The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-10 00:00:00

swayed by the number of crimes, as detailed. Let
them take, for instance, some one of those which ex-
cited the greatest horror in this country, and consider
its consequences. Let them take, for example, the
murder of Major Mahon. As a murder it stood but
for one in number; but see the consequences con-
nected with it. Let them look at the terror which it
spread throughout the country ; let them take into
consideration the sympathy evinced by the entire
neighbourhood with the perpetrators of that deed of
blood, and let them look at the picture of the murdered
man's remains having been carried to the grave
surrounded by armed friends to prevent the remains
from being insulted.—(Hear, hear.) Let them look
at and consider those things, and then tell him if they
would that no steps should be taken promptly to put
a stop to such a system.--(Hear, hear.) But, admit-
ting that the crime existed, and that it was of such a
nature as to call for some immediate remedy, the ques-
tion then arose—was the remedy proposed by her
Majesty's Government a fit and proper one for its
suppression? It would, he admitted, be difficult for
any one to pronounce in a positive and authoritative
way, that the Bill would be absolutely sufficient;
but Hon. Gentlemen should not think that because a
measure was very strict and stringent, it would be
therefore more particularly adapted to the exigencies
of the case. His opinion was, that the measure before
the House would, if sufficiently carried out (and see-
ing that the House, as well as her Majesty's Govern-
ment, had every confidence in the Noble Lord the
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, he having the same con-
fidence also, had no doubt that it would), be sufficient
to stay the hand of the assassin. The Honourable
Gentleman who opened the debate said that he had
been deceived in the nature of the measure to be pro-
posed. He said that it had been stated early in the
debate, that as crime was only partial in Ireland so
should the remedy be partial also, but that this Bill
was a general application. Now, if he (Sir W.
Somerville) understood his Hon. Friend rightly, what
he would expect Government to do would be this—
to define the precise districts in which crime existed,
and then by Act of Parliament to apply a remedy those
districts. But, supposing the Government had men-
tioned certain counties and certain portions of
counties, and certain townlands, in which they knew
that crime was still existing, and that they had not
taken any power to go beyond those specific limits,
and supposing that after the enactment had passed
the crime went beyond those boundaries, how could
they follow it ? Would not the House have laughed
at them for such conduct ? This much, however, he
would undertake to say on behalf of the Noble Lord
the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, that wherever crime
was prevalent, and wherever those assassinations took
plane, there, and there alone would that measure be
applied. But when the time for applying it did
arrive, in that Noble Lord's hands the application
would be speedy, and he trusted effectual. The Hon.
Member for Nottingham seemed to hold that no
case had been made out for the application of the Go-
vernment to Parliament for those additional powers.
He had talked of" trumped up cases." Why, he (Sir
W. Somerville) believed that at all events the mur-
ders that had taken place were notorious.—(Hear.)
Was the murder of Major Mahon a trumped-up case ?
—(Hear, hear.) Had the story of the murder of Mr.
Lloyd been trumped up ?—(Hear, hear.) Had the
many other assassinations, which ke should say with
shame had brought disgrace upon the Irish name,
been trumped up ?—(Hear, hear.) Was it not noto-
rious that those murders had taken place, and that the
criminals who had committed them were still living
and at large ? The Hon. Gentleman near him said
that he had no confidence in the Government, because
they had appointed Mr. Ryan to the magistracy in Tip-
perary. But the Lord-Lieutenant had appointed that
gentleman, because he had been described as a man
who hal been particularly active in searching out
criminals and putting down crime, and he had been
appointed for the public benefit. As to the complaint
that the Government had not, during the four weeks
that have elapsed since Parliament was assembled,
laid their remedial measures on the table of the House,
let Hon. Gentlemen take any one Act and say what
effect it could possibly have in staying the career of
crime." Let them take the Landlord and Tenant Bill,
for example. It would have remained on the table.
It might have been read a first time before Christmas
and no more. Bat what proof was there that even
the passing of it would stop assassination ? The ruf-
fians who would commit assassination were, he be-
lieved, neither landlords nor tenants, and the system
was an attempt to establish a reign of terror by over-
riding all law. And what state of law was it when
a tenant would neither pay rent, nor give up his
land, nor cultivate it ?—(Hear, hear.) The measure
before the House had been called a coercion Act.
He denied there was any coercion in it. Its objects
were to prevent assassination ; to give protection to
life and property ; and the landlords of Ireland were
not the only persons who would thank Government
for it. The farmers, aye, and the poor cabin holders,
amongst whom the assassins moved, would thank the
Parliament also. He was not one of those who
thought the ordinary character of his countrymen
was to sympathise with assassins. He believed that
the apparent sympathy proceeded in many instances
from that reign of terror which had been established
by the assassins throughout the country, and that if
left to their better judgments they would give every
aid in their power to the discovery and prevention of
crime. He confessed he had heard with much sur-
prise the speech of the Hon. Gentleman who led the
Opposition. He did not know what had happened to
that Hon. Gentleman, or what it was that could have
coerced him into changing the opinion so quickly.
which he had announced on the first evening of the
debate. He regretted that his Hon. Friend's better
judgment had not prevailed, and he appealed to every
Hon. Gentleman present who had heard the opening
speech of his Right Hon. Friend (Sir G. Grey) to
say whether he had not correctly described, in that
speech, every provision that the Bill contained.—
(Hear.) He (Sir W. Somerville) felt it his duty,
not only on account of the position he held, but as a
friend to Ireland, to support the second reading. And
he believed he could not better nor more correctly
describe the Bill, than by using the words of his Hon.
Friend the Member for Montrose, an opinion, which,
it should be remembered, had not merely been spoken
in haste, but deliberately written, namely, that " this
Bill, if firmly administered, will not be inconvenient
to anybody "berth Mr. GK SCE sae auidhtehohras of
dhoopuetdratghee aHndonc.rimmeem.
for Tralee (Mr. M. O'Connell) would have spared
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to say was at this
moment disgraced by disorder crime. He rose
regretted deeply
allegations that had been made
d low by the hand of
an individual who had been laid cinorucnionosne)quwehniccehohf esormegeraellega
d Major Mahon.—
bthye.thaastsaHssoinn—. Atlheembleart,e relflamecetnintge on the character of
of knowing that
(Hear, hear.) That lamented gentlemanGhraacdorelsiivdeedd
within a few miles of where he (Mr.,
and he had thus an opportunity
many of the charges that had
against the deceased were, to hisbeeonwn broughtknow.
know-
ledge, utterly groundless. When these charges
had been brought forward by the Honourable Member
dfoersi'rforuasleoefoncletahreinfigrstthenimghetmoofrytheofsetshseion he felt
, murdered
man from any stain that they might affix, and of
saving his friends from the pain of having them go
forth uncontradicted, but his better judgment told
him not to rely on his own opinion alone, but to
consult others in the first instance. He did so : he
went to the fountain source, and from the informa-
tion which he there received he was now doubly
able to declare that those charges were false.—(Hear,
hear.) He mentioned the facts to the Honourable
Member for Tralee on the preceding evening. The
Honourable Gentleman took his statement coolly,
and made no reply. He told the Honourable Gen-
tleman that he thought it was fairer for him
to mention the matter to him privately, than
to contradict him publicly in the House, and
the Honourable Gentleman said this evening that he
would give such an explanation as the case re-
quired. He had listened to the speech of the Hon.
Member in expectation of hearing that explanation,
but in vain, and it was only because the Honourable
Member left the House immediately after, that he
(Mr. Grace) did not at once rise to address them.
He did not wish to say anything in the absence of the
lion. Member, but as the Hon. Gentleman was now
present, listening to what he said, he begged to
tell him that what he (Mr. Grace) now stated was
the fact.—(Hear hear.)
Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL—I must claim
the indulgence of the House while I explain how the
matter stands. The Hon.Xember for Roscommon is
perfectly right in stating that I said to him I would
state in the House how far my statement on a former
evening was contradicted by him. Unfortunately, in
the heat of debate, others matters occurring to me, it
escaped my memory—(Oh I)—and'l have to apologise
to him for not making the explanation sooner. The
Hon. Member will bear me out that the statement
which he made to me amounts to this—that whereas I
stated that two vessels were freighted by the party to
whom I allude with emigrants, and that one of them
returned, as being unseaworthy, he has given me
evidence in contradiction to that. statement. I con-
fess that it was an omission on my part not to have
stated that circumstance before, but I beg now to say
that
.)
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tent evidence, I should not be ready to retract. I
believe that the statement which I put forward as