The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-28 00:00:00

This statement requires no comment or addition.

There is no race of people upon whom the lessons
of experience tell with greater effect than the Eng-
lish. Their wisdom is essentially practical. In the
earlier time of our history, when the lights of know-
ledge were not only exceedingly faint, but were
almost exclusively absorbed by the monastic classes,
freedom of action was necessarily limited, inas-
much as the national mind was enslaved by ignorance
and its degrading concomitants. This is the
real clue to the narrow basis upon which the
different institutions of the country were severally
erected. Again, the love of power and of ease, in-
herent in man, rendered those, in whose hands were

lodged the keys of civilisation, averse to the diffusion
amongst their benighted compatriots of those
elementary political truths, on the general and prac-
tical recognition of which hinges the progress of
society ; and thus it happened that their own selfish
remissness always constituted a specious plea to the
ruling powers for not widening the foundations of
our political structure. However theoretically correct
might have been any scheme propounded for enlarg-
ing the rights and privileges of the people, the ready
answer of the monopolising dignitaries of learning,
who were of necessity the chief functionaries of the
kingdom, was, that the people were not sufficiently
prepared and enlightened to receive the boon, and
that, therefore, its concession would rather impair
than minister to the stability of the State. When,
however, despite of this perverse obstruction to
the general development of the mental faculties
of our remote ancestors, the rays of civilisation,
from a variety of cause—the Crusades at one time,
the invention of printing at another, and so forth—

became stronger, and began to penetrate the national

mind, our institutions were squared in accordance with
the fruits of knowledge and experience. Our
monarchs of old were, for the most part, the first to
perceive that they best consolidated their own power,
and most effectually checked a turbulent nobility,
when they conferred important franchises upon the
humbler classes of their subjects. By this judicious
policy an overbearing aristocracy was made to feel
the recoil of inordinate ambition and selfish tyranny.
Under these circumstances, popular affection, the only
legitimate source of all permanent rule, but which was
haughtily contemned by the nobility, centred in the
Crown. These natural reverses of power at length
taught the great feudal lords of England that their
influence could only be usefully and honourably
maintained by showing themselves to be provident of
the interests and comforts of the industrious
classes of the community ; and that when
men have matured their minds duly to ap-
preciate, and fitly to enjoy, augmented social privi-
leges, and political rights, it is neither becoming nor
safe to impede their acquisition. Whenever, in later
times, the aristocracy have turned a deaf ear to this
cumulative lesson of experience, the people have
invariably convinced them of the futility of their
restrictive endeavours. They did this in 1829, in
1831, and again in 1846. By the moral force of
public opinion alone were the Relief Bill, the Reform
Bill, and the Cornßill wrung from a morose and reluc-
tant aristocracy. Bearing these reflections in mind, we
rejoice to observe that Alderman HUMPHERY on,Tues-
day induced the Court of Aldermen to pass a resolu-
tion, that a Bill be prepared by the Remembrancer,
to be presented to Parliament, to extend the elective
franchise for the election of Aldermen and Common
Councilmen. It is satisfactory to find public bodies
voluntarily taking the initiative for their self-reforma-
tion. They thus secure the confidence of the public
and evince a wisdom competent to the efficient dis-
charge of the important functions with which
they have been invested from an ancient period.
Moreover, by acting in this spirit, they prevent the
occurrence of sudden and violent changes, which, in
long-established institutions, are ever to be depre-
cated, except in cases of extreme necessity. It is
quite preposterous that the custom which the leading
merchants of the city of London have long estab-
lished of residing in the suburbs, should have the
effect of debarring them of the ftanchise which
would give them a voice in the management
of the business, and in the election of the
authorities of the corporation. A nouvelles ajj'aires,
nouveaux conseils.

Accounts have been received from Madrid to the 21s1
instant.

On that day the Isturitz Ministry, having been de-
feated in the Chamber of Deputies by the rejection of
its candidate for the presidency of the Chamber, had
resigned, and the resignation was immediately accepted
by the Queen. The downfal of the Isturitz Ministry
had long been foreseen. Count BRESSON exerted him-
self to the utmost to obtain for them a
respite until after the debate on the Montpensier
marriage should have taken place, but so intense was
their unpopularity, that even that respite could not
be obtained. They had originally started Senor
CASTRO It Onozco as their candidate for the presi-
dency, but he declared that, although he was a candidate,
he must decline being the candidate of the Ministry, as
he by no means wished to be considered as identified
with their policy. MARTINEZ DE LA RosA was asked to
become the Ministerial candidate, but refused, whereupon
Senor BRAVO MURILLO was started. General SAN
MIGUEL was the Progressista candidate. At the first
ballot neither candidate had an absolute majority, where-
upon General SAN MIGUEL resigned, and on the ballot
again taking place between CASTRO Y Oaozco and
BRAVO MURILLO the numbers were—
For Senor CASTRO Y OROZCO
For Senor BRAVO MURILLO 93
Majority against the Ministry - 18
After accepting the resignation of Senor ISTURITZ
and his colleagues, the QUEEN sent for the Duke of So-
TOMATOR (the Spanish Ambassador to this country, but
who is at present at Madrid), and commissioned him to
form a Ministry. The Duke offered the portfolio of the
Department of Justice to Senor BRAVO MURILLO, who
accepted it. He then urged Senor MoN to
continue as Minister of -Finance, but Senor MoN
declined. The QUEEN subsequently sent for Seaor
moN, to endeavour to overcome his reluc-
tance, but with what success is not known.
ARTELA, &CELLO, and General PAVIA are mentioned
as likely to form part of the new Ministry. The fall of
the Isturitz Ministry
may,
fruits of the reaction against be considered as the first
the Afrancesado party,
which has set in since the publication of the correspond-
ence on the subject of the Spanish marriages.

We have received the Paris papers of Tuesday.
The dispatch of Lord PALIKERSToN of the 181 h of
January, in answer to M. GUIZOT'S note of the 22d of
November, has produced a great sensation is Paris.
The Debuts, the Epoque, and the Constitutionnel pub-
lish it without comment. The Presse, true to the tactics
which have been practised by the French Minister and
his supporters throughout this affair, garbles the note.
It declines to publish the document, but institutes what
it calls an examination of its contents, such examination
being merely a reiteration of the oft-refuted assertion,
that England had proposed the Prince of COBURG as a
candidate for the hand of the QUEZN. The Presse con-
cludes the article by laying it down as an axiom of
French policy—" No more concessions to England.'
Theehoavthee
peopleralwpaa:s ers comment on the conduct of M.
GUizoT throughout this affair in severe terms, but
not more severe than is fully justified by the occasion.
Iv
foefltFrthanacte swhheonultdhebehciogmhe-maincgduedainatnedd
chivalrous
with the facts of the case, they would not be slow in
doing justice to all the parties concerned. In speaking
of
this last note of Lord PALMERSToN'S, the National
says—

"This note appears to us stronger and more conclusive
than the rest. However, it would not appear to us just to
reproduce it, before knowing the answer given on the other
side. We are convinced that all judgment on the ensemble
of these negotiations is necessarily erroneous, when the docu-
ments published on both sides have not been examined. M.
Guizot had given himself an incontestable advantage by the
documents which he laid before the Chambers. He had
arranged them in such a mariner as to demonstrate that
Lord Palmerston had bee :n guilty of extreme bad faith; but
the latter having insisted on the publication in full--first, of
Lord Aberdeen's dispatdi to the Duke de Sotomayor ; and,
secondly, of
had the instructi( ins addressed to Mr. Bulwer, from
which M. G'aizot had oaly given two phrases to suit his pur-
pose—it
be, same evident to every one that the French Mi-
nisterfar from -knowingly concealed a part of the truth. We are
, T iretending that tbe English Minister was incapable
of doing the same. Therefore must we, in order to properly
judge of; this matter, wait until each of them has published
all tla'' at he has to produce."
T no Siecle, without at all abandoning its position that
the.l Alontpeusier mania • Was a desirable alliance per
• • fi3
e_ ,