The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-26 00:00:00

LEEDS REFORM ASSOCIATION PUBLIC
DINNER.

In the evening there was a public dinner in the Music
Hall, of the members of the Leeds Parliamentary Reform
Association. Mr. Marshall, the gentleman who presided
at the meeting of the evening before, took the chair. He
was supported by Mr. O'Connell, Mr. flume, Mr. Roe-
buck, Mr. Sharman Crawford, Mr. Ross, of Rosbcrcorn,
Mr. Gully, Colonel Thompson, Dr. Smiles, of the Leeds
Times, and other gentlemen. Upon the cloth being re-
moved, the usual toasts were given, and the Chairman pro.
posed " the People," to :chichi toast he called on Mr-
O'Connell to speak.
Mr. O'CONNELL here rose, and was received with enthu-
siastic cheers, which were continued for several minutes.
Upon two cr three occasions it seemed as if the applause
were about to subside, when it was again renetvod as if it
were with increased vigour. At length silence was ob-
tained, and he proceeded to say: Perhaps you know that I
have successfully led one portion of the people in esta-
blishing the sacred principle of freedom of conscience ;
and although I have not the paltry vanity to say here that
I am fitted to be the leader of the entire and aggregate
population, yet still I am perfectly ready to contribute my
mite, to assist and to join with the remainder of the people
of this realm in attaining that other sacred principle,
in the establishment of civil liberty.—(Cheers.) If
one considers the present situation of the nations
of Europe and civilised America, I think that he
will see much reason for consolation, and a great
deal to excite his hopes in his farther efforts to
establish the principles of civil freedom by the establish-
ment of democratic liberty.—( Hear.) We are, to be
sure, in a sratc of transition. There is a great moral move-
meet abroad. Freedom has already made a rapid ad-
vance—it presses forward ; and continually it gains ground.
Even during the period of my own existence, what mighty
changes have taken place, and all favourable to human
berty.—( Hear, hear.) When I first came into existence,
France was groaning under a despicable despotism—it was
a despotism in which the people were nothing— the nobi-
lity and the gentry everything. There were the lords and
the gentry—the people were bound to obey their order—
the gentry were exempted with the nob:lity, while the
taxes and the entire burdens of the State were barn° by
the French people. Look, then, at Spain—it was still
in a worse state ; for, to the horrors of French despotism,
there were to be added the horrors of the super-
annuated but still existing Inquisition.— (Hear, hear.)
So, too, it was with Portugal—there the same misery ex-
isted, and there the same abuses prevailed. Bat
what, then, was the state of Germany ? There the
feudal system prevailed throughout. That, then, was the
state of Europe—of continental Europe ; while as. to Eng- -
land, notwithstanding the value of its ancient constitution,
it was found to be corrupted by a profligate and borough-
mongering Parliament—and, pardon me fur saying it, for I
speak on behalf of and to the people—and a brutal tyrant
George the Third—(Cheers)--who was enabled to carry
• on a war against his own subjects, to the shame and con-
' demnation of his monarchy, at the expense of the blood of
millions of his subjects, and by the creation of a debt which
to England has been a source of much embarrassment,
which encumbers her with its weight, and diminishes
much of the energies of her people.—( Hear.) Let me
look now beyond the Atlantic. There were thirteen dis-
united provinces, each of which was a pitiful and fretting
province—( Hear, hear, hear)—in which the nominee of
a boroughmonger might exhibit his power, or gra-
tify his avarice, and where none but those whom he selected
could fill situations anion est a people that were taxed, but
not represented ;—( Cheers)—until at length their
situation became too horrible to be borne, and
the sons that England had given to these provinces be-
gan the movement, and it was the first great movement
for democratic liberty—and it was, blessed be Heaven !
successful movement:—(Cheers). Then it was that those
provinces became, from being the slaves of their former
masters, themselves the masters of their own destiny._
(Cheers.) We rejoice that theit's is a free—is a responsi-
ble Government; and while we do rejoice in their success,
still we cannot conceal that there exists among them one
gross—one crying evil—there is upon their escutcheon one
black, one degrading spot—it is that in their States com-
plexion is made a crime, and slavery is branded upon a
human being because his skin is of a ditfrent colour.
While we applaud their success, while we sympathise in it,
still we and every honest man must execrate that system
which oppresses our fellow men, and that tramples upon
their rights, in the persons of our black fellow Christians.
—( Cheers.) Come then, with me to Europe, and you
find in Portugal a representative system—you find in Spain
representation, and I trust that there the people arc settling
down into rational liberty.—( Cheers.) You find, too, in
Germany many representative Parliaments, and all the
residue of Germany is insisting for the same, and their
demands for liberty will never be gratified until they have
free Parliaments. The transition, too, in England has
been great. Gatton and Sarum have been struck out of
the representation. Leeds and Manchester have been
added to it.—( Hear, hear ) But do not mistake me. I
do not say that all that. has been done here has been well
done. Far from it. But I want to show you that the
movement has been in the right direction. 1 look to it as
the increasing tide of popular power—that as the tide has
been running in, it has covered up more and more of the
shore—that it has flowed over more and mare of that
which has been dry, barren, bare, and useless—that it
advances day by day, until at length the ark of human
liberty can float securely into the harbour of human hap.
piness.—( Loud cheering.) It is, then, our duty to aid
in forwarding the march of the democratic principle.
Tnat is the duty of every honest man—that is the first
duty of every patriotic man. Yes, this is our duty, and
when we come to the practical performance of it, at this
time, we see what has been done by our Saxon ancestors,
or rather, I should say, by your Saxon ancestors—( Laugh-
ter)—for I em ready to take a legacy,. although 1 do not
claim in descent—(Laughter)—but they have left a
noble skeleton of the most rationall7. free Constitution in

the world. It is theoretically defective; but of great
practical utility, if the people of England were really ro-
presented—if there were not a class representation—then
the House of Commons would become too formidable for
the silken Lords of the present day ; as the people
were found to be too formidable for the iron Lords of
former periods.--( Cheers.) Yes, the British Constitution
possess elements of liberty as extensive as they are useful,
and representation has been burdensome only because the
people have not had the benefit of the Constitution. The
very fixity of the Crown takes away from lawless ambition
the greatest prize in human life. And, with all our love
for America, we must admit that, although her contests
for the rulcrship are attended with no loss of life, yet it
creates such dissensions, and is tho cause of so much un-
happiness, that even though we thought it right that there
should be such an election, still I must be allowed to say
that I look with respect to the wisdom which devised the
fixity of the sovereignty, and by that means gave secu-
rity to every family in the country.--( Hear.) I candidly
confess to you, however, that your House of Lords are 0..)
favourites of mine. Blame me, if you will.—( Cheers and
laughter.) But here lam ready to receive your censure,
' if you differ from me.—( Hear, hear.) What I complain of
most, with respect to them, is this—that while we leave to
them their privileges, they wish not to give to the people the
full enjoyment of their franchise ; and the duty that I call
upon you to perform is this, that while you leave to the
Lords their privileges, you must take care that the people
—that every one of them—shall have his franchise.—
(Cheers.) I am, therefore, one of the advocates for the
Government project. I call, then, on the behalf of the
movement, for these things. I demand, in the first in-
stance, that there be no property qualification for your
representatives.—( Hear, hear, hear.) We lawyers are
fund of quoting a precedent. In Scotland there is no pro-
autbel re)
to
perty qualification for a representative, and they are as
ell
shrewd a people as any in the empire—(Lghter)—as
well able, too, to take care of theinselves_;s Is
(La,
and, having made that allusion, let me say,
take care of others—( Hear)--tnd to take care also of the
public purse (I do not exaggerate) as if it were their own
private money. And I flatter myself that is no small
eulogium for a Member of Parliament. I give you
the Scotch precedent, and Low come to Ireland