The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-25 00:00:00

I laws. He asserted that it was no such thing. It was a great
scheme devised for the purpose of nationalising the north of
Germany, and it was one of the best guarantees for peace that
had existed for ages.—(Hear, hear.) He would venture to
say that no man w lio had been in Germany would fail to have
dscovered that the principle that animated the German people
was to protect their own manufactures: they might be wrong
in that, and this country might be wrong, but it was a feeling
pervading all nations in all times. He believed from all he
had heard, that not one of the Governments of Europe would
make any relaxation in their restrictive laws, merely because
this country had thrown the trade in corn open with them.
Much had been said about Russia, but their Lordships must
know that the laws of Russia were most restrietive. Great
exertions had been made in that country to establish manufac-
tunes in every part of it., and what reason was there, he would
ask, for supposing that merely because this country had granted
a free trade in corn, they would unsettle and abandon all
these things?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Under all the
circumstances of the case, looking to the course that
had been taken by her Majesty's Government, and look-
ing to the fact stated by the two Noble Lords, that they
intended to stand or fall by those propositions, and those pro-
, positions being liable to the doubts he had mentioned, he should
move an amendment to the address, expressing a want of con-
fidence on the part of that House in her Majesty's present
Goverment, and he trusted that their Lordships would adopt
it. In that amendment he proposed that they should state
to her Majesty that they approached her as ber devoted ser-
vants, and as a body of men who, whilst they respected the pre-
rogative and dignity of the Crown, and the person of their
Sovereign, knew how to appreciate the duties which their
station imposed upon them, and how to maintain the rights
and liberties of their country. He should wish that they
should approach her Majesty with these feelings in their hearts,
and the fear of God before their eyes, to assure her that they
joined w.th her in her earnest prayer, that all their councils
and deliberations might be guided by wisdom, and might con-
duce to the welfare and happiness of her people. The Noble
Earl concluded by moving au amendment to the effect, that
their Lordships begged humbly to represent to her Majesty
that the public expenditure had for several successive years ex-
ceeded the income, and begged to assure her that they were
deeply sensible of so great an evil, and would do all in their
power to remedy it: and that in deciding on the course which
it might be desireable to pursue, especially with respect to the
laws relating, to the trade in corn, it would be their ardent de-
sire to consult the interests and promote the welfare of all classes ;
but they felt it to be their duty to state to her Majesty, that
in doing so it was essential towards arriving at a satisfactory
result, that her Majesty's Government should possess the con-
fidence of that House and of the country, and respectfully to
represent that that confidence was not reposed in the present
Government ; and that they cordially joined in her Majesty's
prayer that all their deliberations might be directed with wis-
dom, and conduce to the interests of the people.

The Marquis of CL ANRICAHDE explained. He was not
at present in favour of the total abolition of the Corn-laws.
He was in favour of a moderate and low fixed duty ; but he
hoped that in a short time they would be altogether abolished.
We could not see who seconded the amendment, but it was
put into the hands of the Lord Chancellor, who, having read it,
put it to the House. Some moments elapsed, when Lord Mel-
bourne offered to rise, but was stopped by
Earl FITZ WILLIAM. who said he had listened with some
curiosity to the speech of the Noble Earl. It was excited at
the beginning of the speech ; but it was not entirely gratified
at the conclusion. lie had hoped the Noble Earl would have
stated what measures he would propose to remedy the present
circumstances of the country; but, in place of it, he concluded
with an amendment, in which he did not point out any one
medy, but confined himself to the enunciation of the long
well-known fact that the Ministry did not possess the confi-
lence of that House. There was no important proposition in-
vol,ed in the amendment. It. said, merely, "We are the
strong, you are the weak—we are the many, you are the few ;
give us the Government." The Noble Earl was evidently de-
sirous of concealing the mode in which he would propose to
extricate the country from its acknowledged difficulties.- He
would not deign to give even a sketch of what measures he
thought necessary for that purpose. The Noble Earl ac-
knowledged the difficulty-- he admitted the deficiency of the
revenue, for it was made the very ground-work of his amend-
ment. The logical conclusion, then, ought to have followed,
and their Lordships put in possession of the measures the
Noble Earl thought necessary to meet the exigencies of the
case. But, nil horum, the Noble Earl contents himself with
saying, "We are the many, you are the few," &c. That
was not the usual course pursued on. the eve of a change of
Administration. He would refer the Noble Lord to what took
place ten or eleven years since, when, as now, the Noble Earl
was one of the party coming into Power. The Noble Earl
formed one of the Cabinet upon that occasion ; but there was
no mystery then as to the measures to be proposed. No ; the
Government then coming in stated that there were certain
principles which they adopted, and certain measure; arising
out of them which they intended to carry into effect. So
again, in 1807, when Lord Grenville's Administration was
overturned, Mr. Perceval stated his principles distinctly, and
the manner in which he proposed to carry them out. He said
the Government were proposing measures which were danger-
ous to the Church and State, and against the wishes of the
country. But the Noble Earl was a prudent man in his gene-
ration. He knew and admitted that the country was
in difficulty—he knew that some measures must be
taken to extricate us from these difficulties, but he keeps Par-
fitment in profound ignorance of what he would propose those
measures to be. Did he intend to sweep away great num-
bers of the taxes which now pressed most heavily on commerce,
and propose a new tax on land, er a property tax, to replace
them? Was that any part of the Noble Earl's plan? Let him
tell the House yes or no. If their Lordships thought that was
to be the proposition, would they be so very anxious to give
their confidence to the incoming Government ? They would
not see so large a majority, at all events, as they would see be-
fore the night was past. Well, if it were not to be so, what
would the Noble Earl propose? The difficulties were acknow-
ledged, and great distress in our manufacturing population was
admittec, yet the Noble Earl objects to any alteration in the
Corn-laws, and he would maintain them because he would not
have England dependent on foreign countries for a supply of
corn. Now that was a very good topic on which to found a
flaming speech in the House, but how stood the facts? Was
the country or could the country be independent of foreign
supply ?—(blear, hear.) Let the Noble Earl divide the last
half century with as many cycles as he pleased, and he would
find that our dependance on foreign supply had increased in
each.—(Hear.) In the twelve years, from 17Th to 1786
inclusive, the general average in port was 179,000 quarter?. In
the succeeding cycle, ending in 1798, it amounted to 321,000
quarters ; in the next cycle, ending in 1610, the importation
was 693,000, and in the 25 years since 1815 up to 1819 it was
614,000, while the average during the last 11 years of that
period was no less than 863,000 quarters, ro that that item in
our commercial concerns was totally reversed to the view
takers of it by the Noble Earl It was obvious then that the
talk of our independence of a foreign supply was a talk of a
thing which could have no existence, and, therefore, it was
better not to talk about it at all.' The simple question they
ought to legislate upon was the terms upon which foreign corn
ought to come into this country, whether under a sliding
scale or low duty or no duty at all? The increase
of the population was going on at a much
greater rate than it was possible for them to in-
crease supplies. The increase in the population was not
less than 250,000 a-year. Could they provide so many addi-
tional quarters of wheat? To do so, they must cultivate the
same number of acres of land, in addition to that now under
cultivation, and that was perfectly impossible to be continued.
The effect of the sliding made was to create at times a great
deal of speculation in foreign corn, and to draw that specula-
tion away from home grown corn. What was the effect of it
upon prices ? At the latter stage of the sliding scale an ad-
dition of Is. to the price of wheat reduced the duty 2s. and
ultimately even that small addition led to a reduction of 43.
duty. The consequence was that the parties speculating in corn
tampered with the averages, and artificially raised the price in
the market. In fact a small number of great capitalists had the
power to raise the price of food throughout the whole country.
He well knew that that was not their object. They wanted to
reduce the duty. But the price of food was raised in a manner
that was not advantageous either to the revenue or the land-
holder. Wheat at present was from 755. to 80s. That was
partly owing to the bad prospects of the harvest, but also in a
great degree to the speculators in foreign corn, who, by ficti-
tious sales, raised the price. Had many of their Lordships been
travelling either from Land's-end or John-o'kiroat's-House,
they would have seen that the farmers' stack-yards were nearly
empty, so that the advanced price did not go into the pockets
of the agriculturists, but into those of the speculators, so that,
in fact, the present laws were not beneficial to the agricultural
interest, and he doubted whether it was to the advantage of
the landed interest, as disconnected with the agricultural interest.
He would remind their Lordships that the land valuers had al-
ways taken the basis of 635. or 645., instead of 565. or 575., and
it was upon that higher value that the rents were valued.
That was the true explanation of the distress' that had existed
in the country, and of the petitions with which that House had
been inundated, and which had induced their Lordships to ap-
point a Committee to inspire into the causes of the distress of
the aer:cultural classes.—( Hear, hear.) Who was the cause
of that? Not the land valuer, but the Parliament, and there-
fore it was that he was anxious Parliament should retrace its
steps with as little delay as possible, Jr had been said by
great authorities elsewhere that the sliding scale would remedy
these evils, but nobody had yet said, not even the Noble Earl
opposite, where it was to begin or where it was to end.—
( Hear, hear.) He admitted that the sliding-scale might be so
adjusted as to free the law from many of the difficulties which
at present existed, but upon all these matters the House had
been left in the most blessed ignorance by the Noble
Earl who had moved the amendment. '1 here was no
doubt that an alteration would be made in the Corn-
laws. He had some recollection of what was called
the battles on the Catholic question. They were now
battling tinder somewhat similar disadvantages—for commer-
cial freedom—and he believed the same succe.s would ulti-
mately attend them.—(Hear.) How soon that testilt might
, be he could not say, but even the Noble Earl opposite must ad-
mit that ultimately the Corn-laws must be given up, and he did
net doubt that the Noble Earl would himself be a party to the
surrender. Much, however, would depend on the courage of
the Noble Earl and his friends. It might be found out that
there was a short harvest in 1841, and that it would be ne-
cessary to have a small supply of foreign corn. They might,
perhaps, venture upon an Order in Council, but all would de-
pend upon circumstances. He cared very 1 the for the down-
fall of a Miiiistry, comparatively.—(Opposition cheers.) II e
hoped his Noble Friend would excuse him.—( Hear, hear. )
He cared little, comparatively, for the downfall of a Illi•
nistry, and he was .sure his Noble Friend cared equally
little—( Hear, hear)—but when questions of such import-
ance were brought by the Executive Government before the
country, he thought they were entitled to its warmest gra-
titude. However triumphant the Noble Earl and his friends
might be that night, the time would come when the country
would acknowledge with gratefulness the obligations they
were under to that Alinistry which had had the courage to
bring these measures forward.—( Hear, hear.) He would re-
peat the word courage, because it was, well known that by
whoever these subjects were mooted, they were sealing their
own political suicide. He admitted that the landed interests
were always the most powerful in that country, and it was his I
wish that they should be so ; but he was anxious that they
should exercise their great power with justice towards the rest
of the country. They had exhibited their power, but, un-
fortunately, it had been by placing themselves in collision
with the great mass of the people, and he was satisfied that
they could not long maintain that power against the other in-
tcrests of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord LYTTLETON would give his vote in favour of the
Address, in order to show his approbatio a of the measures of
commercial policy which had been brought forward by her
Majesty's Ministers ; but he wished to make a few remarks to
their Lordships, for the purpose of explaining that his could
not allow that vote to be considered a vote of general confi-
dence in the measures of the present Government. If ever a
Government was justified in appealing to the country for its
approval of any measures, he thought the present Government
was justified in subnaitting the measures it had recently brought
forward. He did not think, however, that they were justified
in calling upon . the country to support them as a Alinistry,
after the signal defeats they had sustained upon the most im-
portant clauses of that most debated and disputed party mea-
sures that had been brought forward in the last Parliament.
On the 25th of April they were defeated by a majority of 21 ;
and again on the 29th by a majority of il, when they were
forced to give up the Bill. They still retained their position
as a Government ; and although they were again defeated on
the Sugar Duties on the Bth of May, they retained their
places until they were declared unworthy of the confidence
of the House.—(Hear.) He (Lord Lyttleton) was too
much of a Whig to approve of their conduct on these occa-
sions. He could nut forbear alluding also to an almost de-