The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-31 00:00:00

THE EASTERN QUESTION

TO THE INHABITANTS OF LEEDS.
Pencarrow, Oct. 19, 1840.
FELLOW.CITIZENS,—In the present alarming state
of our foreign relations, it is of importance that a repre-
sentative and his constituents should clearly understand
one another. I address you, therefore, for the purpose of
ascertaining your views, and of submitting to you my own.
An European war seems imminent. Calculate, I be-
seech you, the consequences of such a war—the des-
truction of human beings—the injury to our commerce
and manufactures, poorly compensated by equal injury
to our adversary ; the increase of taxation in this coun-
try already overburdened by debt—the monetary de-
rangement—the increase of misery amongst our working
classes ; the stimulus given to the vilest feelings of na-
tional animosity and hatred, which another quarter of
a century will not allay. These, and an infinitude of
other consequences, equally abhorrent to the feelings and
reason, will ensue from an European war.
I do not deny that there may be great and noble ob-
jects, for which it might well become a mighty and ci-
vilized nation to draw the sword, and where the jus-

Ice of the cause will outweigh erery other considera•

tioc. But do such causes and motives exist at pre-
sent ? For what are we then to contend ? Is it
to defend free institutions ?—to resist tyranny or ag-
gression ?—to spread freedom of conscience and
thought ?—to overturn the oppressor and succour the
oppressed ? No, nor for any other inducement which
common sense or a moment's reflection can justify. For
what then, I ask, have we incurred the chance of an
European war and half unsheathed the sword ? I reply
that it is for the purpose of determining which of two
semi-barbarians shall possess a few leagues more or less
of territory—whether the Sultan or the Pacha of Egypt
shall misgovern Syria, or some portion of Syria, or pos•
sess some miserable fort in Asia Minor. Gracious God !
what know we, what care we, about such disputes ?
What conceivable interest have we in them ? What
right have we to meddle with the domestic concerns of
the Ottoman empire ? I put these questions to all men
of plain and common understanding, and ask for a
straightforward answer. Are we going to protect our
commerce ? The expense of the smallest war will far
exceed the fee-simple of our trade with Syria. Is it
to prevent the Russian from seizing Constantinople ?
Why, then, have we separated ourselves from the only
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Power which has an equal right and desire with our-
selves to stay the progress of the Northern Barba-
rian ? Surely, a stranger or absurder mode of effecting
such an obj2ct could not have been devised, than that of
renouncing the alliance of France? Is it, as it is
said to prevent an European war, which it is sup-
posed might at soma future period ensue in conse-
quence of some dissension between the Sultan and the
Paella of Egypt' In the 17th and 18th centuries, the
personal quarrels of a monarch, the offeaded dignity of
a favourite courtier, or the injured vanity of a harlot,
were sufficient causes for an European war ; but it is
reserved for the wisdom of England, in the 19th cen-
tury, to go to war to preserve peace.

I call then, upon you, my constituents, as men of
sober sense and calm judgment—as deeply interested
in the preservation of peace and tranquillity—as advo-
cates of free trade—as opponents of brute lorce—as
wishing for the supremacy of reason in international as
well as domestic affairs—to come forward and declare
yourselves against this yseless interference in concerns
which are not our own'. If your great and prosperous
city set the example, you will be followed by the other
communities of England. Your words will be heard
across the Channel, and hailed with satisfaction by our
neighbours. The rational and peace-loving amongst
the French, who doubtless constitute the majority of
that nation, will respond to your cry ; and, fortified by
your example, will be able to put down the turbulent
spirits, who are eager for war and confusion as the only
possible means of realising their insane fancies.
Let the two nations of France and England, disre-
garding the blunders of either Government—despising
the chicanery of diplomacy, and the tricks and intrigues
of factions—address one another as friends and well-
wishers in the simple and energetic language of truth.
Let us say to them, " We, England and France, are at
the head of European civilization, the first nations in
the sciences and arts, with similar institutions, an equal
love of liberty and good government, and, when united,

unsurpassible in power. We have the same interests,
the same wants, the same duties to perform towards the

human race. Let us then be friends, and friends for
ever. Let US treat as mutual enemies all men who at-
tempt to sow dissension and discord between us." Let
such be our instructions to our representatives, and such
the language of the House of Commons and the Cham-
ber of Deputies.
In fine, I entreat you, my constituents, to take the
first step, by calling a public meeting to exclare your
aversion to any interference in the affairs of Syria, and
Your earnest desire for a cordial friendship between
'England and France. I have the honour to be,
Your obedient servant,
\VILLIAM MOLESWORTTL