The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-27 00:00:00

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MORNING SUN.

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LONDON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 21,,A.41.

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITU-
TION, REGENT-STREET.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

read from the instructions of the Attorney-General—an
instruction given by Mr. Webster—answered at once two,
and perhaps more, of the questions of the Honourable
Member, because it showed that the British Go-
vernment had avowed their entire responsibility of
the attack made upon the Caroline, and that the
American Government considered that question as one
to be dealt with between the two Governments, and to-
tally unconnected in any way whatever with the ques-
tion how Mr. M‘Leod, was to be dealt with. This in-
struction was dated the 15th March in the present year,
from Mr. Webster to W. Crittenden, the Attorney-
General of the United States, who was proceeding
• to New York on business connected with the States.
Ile recited, in the first place, that which had
passed, why: Mr. M'Leod had been arrested, and on
t he
what ground, and it then said—" I have now to inform
1.
you-that
(ate Mr.
12th
i
oix has addressed i
ddiriessweitilicah,letutenrdetor Mtiri.eßai•clay,
imme-
diate instruction and direction of his Government, 1
he demands Mr. M'Leod's immediate release,
on the ground that the transaction on account ofwhich
he has been arrested, and is now to be put on his trial, was
of a public character, planned and executed by persons
duly empowered by her Majesty's colonial authorities.
to take any steps, and to do any acts, which might be
necessary for the protection of her Majesty's Canadas,
and the defence of her Majesty's subjects ; and that,
consequently, those subjects of her Majesty who
had been engaged in that transaction, were performing
an act of public duty, for which they cannot be
made, personally and individually, answerable to
the laws and tribunals of any foreign country.—(Hear.)
And that her Majesty's Government had further
directed Mr. Fox to make known to the
Government of the United States that her Majesty's
Government entirely approved of the course pur-
sued by Mr. Fox, and the :at language adopted by
him in his correspondence. Mr. 'Webster went on
to say, " There is, therefore, now an authentic
declaration, on the part of the British Government, that
the attack upon the Caroline was an act of public force
done by military men, acting under the orders of supe-
riors, and recognized us such by the Queen's Ministers.
The importance of this declaration was not to be ques-
tioned, and the present President is of opinion that it
calls upon him, in the performance of his high duty, to
state that the individual acting under the authority
of his Government, as part of a public force,
is not to be held as a private trespasser or malefactor, and
that that is a principle sanctioned by the usages of all
civilized nations, and whiCh the Government of
the United States has no inclination to dis-
pute.— (Hear, hear.) This has no connection
whatever with the question of whether in this case the
attack on the Caroline was, as the British Govern-
ment thinks it was, a justifiable employment
of. military force for the purpose of defending
British territory from an unprovoked attack; or
whether it was a most unjustifiable invasion of its
territories in time of peace as this Government asserts.,
The two questions are essentially different, and wl.fjle
acknowledging that an individual may stand exe-,npted
from the consequences of his act, by showily, that he
acted under competent authority, this G°.;ernment is
not to be understood as changing its opinion
with regard to the character of the transaction
which resulted in the destruction oc. the Caroline. That
subject it is not necessary, for ':he objects of this corre-
spondence, to discuss. All,':hat is intended to be said
at present is, that sine", "; the attack of the Caroline is
viewed as a national act, which may justify reprisals
or a general war. as the United States Government
may seem fit , t.',. decide, yet it raises a question entirely
public and pe'.itical—a question between independent na-
tions—and., that the individual concerned in it cannot be
arrest‘',l and tried before the ordinary tribunals as for a
viotttion of municipal law. If the attack on the Caroline
'was unjustifiable, as this Government has asserted, the
law violated is the law of nations, and the redress to be
sought is the redress authorized in such cases by
that code. You are well aware that the Presi-
dent has no power to resist the proceedings in the civil
Courts of New York. If this was an indictment in one
of the Courts of the United States, I am directed to say
that the President, on the receipt of Mr. Fox's last com-
munication to Mr. Forsyth, would have directed a
nolle prosequi to be entered."—(Cheers.) Nothing,.
in his opinion, could be more honourable to the Govern-
ment of the United States, or more satisfactory to the
British Government, than that public declaration. ,
Ho thought that he had now answered all the questions
of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman except one, which
was, whether the Government of the United States made
their demands as for an injury done to the United States,
or the State of New York alone. Unquestionably
the demand was, from the first, placed upon the ,
ground of an injury done to the United States—
(Hear)—and in the last Session of Parliament, when
he (Lord Palmerston) had a few words to say upon this
subject, he stated that it was therefore impossible for
the United States to turn round and deny redress on
the ground that this was a question between Great
Britain and the State of New York.—(Hear, hear.)
It was true that the 0911Yilastates and foreign row- '
U 1 "111 t ire;'-hands of the Federal Government. The
constitution said that " No State shall enter
into any treaty with foreign Powers, nor make
war, nor
other things " without the consent of Congress. No
State, without the consent of Congress, shall keep an
army or ships of war in time of peace, or do any act of
war, except in case of imminent danger."—(Hear, hear.)
It was perfectly true that this question could no more be
said to be between Great Britain and the State of New-
York, than, if America had felt herself aggrieved by
Great Britain, it could -be said that the question was
between America and the county of Rutland.—(Hear.)
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had said that in the
outset of the affair the Government of Great Britain
ought to have sent a special envoy to the state of New
York. But that would. be, in fact, a nullification or
denial of the constitution of the United States—(Hear,
hear)—and the latter would be entitled to resent
it as an affront.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Palmerston)
would not enter now into any statement or speculation
as to what was to come.—(Hear, hear.) He would not
anticipate what step the United States would take to carry
out those principles of international law which Federal
Governments had so handsOmely recognized.—(Cheers.)

NEW LECTURES on the DAGUERREOTYPE and
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a full Explsnation of the Chemical Process adopted. On
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Lectures and Experiments. CARY'S ORRERY, and the
NEW DISSOLVING VIEWS. Nearly Two Thousand
Works which display eminent Art, Science, and;lngenuity.
Microscope, Diver and Diving Bell. CANTON, and other
beautiful COSMORAMIC VIEWS, are added to the Evening
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Opens at Half-past Ten o'clock in the Morning, and Seven
o'clock in the Evening.

HOUSE OF COMMOIYS, Aug. 26.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at a Quarter before
Pour o'Clock.
Several Members took the .naths and their seats.
Among them we. observed Mr. O'Connell, Mr. D. Cal-
laglian, Sir D. Roche, Mr. Cornelius O'Brien; Mr. W. S.
O'Brien, Mr. Hodgson, Mr. Brocklehurst, Mr. Pigot,
Mr. Dillon Browne, Mr. Mark Blake, and Mr. P.Villiers.
The SPEAKER said he had received from the Clerk
of the Momper in Ireland the names of certain per Sons
who had notified, under their handstand seals, their as-
sent.to act as Commissioners for the purpose of taking
evidence in that country, under the Act relating to Con-
troveaed elections.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented 13 petitions from
Northampton, complaining of the constitution of the pre-
sent House of Commons, and praying her Majesty to dis-
solve the Parliament and command another to be elected
by Universal Suffrage. Also a petition from Smed-
way, complaining of distress, and praying the House
to address her Majesty, begging of her to call men of
Radical principles to her Councils. The Hon. Member
also presented a petition from two working men at Nor-
wich, complaining of certain proceedings at the last elec-
tion for that city, and praying the House to institute an
inquiry into the malpractices of which the petitioners
complained, and to give them such redress as it should
think proper.
Mr. W. MILES presented a number of petitions from
the County of Somerset against a low fixed duty upon
corn. Also a petition from the parish of Abbotsleigb,
and one from a.parish in the City of Bristol; praying for
Church Extension.
Colonel CONOLLY presented a petitioit from the
54eriff, Grand Jury, and Magistrates of thlp.;. Comity of
t'rti?'pritYing—fer a revival of the fUtLeber Quarter
Sessions in that county. The Honourable and 'Gal-
lant Member then gave notice, that it was his intention,
in the course of the next session of Parliament, to bring
forward a motion on the subject.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

NATIONAL LOAN FUND SOCIETY
FOR GRANTING
LIFE ASSURANCES, DEFERRED ANNUITIES, &e.
No. 26, CORNHILL.
Capital £500,000.
Empowered by Act of Parliament.
nawroas.
T. LAMIE MURRAY, Esq., Chairman.
J. Elliotson, 111. D., F.R. S. John Rawson, Esq.
John Griffith Frith, Esq. Jehn Riddell Stodart, Esq.
Hunter Gordon, Esq. I Clement Tabor, Esq.
George Lungley, Esq. Joseph Th4mpson, Esq.

FOR LIFE.
A. B.
Age. Without With For One For Five
Pr3fits. Profits. Year only. Years only
---
£. s. d. £. s. d. £. s. d. s. d.
20 1 13 7 1 17 4 0 17 0 0 17 6
30 2 4 4 2 9 3 0 19 6 1 0 0
40 2 1111 8 3 5 3 1 3 10 1 5 0
50 4 4 2 ' 4 13 6 1 13 0 1 16 6
60 6 13 6 7 8 4 ( 3 0 0 3 9 6

Sir GEORGE GREY moved to nominate a Committee
on private business :—Sir George Grey, Mr. Labouchere,
Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley, Mr. Loch, Lord Gran-
ville Somerset, Mr. Aglionby, Mr. Greene, Sir John
Yarde Buller, Sir James Graham, Mr. Ellice, Mr. Est-
court, Sir Edward Kuatchbull, Sir Thomas Fremantle,
Mr. Ewart, Mr. Penda.rves, Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr.
William Miles, Sir William Heathcote, Sir George
Clerk, and Sir Robert Ferguson. Agreed to. •
POST OFFICE.
Mr. WALLACE moved for certain returns relative to
the Post-office; and also gave notice of a motion relative
to the appointment of a successor to the present Post•
master-General,
Mr. AINSWORTH moved for certain returns of the
number of stamps used for newspapers.
CASE OF MR. M'LEOD.
Mr. ROEBUCK rose and said, that seeing the Noble
Lord the Secretary for Foreign. Affairs- in his place,
he would with the permission of the House proceed to
ask the Noble Lord certain questions, of which he had
given notice on the first night of the Session respecting
.the present relations between this country and America
with respect to the detention of Mr. M'Lcocl. He had
stated, when he had given the notice, that it would
be necessary for him to make a few remarks that the
Hoose might understand the questions which he was
about to put. His object in putting-these questions
was as far as possible to promote peace, and to obtain
that end he would suggest that before they came to any
conclusion llon. Members should understand the ques-
tion of our relations with the United States. The
question, or rather questions he was about to put were
five in number, and related entirely to the detention of
Mr. M'Leod. That detention arose -out of transactions
connected with the steam-boat Caroline, an attack
upon which on the United States territory had g_ivr.n
great umbrage not only to the State of sew
York but the United States generally. Therefor', onap-
plication was made to the Government of. tli; country,
to which no answer was returned. It so Lappend that,
in. the meantime, Mr. M'Lcod, one. of those persons
who was suspected of taking part in the attack, from
,his own boastful, but as he (Mr. Roebuck) believed,
erroneous statement respecting it, happened to be
in the State of New York, and was arrested in con-
sequence of the belief so created. When he was
arrested, a feeling in this country arose respecting it, and
orders were sent out to Mr. Fox, our Ambassador, to make
application to the Government of the United States de-
manding the liberation of Mr. M'Leod, and, there-
upon, an answer was made by Mr. Forsyth, the
American Secretary for Foreign Affairs. To• that
answer he requested the attention of the House.
It should always be recollected that the demand was
made by Mr. Fox before an answer was made by the
Noble Lord respecting the Caroline. Mr. Forsyth's
answer was that they had no jurisdiction whatever in the
matter then spoken of it N:as a matter wholly
within thq jurisdiction of the State of New
York, and therefore the President of the United
States could give fie answer nor -ittlt*fiCkr.Lfre-
tll.9u 'Ala-that the President
had no feeling in the matter that would induce him to
interfere if he had the power. Mr. Forsyth shortly after
went out of office, and then came in a new Government,
the new Secretary of Foreign AflUirs being Mr. Webster.
Now, what he wanted to know of the Noble Lord was,
first, whether there had been any change in the lan-
guage of the United States Government since the ac-
cession of a new Government to power ? It should
always be recollected, and this should have been the an-
swer given to Mr. Fox, that on, the establishment of
Government in the United States they had declared they
considered themselves amenable to the international
law established among civilized nations in Europe.
The sole medium of communication with other nations
was through the Federal Government by means of
the President and the people of the United States
had no more notion of New York as an independent
state than the people of England had of the county of
Rutland being so. Such, he conceived, ought to have
been the answer made to Mr. Forsyth when lie
claimed for New York authority over a British
subject. However, ho (Mr. Roebuck) wanted now to
ascertain those facts. He had written them down, and
he would put them into the Noble Lord's hands
in a written form, that he might not mis-
take the nature of the questions. First, he wished
to know whether her Majesty's Government by any
formal declaration had assumed all the responsibility of
the attack on the Caroline ? and then lie wanted to know
whether the Government of the United States had ad-
mitted that responsibility, and demanded reparation for
the outrage and injury thus done to the United States,
because it should be always recollected that, if they
demanded reparation for the injury done 'to the•
United States by that attack, it did not lie with
them to turn round and say, that Nev York
was the only power that had • jurisdiction in
that matter ? Next, he wished to ask whether her Ma-
jesty's Government had stated to the Government of the
United States in the case of M'Leod that he had
acted under the commands of superior officers
with the express sanction of her Majesty ?
Fourthly, he wanted to ask whether her Majesty's Go-
vernment had demanded of the Government of the United
States whether after such declaration it was able, and at the
same time willing, to guarantee the safety and liberation
of Mr. M'Leod, notwithstanding any determination of
the State of New York to go on with the proceed-
ings now pending in the Courts of that State
against that gentleman ? and, lastly, he should
ask if the Government of the United States admitted
the validity, of such authority as a protection over
M'Leod ? and if having so admitted it, if the Noble Lord
the Secretary for Foreign Affairs could state any
circumstance which justified the continued detention
of Mr. M'Leod by the authority of the State of New
York ? He thought it would turn out that things had
been stated which would ease the minds of the people of
this country. with respect to this subject, and it was with
that object in view that he proposed the above question.
Lord PALMERSTON said that he would be the last
man in that House in any way to curtail whatever in-
formation he might •be able to give on any
subject. However, he felt himself bound to
remark, that the proceedings on the part of
the Hon. Member who had just sat down, were some-
what irregular. He was sure the House would
say, that if questions upon an emergency of
great difficulty were preceded by a sort of

Two-thirds of Profits divided annually amongst the Assured.

DEFERRED ANNUITIES DEPARTMENT.

By the plan exclusively developed by this Society, a single
Deferred Annuity is made, not only to answer the same object,
but to far exceed in amount the entire benefit of all the ad-
vantages heretofore only obtained by the middle and industrious
classes through separate investments in Savings' Banks, Be-
nefit Societies, and Loan Banks.
1. A small yearly or weekly contribution will secure the
most ample return for after life; thus-21. 12s. per annum (Is.
a week) at the age of 20, will give the policy holier the fol-
lowing option, at the age of 65
Annuity for remainder of life £47. 16
Cash
Policy, without further contributions, of 466 0
Other periods of life (of 50, 55, and 60) may be
with similar advantages.
2. Two-thirds at any time lent on deposit of policy, being a
fund always available during sickness or want of employment.
3. Two-thirds of all payments returned to representatives in
case of premature death.
N. B. Policies, as collateral money-security, for periods of
one to five years, effected at lower rates than are charged by
any other Office, (See Tables A. and B.), with option of con-
tinuance for Life at the usual rites.
F. FERGUSON CAMROUX, See.

0 or a

0 at death.
also taken

VICTORIA LIFE ASSURANCE AND
LOAN COMPANY.
i • No. 18, King William-street, City.
Sir JAMES DUKE, M.P., Chairman.
BENJAMIN HAWES, Esq..
Knill Deputy Chairman.
William Allen, Esq. John , Esq.
Benjamin Barnard, Esq. John Nolloth, Esq.
Charles Baldwin,' Esq. Thomas Nesbitt, Esq.
James Cockburn, Esq.,. Major-General Robertson
Bryan Donkin, Esq., F.R,S. Daniel Sutton, jun., Esq.
Aaron Goldsmid, Esq O'Bryan Bellingham Woolsey,
James Law Jones, Esq. Esq.
EOLICITOII3. Messrs. Lake and Curtis,..Bo, Basinghall-street.
Assurances of every description may be effected by this Com-
pany, on a scale entitling parties to participate in profits, or on
a low non-participating scale. Premiums, in any case, made
payable to suit the convenience of Assurers. Loans, repayable
by instalments, are granted to parties assured with the Com-
pany, on a liberal and advantageous plan, either on real or
undoubted Personal SecUrity.
WILLIAM RATRAY, ACTUARY AND SECRETARY.

rp HE LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND
DUBLIN GUARANTEED MUTUAL and PRO-
PRIETARY LIFE ASSURANCE COMPANY,
3, CHARLOTTE-ROW, MANSION HOUSE, and 19,
REGENT-STREET, LONDON.
21, ST,ANDREW-STREET, EDINBURGH.
‘
'7 '-'z'r-STREET, DUBLIN.
Alexander Anderson, Esq. Mitnau,—
John Atkins, Esq Kennett Kingsford;' ztirman
James Bidden, Esq, John M'Gnffie, Esq.
Captain F. Brandreth John Maclean Lee, Esq.
Vice-Admiral Robert Honyman J. Marmaduke Rosseter, Esq.
Benjamin Ifill, Esq. Alexander Robertson, Esq.,
James Hartley, Esq. Managing Director.
SOLICITORS.—Messrs. Palmer, France, and Palmer.
SE CRETA RN. —F. Edgell, Esq.

IMPORTANT IMPROVEMENTS have been introduced
into LIFE A SSURANCE PRACTICE by this COMPANY.
The POLICIES are INDEFEASIBLE and INDISPUT-
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presentation.
The Board of Directors satisfy themselves upon the va-
rious questions propose!! before they. enter into contracts of
assurance, and frame their policies in such terms as to pre-
clude all future questions as to their validity, and thus ren-
der them indisputable and negotiable documents of future debt
against the Company.
Parties may be assured either upon the participating or non-
participating plan ; the assured are relieved of all responsi-
bility, and the participating class is entitled to the whole of the
profits upon that branch of the business.
Table to Assure £lOO, with addition of profits :

Age 25. I Age 35. Age 40. I Age 45. Age 50. I Age 55.
£2 2 7 1£215 10 I £3 5 0 £3 15 5I £4 10 7 I£s 13 8

Persons interested in the lives of nominees or debtors may,
for a trifling extra premium, be relieved from the risk of their
Policies being forfeited by the parties going to foreign coun-
tries.

ONE-HALF of the PREMIUMS MAY REMAIN UN-

PAID for SEVEN YEARS,
Affording a greater facility for Loan Transactions and Fa-
mily Provisions than any other plan which has been sug-
gested.

Credit Tab'e to Assure £lOO Payable at Death.

Age 20. 1 Age 25. Age 30. Age 40. 1 Age 45, Age 50.
E 0 18 01 El 0 7I El 3 711 El 11. 51 £1 16 6 I E 2 3 9

The usual Commission allowed to Solicitors and Agents,
and Medical Gentlemen are in all cases remunerated fcr their
reports.

INFIRMARY for the CURE of STRIC-
TURES of the URETHRA, SYPHILIS, GONOR-
RTICEA, GLEETS, and all DISEASES of the GENERA-
TIVE and URINARY ORGANS.

Notwithstanding the above Institution is closed, Patients hal
continue to receive the GRATUITOUS ADVICE of the Sur-
geon (Mr. Courtenay, 42, Great Marlborough-street,) by ap-
plying at his own hcase instead of the Charity.
Hours of Attendance, from Eight to Ten in the Mornings
and from Seven to Nine in the Evenings. On Sundays in the
Morning, but not in the Evening.

Copy of a Letter from the late Henry Cowper,
Esq., of Tewen.waters, Herts., to Mr. W. F. France, who is re-
siding at 22, Spring.gardens. "Tewen-waters, Herts., March 21,
1840. Sir, In justice to the Messrs. Solomons about the time men-
tioned in the extract of the advertisement which you have sent
me, I beg to inform you that I certainly did write to them to that
effect ; before I possessed the Voice Conductor Sound Magnifiers
I had been atone deaf, lam within two months of my 87th year,
and can still feel the comfort and. benefit of the Sound Magnifiers
Invisible Voice Conductors. I am, Sir, your obedient ser.
van:, Henry Cowper."—Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, 39,
Albemarle.street, Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel, and
76, King William street, City, state that their newly_
invented Invisible Voice Conductor Sound Magnifiers enables per-
sons at an advanced age, and of forty and fifty years' standing of
extreme deafness, to join in general conversation, and to catch the
sound of a distant low speaker at a public assembly. They are the
size of a very small gold seven-shilling piece, and when in the
cavity of the ears, they are not the least perceptible nor more un-
comfortable than having a small piece of fine wool in its place.

Messrs. Solomons' newly-invented Spectacles, immediately they are narrative of transactions to which they related,
;aced before imperfect visiori,lhat mist and dullness which appears and interspersed with interrogations, it became very
difficult for the person who was to answer those interro-
gations, to refrain from going at length into the subject
before the eyes is at once removed', every object becoming clear and
distinct, so that the most aged ilefe&itle eye-sight becomes bright
to which these questions referred, and thus, under the
and brilliant, and is brought to its youthful, natural, and ed.
ginal state.
form of asking a question, a debate might be
All the instruments formerly emplOyed for re-
brought on involving topics of great national importance.
lieving deafness are now far superseded by the Voice Conductors, He had no doubt that the statement which he was about
invented by R. Solomons and Co., No. 36, Old Bond.street, and .c,
t make would tend to relieve the minds of many
struction (being only a quarter of an inch in diameter) they cannot pNo. 1, Old Jewry, City. From their ingenious and minute con-
Persons who
with
m irgelgi
at
rtdhi
tnek thatAlr. mth,te
eperde,seNin.tasstaetnee of the
be perceived by the nearest bystander ; and while they enable deaf question,
persons to distinguish mixed and confused sounds, or the voice of to bring on any serious difference between the two
a distant speaker, they afford the most effectual relief to subjects countries. The narrative of the Hon. Member was, he
complaining of singing noises in the ear, and are altogether pro- believed, substantially correct. He had np paticalar re-
ductive of the most desirable results. Their Patent Spectacles mark to make upon it. It was quite true, as he stated,
extend great relief to the visual organs, and from a combination of that upon the first demand made by her Majesty's
properties which they possess, are vastly superior to those hitherto Government for the liberation of Mr. M‘Leod, an
y
employed. To such persons who closely apply their sight to read. answer was returned by the late Secretar of
ing or any minute employment, but particularly by candle or lamp State in America, which was by no means satisfac-
Nneatly to admit that as
a doctrine of
light, they will .be found of inealculable advantage. The highest tort',
testimony to their superior merit is conveyed in the fact, that the and he was quite rea
principal medical authorities in Europe use them, and strongly re. international one country
iii
ad a right to staten
commend their adoption to all persons who may require optical aid. law,-reply no
to a demand of redress of a
—N.B. In consequence of the various attempts to impose bass wrong done to another 'country, or to a subject of
imitations on the public, and tIM Patentees being entirely uncon. another country, that it had peculiar institutions.
nected with persons advertising under the same name, their sub. Nations being to each other as aggregate communities,
joined address should be sancta's?), noted, No. 36, old Bond. 1 one nation could know nothing of the international laws
street, and No. 1, Old Jewry, or the internal constitution of another. If a wrong were
(ADVERTISEMENT.) done, redress must be given, and if the laws and consti-
HOLLOWAY'S OINTMENT AND PILLS,—. tution of the country did not give that redress, they
Admiral' Dumuricr's case is perhaps the most extraordinary I must either alter the laws and constitution, or sub-
that was ever known. This gentleman came from Paris to mit to the alternative.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Now,
Professor Holloway's Establishment on the sth inst. (August), although the first reply was, as he thought,
where he remained until the 16th, when, as his certificate entirely wrong as a principle of international law, yet
states, he was perfeCtly tured, and however astonishing it may he had the satisfaction to inform the Honourable Mem-
appear, only eleven days before he came to the establishment ben and the House, that from the present Govern-
on crutches. His right leg was alarmingly swollen, and on n; of the United States a communication had been
which there were five dreadful ulcers. In cases of cancers, old ale of formal • • •
received, a instruction given to the Attorney-
ounds, ulcers, bad legs, &e., these islet must be used with the reee .
General ot. the United States, which contained doctrines
ointment. Advice may be bad grati Professor Holloway's
Establishment, 244, Strand, where these medicines are sold, perfectly just and consistent with the law of nations,
and by every respectable chemist throughout the kingdom, and perfectly in accordance with the principles upon
In pots and boxes at Is lid., 2s. 9d., 41. 6d; Ifs, 221., and which the British Government had demanded the' re-
-831. each. t lease of Mr. M`Leod, and the passage which he should
•

PRICB 5d

be laid before the House, as he considered it calculated
to throw great light on many subjects on which they would
be called on to legislate ; but they ought to be careful
in what shape they asked for information of this decrip-
tion. It could only be obtained through the medium of
our Consuls, and he doubted if they could obtain
accurate information. He took blame to himself
for not having considered the nature of the returns,
and spoken to his Honourable Friend on the sub-
ject, but he would suggest to him to move for them in a
more general shape. If his Hon. Friend would postpone
his motion until to-morrow he would in the meantime con-
sider the subject, and endeavour to put it into such a shape
as to obtain the information desired ; but he cer-
tainly must object to asking for information of a defi-
nite and precise nature from our Consuls abroad, when
it could hardly be expected that the information
which they could furnish would be accurate. He, there-
fore' thought it would be better to postpone the motion,
and bring it forward again in a more general shape.
Dr. BOWRING acceded to the request of his Right
Hon. Friend, and would bring forward the motion to-
morrow.—Motion withdrawn.
NAVAL HALF-PAY.
Mr. .1. PARKER moved for leave to bring in a Bill
to amend Acts as to Naval Half-pay. The object of the
Bill was to enable mates and naval instructors to draw
bills at three months for their half-pay on the Account-
ant-General, instead of six months, as at present. •
Leave was given, and the Bill was, brought in and
read a first time.

ANTARCTIC DISCOVERIES.
Lord ASHLEY moved for copies of such extracts
from the despatch of Captain James Ross, from Van
Dieman's Land, as will show to the House the nature
and extent of the brilliant discoveries which are said to
have been made in a high southern latitude by her Ma-
jesty's ships Erebus and Terror.—Ordered.
On the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, Mr. Patrick Stew-
art was ridded to the Printing Committee.
ELECTION PETITIONS.
Petitions were presented against the returns for the
town of Belfast and the borough of Lewes. The peti-
tions were ordered to lie upon the table.
THE ADJOURNED DEBATE.
The Order of the Day having been read for resuming
the Adjourned Debate,
Lord SANDON rose and said, that he did
not rise for the purpose of entering, at least
at any length, into those questions of -economical
policy which form so large and prominent a portion
of the Speech put into the mouth of her Majesty, and
a still larger and mere prominent portion of the speeches
of those who bad preceded him in the debate. He did
not think that, in following such a course he should be
doing that which was the natural result of the course
of eveets passing around them, or that he should
he doing that which would meet the expectations
of those constituents which had sent them to that
T:iouse. However convenient it might be within the
walls of that House, or elsewhere, to represent the
struggle which had just been concluded as a struggle
between monopoly and anti-monopoly—to state that
there was no other question at issue than whether
or not the measures brought forward by her Majesty's Go-
vernment under the shape and disguise of the Budget
were indeed approved of by the people of this coun-
try—however convenient it might be to certain parties
to put the question in that shape • yet such was not the
question which had in effect been tried before the
- country, and such was not the question on which they had
been commanded to decide. He said boldly that it was
not the question which the Government themselves
had intended to put, because the late dissolution
had not taken place upon the question of the sugar duties,
or the corn duties, or the timber duties. With regard
to the corn and timber duties, neither the one nor the other
had been brought under the consideration of the House of
Commons, and they could never have given a justifica-
tion for the late dissolution. With regard to the ques-
tion of sugar, he could not conceive that upon
that question or the time or degree in which
the pretection now afforded to the colonial in-
terests might be affected, her Majesty's Govern-
ment were at all entitled to call for the assertion of
the feelings of the people by convening the Parliament.
The real question which had compelled her Majesty's Go-
vernment to appeal to the sense ofthe people was this—that
the last House of Commons did clearly and distinctly
vote their want of confidence in the Ministry, and that
was the real question upon which the country had to
decide.—(Hear, from the Opposition benches.) That was
the admitted cause which drove her Majesty's Ministers
to try the desperate chance of a dissolution. If the ques-
tion simply related to particular measures, the Govern-
ment had already had experience enough the
year before, and during the earlier part of the Session,
which would give them an excuse for trying a
dissolution, if they thought it would serve their pur-
poses. But it was not until they had devised new expe-
dients for the purpose of diverting public attention
from the great question of their administrative policy,
which had produced so deep an impression on the public
mind. It was not until that House had expressed by its
`' -4.--'lnae•ement of affairs,
fore, thought that was the questionti.._Jon.
there-
had to answer ; and he could say •,,-nin tisen,
He.
r intr-ene
question upon which he had appealed to his own
constituents, was 'not simply whether the sugar of the
Brazils should be admitted at one time or another,
subject to one form or another of competition.
Ile could assure them that lie did not appeal to his con-
stituents as to the particular mode of protec-
tion which should be aftbrded to domestic agri-
culture (Cheers) he did not appeal to them
as to the protection to be given to colonial timber or the
mode of that protection—but the great question which
he submitted to his constituents was, whether or not the
country had confidence in theadministration of affairs bylier
Majesty's Ministers, and whether, even if they agreed in
certain
.points of the commercial policy, they were pre-
pared, in consequence of that agreement, to give their
condonation for the past, and fresh licence for the future.
He had stated to them what he had stated to
that House, that if they agreed, which they did not,
on any one of those questions, they were not to be
induced by agreement on these points to sa-
crifice those greater interests which were involved
in the question whether they should have one Adminis-
tration or the other. He had told them—and he begged
the House to remember—that feelings had been excited
within the country and the House by the con-
duct of Ministers ; on other points, on questions
of still higher importance, he had appealed to them,
whether they approved of their Irish Administration,
of their measures respecting the Church, with regard
to education, with regard to the distribution of
patronage, and of magisterial offices and honours, and on
all these questions, affecting more deeply the interests of
men than whether the mode of protection should be that
of a fixed duty or a sliding scale, or whether Bri-
tish sugar and colonial timber should be admitted at
one rat or another—on muoh greater questions than
these did he appeal to his constituents, and he received
not only a verdict but the highest expressions of ap-
probation.—(Cheers.) These were the grounds on which
the great majority of the Conservative party had been
returned to the House. The constituencies had
despised the bait held out the tub thrown
to the whale—and would not permit the real
issue to be withdrawn, and a feigned one sub-
stituted in its place. (Loud cheers.) The real
question at issue between the proposition of her Majesty's
Government and the Conservatives, was not the question
of free trade one way or the other. Between
the language of the Government and their
proposition there was a wide difference. Their
language was that of free trade, but they had
heard of little professions in any part of the em-
pire of adherence to the specific proposition
of the Government. The question was, so far as
it was a commercial question, whether there should
be protection to commercial industry or not.
The particular degree was not the question submitted
to the constituencies of England.--(gear.) The
question had been distinctly put before them,inteis'llsilafvoer
you such confidence in her Majesty's m
the future as to be willing to entrust them with
the further administration of this country;" and
whether men agreed with the Government degree
of protection, or whether they differed, he believed
the constituences of England had been governed
by this great consideration, and it
was to
this, their determination, the House ' was called
upon to give effect, otherwise they would betray
the principles they had professed and the interests
which had been confided to them.—(Hear, hear.)
With these views, he thought they were called on not
to go into detail on any of
thosequestions that were
submitted to them in the Queen's Speech, but to
q
carry, into effect the verdict which the consti-
tuencies of England have returned.—(Hear, hear.)
These were the short and simple
grounds on which
he gave his support to the amendment. It was
not that he was indifferent to the question
which been introduced into the discussion it was
not that he was indifferent to the sufferings of the popu-
lation of this country, or blind to the distress under
which it was now labouring in the commercial and ma-
nufacturing districts—but it was that he thought the
management of questions like those would be more
safely trusted to other hands than those of the
present Government. He believed that whenever the
questions at issue had been put fairly before the con-
stituencies, the feeling which had been expressed was that
they were neither satisfied with the details of
the proposed measures no 2 with the principles uroa
which those measures were founded. He did not
mean to say that in sending him to Parliament the con-
stituency which he had the honour to represent had
declared that they preferred a sliding scale
to a fixed duty on corn ; but he believed that they had
distinctly stated that they were in favour of protection.
He had not the least intention of entering, on that occa-
sion, into a discussion of the Corn-laws, because b'e
thought it was impossible, at that period, to &I to with
advantage ; but he would repeat then, what he had be-
fore stated, both in that House and elsewhere, that,
with regard to the principle of the sliding Beale, he was
not only ready, but anxious to see it maturely consi-
dered, with a view to the removal of those evils which
undoubtedly arose at present, and he believed that not
only the commercial, but the agricultural classes also,
were prepared for the fullest discussion. He would not
follow up all the topics brought under consideration in
the discussion on the Budget last Session, but he would
say, that that discussion had naturally led him to look a
little into the question of sugar duties, and be saw no

ireason for that despondency which seemed to be ei ter-
tained on the other side upon the subject. (The Noble
Lord here went into some details respecting the price of
sugar at a former period and at the present time, but was
quite inaudible in die gallery.) He was understood to
say, that with respect to the predictions which were made
as to the supply of sugar from the East and West
Indies, and the Mauritius, he would not nowgo into detail.
.! He would only say that there was no ground whatever
for the assertion that the country would be exposed to
serious inconvenience from a deficient supply of sugar,
if the importation of the foreign production was not
permitted. He would not further occupy the time of
the House. They were now about to deliver the ver-
dict which was called for by the last elections, and
which it was their duty to deliver before her Majesty's
, Government could submit any important measure to
Parliament.—(Hear.)
Mr. MILNER GMSON had expected to hear some
important statement from the Noble Lord who repre-
sented such large and important commercial interests in
that House.--(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord divided
his speech into two parts. The first was a careful de-
finition of the question before the House ; but he (Mr.
Gibson) preferred to take for his guide, as to the nature
of that question, the Address which had been pro-
posed, and the amendment subsequently moved.—(Hear,
hear.) He had little interest in those party discussions
in which the Noble Lord delighted to indulge. He be-
lieved that the country felt little interested in them.
He believed that all interest in them was con-
fined to the privileged class to which the Noble Laid be-
longed, and which now stood upon the threshold of (Ace.
He was surprised that the Noble Lord should make
light of the important questions which were really be-
fore the House.—(Hear, hear.) It was known to every
man, woman and child in the country that there were
in that House more Members favourable to Sir Robert
Peel than to Lord Melbourne.—(Cheers and great
laughter.) Why, then, say any more about it ?—(Re-
newed cheering and laughter.) It could do nothing
more than cause unpleasant recollections on that side of
the House.--(Great laughter amongst the Tories.) The
feast is prepared for you—(said the Hon. Gen'lemau,
addressing the Opposition)—and you will partake of it
in due time- —but bide your time—and la us employ in
the meanwhile what time we have remaining, in the dis-
cussion of the important questions which the Queen has
recommended to our consideration.—(Great cheering.)
However, the Noble Lord, in the second part of his
speech, when he talked of the questions before the House
and the country, forgot what he had previously stated,
and said the question was between protection and free
trade, and had nothing to do with the protYasitiona of.her • we.:
Majesty's Mininisters. The Noble Lord was somewhat
correct in that statement, as it did materially involve the
question of whether they should have a protective. or a
free trade ; and he believed that the majority of those who
gave their earnest and zealous support to the proposition
of her Majesty's Ministers, with reference to the• Bs.
duty, and for the relaxation of their commercial code,
felt that it was a step towards an end; and he contended
that those who proposed the Bs. duty only brought it a
day the nearer when the duty should be repealed_
altogether.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord had talked a
great deal about the constituents who had returned him,
and doubtless Liverpool was a very important commer-
cial town. But if they analyse the votes which returned.
the Noble Lord to Parliament, they would find that ho
was not returned to that House by the majority of the
householders, the merchants, and bankers of Livepool,
but be owed his seat to that pure and virtuous body,
the freemen of Liverpool. Therefore he did not con-
sider that he really represented the sentiments of
the town of Liverpool on that important question.—
(Ironical cheers and cries of "Order.")
The SPEAKER said the Hon. Member must be awe„ee
to state that any Hon. Member did not represer:„ the
constituency which returned him to Parliament, -was out
of order.

Mr. GIBSON was far from saying tint he did not
represent legally the constituency of Liverpool. He
was going to say he wished it was the law of the land,
that the body of men who influenced that election should
not have the political power they at present possessed.
In the latter part of his speech the Noble Lord had said, in
reference to the existing distress, " Take courage—don't
despond—for that was not enough." He supposed he meant
they should trust to what the Right Hon. Baronet
should do when he came into power. But the Right Hon..
Gentleman had left the matter in doubt as to
what he should do. Much had bee,ii said of the im-
portance of not agitating the country, as it might prevent
persons from investing their capital. But the indistinct-
ness of the Right Hon. Baronet was much more likely to
produce these results. It was known that the Right
Hon. Baronet was coming into power, and whatever
measures he thought proper he would be able to carry
into effect That, he thought, the Noble Lord could trot
deny. A symptom of this uncertainty had already 'been
perceived ; for a Noble Duke in another place l'.ad said
that if the Right Hon. Baronet did anything with re-
spect to the alteration of the Corn-laws, he would do so
and so. Did the Noble Duke, he -ivkiuld ask, make that
statement without a supposition_ in his mind that the in-
distinctness of the Right Hoe..'Baronet meant something?
He was certain that OA Right Hon. Baronet was a
man that would not, depart from the sound system
of policy of yieldi.lig to the pressure of the times when
it was no longer safe to resist. In his speech upon the
Catholic Question, if he (Mr. Gibson) recollected rightly,
the.:Right Hon. Baronet had laid it down as a principle
which ,;fight to be placed in every statesman's manual.
He was convinced that, at the present moment, such was
the state of the commercial interests, and so great was
the distress and the difficulty of finding employment for
labourers, that there would be such a spirit of dissension
in the country before long, that the Right Hon. Baronet _
AS s1(1 imahltia
Wurprise a tle s
—he did not know wlhrere he was Member for,—(Several
Members called . out for Inverness)—but he was re-
markable for having come forward to ask for. a vote of
public money in order to enable his perishing country-
men to go to foreign lands. (Hear, hear.)
He was astonished to hear him doing that very thing
which Hon. Gentlemen on 01:: other side always depre-
cated, making use of exclling and inflammatory lan-
guage—(Hear, hear) reference to classes—(Cheers)
—and when the Ho-A. Gentleman talked about the mercy
of the master manufacturers, of their tender mercies
in employing infants, and getting rid of adults, he went
on to tell the House of the tender feelings of the agri-
culturists, the farmers, and the landed aristocracy, and
described each as acting under the influence of more
generous tendency than the master manufacturers.
Was anything, he would ask, more improper than such
statements ? To what good would they lead ?—(Cheers.)
The Honourable Gentleman, when he described his
scenes of rural felicity, must permit him to remind
him of some circumstances that took place in 1839,
with respect to the high price of corn. On the
. 14th of February, 1839; at a sitting of the Board
of Guardians of the Grantham Union, it was proposed by
the Duke of Rutland, seconded by Mr. G. Gregory, and
unanimously resolved, " That the Board. considering
that during the high price of bread, the independent la-
bourers are consuming barley bread or wheaten bread
mixed with barley, while wheaten bread only is distri-
buted to the paupers, and being desirous to diminish the
oonsumption of wheaten bread, in order that the distress
of the labourers may be the sooner alleviated, resolved
that the bread given to the paupea be of the same qua-
lity as that used by the independent labourers in that
district—(Hear, hear)—and this, be it remembered, was
at a time when the agrice2itural labourers ought to be in
' a condition of great Prosperity, yet at the same time they
were obliged to ha'e recourse to coarser food.—(Cheers.)
But the Hon. Grantleman, and most of those who had
argued on the question, and even the Noble Lord, had
agreed with, them, and pretended that the manufacturer
wanted bread cheap in order to reduce wages, and so lessen
the cos;, of production in order to allow them to compete
with 'the foreign manufacturer. That was a complete and
entire misunderstanding. They merely wished to obtain the
power of selling; because, if they could not take
noexchangebarter
for their goods, the produce of other countries,
ed
at
the
appeared
could take place. A gentleman who
manufactures cheaper. What
America did not want our maniF
paying for them, and
Conference from America stated that people of
they wanted was the power
that they were prevented-
corn. It was freedom of ex-
changecoun-
try would not take theiran 'fvtlo'rmedoiing, because this
ted.—(Cheers.) The question as
that
repealed wouldspeculation,sare
lraot able
to high pricesw a
sobrew
butlaoaw idlepr ic e
ands
not
when the
d tthoe
curiousCa
n Corn-laws r n p-
which would amuse could
they
deprive one class of the community
2—(Cheers.) He contended that
result. On what principle of justice,hewotueldthaesirk,rigdihdt
the
to freedom of exchange
the wheat bronght into this country from foreign lands
was as much the produce of British industry as
if it had been grown on our own fields.—(Hear.)
He was prepared to support a proposition for an entirely
free trade in corn, and he supported the Ministerial pro-
position for an Bs. duty, simply because, as had been
wittily observed by the Hon. and Learned Member for
Cork, he hoped they would some day or other be able
to send the Bs. after the rest.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Ho did not wish to attack particular classes, or to im-
pute unworthy motives to any Gentleman ; it was not a
right mode of conducting public questions ; but he must
consider it as an unfortunate coincidence that the pecu-
niary, interest of those gentlemen who were favourable
to the Corn-laws should so closely coincide with the
maintenance of the laws to which they gave their politi-
cal support, and simple-minded people might be apt to
consider that those laws had been enacted by a Parlia-
ment of landowners for their .own pecuniary advantage.
Far be it from him to deny that Hon. Gentlemen oppo-
site were actuated by the most sincere, honest, and dis-
interested motives. Doubtless they supported the se
laws only for national objects. They were men who
would

" Do good for nought,
And blush to find it gain."
They accepted the benefit which they derived from
the Corn-laws rather as a circumstance which they
coted not !help than as an advantage to be desired.
Their only objects were natiornl ones ; they desired to
keep England independent of foreign countries for food,
and to provide peril:ie.:lent employment for our growing
population. As f' providing employment, however, for
our growing ,reopulation the Corn-laws did not provide
employnio even for our agricultural population. 'From
1821 to 1831, whilst the whole population of the country
hr.Cl greatly increased, the agricultural population had
considerably diminished, being less by 17,000 families
in 1831 than it had been in 1841, and they knew by the
Reports of the Poor-law Commissioners that pauperism
was more per head in the agricultural districts than in_
the manufacturing ones.—(Hear, hear.) It was clear,
therefore, that the Corn-laws could not provide em-
ployment for the agricultural population.—(Cheers.)
And even if they could, he would ask what justice was
it to enact a law for the purpose of keeping one class.
in employment by keeping another class out.—
(Hear.) For whilst they interfered with the
natural right of freedom of exchange, they kept out of
employment the manufacturing population, while, at the
same time, they did not find employment fur the agricul-

MORNING StrN

ural population.—(Loud cheers.) And even if they did
find employment for the agricultural population, it would
be unjust to find employment for them by such a mea-
sure.—(Cheers.) lie trusted they would have a debate
on that question, and would not so far insult the country
as to overlook those great interests on the present occa-
sion.-(Cheers.) People would say that the Right Hon.
Baronet had given directions to his party not to say ono
word except as to the want of confidence. They would
say, that at the political assembly which, according to the
Times newspaper, was held at the Right Hon. Baronet's
residence on Sunday last, he knew not whether during
hours of Divine service—(A laugh)—Hon. Members had
employed themselves in devising some scheme to give
the country no information whatever on these important
subjects, and to keep the great interests of:the country
in ignorance as to their future intentions. He stood there
as no party man,--(Cheers and laughter from the Tory
Benches.) lie repeated he was no party man, and had
proved it by his conduct.—(Cheers and counter cheers.)
But he would tell Honourable Gentlemen, oppo-
site that they would be wanting in respect to the
country if they did not allude to those great
questions of the. Corn-laws, and the commercial
tariff by the opeiation of which the commercial classes
of the country were pressed cloWn to the earth.—(Loud
cheering.) When he looked at llon. Gentlemen oppo-
site with, many of whom he was acquainted, for many
of whom he felt a regard, and many of whom, he knew
to be men of honest intentions, he could not but regret
to hear the sneers with which last night many of the
very important statements of his Iron. Friend the Mem-
ber for Stockport had been met by Hon. Gentlemen
opposite.—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.)
He regretted to hear the quotations from Scripture
which that Hen. Gentleman had introduced into his
speech alluded to in the contemptuous manner in which
they had been by Hon. Gentlemen on the other side the
House. lie for onesthought that Scripture quotations
should not be introduced unadvisedly into the
discussion of political and financial questions,
but a precedent for the introduction of Scripture
quotations had been set by the other side of the House.
—(Cheers.) What would they say when they heard
that the Right lion. Baronet the Member for Dorchester
had actually quoted Scripture in support of the Corn-
laws?—(Loud cheers). At a dinner which that Right
Hon. Baronet had given to his constituents at Dorchester,
he had actually quoted the Old Testament to show that
the sliding scale had a Scripture foundation, because it
was as near an approximation as possible to a total pro-
hibition. The Right Hon. Baronet had told his consti-
tuents that he could not entertain any doubt but that
passage had been written for their instruction.—(Loud
cheers.) After that he trusted Hon. Gentlemen oppo-
site would say no more about the impropriety of quoting
Scripture on the subject of the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.)
But Hon. Gentlemen opposite were themseves guilty of
every crime which they laid to the charge of men on his
(Mr. Gibson's) side of the House. They were agitators,
Witness the agitation at Exeter Hall—(Cheers)—wit-
ness their agitation against education—witness the agi-
tation for church extension carried on under the guidance
of his Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Ox-
ford.—(Cheers.) All 'he regretted was that the agita-
tion of Gentlemen on his side of the House in favour of
commercial reform had not been so successful as the agi-
tation of Hon. Gentlemen opposite. It had, however, been
successful to a considerable extent.—(Ministerial cheers.)
The llon. Member for Maidstone had boasted that his
party had increased its numbers during the recent elec-
tions, while that of the Noble Lord the Secretary for
the Colonies had diminished. But if the party of the
Noble Lord had diminished, the .Anti-Corn-law party
had increased, and so far the dissolution had succeeded ;
and all they wanted was time and agitation and the dis •
Gemination of the writings of such men as Dr. Chalmers
and the Rev. Baptist Noel—(Hear, hear)—all they
wants was to spread abroad such writings, and to appeal
to the geed sense and feeling of the people, and he was
certain that the Corn-laws or the bread-tax, as it was
called by his lion. Friend the Member for Stockport,
would raise an opposition similar to that which had led
to a repeal of nesrio slavery. Hon. Gentlemen opposite
bad formerly said that slavery was for the advantage of
the negroes, as they now said that a scarcity of food was
for the advantage of the consumers of food.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter.) But he was persuaded that the
people of England were not to be deluded by such a
fallacy. The Corn-laws, they might depend upon it,
must be repealed ; they were inconsistent with the
first principles of justice, and they must fail. The
Noble Lord the "Wernher for Liverpool had al-
luded to our trade'swith the Brazils. Now. it
should be remembered , that our treaty with
the Brazils would soon come to a conclusion ; and at the
present moment the Brazilian Government levied a duty
of 20 per cent. upon our 'manufactures, while we imposed
a duty of 30 per cent. upon their sugar. It could
•hardly be expecte-I that our relations with that country
could long continue in such a state. The Noble Lord
the Member foi• Liverpool must be aware that a very con-
siderable portion of the revenue was derived from the
sugar duties, and thitt the consumption of sugar in this
country, per head, was now less than it had been forty
years ago. lie must also be aware that while an im-
mense quantity of Brazilian :stlar was now lying in
bond in Liverpool, many manin:cturers engaged in the
Brazilian trade were obliged to ceasd ,working, because
they could not longer invest their capital in dead stock
lying in bonded warehouses. Now, what excuse could
there be for keeping sugar in bonded warehouses, while
the revenue was declining and our people were suffering
from a want of that necessary of life ? Its value Was 2d.
per pound, while they placed upon it a duty of 71-d., for
the purpose of preventing its being used. They allowed
it to be sent out to the blacks of Jamaica and to other
,countries, while they refused to their own popu-
Jatton lit pome the ad 46mtweal,r

amount .7' - Their justification would not be found in a
desire to consult for the interest of the.negroos, for he
ventured to say that it would not be for the disadvantage
of the negroes that the cultivation of sugar should cease
altogether. The Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool
had said that the West,lndia Colonists were placed in a
very peculiar and unprecedented position in consequence
of the passing of the Emancipation Act; and therefore it
would not be advisable to tamper with the laws regulat-
ing our trade with these colonies. But the Noble Lord
could merely allege that in consequence of the Emanci-
pation Act the cost of producing sugar in Jamaica had
increased. The proposition, however, of the Govern-
ment would give a protection to the West India producers
far more than equivalent to that increased cost of produc-
tion. There was an end, therefore, of that objection ;
and he was utterly at a loss to know upon what principle
the proposition of the Noble Lord could be justified. The
Hon. Member then concluded amidst the cheers of the
Ministerial party, by thanking the House for the atten-
tion it had given him.
Mr. BORTHWICK said the question before the House
wee. not one of corn, timber, or sugar, but who could pro-
pound those questions with any chance of bringing them
to a 'practical issue. If the Government went into the
question it would not be able to propose measures to the
House with any chance of success. But he should be '
prepared on a future occasion to show that there was no
connection whatever between the Corn-laws and the dis-
tress which existed in the agricultural and manufacturing
districts ; that ,whether the protection afforded to agri-
culture was that of 4 fixed duty or a sliding scale, in re-
ality it had no conne'Cl"son whatever with commercial dis-
tress. The Hon. Membk:7 for Bath had stated that her
Majesty's Government had brown unpopular in the coun-
try because they had not advanced in what he called libe-
rality. If that were the case, ()Leo might have thought
that the result of the elections would have been to in-
crease the extreme section of Liberals; instead of filling
the benches on that (the Opposition) side of the House.
lie admitted that the first practical result 7thich should
follow the decision of the House on the quotions now
before it must necessarily be the determining,' of who
should in future govern this great country. 1-te said
who, in.reference to the two sides of the House, not in
reference to any two sections of individuals in that Pions°.
Many complaints issued from Hon. Gentlemen opposite,
because the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tam-
worth, had not announced to them his purposes, sup,
posing that her Majesty called the Right Hon. Gentleman
to her councils. It would be, in his opinion, a great in-
decency on' the part of the Right Hon. Baronet to rise
up and offer his services to the Crown, as if setting them
up to auction, He would not sit down without saying,
in respect to Ireland, that he hoped, whatever Govern-
ment was formed, it would turn its attention to conciliate
the people of that country, and to do justice to all par-
ties, without distinction of Catholic or Protestant. He
had seen in the north of Spain that the Catholic religion
was capable of producing the best moral effects, and if
in Ireland the priests abused the influence of the sacred
office, they ought to be punished in their civil, not in their
ecclesiastical character. He would vote for the amend-
ment, in order that the country might have a Govern-
ment capable of giving full effect to useful measures.
Mr. S. O'BRIEN thought the course adopted by Hon.
Gentlemen opposite only shows that they felt themselves
worsted in the discussion of the important questions re-
ferred to in the Speech, and were eager to walk into
office, upon their votes alone. In the whole of his
public life he had never seen a more pitiful course than
that which had been pursued by Conservative statesmen
for the last three months.—(Hear.) The Right Hon.
Baronet said he would not give an opinion until he had
received his fee. Such an argument might very pro-
perly be applied to a game at chess ; but he thought
that, as a Member of that House, interested in the
public welfare, the Hon. Baronet was bound to do all in
his power to sustain the. commercial character of this
country.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member who had moved
the amendment had complained that the Whig Govern-
ment had not fulfilled the promises given by Lord Grey
in 1330, of peace, retrenchment, and reform. He would
say one word with respect so economy. Had the reproach
on that subject come from the late Hon. Member for Kil-
kenny, it would have come with weight; but in his opinion
it ill became those who had always stimulated the Go-
vernm ant to an increased expenditure, to come forward
with such a charge.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member
had condemned the conduct pursued with respect to
China. It was well known that the policy of the Go-
vernment with respect to that country had received the
approbation of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite.—(Hear,
hear.) Then again- with respect to the affair of Mr.
M‘Leod, that, which also had been made a subject
of reproach, he thought the course pursued by some
lion. Members was equally to be regretted. If it were
necessary to assert the rights of this country, he (Mr. S.
O'Brien) would render as warm support to the Hon.
Baronet as to the present Government, but he thought it
was greatly to be deplored that an affair of that nature
should ever have been viewed in the light of party.
With respect to the blame that had been attached to the
Government for not acting up to that which they pro-
t. kssfti ?le: %A only to say that since 1835, they had
broue-fe
'reward three measures for the purpose of car-
rying •
vle onitathluierise.ct_of appropriation which they had in
press his vitartuileMember, he felt that he ought to ex-
course of policy thethhe present Government for the
They had geeeniedY had pursued in Ireland.—(Hear.)
that country in the only way

in which it could be properly governed—namely,
upon an equal footing with England.—(Heare) In all
their appointments of the exeentive of that county, they
had selected men eminently qualified to fill their stations,
and, but for the law, with respect to Chtholics, a most,
excellent and worthy man would have now been 'the
Chancellor of Ireland. In stating what he had done, he
did not wish it to be understood that he coincided in all
the details of the policy of the Government, but looking
at it generally, he thought it was good.—(Hear, hear.)
As to the Corn-laws they had excited the greatest in-
terest in the country ; there was no question he believed
in which so many petitions had been presented to the
House, and he felt confident, whatever Ministry was in
power, something must be done with respect to them.—
(Hear, hear) For his own part he would do all
in his power to keep down the prices of corn to
a fair and reasonable scale. As to the reforms
that the present Government had effected, he thought
they had not been dealt frankly with by several Hon.
Members. He would ask reasonable man whether
any
the reforms in the Church, in the tithes and Church-
rates were not excellent measures. Then there was
their plan of education, and the reduction of the postage,
which he looked upon to be the greatest boon that had
been conferred upon the people for ages. So also with
respect to the union of the Canadas—in short, all their
administrative forms had. effected great good, and en-
titled them to the gratitude of the country. Now, what
act, he would ask, had the Conservatives ever done to
entitle them to such a distinction ? For his own part
he knew of none. lt was true they had introduced the
Controverted Elections Bill, and the Irish Registration
Bill ; but he did not think that those measures were suf-
ficient to call for the gratitude of the country to them.
With respect to Ireland, that country had always been
cast aside by the Tories ; but he felt certain that they
must take care how they governed her in future. Whe-
ther he considered the demerits of the present Govern-
ment, or the supposed merits of the new Ministry, he
felt bound to vote against the amendment.
Colonel SIBTHORP considered that he should be
unmindful of the position in which the House was placed,
and the duty that he owed it, if he gave a silent vote on
the present question. He must congratulate the House
and the country that the time had nearly arrived when
the Right Honourable Baronet, who had sat too long
on the Opposition side of the House, would resume his
seat on the other side as a Minister of the Crown. He
was rejoiced to think that her Majesty's present Minis-
ters had not resigned voluntarily, as he should now have
the pleasure of seeing them drummed out to a tune which
the forms of the House would not allow him to name.—
(Laughter.) He rejoiced that he had lived to see that
day, and right glad should he be to see, before the Right
Hon. Baronet took his seat opposite, those benches cleansed
from their political filth by having them well washed
with Conservative lime, and regenerated with Conserva-
tive paint, in order that the glandered body that had hither-
to sat there, might not infect those who would hereafter
possess those benches.—(Laughter.) The Whigs, thank
God, after that or to-morrow night, would be no longer
Ministers of the Crown. They had not been satisfied
with the verdict pronounced by the) last House of Com-
mons, and they appealed to the people, and the result
of that appeal would be the placing of his Right Hon.
Friend on the benches on the other side of the House.—
(Hear, hear.) If the present Ministers had had the
political honesty and decency to have resigned, when
the last House of Common told them that it had no
confidence in them, they would have been saved the
verdict that had been pronounced against them by tha
country. He was happy to see the great reaction which
had taken place in Yorkshire and is Westminster.
Oh ! had the Ministers been present at a scene which he
had the happiness to see a few days ago—had they been
to Drury-lane Theatre—(Laughter)—and seen the
assemblage, both male and female—(Loud laughter)—
had they seen them enthusiastically pronouncing the
deep disgust they felt for them and the hopes which
animated them, the delight with which they looked for-
ward to the sunshine which they expected to burst
upon them in a few days—it would have been a strong and
impressive lesson for them in all future time.
In that most subtle Speech, which her Majesty's Minis-
ters had so cunningly put into her Majesty's mouth, they
heard much of distress amongst the people, and the dif-
ficulties of the country ; but his Right Hon. Friend,
the Member for Tamworth, had a mind and a heart
which would enable him to surmount all difficulties.
Who had brought those difficulties on the country ?
Why. the. Government, with their incompetency—their
selfishness and greediness of Commissions, and, he
might say, omissions ; but the day to talk of them
would soon arrive. They had got up the cry of cheap
bread, cheap sugar, and cheap timber ' • they were
brought forward merely for the purpose of humbugging
the people ; but he would tell them, though perhaps
they were already aware of it, that old birds were not
to be caught by the Chancellor of the Exchequer's chaff.
—(Laughter.) The proper time had not arrived for the
discussion of these important questions ; but, come when
it would, he predicted that it would be found that they
would give no relief to the poor. The fact was, the Go-
vernment were bankrupts ; and when they produced
their schedules, where would be the assets to pay their
anxious creditor, the country? He could not sit down
without adverting to what had taken place since the
Commons of England had given the Government warn-
ing to quit on the 4th of June last.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) How many places had been given away ?
how many appointments made ? How much
money lavished in rigging out and in calling home, and
probably a little something to smooth the passage? What
was to be said to the appointment of the late Attorney-
General?—what about his outfit? Good God, was not the
Attorney-Genera of End
_kw,
(Laughter)----1r;
or a c

chest ? -At a future day- he would
turns which might show more—he
would then see how many days, he might say hours, nay
minutes, he had performed the duties of his office.
Whether he had received any salary or not, he did not
know, but they would see by and by. He considered
it to be one of the most gross and unpardonable jobs
that had ever been perpetrated. There had been two
Gazettes since then that were rather remarkable. The
Ministers were certainly rewarding their friends. He
wished to God they were driven out that night, for they
knew not how soon another Gazette might appear.—(A
laugh.)—But enough had been done, and sufficient for the
day was the evil thereof. With those sentiments he
would cordially vote for the amendment, and the sooner
he gave that vote the better, for the effect of it, he felt
certain, would be to give satisfaction to the people at
large, security to the country, and prove a blessing and
add to the happiness of the country.
Mr. POWELL—The Noble Lord the Member for Li-
verpool had said that the people of England had given a
decided verdict against the Government, but it was to be
borne in mind that the appeal had also been made to the
people of Ireland, and their verdict had been decidedly in
favour of the Ministry. He was an ardent friend of free
trade, but as so many interests, and important ones, had
grown up under the monopoly and protective system,
he wished for only a gradual amelioration of our com-
mercial code. He thought the policy of the Government
founded on justice and wisdom. A fixed low duty on corn
would give a sufficient protection, while at the same time
it would prove a salutary warning to those whose inte-
rests would be affected. He would warmly support the
Address, wishing, as he did, to relieve the people from un-
warrantable monopolies and unjust taxes.
Mr. TURNER—The Right Hon. Baronet the Member
for Tamworth had said that in Ireland he would meet
with his utmost difficulties in governing the country.
Now a dinner was given to celebrate the return of the
Members for Kent, at which a Noble Earl (Win-
chilsea) was stated to have been present, and
to have indulged in the use of language that was
unbecoming, and if the Report was true, the Right
Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir E. Knatchbull) who was
present, was answerable for it. He talked of the Roman
Catholic Clergy as "Popish factious demagogues,"
headed by O'Connell, and " led on by the most infu-
riated and bigoted priesthood that had ever cursed a
country."—(Hear.) Now, he would ask, was this lan-
guage calculated to make the task of the Right Hon.
Baronet more easy? On the contrary, would it not add
to the difficulty. He would now come to the real ques-
t:en before the House. With regard to the chief topic
that had been discussed in that House, viz., the lan-
guage they had put into the Queen's Speech, he
thought ;f they had not done so, they would have be-
trayed the country ; and notwithstanding the silence
of lion. Mem.tiers on the other side of the House, those
Much had been said Ogon the question of
wages,
on his (Mr. T;:rner's) side, were determined that' the
would tell the House
question should go'. fairly before the country.—(Hear.)
week, and with th. 7.
that country and he
what the rate of wages was in
23 quartern loaves. In i
in 1760.
~kt that period the labourer
had ss.a-
-urlOchs.aspeerownelyek,l t sum he was able to pur-
chasewas 95., and with 792 the average of wages
that the labourer was able to purchase
of bread. In 1841
15 quarterns the highest rate of
loaves. Talk of
money value. Money was only
aondquwairttherriit the poor man was
the repre,SentatiVe of that
which kept up their stamina--(A laugh;—and it was
awbalgeestowasp
clear that the labouring man in 1792 was better able to
support his family than at present. The fanners had
been considerably alarmed by the outcry raised by the
landed proprietors of the injury that would be done to
their interests, but he thought that the general good
should be taken into account, instead of the interest of
any particular class. The interest of the landed proprie-
tors would certainly be affected by the proposed measure
to the extent of somewhere about to per cent. Under
any circumstances, foreign wheat could not be introduced
at less than 603. a quarter. He contended that 565.
ought to be the standard price, and the day was not long
past since the farmers, until they had been differently
schooled, were in the habit of saying that that would be
a fair remunerating price. He would ask the landed
proprietors, were they prepared, on the score
of humanity, and the destitution of the people—
to make any sacrifice. He contended that no Go-
vernment, however strong it might be, could stand unless
it made some. sacrifices. -It was the duty of that House
in time to make concessions to the people ; and in his
opinion they should have brought forward these measures
two years ago. He thought, however, the House should
have begun with a higher duty, and gradually come down
to a low one; he would not say what sum. But they had
lost that golden opportunity, and the people were in a
state of utter destitution. He now came to that part of
her Majesty's Speech which called upon them to consider
the laws which regulated the trade in corn, so as to pre-
vent the fluctuations which had taken place in its price.
These statements could not be controverted—they were
damning facts, and were established by the returns which
were lately placed in the hands of lion. Members. It
appeared that since the Bill was passed no less than
11,700,000 qrs. of wheat, and 3,700,000 cwt. of flour had
been imported. Out of that 11.000,000 of quarters the
House and the country would be astonished to find that
3,900,000 qrs. paid a duty of only ls., and 2,800,000 qrs.
paid a duty of only 2s. Bd., so that 6,700,000 quarters,
being considerably more than half of the entire quan-
tity, paid an average duty of only ls. 10d. What
then had the farmers to be alarmed at-in the proposition

of an Bs. duty. He did not believe the measure would
give the country cheap bread.—(Tory cheers.) But he
would tell-them what it would give them, it' would give
them a regular supply of bread when they wanted it.—
(Cheers and laughter.) The eleven millions of quarters
of wheat imported produced to the ,Revenue 190,000/.
But an Bs. duty would have produced 2,480,0001. to the
Exchequer ? Under the one system the corn would
come in gradually, while, under thepresent law, it would
not be admitted until bread rose to a famine price. His
last remark would be as to the derangement of the cur-
rency which was occasioned by the present system. He
contended that it not only deranged the currency, but
that it placed in jeopardy the commercial and landed in-
terests of the country. He trusted that those whose duty
it was likely to be to administer the affairs of that great
country, would not shut their eyes to the evils which af-
fected the interest of the manufacturing and working-
classes, and he prayed that they would endeavour, having
a majority in that House, to relieve the poor of that
country from digr present sufferings.—(Hear.)
Mr. ESCOTT expressed his determination to vote in
favour of the amendment. Hon. Members on the other
side had, in their addresses, avoided a statement of the
real question which that House had to decide, and of
course they had avoided all arguments in favour of the
amended Address. He thought it very extraordinary
that just at the close of the career of a tottering Admi-
nistration they should bring forward a Budget which,
in the opinion of the majority of that House, went to at-
tack the great vital interests of that country, viz., its
ships its colonies, its commerce, and its landed interest.
—(Hear,f hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman the Presi-
dent of the Board of Trade had stated some reasons why
the Budget had been introduced. He had told them that
it was in consequence of Members coming to the Go-
vernment and saying that something of that sort ought
to be done; it was, therefore, evidently the pressure from
within, and not the pressure from without. The question
however, was not one between cotton and corn ; but he
asked, was the Parliament of England to deliberate upon
such questions at all, while an Administration was in
office in defiance of Parliament, and in defiance of the
law and the Constitution.—(Cheers.) He wished to say
one word with respect to the Hon. and Learned Member
for Bath, who stood in a very different position from
the Government, and who, he admitted, was a man of
great ability, having raised himself, by the force of his
talents, to the representation of a great city. He had
shown an admirable ekample of independence of mind,
although in support of principles which, if carries into
effect, would only produce the same consternation. &in-
fusion, and defeat, which must follow the establish ,ent
of a Government in their Monarchical Constitution upon
democratical and revolutionary principles.—(Cheers.)
He had told them that they were all equally wrong, and
that he was right, and not himself alone, but the people
of England were with him. What was this but the old
and often-repeated and exploded fallacy of what was
meant by the people of England. If he admitted that
the Whigs and Tories; and a majority of the electors of
England were against him, did they not form a to-
lerably good portion of the people of England.—(Hear,
hear.) Some of the Hon. and. Learned Member's re-
marks on the subject of the Poor-laws had given him
pain. He stated that addresses were made from the
hustings on that subject, in order to influence the votes
of electors. If that were so, the epithets of base and sor-
did men would noi be InisplicAd in designating the parties
who had so used them. 13ut the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman should consider that his (Mr. Escott's) side
of the House had as much right to speak in favour of
the old as other Honourable Members had to speak
in favour of the New Poor-law.—(Hear, hear.)
He had listened with attention to the Hon. Member for
Stockport (Mr. Cobden), who spoke on the other side,
and who seemed actuated by no other feeling than that
of implacable dislike to the agricultural interest of the
country. He (Mr. Escott) might be mistaken ; but it
appeared so to him. That Hon. Member appeared to
have some sort of commission from a kind of Conference
or Synod which was held at Manchester—a parliamen-
turn indoctum he could not call it, but a parliamentum
theologium—whose discussions went to show, on the au-
thority of Scripture, that the Corn-laws were the means
of oppressing and starving the poor. He (Mr. Escott)
did not know why ; but the Hon. Member entered, with-
out any attack having been made on that side of the
House, on the defence of those ministers of religion, for
meeting to discuss those difficult questions which now
engrossed
public attention. Why had the Hon. Mem-
ber defended them ? Nobody had attacked them. He
(Mr. Escott) always looked with suspicion on a gra-
tuitous defence of that kind. It looked as if the cause
defended was a bad one. Was there any suspicion of
that kind loitering in the Hon. Member's mind ? He
(Mr. Escott) did not attack the ministers of religion for
meeting as they did. But were these ministers the same
parties who, for years past, had been denouncing the
ministers of the Established Church for meddling in
public affairs ? Were those the men who said that it
was their duty to confine themselves to their spiritual
avocations, and to mind their flocks ? He knew
not ; but he knew that there were excellent
and good men amongst the Dissenting clergy, and
excellent and good men belonging to the Church of
England, who thought it their duty to take part in the
discussion of political questions. They might be both
right, but that man was not a good man, be he Church-
man or Dissenter, who thought it his duty to excite ill-
Will among his fellow-men, by throwing on one party
the odium and accusation of being starvers of the poor.
—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) He would next
state what was in his mind the real question which was
before the House. That question was not, as was stu-
diously represented, whether or no Hon. Members of
tkn Uenr.itgrial House had a, right to discuss
ey had full—l...is—That was not the ques-
ject ; but the question was, whether the MiniStdrs
of the Crown had a right to come down to Parliament
and put into their Sovereign's mouth a speech recom-
mending particular measures on which there was the
greatest possible difference of opinion in the country,
when they themselves had appealed to the country, and
had found its voice against them by a large majority ad-
verse to them in thitt House. What, he would ask, was
the great doctrine of the responsibility of Ministers? Who
were they responsible to but to that House ? What
were Ministers now doing ? They were making their
Sovereign appear in an adverse position to that House—
to the people as represented in Parliament. He did not
envy them their position. Ministers were not exactly
out of office, but their fate was sealed. It was only a
question of a day or two till Honourable Members on
his (Mr. Escott's) side of the House took their places
on the other side. Why was it then they put their Sove-
reign in that painful position ? Why was it that they
made their Sovereign do that which had not been done
in this country for 200 years ? Why was it that they
forced the House to come to a vote which was extraor-
dinary and perhaps unprecedented ? It was because
their course was extraordinary and unprecedented. It
was because the'question was, should the House of Com-
mons give up the rights of the people and succumb to
the Ministers of the (frown. He knew not how it was
that they had been encouraged to act thus. Had
he been asked for a reassn for their so acting he
should certainly have said it had arisen from the
lenity with which they had been treated by both
Houses of Parliament during the last two years. The
moderation with which they had been treated, was
perhaps the best policy, as was proved by the result of
the last election. It was that course which placed the
Right Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth,
in his present high position. Any Honourable
Gentlemen, he was certain, who might defend
Ministers would only defend them as the
Hon. Member for Bath (Mr. Roebuck) had done. That
Hon. Gentleman said " He disliked Ministers and their
measures, but -he was obliged to defend them because
he disliked those who were opposed to thein more."
The unconstitutional course taken by the Noble Lord
the Secretary for the Colonies surprised him. Nothing
in the writings of the. Noble Lord, nor in his previous
speeches, led him (Mr. E.) to expect such a course from
the Noble Lord. With respect to the Right Hon.
Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, he believed the
ground of his popularity to be that he never made
great professions—that he never promised the people to
do impossibilities. That was a popularity which had
the extraordinary advantage that it did not wane from
year to year, nor from Parliament to Parliament.
He had endeavoured to state the reasons why he meant
to vote for the amended Address ; but the people had,
in fact, decided that question. They indeed cared very
little about that question.. The one which they really
cared for was, the question of cheap bread—the ques-
tion which was urged on the other side. He could
speak on that question from kis own experience. He
had heard the cry raised, and that in no contracted
sphere, and he self the people disgusted by what they
considered to be an attempt to cajole them, and obtain
their support. In conclusion, he would express the
hope, that if a discussion on the Corn-laws would arise
in that House or elsewhere, it would not be conducted
without acrimony or party feeling.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, (who
spoke so low as to be frequently inaudible) said he
could assure the Hon. Member for Winchester (Mr. Es-
Ott) that he should not follow him in his story respect-
ing the big and the little loaf, nor was he going to tell
the House any story of what might have taken place
between himself and the Hon. and Learned Gentleman.
But he confessed that he had followed the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman with all the attention which his
speech deserved, and he was not a little astonished, not
a little surprised, to hear from him that the House had
no right, and did not dare, according to the Constitution
and the law, to discuss the question of the Corn-laws.--
(Loud cheers.) "Why, an appeal had been made
on that question to the feelings and the senti-
ments of the country. The country, from one end
to the other, had re-rechoed the discussions on that ques-
tion.—(Opposition cheers.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite
told them they came to represent the result of that dis-
cussion, and yet, on the first debate in that House, when
her Majesty, in a Speech, nominally the Speech of her
Majesty, but in the eye of the Constitution the Speech
of her Ministers—(Opposition cheers)—placed that
question before them for discussion, he then heard, for
the first time as a Parliamentary doctrine, that that House
had no right
.to enter into the discussion of the Corn-
laws.—(Cheers.) He confessed he thought the Hon.
and Learned Gentler: piLhad failed in making out his
point, and he seemed to doubt before the end of his
speech the truth of his own theory ; for, notwith-
standing he had said the House wag incapable after
discussion, the Hon. and Learned Gentlemen could not
avoid repeating the story of the " big and little loaf."—
(Cheers.) His Noble Friend who opened the debate
that evening, complained also that the discussion was
not put on a fair footing. He stated that he would not
discuss the question of protection—that he would not
go into the corn, and sugar, and timber duties. He said
also—at which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
was not surprised—that these were not the questions on
which he had talked to his constituents. He alluded
also to his neighbours, yet there was the Right Hon.
Baronet entertaining thel same principles as himself,
who did talk of a fixed duty, not as a permanent arrange-
ment, but as one which would lead to a further reduction