The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OP YESTERDAY.
TlMES.—According to our latest advices from the United
States, it is quite evident that the M'Leod affair is about to be
amicably huddled up in a series of ingeniously-contrived shifts,
which we cannot but think savour rather strongly of elaborate
skulking. The changes, indeed, which American tactics have
undergone upon this once portentous subject,. are somewhat
curious. Not long ago the fury of the Lockport population
against our imprisoned countryman was so great, teat, in or-
der to give him a chance for his life, the venue was to be re-
moved from that neighbourhood to the distant town of Albany.
It now appears that, notwithstanding the bad blood of the
Lockportians, it is the opinion of judicious men that they
would give him a fair trial. Formerly, the presumptive
proofs of the prisoner's guilt were said to leave little
doubt that his crime would bring him o execution ;
but, we learn the impression is now general that the
accused is entirely innocent. By the last mail we were given
to understand that the mere clemency of the American Go-
vernment had appointed M'Leod to be tried at Albany : yet
later accounts assure us that the place as well as the time of
his trial shall be left to his own discretion. Scarcely a month
has elapsed since we were informed that he was subjected to
severe restraints and privations : it turns out latterly, however,
that besides the privilege of seeing his friends whenever he
chooses, he enjoys at present every reasonable comfort and in-
dulgence. At first, the Americans would listen to no repre-
sentations from any quarter that might retard the course of jus-
tice : but, on further reflection, every facility is to be granted
for preparing his defence, and any length of time will be allow-
ed to enable him to collect testimony. In a word, owing
to an informality on the part of his arraigners (doubtless an
unpremeditated one) his long anticipated trial has not only
gone off, but has been carefully allowed to do so, under such
lucky circumstances as may legally warrant the prisoner to
demand his immediate release : nay, the tables are so far
turned, that after having made every necessary arrangement
to enable him to obtain his discharge without let or hindrance,
his outwitted persecutors are so provoked at his refusal to do
so, that they are now accusing him of sordid motives, declar-
ing that his recent difficulties have been occasioned by his own
vain boastings, and that he calculates upon being well paid for
his wrongful sufferings—perhaps by bills on some of the Michi-
gan banks, whose chests of specie have been found to consist
chiefly of lead, iron nails, metal buttons, and such like pon-
derous bullion ! Really, all this is very pitiful.
CHRONICLE.--:11r. Larpent met the liberal electors of
Nottingham on Thursday evening last, when he stated the
grounds on which he claimed their support as successor to the
lamented General Ferguson. The chair was taken by Lord
Rancliffe. Mr. Larpent is a strenous supporter of the rights
of industry, and forcibly desribed the evilssuffered by the com-
munity in general, but more particularly the working classes,
from the Corn-laws. He avowed himself a friend of education,
of an extension of the suffrage, and of the ballot; and declared
himself hostile to church-rates. On the motion of Lord Ran-
cliffe, Mr. Larpent was declared a fit and proper person to
represent them in Parliament, and the motion was unanimously
adopted. Wr. Walter has started on the ground of perse-
vering opposition to the new Poor-law, and the Times does not
certainly underrate the consequence of that gentleman, when
it tells us " that the election of Mr. O'Connell for Clare, or
of Lord Brougham for Yorkshire, did not produce a stronger
influence upon the prospects of Roman Catholic Emancipation
or Parliamentary Reform than the return of Mr. Walter for
Nottingham, at the present moment, may have upon the future
course of the Poor-law question. Ask the Commissioners, ask
Lord John Russell in his character of their mouth-piece, what
individual they would wish, above all others, to keep out of Par-
liament? They would unhesitatingly answer Mr. Walter."
Mr. Walter's opposition to the new Poor-law appears to
more advantage in the columns of the Times than it would
in the House of Commons. That Lord John Russell would
wish to exclude Mr. Walter from the House of Commons is no
doubt true, because Mr. Waiter would vote with the Tories ;
but that he would wish to exclude him from any dread of his
eloquence remands us of the Memoirs of P. P., showing the
importance of a man to himself. Mr. Wakley will yield to no
man, either in the House or out of it, for hostility to the new
Poor-law, for it is impossible to carry opposition to it to a more
extravagant length than he has done. Although we cannot
say much for the wisdom or the logic of his philippics
against this law, yet, as pieces of invective, as inflamma-
tory appeals to the prejudices of the humble classes,
they are superior to anything which Mr. Walter could
produce in this way. Yet Lerd John Russell, so far
from being disconcerted by Mr. Wakley's opposition, gave that
Honourable Gentleman some stunning blows; and we rather
think that the Honourable Member for Finsbury himself felt
at the time that he had been quite sufficiently punished. No,
were Mr. Walter to be returned for the liberal town of Not-
tingham, as General Ferguson's successor, the event could not
fail to suggest painful reflections on the defection of so distin-
guished an asylum of civil and religious liberty from the
cause of reform ; but herein would consist the whole of the
loss. We have seen the resolutions of a body of
Chartists, pledging themselves to support Mr. Walter;
but part of the Chartists are so wayward and in-
consistent, that hardly anything they resolve on surprises
us. We do not believe that any great proportion of the body
will openly join Mr. Walter and the Tories. The Reformers
will, to a man, support Mr. Larpent, and the Tories will sup-
port Mr. Walter. The former may not be satisfied with parts
of the new Poor-law, but Mr. Walter is fanatical in his oppo-
sition to it. The Poor-law is, with him, all in all. But the
Reformers of Nottingham will not feel themselves justified in
returning a Tory to the House of Commons, merely on ac-
count of his reckless hostility to one law, which may not be all
that they could wish it to be, but which could not be repealed
for the sake of a return to the old state of things, without
throwing the country into utter confusion.
GLOBE. —The Times has long ceased to be the organ
of any fixed opinion upon any matter whatsoever; but upon
the affiirs of Tu; key and Egypt it has been more than
usually in contradiction to itself. One day it has been for
the Sultan, another day for Mehemet Ali ; and so by turns
it has varied its language and opinions according to
the shifting influences by which it has been guided.
Saturday last was Mehemet Ali's day, and baffled in-
trigue. thwarted cabal, and defeated plotting, rode in
the ascendant. Lord Palmerston and Lord Ponsonby
were the natural objects of attack, because they have
been mainly instrumental in marring such plots,
foreign and domestic. But spite is sometimes bland,
and so it has happened in this instance. Lord Pal-
merston is attacked because he would not or could
not, on a certain day in March, tell the House of, Com-
mons what the Conference thought of the hatti-scheriff
of the 13th of February; and the writer in the Times
thinks he has proved his charge against the Foreign Se-
cretary by pointing out that the very day alter he had de-
clined to enter into such an explanation, the Conference
signed a note in which they recorded their opinion of that
hatti-scheriff. Why, what a dolt this Mchcmet Ali
man must be 1 This very fact is the justification of the
reserve of Lord Palmerston; for how could he tell what
the Conference would decide on the following day ?
There might, indeed, have been considerations connected
with a due respect to the other Powers, which might
have rendered it unfitting for him to have stated what
the Conference of the Four Powers had written the day
before, if that which they wrote had been wri:ten the
day before ; but to blame him for not saying what they
would write the day after, is really too stupid to require a
serious answer. Then, again, Lord Ponsonby is repre-
sented as the author of all evil in this Turco- Egyptian affair,
and simply, forsooth, because it is well known that his energy
and activity have contributed greatly to the success of the
Allies. But what would the writer in the Times say if it
should turn out that Lord Ponsonby was not consulted
as to the drawing up and wording of those hatti-scheriffs ?
—That they were prepared chieSy by the Aus-
trian Minister at Constantinople and by the Turkish Ca-
binet; but that the principle on which the article in the
hatti-scheriff about the mode of succession for Mehemet
Ali's descendants was framed, had been unanimously
agreed to a fortnight before by the representatives of all
the Four Powers at Constantinople, when proposed to them
by the Porte, and that Lord Punsonby is not more re-
sponsible for that principle than are the repre,entatives o
Austria, of Russia, and of Prussia. We have heard thw
this is so, and we believe it.

STANDARD.—Of all classes who felt ag4rieved by
the old administration of the Poor-laws, the landholders
had the most just reason to complain. The whole bur.
then of the maintenance of the poor fell upon them,
while the manufacturers had all the benefit of the
provision. They, the manufacturers, received the
labourers without the expenso of rearing them, and
then threw them back when " used up" (to borrow the hu-
mane phrase of the mill), to be supported by a class who had
never derived a shilling profit from their labour. This had
a doubly injurious effect upon the landlords, who saw their
estates drained of a youthful and vigorous population, leav-
ing only a caput mortuum of old men and females, the un-
profitable stock constantly augmenting by the returned
refuse of the manufactures when worn out; add to this, the
enormous expense of litigation arising out of the uncertain
titles to settlement of a circulating population. Had the de-
mand for labour in agriculture kept pace with the demand
for labour in manufactotiei, the evil of this system might
have been less severely felt ; but the reverse was the case.
The rapid accumulation of capital introduced a mode
of farming in which money was, to a great extent, the sub-
stitute for labour, and the landowners found their own unem-
ployed population increasing, at the same time that the
manufactures were pouring back upon them a flood of
paupers. Hence "the allowance system" and all the other
contrivances by which it was sought to make the
brurthen of supporting the worn-out labourers in some tees.
sore proportioned to the profit previously derived from th •
labour. These considerations are, we think, sufficient to
explain why a great number of landholders should
anxiously look for some modification of the old
law. A modification was offered, but it was
based upon a false principle. Instead of attacking the
real cause of the evil of pauperism—the undue profits ob-
tained by capitalists and manufacturers at the expense of
the labourers, first, and afterwards of the landholder,....
the Poe-law reformers directed all their jealousy Pgainat
the labouri,g class ; and as these were the in mediate
occasions of loss to the landholders, the lattsr its many
instances looked no further, and joined in the cry against
them.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.
FROM Trig MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
TIMES.—It was mentioned incidentally, some time ago,
that a joint-stock bank of issue in Lancashire had been a se-
vere sufferer from the failure of a house in the bookselling and I stationery line. The transactions of this firm turn out to
hare
been of a very extensive description, and one more joint-stock
been in the country is talked of as having trusted her
house in the same trade to a serious amount, upon anotbills of a
very inferior description.
It appears to us strange that the managers of these country
banks should be so lax in their manner of doing business ; as we fell convinced that, had they exercised even a very mode-
rate degree of circumspection, they must have their power Is check the unwarrantable system of i
modation which was for some time carried on by the
parties referred to, with so considerable a display of ingenuity.
They seem to have been blinded by the devices of the book-
sellers, who have, it is said,
implicated several of the bill-
brokers likewise, and some of the City Banks. The plan
adopted was, to place some person in business as a bookseller
or stationer, who might serve as a " drawing-post," and who
had nothing to do with the bills he accepted, but to take them
up as long as his principals found him the cash. For the suc-
cessful prosecution of this traffic he opened an account at a
banker's, and, in order to raise the wind, would present for dis-
count his draft upon some friend of similar character and standing
It
such apo
pears extraordinary, now that the facts are known, how
the re peple came to be in the extensive credit they were, but
gularity with which their paper was met would of course
tend t estabish their reputation ; and when it is recollected
that the connection was scattered over several places in
the North, and that exertion was used to force
their paper upon the bankers in their neighbourhood, it will
be seen that the game I be continued for a longer time,
though, from the increased hazard, greater skill was reqiiisite
on the part, of the players. Notwithstanding all the fineis.

of the individuals who directed the concern, accidents of an
untoward nature came to pass, and we are concerned to state
that in some instances the names of parties in the circle have
been affixed to bills without their knowledge, the same being
protected at maturity. Other cases have been mentioned
where persons have inadvertently signed stamps in blank for
bona fide transactions, and who now find that larger amounts
than those of their actual debts have been filled in for which
they are made responsible. After, however, making every
allowance for the ability with which the system of bill-drawing
has been conducted, we cannot but think the bankers and bill-
brokers who afforded facilities for such wild proceedings have
been very deficient in vigilance and prudential caution.

DINNER TO JOSEPH BROTHER-
TON, ESQ., M.P.
The electors of the borough of Salford, resident in
Broughton, having determined to avail thomselve of the
return borne of Mr. Brotherton, for the Easter recess,
to invite him to dine with them, and he having cordially
accopted the invitation, a public dinner was given to
the respected representative of Salford, on Wednesday
last, in the large room of the Griffin Inn, Lower
Broughton. The room was very tastefully oroamented
for the occasion, with the choicest exotics, including
some rare and splendid specimens of cacti, &c.. from
the conservatories of Mr. Bow.
About 120 gentlemen sat down to a very excellent
dinner. David Ainsworth, Esq., boroughreeve of
Manchester, occupied the chair. At his right sat Mr.
Brotherton, Messrs. William Bow, John Shawcross,
Samuel Pullein, Andrew Hall, Wm. Lockett, Michael
Satterthwaite, William Labrey, Edward Shawcross,
Alderman Burd, and other gentlemen. At his left,
Rubert Hyde Greg, Esq., M.P. ; Sir Thomas Potter ;
C. J. S. Walker, Esq. ; Mr. Wm. Harvey, Mr. Robt.
Macintyre, Mr. E. B. Holland, and other gentlemen.
The Vice-Presidents were Mr. J. J. Southam, and
Mr. John M'Clure, one of the constables of Manches-
ter. Amongst other gentlemen present were Messrs.
G. E. Macintyre, Wm. Ashworth, Robert Blacklock,
Robert Tinsley, Henry Warren, James Barge, James
Dawson, Wm. Jenkinson, John Harrison, John Pres-
ton, John Lancaster, William Andrew, &c., &c.
After the usual toasts,
The CHAIRMAN then, in giving " Her Majesty's
Ministers," said, though they might not have done as
much as could Ise wished, they had, he believed, done
as much as they possibly could under the circumstances,
and they had had a great deal to contend with.—( The
toast was received with loud and long-continued plau-
dits.)--The Chairman then, in giving the toast of the
evening, said, he felt incapable of doing the justice
it deserved to the toast of the health of Joseph
Brotherton, Esq.—(The company rose and cheered
loud and long)—the independent Member for Salford.
Not a more independent Member was there in the
House of Commons. He (the Chairman) knew many
gentlemen in Manchester who, though opposed to Mr.
Brotherton in politics, said that, if they wished to ob-
tain assistance in any business, they had only to apply
to Mr. Brotherton, who was always ready to do them a
service, no matter whether they were Whigs, Tories, or
Radicals.—(Applause.)—Without saying more on a
toast which would speak for itself to ail their hearts,
he would give them " Joseph Brotherton, Esq., the
worthy representative of Salford." The toast was re-
ceived with all the honours of cheering, the company
again rising, and the plaudits continuing for some time,
and ceasing only to be resumed as Mr. Brotherton rose.
When they had subsided,—
Mr. BROTHERTON said—Mr. President, Messrs.
Vice-Presidents and Gentlemen,—l feel quite at a loss
how to thank you for the honour you have done me on
this occasion. No words that I can use can ade-
quately express my feelings of gratitude for the cordial
welcome which you have given me on this oc-
casion. It certainly is very gratifying to me to
find, that, on every succeeding occasion of meet-
ing my constituents, I am greeted with the
most hearty welcome. This is the ninth year
in which I have had the honour of being your repre-
sentative in Parliament.—(Hear.) I undertook the
duties with very great diffidence, and I have always felt
the greatest anxiety faithfully to discharge the duties of
the important trust which you confided to me, during
the time that I have had the great honour of being the
representative of this borough ; and I can assure you
that I
seek no other reward than the consciousness of
being, in some degree, useful to my country, and to have
merited your approbation.—(Applause.) It has always
been my desire to act according to those principles that
should be for the benefit of the many, rather than of
the few.—(Applause.) I have always endeavoured
to promote those measures that would be for the
happiness of the greatest number. I conceive
that the object and the duty of a statesman is to
endeavour to promote those measures that are calcu-
lated to enlighten the minds, to improve the con-
dition, to promote the prosperity, and to exalt the po-
litical character of the whole people:—(Applause.) 1
am well aware that the Tories would say that they wish
the happiness of mankind ; that they desire to promote
the general interests of the country ; that these are
their aims as well as ours. What, then, is the differ-
ence between us ? The difference is in the means
which we adopt. The objects of the Tories are always
to look to the interests of the few, rather than to the
interests of the many.—(Hear.) They consider the
institutions of the country as the institutions of the
aristocracy ; they consider our public schools and semi-
naries as belonging to that aristocracy exclusively, and
that they were designed for the teaching of the rich, in-
stead of the instruction of the poor. Upon this exclusive
principle, they consider these institutions as confined
only to a part of the community ; but my principle is,
that those institutions which are supported by all should
be for the benefit of all, and that we should esti-
mate the institutions of the country not according to
their antiquity, but according to their usefulness. An-
other distinction between the Tories and the Reformers
is in their commercial policy. We have seen conti-
nually, that all our commercial legislation seems to
have been conducted for the benefit of a certain portion
of the community, regarding classes and monopolies
too favourably. The commercial policy of this country
has lai•herto been for the benefit of the few, and to the
injury of the many : and, instead of looking at the ge-
neral interests of society. they have considered the West
India interest, the shipping interest, the agricultural
interest, the interests of the church, and other separate
interests that are and have been promoted at the expense
of the general benefit of society. (Hear.) Now the
Reformers take a different stand ; they advocate prin-
ciples that are for the benefit of the whole community ;
they wish for free trade, and that all should be par-
takers of the benefits resulting from it. ( Hear.)
Again, not only do the Tories claim the institutions
of the country, and the right of legislating for
the interests of the few rather than for those of
the many ; but, in political points of view, they are as
opposite to Reformers as darkness is to light. They
consider that the best means of promoting the interests
of the people is to look exclusively to the interests and
the power of the aristocracy ; that the people have no-
thing to do with the laws but to obey them ; and that
none are fit to legislate bait those who are born legis-
lators—(Laughter)—or those who have money enough
to purchase the votes of their constituents.—(Hear,
and cheers.) But the Reformers, on the contrary, wish
and desire that the House of Commons may reflect the
mind, and speak the voice, of the people of England.
—(Hear.) These are the important principles that
we advocate. True, the-e is not so much done as we
should desire ; and I find there are many persons who
can tell us what we did not do, and who can show us
what we ought to do ; but unfortunately they did not
lend us that assistance which they ()tight and might
have done, to enable us to accomplish these things.--
(Hear, hear.) lam well aware that the Reform Bill
has not accomplished all that has been expected from
it, and that many are dissatisfied ; but it should be re-
collected that the Reform Bill is merely a machine,
and that it is the duty of the people to work it.—
(Hear.) And if the people are only united in en-
deavouring to effect all the good that may be accom-
plished, I am fully persuaded that a great deal more
ltoarokigni
nispgsr oittvheeryn e
theyts
look
slong
orni#it be done. But it is in vain to talk of reform
merely a st
to
ea ospul em sienl
hand,
tahoedi,r t votes,hou
h ai
in
may sacrifice the great interests of though
country. If you consider those asd trhivee
from
principles,'
will see that they can easly afforde to b
and also the benefits which they romhthem, you
their constituents, and then to put the value into Flnvtootetsheoirf
own pockets an hundred fold. Much has been said,
that Ministers have not done all that might be required'
of them, and that the Reform Bill has disappointed the
ttribeuvi eecoi
a to
t
the
this p
people expectations of many ; but I would ask whether all the
blame is to be attributed either to Ministers or to Par-
liament ? I must tell you very candidly that I think a
very great portion (If the blame
arhiesarto.)
be
Looka
—(Het-bed of reform ; is sends 13
p county, themselves.—(Hear,
vveersy.ho
Tories to Parliament to oppose 13 Reformers ; so that
the opinion of the whole county of Lancaster is, as it
were, neutralised. How, then, can the House of Peers
imagine that the people are in favour of reform, when
we find that parties are so equally balanced even here !
These principles are of the very highest importance ;
and I do thine that the time is come when the people
of this county particularly should be impressed with
the importance of having a change of system, other-
wise they cannot expect to enjoy that prosperity which
is so desirable, The liberal spirit which the present
Government displays towards Ireland is certainly cal-
culated to promote the benefit of that country ;
and here, too, we may see a striking distinction
between the conduct of the Tories and that of the
Reformers —(Hmr, and applause.) Ireland is to be
governed in the spirit of conciliation.—(Hear, hear.)
We are asked to do justice to Ireland ; but I regard
the Bill of Lord Stanley as for the destruction of the
franchise, and that of Lord Morpeth as providing for
the preservation and extension of the franchise.—
(Applause.)
hAe Pr
tP ol al'
governedse • painrdit in
hn
whichee the Tories have
derogatoryhi-
to Eng-
land, while it was deeply injurious to Ireland ; and we
may rest assured, that no advantage can be derived to
either country when such a policy is pursued as is cal-
culated to foster all those feelings which it is so de-
sirable to allay.—(Applause). We have now consi-
dered the general principles by which. we are governed,
and have taken a view of the measures necessary for

the general benefit, and I would now draw your at-
tention to measures of the utmost importance in pro-
moting the prosperity of this country. I allude, first,
to the great and important measure of the repeal of
the Corn-laws.—(Loud and long cheering.) I have
always considered the Corn-laws as most impolitic,
unjust, inhuman, and wicked.—(Applause.) They have
been and will be injurious to our trade as long as they
exist. It is offering a premium to the foreign manu-
facturer; it is cruelty towards the poor man, and it is
equally unjust towards him ; for the landlord claims a
vested right in his land, while he forgets that the poor
man has a vested right in his labour.—(Hear.) It is
an important fact that the price of corn in this country,
on an average of 20 years, has been 50 per cent, higher
than on the Continent.---(" Shame.") There must be
a cause for this. We find again, by calculation, that
every shilling of duty that is laid on the importation of
corn, is a tax upon the people to the amount of
2,500,000/. ; therefore, if the tax be 103. per quarter
on corn, it is equal to a tax upon the people of 25 mil-
lions a year.—(Hear, hear.) It has been shown by
evidence, before the Committee of the House of Com-
mons, that the people of this country are taxed to the
amount of fifty millions a year to support monopolies,
for the benefit of particular classes, instead of the
whole community.—(Hear.) If there was a duty of
10s. per quarter upon corn, and we import two mil-
lions of quarters, it would produce a million of reve-
nue, but it would, at the same time, cause a tax of 20
millions on the people ; because the produce of corn in
this country is estimated at 50 millions of quarters
yearly ; so that, although the revenue is but in compa-
rison lightly benefited, the difference in price between
this and other countries is a very heavy tax upon the
whole people. You see, thin, the great importance of
having a repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Hear.) A paper
has been put under ms plate, stating that the taxes of
this country, since the commencement of the Corn-law
in 1818, have amounted to 1,000 millions sterling.
Thus the people of this country have been burdened
to an extent which would have paid the whole national
debt, since the peace.--( Hear.) We can scarcely be-
lieve that such laws could be enacted ; but, when we
find persons enacting laws for their own benefit, and
as long as the people permit them to do so, I don't see
how there is any chance of preventing bribery. If they
can raise in this way so many thousands a year, do you
not think they can afford to bribe electors? Ti e
working of the Corn-laws may be illustrated by what
takes place in Guernsey. A gentleman told me, that
they import (ae they are allowed to do) all their food
from France and other foreign countries, and export
all their land produce to England. But is it a benefit
to the farmer ? No ; because the rents of lane here
are double what they are in those countries. There-
fore we see the tax is laid on to raise rents, and
the Corn-1 tws are no benefit either to the farmer
or the agricultural labourer ; and when they can
see that it is not for their interest to support the mono-
poly, we may hope to see it removed. Passing from
the Corn law, let us consider other measures which I
feel confident the Government will bring forward. The
President of the Board of Trade has lately brought for-
ward a measure for lowering the import duties in the
colonies ; which, on several articles, have been as high
as 30/. per cent. down to 71. per cent. This I consider to
be the prelude of an improvement of the tariff as re-
gards the import duties of this country ; and we shall
find that, if we pay 25 millions a year more for our
corn than we ought to pay, we also pay five millions a
year more for our sugar than we ought to pay.—(Ap-
plause.) This subject is not understood by the public
generally. The amount of the duty on colonial sugar is
4,600,000/., at a duty of 245. per cwt., and colonial
sugar is selling at 245. a cwt. more than foreign sugar is
selling at, which is subject to a duty of 635. per cwt.
When we consider these things, we shall see that the
people of this country are made to pay 25 per cent. more
than they ought to pay—an additional tax of five millions
a year. It is the same with the differential duties upon
coffee, which at one place are 9s. and at another 16d. a
cwt. If we carry those principles out, they all tend to
the benefit of the people ; for, by having a free exchange
of our products with other countries, we should have
an increased demand for our manufactures. Instead
of paying 9d. a poend for sugar, we should have it
at 4d. per Ib. ; and then what an increased demand
there would be for it, and for manufactures too! These
are questions that must be intereqing to all who are
seeking to promote the general welfare of the country ;
these are measures that I wish to promote to the utmost
of my power.—( Hear.) I look to something practical :
I wish to have measures that may produce real benefit
to the people. We wish that our mechanics' institutions
and other places of instruction and recreation should be
open to the people, and that all should enjoy that free-
dom and liberty which tend to promote the happiness of
the land. I would call upon all reformers to fall back
upon that union, which, upon former occasions, has led
us to victory. Let us unite and combine as one man,
having one common name ; and be assured, if we unite
all reformers, we shall certainly succeed. Our cause is
the national interest ; it is the cause of the nation ; it
is the cause of improvement, and the cause of civil and
religious liberty.--(Applause.) In aivocating these
noble principles, these excellent measures, I wish to be
an instrument in your hands ; and I trust I shall live
to see the time when these monopolies shall be re-
moved and that we shall all rejoice together in having
just and equal laws.— (Applause.) The Hon. Gentle-
man concluded by proposing " The health of the
in-
dependent electors of the borough of Salford."
Mr. JOHN APCLURE, as one of the vice-presidents,
proposed " The Members for the borough of Mlre
cheater." So far as he knew Mr. Philips, he might say
of him that justice was his motto, impartiality his prin-
ciple, and the welfare of the community at ling.. his
object. Of Mr. Greg he knew less, but he believed
him to be one every way worthy of participating with
his collea;ue in the good feelings and approval of their
constituency.—(Applause.) The toast was received
with loud cheers, the company rising.
R. H. GREG, Esq., M.P., in acknowledging the toast,
said he was sure his colleague regretted being absent.
It was always the greatest pleasure to both of them to
attend any public festival in honour of the respected re-
presentative of Salford, believing that a more valuable
Member certainly did not exist in the House of Com-
mons. Hitherto he (Mr. Greg) had always voted on
the same side with Mr. Brotherton ; and, as long as he
continued in Parliament, he believed the occasions of
difference in this respect would be few or none. It was
quite true that the dissolution of Parliament was not so
near as it seemed to be two years ago, or even last Ses-
sion ; but, at the same time, Parliament was drawing
to the period of its natural termination, a period which
the practice of Parliament never allowed it to reach.
It ought to be matter of congratulation to reformers, that
the Ministry did not make a permanent retirement two
years ago, at a moment when a dark cloud hung over
the destinies of this country. We were convulsed in
the interior with Chartist agitation—at one time of the
most dangerous character ; rke were on the point of a
contest with Naples, and of being involved in the
Spanish war ; we had barely put down a most dan-
gerous insurrection in Canada ; and if ministers had
permanently retired at that moment, it would have
been attended with serious damage to the credit of our
party, and would have postponed, to an indefinite period,
their ultimate return to office. But now their pros-
pects were different. The insurrection in Canada had
not only been put down, but the wounds arising out of
it had been healed, an excellent constitution had been
given to Canada, which was now paying its own offi-
cers, regulating its own expenditure, and carrying into
effect the reduction of duties, the sale of the church
lands and the clergy reserves ; and, in short, he be-
lieved the whole province was pacified, contented, and
happy, and likely to be a most valuable colony and ac-
quisition to our empire. The Spanish affair bad
been brought to a most successful termination ; and
the progress of future improvement was opened, which
before was closed. That progress might be slow, but
still he believed no impediment to that progress was
offered by the present Government. The Chartist
agitation had now entirely died away ; it was put down
simply by the power of the constitutional law ; no new
powers had been invoked by Ministers, as had been
done by the Tories on much smaller occasions ; and
wherever violence had existed, Juries invariably con-
victed. This was altogether a state of things on which
we might congratulate ourselves ; and whenever Mi-
nisters dissolve Parliament, and go to the country, we
may be proud of having such leaders, and may devote
ourselves to the contest, whenever it arrives, with
earnestness and satisfaction.—(Great applause.)
The whole proceedings were characterized by the
greatest enthusiasm, and determination to spare no ex-
ertions on a future occasion again to secure the return
of the respected representative of the borough of Sal-
ford.-21anchester Gurdian.

ROBINSON V. TURNER.

COUI?T OF COMMON PLEAS, APBrz. 19.
COLLIER V. GREYAN.
This was an action, brought by a lithographic printer, against
one of the Directors of the Coilier Dock Company, for work
done on account of the Company, to the amount of 2721. 14s.
It appeared upon the trial that the amount of 191. 14s. was due
by the Company before the defendant became a Director, and
that of the remainder the amount of 191. was charged for work
done, after the passing of the Act of Parliament, whereby the
individual members of the Company were exonerated from
liability beyond the amount of their shares.
The Jury found for the plaintiff 511., being the portion of the
debt incurred from the commencement of the defendant's direc-
torship to the passing of the Act.
Air. Sergeant ACHERLY now moved for a rule to add to the
verdict, first, the sum of 19/. due previous to defendant's di-
rectorship, on the ground that by accepting office he adopted
the debts of the Board; and secondly, for the 1921. incurred
after the passing of the Act, on the ground that the Directors
alone were individually liable for the plaintiff's claim, because
the 18Sith section of the Act exempted the company from
such debts.
The COURT granted the rule nisi, on the understanding that
the discussion shall come on at the same time with that upon
the adverse rule—(to enter a verdict for defendant)—obtained
on Saturday by 31r. Sergeant Bompas.

WALMSLEY V. MATTHEWS.
This was an action brought by the owner of the alleged win-
ning horse at a race which came off last year on the new
race course at Market Drayton, Shropshire, aoain,t the stake-
holder, for the amount of the stakes, 281. The defence was
that the plaintiff's jockey, contrary to the articles, and the
established rules of races, unfairly distanced his opponents by
crossing ; and, further, that the jockey was disqualified by the
articles from riding on that occasion. The case was tried at
Shrewsbury on the last assizes, before Mr. Justice Coleridge,
and the Jury found for the plaintiff in the full amount.
Mr. Serjeant LUDLOW now moved for a rule for a new trial,
on the ground that the verdict was against evidence. Three
horses started in the race in question. One was Deception, the
property of the plaintiff, ridden by a professional jockey, named
Booth; the others, Master Harry, ridden by a gentleman named
Byrne ; and Springflower, ridden by a farmer of the neigh-
bourhood. It was proved, at the trial, that Booth, being be-
hind, and his competitors in advance, and close abreast, he rode
Deception between them, so as to press upon both, and nearly
to overthrow Springflower, who was the inside horse. He
consequently came in first, and claimed the race. But the
matter was referred to the Committee, according to the arti-
cles, and the decision was against Deception, on the ground
that the unfair cross was proved, and the crossing horse thereby
to be considered as distanced. The articles of the course also
provided that each of the contending horses should be ridden
by " a gentleman, farmer, or tradesman, and not by a jockey
or paid rider." But it was proved that Booth was a jockey,
in the habit of riding horses at races for hire. Notwithstand-
ing such evidence, the Jury found for the plaintiff.
The Court, without hesitating, granted the rule.

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, APRIL 19,
SMITH V. ROYSTON.
This was an action of trespass which was tried before Lord
Abinger at the late assizes held at Derby, when a verdict was
found for the defendant.

Mr. BALGUT now moved for a rule nisi, to set aside that
verdict, and for a new trial, on the ground of misdirection on
the part of the Learned Judge. There was what is called a
buck leap round the defendant's grounds, upon which
the plaintiff had built to the extent of four feet. The
defendant claimed the whole of it, and it was proved
that he had, on various occasions, taken away the
fence of the Buck Leap, and had ploughed it to within four
or five feet of the . outer fence. The Learned Counsel com-
plained that his Lordship had not left it to the Jury to say
whether any portion of the ground in question was the property
of the plaintiff, as ownership had been proved on both sides--
Rule nisi granted.

MORGAN V. SYKES.
This was an action, tried before the Lord Chief Baron at
the sittings in London after last term, when a verdict was found
for the plaintiff.
Mr. ERLE now moved for a rule nisi for entering a non-
suit. The action was brought to recover the value of a pipe of
wine from the defendant, who was a public carrier. The
plaintiff was a wine-merchant in London, who received an
order in these terms Gentlemen, we shall be obliged by
your forwarding by first waggon, two pipes of your finest
double diamond, according to the understanding come to with
your Mr. Morgan, when we had the pleasure of seeing him in
Bury." The two pipes were accordingly given to the
defendant, who was the usual carrier between the parties.
One of them was let fall and burst, the other was safely de-
livered. He (Mr. E.) now contended that the acceptance of
the one pipe, part of the order, vested the property in Mr.
Lockwood, the person who ordered the wine.
The COURT were of opinion that the property in the wine
was vested in Morgan at the time of the loss. He would have
no right of action for the recovery of more than one pipe of
wine against Lockwood.—Rule refused.

PARKER AND ANOTHER V. PARKER.
Mr. WityrEntiasT moved to reduce the verdict in this
case from 1431. 15 .to 98/. The trial was had a. De, by
before Lord Abirlger ; it was upon a guarantee. The de-
tendunt had become security to the plaiut.ffs for ale sup-
plied to a third parry, who bad become a defaulter. The
amount c, the ale charged was 98/., the remaining 351 15s.
being the value of the casks which had not been returned.
iie contended that, under the guarantee given by the de-
fendant, he was not liable for anything
but the ale supplied,
and not for the casks.—Rule granted.
BISHOP V, FRY AND OTHERS.
This was an action for assault and false imprisonment,
which was tried before Mr. Justice Wighttnan, of the
late Somerset Assizes, when a verdict was found for the
defendants.

COURT P
copies the follow-'4inTgif(rotrmEaT
European f-owers,
thed, Ito
oayt
i
feE.
—The
Is
,1 i
At u t
ri
oo
on "t et
has
and more to Withdraw 1
France, and avoid every
i?icicasion of Contnotwithstandingaot , theor e unionven
of
poofl i
tt
eh
_e
a families of Europe endeavour more
been latel affordt:
•
rum the system which prevails in
polite-
ness. The two sons of P,
few days since to visit theirletli:aul of Wurtemberg arrived a
but when leaving. Germany thee'', who is indisposed, at Paris,
not to pay any visit at the Tuileries, received an express order
they have conformed strictly. Whs'
aat recommendation to which
significant is, that the princes of Wurt renders this conduct more
to Duke Alexander of Wurtemburg, welTberg are nearly related
Orleans, and that the Princes have not oc married a Princess of
Alexander, which conduct has scandalizedwtt visited the Duke
pava.ons Flora and Marsan, who are h hi
11-La...tants of the
plaints again ' st the Emperor Nicholas, t vehement in the com-
o whom this orthar"
tuous conduct is attributed. The Constitutionn is
c ---- —I)"
although the Legitimist Journals are in general weilladds, that
it cannot believe in the accuracy of this intelligcencinformed,
conduct would be an outrage against the reigning (I:* Such
insult to the nation which chose that dynasty, and th-antaistY' an
by such civility that M. Guizot would 'suffer himself to it is
not
duced to join the union of European Powers, Singular pin-
lude, in effect, exclaims the Constitutionnel. The isolati - ren; j be so, but it is usual to
appears to
the Rot al family would, indeed, be an affecting proof of this unnni l ; will so in this.
or uudge in such cases ; we
ANCIENT CONCERTS.—A private rek
DUNN V. ALEXANPER.
took place on Saturday morning, under the (u• was in
- Mr Dunn (of Burdett Coutts notoriety), . atten.,
..earsal dance. -2 in -1
for a new trial in the
Bishop, of tl.e choruses and concerted '''
an (till', oruer to move
~...ection of Al
Duke of Wellington for performar- r, aboved b
rha een gone through
eieces selected by the assault case, bo when the ba
,„ . .
The principal singers env,'
- Lord ABINGER said as it was then halt-past uve 0 clock
Viardot, Madame Cp- ,e on Wednesday evening.
d over.
Wyatt, Miss D-- ~-sed are Madame Pauline Garcia —too late—the applicazion must staid
Hawkins- '''Allan,
—intori Miss Birch, Miss Bruce
venport, Miss M. B. Hawes,
Messrs. Hobbs,
, 6 Lablache, and Phillip.

Mr. Sergeant BOSII'AS moved to sct "aside that verdict
and for a new trial. The plaintY:r. was a poor man, who
considered that he was entitled to some property in thiip.
stable; he went there to deliver letters Froth hi‘ a.-
torney to the tenants of the property— he remained
outside while a female delivered the letter to Fry, who
was an innkeeper. As soon as he received the letter he
came out, and seeing the constoblc, he gave both plaintiff
and the female into custody on a charge of vagrancy.
They were dragged into the inn, detained there the whole
of t'ne defendants,
day, and taken before a Magistrate next day, and, of
course, were discharged. To recover compensation for
that injury he appealed to a Jury, but although • '
dente
was
sts
pwroedraecedveryoa cltehaerlyw.uprrtoved - - all
still they obtained a verdict and no evi-
_ w ~
b. h'',lo could not help say.
ing was a very absurd one.
Lord ABlNGER—T-
consult the r

INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT,-..APRIL 19,
IN SE JOSEPH AGUILAR.
This insolvent, WO bad been cleik to the Blackwell

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. APRIL 19.
BEVERICK V. ENGLISH AND OTHERS.
This was an action brought by the plaintiff, who was captain
and cashier of a mine in Cornwall, called the Austin's Flit
Mine, against the five defendants, four of them being alleged
to be members of the committee of management, and the fifth
a shareholder of the company. The action was brought upon
two bills of exchange, drawn upon the committee of manage-
ment, and accepted by two of the defendants as such. The
case was tried before Lord Penman on the 10th February last,
and a verdict was had for the plantiff, damages 4971.
Mr. THESIGER. now moved for a bill to show cause why the
verdict should not be set aside,. and a new trial had on the
ground of the verdict being against the evidence. It appeared
that the company had been established by English and one or two
others, and that the defendant Wasket, for whom alone he
(Mr. Thesiger) appeared, had taken 20 shares which he had
entered in the name of his wife. The principal witness at the
trial was Capt. Mitchell, who was agent of the mine, and
who stated that it was usual in Mining Companies to draw
bills upon the committee of management for the expenses of
the undertaking. Now, in the present case the bills had been
drawn upon the committee of management and accepted by
two of the defendants, but there was no pretence fur saying
that. Wasket was a member of that committee or took any part
in the management of the son-ern further than attending one
or two meetings of the shareholders. The Learned Counsel
referred to the cases of Dickenson v. Bartley, Treilum v.
Bourne, and Bult v. Morred, in support of his argument.
In the latter case bills of exchange had been drawn upon six
defendants and accepted by five of them, as directors of a com-
pany, the sixth being merely a shareholder. The Court held
that the sixth defendant was not liable, and that case appeared
to come within the express terms of the one then before their
Lordships. The Court granted the rule.

SIR C. bIoRGAN U. POWELL.
The ATTORNEY- GaNErtat, moved in this case for a rule
to show cause why the damages found for the plaintiff
should not be reduced. It was an action of tresnass, tried
ge, at the last Monmouth As_
sbef
:z'orr,e 1I r.
forb Justicereakirg Ciedandoerintering the plaintiff's coal mine,
digging coals, and carrying them away. The defendant
pleaded several pleas of justification, which were after-
wards withdrawn, and a verdict was found fur the
plaintiff, with 1.420/. damages. The defendant was
the lessee of an adjoining mine, and had, without
being aware of it, trespassed upon the plaintiff's
mine. The quantity of coals taken away by the defendant
was estimated, and the whole question vias whether they
should be paid for at the rate of ss. Bd. per ton, which
was their value at t',e pit's mouth, or at the rate of is.
10d., which was their value before they were so raised.
The Learned C.;unsel pr ceedrd to contend that the later
was the sum at which they should be estimated, and that
the defendant should be allowed to deduct the value of the
labour he had expended upon them.
The Court took time to consider its decision.
DRAPER U. lIERMAII AND OTHERS.
Mr. Sergeant BOMPAS moved in this case for a rule to
show cause uhy the verdict for the plai-liffs should no: be
set aside, and a new tii Al had. Ir was an action brouL:hf
by Messrs. Draper and Co., lace manufacturers, against
the di fendants, who were carriers, to recover a sum of
4201,, being the value of a quantity of goods sent by them
from Bristol to Nottingham, which had been confided t.,)
the defendants with the words "per waggon" on
the ctrside. Tie goods were conveyed by the de-
fendants in their waggon to Birmingham, and were thence
transferred to the railway, to be forwarded to Nottingham.
In consequence of an accident to the train, the goods
caught fire and were destroyed. The Learned Counsel
contended that there was no proof given of a contract,
which would bar the defendants from sending the goods
by any other mode of conveyance than their own; and the
railway being the ordinary means of conveyance between
Birmingham and Nottingham, the defendants were justi-
fied in transferring them in the way they had done.
After citing some authorities, the COURT took time to
consider the question.

Sir F. Pouocx moved in this case for a rule to show
cause why the verdict for the defendant should not be set
aside, and a verdict entered for the plaintiff by leave of
the Learned Judge. It was an action upon an agreement
tried before Lord Denman at the last Kingston Assiz-s;
and the terms of the agreement were, that if the
plaintiff did not permit any one during the
term of fourteen years to keep any post•horses or
chaises for the purpose of letting for hire on the premises,
then the defendant would pay the plaintiff a sum of 25/.
per annum during that period. The action was brought
for the payment of three years before the commercement
of the action. At the trial it was proved that saddle horses
had been kept upon the premises and the question was
whether they came within the definition of " post-horses
kept for hire."
Lord DEsitAN thought the case required further consi-
deration.—Judgrnent deferred.