The Sun.
London, England, 1840-06-16 00:00:00

dependencies on the American continent should either be
delivered up to their masters, or a full indemnity paid for
them. And whereas, in the further prosecution of the
said unjust object the Senate of the United States, by a
resolution passed in April last, declared in elifect that if an
American ship or vessel carrying on the slave-trade from
one of the ports of the United States to any other port
within the same should be forced, by stress of weather or
any other unavoidable cause, into the port and under the
jurisdiction of a friendly power, she and her cargo, and
the persons on board, with their property, and the rights
belonging to their personal relations, as established by the
laws of the State to which they belong, would be placed
under the protection which the LAWS OF NATIONS extend
to the unfortunate under such circumstances. Wherefore,
" Resolved,--As the sense of this Convention, that the
proposition embodied in said resolution, viz., to sustain, by
the sanction of public law, which is founded on the princi-
ples of natural justice and right, the pretensions of the
slave system, which exists only by disregarding justice
and annihilating right, is not only unchristian and absurd,
but disrespectful to the common sense of mankind.
" Resolved,—That this, the first attempt known in the
history of nations, to convert the pretensions of slave-
holders into rights, and, as such, to engraft them on the
system of public law, by which the intercourse of nations
is regulated, ought never to have emanated from the
Senate of a people who, from a period of time coeval
with their independent national existence, have asserted
before the world, and in the most solemn manner, that all
men are created equal, are entitled to their liberty, and to
the pursuit of happiness.
" Resolved,—That to allow such a proposition as the
one referred to, would be not less inconsistent with the
honour and dignity of Great Britain, and of such of the
other nations of the world as have either abolished slavery
within their respective limits, or are, in goad faith, pro-
ceeding so to do, that it is hostile `so the avowed principles
of that people among whom it has originated, and to the
cause of humanity, with which, under God, all Govern-
ments are solemnly charged."
Sir E. Witstor and Mr. O'CONNELL rose together—
the latter Hon. and Learned Gentleman courteously gave
way to the Hon. Baronet, who was cordially received.
He said if anything could have induced him to interpose
before the Learned Gentleman, who doubtless would soon
address the Convention, it was the satisfaction he felt at
seconding an American.—( Cheers.) From the time
(said the Hon. Baronet) when I opposed the apprentice-
ship system—(Cheers)—to the time when I placed the
Government in a minority of three on the Jamaica Bill—
( Cheers)—and the yet more recent time when I resisted
them on the Hill Coolies question—( Hear, hear)—l have
been hearty in your cause, and shall deem it my greatest
honour to be a participator in your holy struggle.
Mr. O'Cossisst. then rose, and was greeted with the
loudest and most general cheering. He said, after re•
posted mute acknowledgments of his reception, I have two
excuses for my intrusion upon you—first, I was alluded to by
the Hon. Baronet, a more sincere friend of the cause does
not breathe than himself—( Cheers)—and next, as he said,
he was happy as an Englishman to second an American.
I am anxious to intrude an Irishman upon you.—(Laughter
and cheers.) But I have another more important reason.
The subject mooted by the Hon. Judge (for he is a
Judge) who has just addressed you, is one of international
and constitutional law, and perhaps, as I am a lawyer, you
will allow my experience in the subject to compensate for my
want of ability.--( Laughter and cheers.) The proposition
of the American Senate is inadmissible. It is an outrage
on common sense—it is a violation of public honesty.--
( Cheers.) They claim—a property in man ! Why, that is
inconsistent with, not only all constitutional law—and their
own Constitution above all—but with the eternal principles
of justice.—(Cheers.) How would they like that the
blacks should do unto them as they delight to do unto the
blacks ?—( Hear, hear.) I have not the heart to wish any
man a slave; but really I am tempted almost to do it for
once, and wish Calhoun a slave.—(Laughter.) It would
not, perhaps. be an inappropriate retribution for his infa-
mous disposition to act with injustice, iniquity, and inhu-
manity, to subject him to the lash, which he would inflict
on others. Oh how indignantly and pathetically he would
plead oa behalf of his outraged nature I—(Laughter and
cheers.) Why, some of you may recollect the case o f
the American Adams, who having been lost in Africa, the
dark, swarthy natives said he was only fit to be a slave ;
he was evidently inferior to their race—the whites were
good for nothing but slavery—(Roars of langhter)—to
which lie was consigned four years. So you see how the
rule would work if equally applied.—(Hear, hear.) The
proposi:ion of Calhoun is untenable, even as an American
proposition.—( Hear, hear.) The resolutions of our
friend the worthy Judge set forth its inconsistency
with the first clause of the American Charter
of Independence, which declares all men born equal ; but
there is a stronger word,—it declares that all men have
the same inalienable right to equal laws;—yes, inalienable
is the word.—(Cheers.) That is the sacred basis of Ame •
rican independence,—it is not confined to caste, colour,
sect, or creed —( Hear, hear.) And from this spot I wish
to rouse all the high rod lofty mind of America. Repub
canism necessarily gives a higher and a prouder station

to the human mind than any other form of government.—
( Hear.) lam not comparing them as any thing else at
present, but history shows there is a pride of manliness
about republicans, which, perhaps, is a consolation to them
for many other things in which they may possibly be infe-
rior.—( Hear, hear.) But from this spot, I repeat, I wish
to rouse all the honesty and pride of American manhood,
and would that the voice of Europe would aid me in the
appeal, and swell my feeble voice to one grand shout of
indignation ; and when these Americans point to their
boasted Charter of Independence, exclaim, " Look at uour
pi-sac-men 1" Buv can there be held faith in man when we
find that to their vaunted principle of equality, they so-
lemnly pledge their lives, fortunes, and " sacred honour ?"
—( Hear, hear.) Here is all the solemnity, without the
profanity of an oath, in sanction of a principle thus di-
rectly, dreadfully, thus diabolically violated. (Hear,
hear.) America must know that all Europe is looking to
her.—(Hear, and cheers.) She must know that the
world consider that her Senate, her Calhouns, are, while
attempting to assert their infamous claim of property in
human kind, incurring that blackest of all stains, because
carrying with it the imputation of personal dishonour—
shall' I say, perjury—ill the practical violation of a princi-
ple they have so solemnly sanctioned.—( Loud cheers.)
France and England, without any violation of principle,
might adopt such a resolution ; but, in the case of All4C-
: ica, it doubly dyed her in disgrace. He felt proud to say
that they might pays and adopt as many such resolutions
as they pleased ; they wculd be all idle, all useless, be-
cause the British Government had no power to acquiesce
in any one of them.—( Cheers.) The British Govern-
ment had no funds, out of which they could grant com-
pensation. No party in the State would ever propose a
grant for such a purpose---;le resolution was therefore
idle. England had nobly paid twenty millions, for the
purpose of redeeming their black brethren ; and row,
wherever England's flag floated upon the breeze; there was
glorious freedom.—( Hear, hear. ) The moment the foot
of a bondman touched the shore of England, or any
of her depeniencies, his slavery vanished. ( Loud
cheering.) There is now no such thing known to the
British law as that one man might have a property in
his fellow man—there was an Act of Parliament against
such a crime. It had been often laid down that an Act
of Parliament which was notoriously against justice and
humanity was void—he was afraid, however, that in prac-
tice that maxim was not cared for.—( A laugh.) But
no man, not one of any party whatever, would dare to
come down to the House of Commons and propose a
grant for the purpose of making compensation; if one
could be found of any party whatever, he would he
shouted down and scouted from society. It was impos-
sible it could be done, because it was totally inconsistent
with our law. All the States of Europe had now ad-
mitted the great evils of slavery ; it had been admitted
in France, and the cause of abolition was deeply in-
debted to a gentleman whom he had the pleasure of
seeing present (M. D. Isambert, of the Chamber of De-
puties of France.) The French were a glorious nation,
they were very fond of glory, they were inferior to none.
He wished to see no rivalry between them and us, except
a rivalry to do good ; it was a glorious rivalry, and although
we might now good-humouredly taunt them and say, " You
have not gone so far in the glorious work as we," he
trusted the day was not far distant when our French
neighbours might return the taunt and say, " We
have gone before you now, and done better ?"—( Cheers )
Well, then, the Government had not the power to pay
the compensation, unless indeed they agreed to do so out
of their own pockets, by a club of their salaries—a thing
that was not very likely.—(Laughter.) How, then, was
it to be paid? There was one way in which it could be
done—that was, by a vote of the House of Commons;
and God help the Minister who made the proposition.—
( Cheers and laughter.) The Senate of America showed
an excessive desire to put forward a wicked claim for a
horrible injustice, but it was one which it was lucky could
net be carried into effect. No man detested war more
than he did, for even war that was justified, and in its
best form, was accompanied by thousands of murders
and robberies. He hoped such a calamity would be spared
them ; but if anything short of the honour of the nation
could justify recourse to such an expedient, it was the
resolution read to the Convention by the Hon. and
Learned Judge. He was truly rejoiced to bear from that
able and excellent Gentleman that the present agitation
was striking terror into the hearts of the slavemongers,
and was calculated to do much good. They were a de-
testable race of aristocrats, who wanted to have property
and ease also—who would not labour themselves, nor pay
others for doing so ; therefore they seized upon their
fellow-men, and dared to call them their slaves. Even ,
in Colombia, at the foot of the temple of
freedom itself, the wretched negro was writhing
duonodmeredthtoe
allalsthhe hrrofoaborrus otafl taskmaster,slavery the negress was
and
the
poor infant
hanging at its mother's breast, good Godl it also was a
salnadv ew; mother
atshaetlmost te mlopotkededtcuysoennditsitsmtoilainpg face in agony,
grave,
because it was not a man, but a slave. Yet this happened
in America. He said it with all respect for his American
friends present, but he felt bound to say it, that upon the
American escutcheon there was written in characters of
blood, " We are patronizers of slavery, the necessary re-
sult of which is, that we are perpetrators of robbery and
murder." They might say, they had not the power to eman-
cipate the slaves ; but he would refer them to the De-
claration of Independence and the Constitution of 1787,
and he would defy them to point out one single mention
of slavery in either of the documents.—(Cheers.) No
man could deny the personal courage of the American
people—there was not a braver or better
.nation upon the
face of the earth ; but there was not one man in the Con-
vention of 1787 who had the moral, he had almost said the
immoral, courage to mention the word slavery.—(Loud
cheers.) Was slavery then to exist as a thing when they
did not dare to pronounce its name ? (Cheers.)
Undoubtedly they met with the phrase of " persons
held to labour" in those documents ; but dare
any one say, that under those words slavery
was meant ? Any man entering into any contract for
work, any one who gave his labour for an euivalent, ryas
" held to labour," but did that make him a save? but no,
that was as near as they dared to approach slavery.
There was nothing in the Constitution but what was fair
I and.iliFt. Had they meant to acknowledge and sanction
i the existence of slavery, They. would have done so boldly ;
1 they dared not, aaa as there was no mention of it • made in