The Sun.
London, England, 1823-03-22 00:00:00

The following is a letter from. Brest of the
3th of Nlarch :
" You will recollect that the Brest squadron put to se on

the 15th of February. It was composed of a ship of the line,
having on board Admiral Hamelin, the brigs lancer and
Euryalus, the frigate Le Guerrier, and the corvette Hebe.
After the first day the brig Lancer sailed to the west, with
the corvette Hebe, and the brig Euryalus returned to ►he
roads. In the night of the 17th the weather became bad, and
the frigate was entirely separated from the ship of the line. The
latter having suffered much, took its station in the Gulf of Gas-
cony, where the winter season is very severe. Towards the
29d of February it made Cape Ortegal, and met a considerable'
number of English ships bound to Spain ; but on the Bth and,
9th of March the vessel was struck by a horrible tempest; its
top-masts were carried away, and a heavy wave wetted even its
powder and provisions. A sailor was lost, and 23 hurt; five
severely. The Vessel leaked in all parts, and re-entered Brest
on the 11th of March in a most wretched plight. Such is the
result of a cruise, which even the English do not attempt in
War time, in such a season, and which has been as troublesome
as it is useless."

SPEECH. OF THE VISC. DE CHATEAUBRIAND,
IN THE CHAMBER OF PEERS ON THE PROJECT OF LAW
TOR A VOTE OF CREDIT OF 100 MILLIONS OF FRANCS.
My Lords--You will not expect me to go back to principles,
and to treat again in all its extent a question already exhausted,
I am only about to endeavour to reply to some of the objections
brought forward at this Tribune by the opponents of the Pro-
ject of Law now submitted to your consideration.
I begin with a Noble Marshal (Marshal Jourdan). I am not
at all disposed to contest his right to examine the question of
Peace and War, having maintained and still maintaining the
position—" That the true doctrine with regard to the Royal
Prerogative is, that nothing proceeds directly from the King in
the Acts of Government, but that every thing is the work of the
Ministry."
I have as a Minister at least this advantage, I cannot he Tee
proached with being unconstitutional. . •
The Noble Marshal asserts that our essential interests are
not injured. 'Who is to judge of this question? The great
danger to France arises from the moral contagion of the Spanish
Revolution; now it is evident that this is a point which, de-
pending on the different convictions of different minds, can only
be established by proofs, the satisfactory nature of which may
be disputed by every opponent; all moral truths are in the
same situation.
If I told you that the Spanish Revolution, placed on the
frontier of France, awakens amongst us baleful interests and
recollections • if I told you that France, scarcely yet recovered
from a Revolution of dimly years' duration, is more liable than
any other State to relapse into the disorders which so long afflict-
ed her ; if I told you thit the calamities which have pressed
upon' us oblige us to make every effort to prevent their return ;
it I told you that in the name of the Spanish Revolution an at-
tempt is made in all the revolutionary Newspapers in Europe to
excite our noldiers to revolt; that even at l‘ladrid, under the
eye of the Government,' journals are printed in French so out.
rngeous that I could not venture to read fragments of them in
this tribune ; you might deny me the powerof these Influences,
and the deductions which I should draw from them. I should
reedy by an assertion, and then we should remain until the re-
volution came to prove to us that it despises our vain conten-
tions, and cannot be checked by speeches.
And now with regard to this moral contagion, it has been
maintained, that no Spanish name has been involved in the
causes brought before our Tribunals ; yet, my Lords, if I
mistake not, we have heard in this very Chamber that Natal',
now in Spain, boasted that lie would strike a blow d la Que.
roga.—lt is true that Gen. Quiroga did not appear as an
accused party in' the trial; but who will deny the contagion
of his revolt!
The Noble Marshal has spoken of the origin of the Con-
stitution of the ,Cartes, which lie regards as the work of the
Spanish nation.-- In order to undeceive him in this respect,
he will permit me to quote a passage from a Political Pam-
phlet, which at this moment produces a great sensation in
London :
" Very few of the Deputies of the Extraordinary Cozies in
1812 were duly constituted Ruch, in a manner sufficient to au-
thorise them to proceed to the formation of a new Constitution
for the Spanish Monarchy. Their powers, as a Provisional
Government, would never have been questioned had they con-
fined themselves to the provisional administration of the affairs
of the kingdom, and to adopt moderate measures of reform ; but
so soon as they began to debate a Constitution, which, as it
'quickly appeared by the debates given to the public by the re-
porters, was to be of a democracies' tendency, and greatly re-
sembling the French Constitution of 1791, opposition, dims-
' tisfaction, and disunion began to spew themselves throughout
Spain.
The very persons who had been mainly instrumental in
exciting and sustaining the opposition of the people to the
French, forsook the cause when they discovered that the Go-
vernment were acting in violent and direct disregard to the
popular objects of the war. The Bishop of Orense withdrew
from the Regency, when he could no longer stem this tendency
to democracy. The very pulpits, and the press in many parts
of the country, that had sent forth those addresses which first
stirred the people to opposition, now condemned the acts of the
Government, and in some places the people were distinctly told
that further exertion would not, in fact, conduce to the great
ends which they had taken arms to accomplish ; for that a self,
constituted Government, though competent to administer pro-
visionally the affairs of the country during the captivity of
the Sovereign, had made a Constitution which was directly
in opposition to the popular objects of the war, and which
had politically deposed their King; and, consequently, that
further exertions for that Government were acts of rebellion
against his authority.
" We all remember how much the apathy of the Spanish
people was complained of at an advanced period vs the war. We
all remember how incomprehensible it appeared; that the en-
thusiastic spirit, which had been displayed at the beginning of

the contest, should so 10021 evaporate, and sink into ape*
Here then is the solution."
This, my Lords, is what w
an Englishman relates who as an
eye witness of the facts. If you were to read the pealPhiet 91
31. San Miguel himself on the first insurrectional movements in
the Isle of Leon,. you would see that the military 1004 wss
equally repelled in its origin. The Minister complains of ill
success, and finds every where, according to his account, nothing
but baseness and treason. If the Constitution is not all
to the people of Spain, it is not more so to the King, on wham
it has been imposed. Whom then does it please? Those only
who avail themselves of it to ruin their country and disturb the
peace of the world.
The Noble Marshal finished by a protestation worthyof idol;
the field of battle is a Tribune, where he will always plead with
honour the cause of his country.
I pass on to the speech of the Noble Maven (Barante).
He has spoken, as almost every others peaker has done. (it'll
tight of interference. Ile has found a great differ
ie cre
sition of
Witt°,
our 'position in 1813 with regard to Spain, and dpo ~
England in 1793 with re...ird to France.
der it us.
, 1 gall '
'
illy friend and a Noble Duke (Duke de ritzjamcs) hss sj-
shewa the weakness of this reasoning, but I will consi
der another point of view.
What has it to do with the truths which I have Vrilbea,t°
establish, whether England first declared war, or had war
rob
dared against her in 1793 ? Whether she issued her Manifesto!,
months or 6 years after the commencement of hostilities, !Pt
tees little as to the consequence which I wished to draw !n1):1;
clearly
that Manifesto. Was it a date I looked for in the declorstal°,,ht
Was it the fact of the war itself ? No such thing. 1,10;11,
I will say more:
for the principle of the right of intervention clearly loin food
it, but found it withall ' impositen or *
its consequences as the attoe
cane of Constitution, the tl r mised tu a P
intoinhabitants
which war is carries! on, ~ ,o
points which I have already quoted, anti which it is tom
repeat. expressed, and I found it in every lint.—not only . _
• war far Om i
weakening my reasoning strengthens it. it in Ries '
suPPosedt that a nation which intends to cominerioi ,_
.im,
May lay down a principle in (rider to create to it sell ''.' Q 1,
But when it is f s prinep
is the support 0 e
assailed by war, es
the very case of a defensive ,p fact b, 1
to ~
necessary ? When on the defensive is it neressall
theories to the this cam r
litical declarations are made ; if, for instance. ttn tbe
prove the right of defence ?If even , i.t of 0,, ,
terferen" is Proclaimed, is not this the strong ce evillest,fop.•
the ri4lit so proclaimed, when it is not ni.cessa3t to jos•
port ot a defensive war, is not an invented eriet- joie, of
tify the attack, but the real canviction, the tiro ,qa it has'
the Government which insists upon the right, wde
no need of it ? _: with tilt;
The Noble Boron finished his discourse by trsoinge tbe fa;
pencil of a lively imagination an alarming taut,
, oil
tune ; France invaded; all our libel
hick
answer him by that AMC reproach which has be
_o° As :0
Cadoestelannot) aconhostsiittSut
to us, of foreseeing evils which will never hsPr' liberty,
the invasion of France, and the loss of the 'llitinil°t`t,,, or
there is one thing that will console nie—i;4l,' Noble 11P
wh e I and my colleagues:Nlll'4o.ol' I" nts, ,rill 11P
o who professes with ability generous sentitnei ~,,,, a a
don me this assertion • it proceeds from the celoc'"
Frenchman. '
.5 (Atniu' :,
I have little to say in reply to a Noble 31arqu',10 ps is '.
of requisitions ; I think he has heen inisinfoto edtiostiv row I
may Stave sold their oxen, but a voluntary end -, t
DO
f s Nag J
the
athreisquPaisirttionr.
I proceed to the examination of the Speech o.s. i
(Duke be B rogpro.) to Wei If"' 1
Our army is about to enter Spain, he says,
NO
ed subjects to their master, bound band and foot. , tost _
Ido not accuse the Noble Duke of unfarnes,i he to col: .
forgotten that I said quite the contrary' ;113' 'Ol opeors' f.
Spaniards a liberty suited to their mannerlonatio
Iva ii
would equally secure them from an sral snu.,,,uiereps se,,,,,lotliss.
the chamber; i . posset,
Where has the Noble Duke found a ,fr°r.„''4' nes? rroaild 1 '
to ypu, that France should make a war 01 do r; if st _OO..
jesty's Ministers have continually declared? I,n' el, betse!,4o
be compelled to have recourse to nrins, it is.suotoeits:to
essential interests are compromised ; that we tirt)itoolves 0e
institutions, but that we endeavour to &frit dorl K.
institutions which make war on us. ~t the P wets-
The Noble Duke has protested oit?'ll:j,rentioS,',, Pi
" That to Kings alone belongs the rig"te`" "dist 1'1) lief
Lions to the people ; trom which he coeciea4 dog, " I
change what they have given, or not give 3' .001! i
choose or please. omen` may be ;00,0 1,.
But he does not perceive that the argnril-ho notfotit t; '
and that if the people be the Sovereigni„,,;-„orreou,..oo" .
_,."
alter what they fixed yesterdsy, told e''';;eosi tnni,j,l aiel,
betty and their Sovereignty to a 101* 31 "OOP °ADM' E'r* i
the Noble Peer had been less under me utt„isto sl weigatY ~,
he would have seen that two principles lil`tit'A....theforchy O.' i
der—the sovereignty of Kings in Alonarc in aMuin a ile' .
of
the people People in -Republics. Say but enl„wedi s,'Y „a 014
I --- is the Sovereign, said all jA ii" 'ijon,arot l'er,antiet •
Chet.
'c that the sovereignty is vested in " p'vety teos°ll in SrAill
lost It becomes, therfore, absurd'°ll' 'fen that eves
the o a since . ~
Penalty. of being considered,t iinond, . tool; .
the institutions ought to originate from ke,r, eh Ins PO'
Monarch there. As to the mode of granttanee with Y,09.0
whether by his own act alone, or in a °,!, in the Pu.;„ talk
of freedom
as legitimate by linn Iwo' ,itribeo
~,f So,
"`"`"olny there has- been no attempt to f.,Tioiple ,
Nothing has been done but to impress A Vits nits' I
I the° beli '
narchy,'and to expound a theoretical truth,.o
~o, ei
„t . ,
The Noble Duke has told us that he did r.s!`„o„t clic?, `ikoi f
sal obligation (la soladarite ) of dynoties teie:eleliint
oitieo V fi
he does xviii. the t •, cr evict 1, ite
see ourou . ' I now 00 •e.
XIV., should suc Ferdinand VI & „ipt con ~ or -1
that Monarch. The Noble Duke in tills I)" for In` lie olo' i
K*the mcn. cr t.
Ring and royalty together ;be talao folly ' 1 tier t''
the Ach et •
private interests for public interests,..,..n toe
narchy •
--all Kings are under this obligs", tv I
on the scaffold. id Aotic?'l,ooo I.
The Noble Duke does not wish that wc sitt`',49 shoolve fer3.l
crimes of futurity ; he does not desire the ~ouia.o,, i.i,
from analo&e. Thus that revolted soldif_rol'iloosnotriidel°, i
a captive King to accept Si deinoerstlt;,,,ris:ics',oe, i
massacres should have been committed ill ,:xifeet, tIINI,I Pa',
and. of Granada, that many sh"ld I
_sipatiop 5i710.00,0,e
should be confiscated, that Juridicial assassin not l? 04: ;,
been Perptrated--all those ciretuustanco,
yetbea pion iiiii ,
ground for reasoning. Ferdinaria Ilas" bet ac o'lli to i.
has been threatened, as yet, with nothing
traveihjig goiogo
is so free that even now he is Pe.rl,lBP„s ith° 101'1'
gaolers in the midst of military Liegt";4—,,lo fort 0
lock him up in a fortress. He has notnine,
et's, tb°, In
the event. - one— / veo-
The t's pit' apt, .010
result of my Noble OpPelletl itY t Oil tY
may punish crimes which we are not at ci,ecs mice ~,,
my opinion justice is one of those eternal PTl'e Styo,o oe;
pieceded evil in this world ; according te:. the is wig, pilo .
contrary is the case, for he maintains tbste% eeetl iile 0 des ,
of evil. The foundation of society is bY huts prioolmeedi •
nent basis of subversion • for accerdinF
~.„t°,,,ty is It."' At.
never to come to succour' society until Suv" " „lino
stroyed. Von's 'Willi;
At length the Noble Duke arrived at the
boo
.0001 4
which is, as it were, the groundwork of l'is, i els rotn't't
self felt the dangers of the doctrine which itt;esi prfeoldtv
to diszlose, for he so enveloped it in orst%'' 4, I silt' 011 "1",.
that if he had not had the goodness to told
ill sPolingres'
have been able to comprehend it. 1-11,t,f)„ell eon betlrot° Ai
the right of resistance, tliat he was Oroli"-' *la Ol°- inert -
—he mistook the phrase--he should have sal 4itics
010,!:
There are, my Lords, misteries as Weil ..1):"Ajoge /in,' WI
g.on. Attempt to explain them, and you wn
Navin , A 1000 lei,
into an abyss. I look upon Myself os ikr',l'; 1 illttosol%,,
disposition as independent as the NoblP' i hstrilel. aocut'y
the liberties of the people as much as he chi;otispete
verbirt!lono
detest oppression ; but I maintain, that t .0f e,lee. tb,
of resistance is to expose ourself to the dn'tir a detv,r,ooo.:;9o
world. I maintain that no Society--not evcllloo itiotildo
can subsist, except upon some principle.. ft, ~,,j ice,,,,A iyo
point at which resistance is to commence
asjai6'o,l°Yalirceil'oetr
me to determine that fearful point ; no/' P 0 Inc t° Wart '411,110'
the limits of my upderstanding would cause ovtoiii oil
ranny on allsides. Laws would apPeo i°,ll I ‘v°ll`l, Olio s°'
they would controul my inclinations, 8.• .„ crest- la ~,i 0
The orders of my superiors would ane°.,7., 1 bll 11 elli,, Jr
would refuse obedience to them. I; 1 rel'oola .I,..e.‘trif If
counter resistance, for the rights of otbe,:ort of erlril4ilt 4.00
mine. Every species of disottler.—eler:_v ;.rota dot. Pie; 4
scription of crime would take its sons: 'Lt filo] of Oilf
volt, and general anarchy would be the. oil. tiling ilia°
nothing but a great resistance to alt: kit
onto hill 030
The Noble Duke is young on
Y nhienot rsil„rt Isie
misfortunes except by tradition. I vftr -i,,A, plv-g„ 01ti trimota'
scenes which were the result or our, ittl,,a tti tie ;,,-,log iot
" insurrection is the most sacred of '
iti livtith 01'11,1;od oil', all°
me with making sonorous phrases, nut.. as at t, soil ',doti
guments of a rhetorician. But if he illitu net to 0001-,
the constitutional monarchy, I beseech oein Ile:, diq 000
to our enemies. If from this tribuneio_rfo7, 01,, 0 I .0:
trines which during haveeara have dive'
into 0„e'lli. ttel!eartf i
many nacre, whiCh Ottogc" 'weak 011-004.1 4. 1
powerful recollections nuty iniluenc'f.„,, coadce ,p?,
may then regret those times, when g"'" .. dt 0 4d?,
powerful
silence. rellhlslPt he l'IW:
front ie lie
You will excuse me, my Lords', 4 tsibltOorgetl!pip4l
speaker who addressed you from irleady beello. se 1,01013 t!
repeated the arguments which ha,t! ,1 riot s," fMlwe #
An u , ~,„„, 0
.4.0
are always the same objections , y
tit° vote
war commenced, in order to suppart „ conseat
. > slit,
we have no right to interfere a
; -v