The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-30 00:00:00

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_ ONSEQUENCE OF A FRANCO
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-• • ..•. _ . •
RUSSIAN ALLIANCE.
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s.
- Our readers are aware that ever since the rupture of
the entente cordiale between England and France, it has
eseeesee .•
been the persevering endeavour of a small section of
politicians in the latter country, to bring about an leni-
ence between France and Russia. La Presse, atways
known in Paris as a Russian organ, has recently advo-
cated the Franco-Russian alliance, the impolicy of which
was shown, in an admirable series of articles which have
appeared within the last few days in Le Commerce.
The object of the first of the series, was to prove
that Russia had never desired, and did not
now desire to form any intimate alliance with France;
of the second, to show that, even-admitting the good
faith of the Emperor Nicholas, such an alliance would
compromise the very existence of the Government of
July; and of the third, that the formation of a Franco-
Russian alliance would be the signal for
.the breaking
out of an European war. As the two first prelposit:i.ons
concernsolseulyportt heel•:rench_people themselves, (lo not
think itnecessary to reprwduce the arguments' by St ldch
they are p
. The. third proposition, however,
intimately concerns us, in common with every other
European nation, and we therefore offer no epology for
presentint7, our readers with the following translation of
the principal. portions of an admirable article which ap-
peared in Le Commerce of Sunday last:—
‘.‘ It remains then for us, in order, to complete our ex-
erts:nation of vs-hat-would be the pled-table results of an
alliance between the Cabinet of the Tuilleries and that
of St. Petersburgh, to develope the third of our proposi-
tions, which certainly is not the least important. • The
day after an alliance shall have been. entered into be-
tween France and Russia, there will be an European
war. And do not let it be said, in making this asser-
tion, we are exaggerating the consequence of those new
international relations of which a Paris journal, well-
known for the practical spirit in which it has treated
a multidude of other questioes, has made itself
almost the official organ -- * * Whenever
great questions arise concerning the balance
of power in Europe, and the mutual relations
tion of states to each other, we should closely study all
that is passing among our neighbours ; we should make
ourselves acquainted with their :public opinion—with
their sentiments—with their political views—with their
fears, and with their hopes ; we should be less absorbed
in personal considerations, and we should find it to be
so. To take no account of Germany in considering the
effect of a Franco-Russian alliance, would be to expose
- •
ourselves immediately to the results of a terriblif Tow,
calculation. We have read with attention all the con- -
tr.lversies- that the articles of the Press'haVe raised on
the other side of the Rhine, and the perusal of these
has contribUted materially to strengthen oar conviction
that such a system under existing circumstances could
not fail to excite an European war. As it is impossible
to find room for numerous extracts from all the German
papers, we will only cite some fragments from two of the
principal of these organs, the Gazette of Cologne and
the Gazette of Weser. We read in the first of these
journals, "It it is true that it is the intention of France
to form a Franco Russian alliance, we find in this fact
an evident sign of the decadence of that nation, and a
proof of madness on the part of the statesmen who
govern it. It would be curions to see those,
who for fifteen years have sacrificed their grin-
, ciples and natural friends to the preservation of
general peace entering into an alliance of interests
which, the moment that it was concluded, would become
the signal for a war of extermination. In truth, what-
ever might be the basis of a Franco Russian alliance,
such an alliance must necessarily' bring on a war. We
leave to others the dream of Poland re-established by
Russia—we, Germans, who know the price that
must be paid for Russian friendship, laugh with
contemptuous pity when we hear of such chimeras.
Besides, to re-establish Poland, the consent of
Prussia and Austria is necessary, and this
quadruple alliance is simply impossible, uulsss,
indeed, Prussia and Austria, convinced by the: argu-
ments of the Press, should become infected with a sud-
den love for constitutional liberty, of which, however,
we very much doubt. But that of which we are con-
vinced is, that Germany would lose nothing by a union
between Paris and St. Petersburgb, even should she be
obliged to fight at the same time against Russia and
against France. The day on which this alliance, formed
at our expense should be concluded, we should be obliged
to have recourse to arms, and for this reason :
Russia weighs heavy upon us ; her influence
in our affairs is fatal to progress and to liberty,
and wo should desire nothings better than to
see Russian barbarism advance to be struck
down at Constantinople. But immediately England and
Austria would oppose such advance, and the question of
the East wauld be decided, as it always has been, on the
banks of the Rhine and of the Vistula. Germany,
therefore, wought have to fight for her own nationality,
for to become French would be to become Russian.
There would no longer be any parties in Germaay ;
women and children would take arms against both
France and Russia ; and we should again sing our
patriotic chorus wherever German is spoken
there is our country.' " We have preserved in this
fragment from the German journal, its impassioned
form, its patriotic incoherence. It is a national cry, it
is a war cry. In these burst of passion the heart is
everything, and the style reflects its feverish agitation.
Here is the passage from the Gazette of Weser, more
calm, but to the full as significant :—" The restoration
thought seriously of a Franco-Russian alliance ; many
diplomatic dispatches which have been since published
prove this fact. The restoration, by this alliance. had
' 'to doubt, in view, as its ultimate object, the esta-
blishment of absolutism. It would, moreover,
have been a continental alliance against England. At.
present the appearance of Europe is changed. Not
only has France a dynasty born of a revolution, but
even Prussia tends towards a new order of things.
Russia alone dccs not accept accomplished facts. She
remains, the synibol of autocratic unity, both in political
sad in religious interests. We doubt whether Russia
,mould have established herself at Constantinople, for
how could the Ottomans be governed in accordance
with the fixed idea of Nicholas, who wills that
every Russian subject shall profess the Greek
religion. Besides, England would never consent to
such a displacement of the balance of power in
Europe. Now what interest can France have in con-
tracting an alliance with Russia—would she siege the
frontier of the Rhine in the name of the Czar? She
would risk Alsace by the attempt, for Prussia would be
revolutionized, and we know the maxim of Denton ;
It is only countries in a state of revolution which can
make conquests.' Does she prop 'se to re-establish
Poland? Admit that Russia would consent to it, wh at
would Austria say? Admit even teat it would he possi-
ble to do wittout Austria, litia.t compensation could
be given to Prussia?—Gerteany, perhaps. But Ger-
maey must be wiliag to give herself to Prussia,
And she would never consent to such a bargain except
on condition of gaining liberty and political guarantees.
Russia would become, then, the protectress of the cause
of liberty and progress. This is simply absurd, fit only
for the poetic readers of La Presse. The fact is that the
instant a Franco-Russian alliance should be entered into,
Austria, England, and the Porte, would be obliged,
in self-defence, to coalesce against these two .
Powers. What Germany might do we cannot pre-
dict, but the fact that the French Government
has, for a single moment, contemplated such an
alliance, proves that it no longer understands the
moral sense of its mission, and that there is no longer
anything to hope or to fear from France. As for Russia,
ask the lowest peasant in Germany his opinion of her;
go to Damstadt, to Berlin, to Stutgard, and you will
learn what Germany thinks of Russia, and the recep-
don she would give the Cossacks. Inquire, also, why it
is that the Emperor Nicholas always avoids the city of
Berlin, notwithstanding his intimate alliance with Prus-
sia. To sum up all, a Franco-Russian alliance would be
the destruction of France; but to speak frankly, we wish
.''or such an alliance with all our heart, and every German
who loves his country, will be of our opinion." These are
the quotations. The most moderate of the two journals
that which seems to found its opinion upon argument,
terminates its reflections on the results of our alliance
with Russia, by an imprecation against the French
Government„which, as yet, has been guilty only of hav-
ing thought such an alliance possible. What then would
be the cry of public opinion on the other side of the
Rhine, if that nation, who has hitherto been considered •
as the Pharos of progress eta civilization, should defini-
tively unite its destinies to those of one empire, which
walks in the darkness of barbarism and of des-
, potism ; of one empire, the sole object of
whose mission seems to be to extend that
darkness over the rest of Europe. We have thus proved
that a European war would be the necessary consequence
of an alliance between France and Russia. Is there no
other conclusion to be drawn from these articles of the
Gazette of Cologne and the Gazette of Weser? For six
years France has presented a miserable spectaele to
Europe; liberal and constitutional principles have during
that period been so eaten, so frittered away, so dena-
turalised by a deplorable Ministry, that we have lost the
greater part of that prestige which once secured to us
the attachment of those whose nationality was depressedar
and who were thirsting for emancipation. Secondary
usy
states, as we see, have ceased 'to
their
eneidhupe
as their support—as their guide—as.
.b
un-
dertaking a propaganda by 1
to form those
we
cannot,. for a long time,
expect
ossible for us im-
mediately except on the dangerousureaconduiftionarmosf,
France now
herself stands in need of strengt mg in her own country
mnaetdioientaellyalelifanteoer
the principles of constitutional government. She has
great national reforms to accomplish, and the only fit-
sou which
hi
revolutionsh wersh• ofr. July.
fit-
ting ally for her is a constitutional nation. It is not by
the fault of France herself that she is reduced to the •
necessity of having still some labours to undertake in
the cause of public liberty and representative regime;
after sixteen years of a Government founded solely on
the triumph of that regime and of those liberties.

~l

PRrou 51).

Notwithstanding the advance in cotton
yarn, the cotton stocking trade, whether wrought or cut, is
a shade better, but the hands are suffering severely from in-
adequate wages. The cotton glove trade, though rather dull
is not worse, and forms one of the best branches in the trade.
The drawer and pantaloon branch is rather affected by the
advance in yarn, but not to an extent to be much felt. It is
now evident that the supply does not exceed the demand,
and a very slight change may cause the stockinger to once
more hold up his head. The silk glove trade is in a
wretched condition, but there is more employ for the plain
silk hose hands, and a very slight change in fashion would
give them an advantage little imagined, as they are now
very scarce handed, and it takes much practice to make a
good workman in this: most delicate branch.—Nottinghom

CLERICAL " CROSS READING."—The congregation
of one of the Teignmouth churches were started the other
Sunday by the parson, who, having just given out the text,
commenced :—" Thus saith St. Paul ; and Saint Jude says—
Little child shut thy book! do you hear shut that book! do
you hear; shut that book! do you hear little child ?"—to the
great consternation of the congregation, who did not see the
young urchin, under the nose of the reverend parson, who bad
excited this sudden burst of indignation by reading during
the Aermon time.— Western Times