:d by her Majesty's Ministers, Was not this
proof that the House of Commons had
11,4. fidence in the Honourable Members opposite,
ti!lat it had confidence in us ?—( Hear, hear.)
tee,tr_,lght Hon. Gentleman has quoted another instance, with iss;lt!' tr, the New Poor-law Bill. I wish, Sir be had not
aline ?tied that question on the present occasion—the proper
liottsro Mention that Bill was when the 13,11 was before the
ststel,--( Cheers.) Had the Flight Hon. Gentleman then
inlay,' his objections• I should have been ready to give him an
then", to v each of those objections he now makes. I should
e been prepared to have given a proper answer to

those objections upon which he so unfairly states our conduct ; •
but I do not think it is fair to interpose the merits of that Bill,'
in a great party question, the Right Hon. Gentleman having
remained silent during the numerous debates which took place
upon it.—(Cheers.) I will, however, mention one instance ;
lie finds fault with us for not incorporating in our Pill those
alleviations which were recommended by the Committee, and
made by the orders of the Commissioners. Now, Sir, those mat-
ters were very fully discussed by the Government, and had the
question been brought. forward at the proper time, I could have
given him an answer. I had directed clauses to be drawn in
respecting those' alterations recommended by the ComMittee,
and embodying the orders of the Commissioners, but when I
came to consider the eaust's, it seemed to me, and to others
well acquainted with the subject, that looking at the Act of
Elizabeth, and the wide interpretation which had been given
to it, it would he better to keep those matters of detail to be
carried out by orders of the Commissioners. Take, for in-
stance, the case of a labourer, with one of the family ill with
sickness, and relief were to be given to him, as it now is, in
order to enable him and others of the family to go on with
their work ; but suppose that were to be introduced into the
Bill, who could say that it would not renew all the evils of the
old system, and that labourers in full employment, and obtain-
ing wages, might not again be paid out of the Poor.rates ?
( Cheers. ) The security of the orders by the Commissioners
is that they might be varied from time to time, according
to circumstances, without any appeal to the superior Courts of
Law. Sir, I should have been ready to di-cuss all these points
had they been fairly brought forward, when the. Bill was under
discussion, instead of bringing them forward now as a poisoned
garb.—( Loud cheers.) Without going into other questions
which have been introduced into the debate, I will now come to
the last clause of the accusation against us, of having lest the
confidence of the House, viz. the Budget. Denying that the
resolution of the Right Hon. Baronet is at all in the spirit of
the Constitution—denyine that it could ever be generally ap-
plied without great mischief—there still remains to the Mi-
nisters the alternative of resigning their offices, or to advise the
Crown to appeal to the country at large for a decision upon the
points in dispute. Now, Sir, with respect to the Budget, not
intending upon the present occasion to relate to free trade further
than the questions carry me, I must say that I consider the most
important question involved in the proposal of my Right Hon.
Friend is really the question, whether by a change in the diffe-
rential duties un sugar and timber—whether by dim;nishihg
restrictions, and abolishing prohibition, you cannot greatly in-
crease the fund at the disposal of the Treasury, and, at the
same time, save any new taxation.—(Loud cheers.) The Right
Hon. Baronet said he would take a calm review of all the cir-
cumstances of the country, but I do not think that any person
in the House, even without the ability and information of the
Right Hon. Baronet, can avoid coming to the conclusion that
there are very few means for making up the present deficiency.
The one mode is by reducing the navy, diminisbing the army,
and other means at the disposal of the Government. Probably
the state of Europe may in some short period justify the Go-
vernment of the country in making some reduction, but I do
not think that any Minister could undertake to say that a mil-
lion could be saved in those establishments. Another mode
is by going on continually from year to year to bor-
row money, thereby, in fact, only increasing our bur-
dens, and at the same time greatly diminishing the credit
of the country—that, therefore, is a resource which is shut
against any Minister. Then there remains only one mode,
that is the proposal now made by my Right Hon. Friend, a
mode which has never been disputed—a mode by which we
may be enabled to make the revenue very considerably larger.
One other mode alone remains to leave on the old restric-
tions the differential duties on sugar and on timber, and to
leave the Corn-laws as they now stand—to leave the entire
question as it now stands before the country, and to impose
new taxes, or increase the old nnes, or both.—(Cheers. )
That is the only alternative left, and it is an alternative which
presses grievously on the people in two ways. It leaves on
them the existing burdens on sugar, to the growers of that
article, and continues the burdens on the people in respect of
colonial timber, and in fact a double burden upon them, for
the new tax would have to be paid in addition to that which
now exists.—(Cheers.) It is to such a recourse as this that
those who will notj adopt our plans must come ; and, it appears
to me to be a question of such vast importance, that we would
not be justified in bringing it before the country, connected as
it is with the Administration of the country, without consider-
ing it, not merely as a question of legislation, bet as one of vital
importance to the Govei nment.— ( Cheers. ) But then the
question arose that being a proposal so deeply affecting the in-
terests of the people, and opposed as it naturally would be, but
opposed as we certainly did not expect it would be by the com-
bination of great party with the monopolists, the question
arose whether we were upon the first opposition to resign our
offices. That was a question for grave consideration, and I
will not deny that many reas ms offered themselves to the Go-
vernment for taking that course. But powerful reasons as af-
fecting the interests of the people, as effecting the great prin-
ciples which we have put forward, the reasons for not offering
our resignation seemed to me by far the stronger. If
we had offered that resignation, would it not have been said
that we proposed those measures, not with the intention of
standing by them, but were ready to give them up at the first
opposition offered to them? and should we not, in fact as well as
in feeling, have seriously injured the very measures which we
thought beneficial and necessary to the peace of the country?
Why, Sir, so long as there was a chance, so long as it was
possible that by continuing in propounding those measures and
holding ourselves responsible for the consequences, so long as
we had a prospect of carrying those measures, and thus ren-
dering an essential benefit to the country, we felt ourselves
justified in.undertaking the risk and responsibility.
,Sir, I think
the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pembroke has re-
ferred to the opinions of a great man with due authority.
When the Whig party was in a state of discomfiture, and al-
most despondency, Mr. Fox said if he had any hope to pre-
vail aaain in the great cause of civil and religious liberty, he
would not desert that cause.—( Hear, and cheers.) We, who
no doubt are the followers of the principles of Mr.
Fox, cannot pretend to his eloquence or abilities,
but with regard is the nature and importance of the measures
themselves, as they affect the future welfare of the country,
I believe we cannot exaggerate their importance.—(Cheers. )
There was another course which we might have followed. It
is the course so alluded to by the Noble Lord, who seemed to
say that we held it out as a threat ; but which, so far from
alluding to as a threat, we were accused, in a former part of
the debate, of being so ambiguous as not to be understood.
I allude to an appeal to the constituent body of the country.
The Noble Lord quoted a passage of the rebuke given to Mr.
Canning by Lord Grey and Lord Lansdowne when
he uttered that threat. Did we utter any threat,
or attempt to influence the House by any threat?
Sir, we never uttered any threat on the subject. There have
been threats used, but they were used by the Right Hon.
Baronet the Member for Pembroke, who threatened my
Noble Friend and my lion. Friend the Member for Lincoln-
shire with the consequence of their votes.—(Loud cheers.) I
need not say that I trust these threats will have no influence
on the conduct of my Noble and Hon. Friend—(Laughter
from the Opposition benches)—but I think that my Noble
Friends the Members for Lincolnshire stand on far better
ground with respect to their constituents than those who come
forward to supplant them, on the ground that they have at-
tached themselves to the Right Hon. Baronet. What did my
Noble Friend say at Lincoln and in this House? He said
"these measures were brought forward by Minis-
ters whom I support —my opposition may lead to
e dissolution I care not for that ; I will give
them no support whatever, because I consider my princi-
pal object in legislating, as regards the Corn-laws, is an
adherence to the existing law." Now a man might adhere to
those principles, and yet not desert his other principles.—
But what are the principles of the Hon. Gentlemen who
are to succeed them ? They have no ground but that they are
hostile to the present Government, and will support the Right
Hon. Baronet. Support him for what? Not on the great ques-
tions on which he differs from us. For the present Corn-laws?
By no means ; but for that wondrous and inimitable
principle of the sliding scale, which, as my Hon.
Friend most truly said, may be no protection at
all, or may be absolute prohibition.—(Cheers and laughter.)
My Hon. Friend the Member for Lambeth has gathered from
the Right Hon. Baronet that he stands by the
_present law.
I did not so understand him, because the Right Hon. Baronet
could not say both last year and the present that he was dissa-
tisfied with the present law without contemplating some
change, and Ido not think a great question of this sort ought
to be disturbed for the sake of a trifling alteration. Sir, I
believe that if the Right Hon. Baronet had the power he
would make a very great alteration.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Member for Lambeth and 1 have to read the oracle, and
we read it very differently.—(A laugh.) It is a very
obscure and mysterious one ; but I gather from it
that a gentleman of his long experence and pros
deuce, intimating that he was not satisfied with the
present Corn-laws, will, when he has the power, make some
alterations, still preserving the sliding scale • but how far he
will do so must depend on his discretion.—(Much cheers and
laughter.) My Noble Friend, the Member for Lincolnshire,
has been menaced and threatened with the vengeance of his
constituents ; but let them have two men whose on), object
was to support the Right Hon. Baronet, they would say,
" Never mind the Corn-laws—let the scale slide down as low
as it may, being proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet, who
has our confidence, and his object must be to secure the welfare
of the agricultural classes."—( Hear and laughter.) Sir, I
say, then, the great question we had to consider was beween
resignation and an appeal to the constituency of the country.
In a question of such importance, it is our bounden duty to
offer such advice to her Majesty as will procure the decision of
the representative duly consulted on this occasion. I may be
told that this resolutiou is intended as a bar to the exercise of
the prerogative. I cannot deny, though in appearance it may
be, that it is so. I cannot agree with the Noble Lord who
spoke last, that they had no right to interfere with the prero-
gative in the matter of a dissolution. I do think that it is a
matter in which the House has a right sometimes to interfere ;
but the only ground en which it ran be properly interfered
with is, when the House can say that tie course of legislation
and the wishes of the people are proceeding harmoniously ;
and with respect to legislation, if this Hon e :is not dis-
solved, it will be beneficial to the interest of the people.
Then it is that interference is admissible. Sushi
was the ground taken by Mr. Fox in 1784. He said
that the House of Commons was ful.y able to u .dertake the
question relative to India, which n 3 new House of Commons
was competent to do. It was on that ground we proceeded
when in 1835 we moved a vote of censure on the Right Hon.
Baronet for advising the Crown to dissolve Parliament. But
is that the ease with the present Parliament ? I have listened
to this debate, and I have heard, neither from the Right Hon.
Baronet, nor any other person of authority, an assertion that it
was likely, if no dissolution of the pre sent Parlihment took
place—it was likely that if it was extended to a longer period.
or even to the full period of six years, that it would be at-
tended with benefit to the country and improvement to the
legislation. With respect to legislation, and with respect to
the particular question now at issue—the question of the
Budget—various decisions were come to. That was a ques-
tion of great importance, and one that would hardly
be brought to a final issue without applying at one time or
other to the sense of the country. With regard to legislation,
such are the divisioss of party in this House, that it is not
likely if we surrender the reins of office to the Right Hon.
Baronet, he will find himself able to continue the adminis-
tration of affairs with the present House of Commons.—( Mi-
nisterial cheers.) I think that the Right Hon. Baronet and
others who have spoken in this debate, will, as well as every
person out of doors, find that the symptoms of disorder in this
House are such that the Parliament cannot be of long duration,
wit bout some appeal to the people, in carder to show who are
the men in whom they place confidence. If such, then,
is the case—if we cannot produce any effect by
avoiding a dissolution, and if we cannot produce
any effect by resignation, but the apparent effect of abandon-
ing those measures which we have proposed, and deserting those
friends who have supported us—which Lord Melbourne de,
dared world be the imputation which he would least of 41
like to have cast upon him—and perhaps of throwing for some
years to come impediments in the war of those measures of Le-
pislatiog by which they thought they were likely to secure the
welfare of the country. If then, such would be the case, is it
not sufarient to justify the course we are now pursuing—to
justify us in nut kiting the course which t
whe Right Hon. Gen-
tleman says is incumbent on 44 ppurs!3hich 'do not thin
just, either to our principles or to our measopee, —Cheers.)
We will leave this whole question to the judgment of the
country to decide as they think fit. With regard to the resolu-
tion proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman, as a -general
resolution airesithtg the Constitution, putting aside the
merits or demerits of the Administration, I think it is
not right to found a precedent, above all it is not
suited to the present state of Governmoiat,—( Haar. )
I do not think that was tha ground of the dissolution, and I
think it was an unfair charge to bring against his opponents.
But the Noble Lord the Member fur North Lancashire had