The Sun.
London, England, 1840-05-15 00:00:00

~.VENING EDITION.

ilts think there was sufficient evidence with regard
t°tieiludlow to justify them in withholding the writ. There
place be a question whether proceedings had not taken
at the present and other elections, to show that cor-
eoP,ll°o was not as the phrase was, " carnal" in the
eiriough. He would observe merely that the Committee
t,,,!10t go into that question, and therefore he did not
k sufficient evidence had been laid berme them to jus-
elothem in refusing to accede to the Noble Lord's inn-
the,' But although he would not undertake to pursue
gene inquiries, he wished the House to consider the
bad been
prevalence of these practices, and to state what
Ru been done in former times in that respect. After the
bribery, it appeared that there was a great influx of
thrY, and that these practices became more frequent
they had been, in consequence of %Which the House
became extremely vigilant and severe. The Fame thing
these
after the passim,. of the Reform Act. On bsth
great
events occurring, the one and the other giving a
st at extent of popular influence, attempts were made at
the time of the revolution, and immediately after the pass_
gof the Reform Adegrade and subvert the elec-
to Act, tob
of and to endeavour, whether by means of direct bribery,
tiatY means of sinking the electors into that degraded
When they thought of nothing but feasting
andbe, urunkenness, to prevent that great measure from
etnlg carried into effect. Attempts were therefore made
the revolution of 168 S, and after the passing of the
Reforol Act in their day, to carry on practices by means
of
Which the corrupt influence should not be destroyed,
buet, that, diverted into another channel, it should flourish as
r '' as ever. He now wished to state to the House
er
4.• Were the proceedings adopted by the House of Corn-
)ns after the Revolution under these circumstances. He
%1
'thed to show that if it were objected that he had not
°PPosed the suspension of the writ, it was for no want of
Precedents which had then been adopted, or for no want
tbremedies which were then thought not only to be within
e
teb Power but the duty of the House of Commons.
led" the House found corruption becoming more frequent
of destroying the independence as well as the character
eoiehe House, the only means of preventing it were those
tee h he had already mentioned as proposing—general
to asures to be adopted by Parliament—one with respect
bribery, and another with respect to treating. But
other
proceedings had been taken on this subject with hrrsPect to boroughs in which corruption had been found
exist.
With respect to Stockton the writ was
in
hd
he Suspended. With regard to Aldborough, 1696,
erie, writ was ordered to be suspended, and an inquiry was
'ered ores with respect to that borough, and the writ
4f4ti Aot tored until December 1697, twelve months
er, When it was restored only upon the electors confess-
ofg their guilt and throwing themselves upon the mercy
the House. With regard to another borough, they
ordered that no new writ should be issued that
essioe
Writ With regard to Bishop's Castle no new
, was issued, and the candidate was thrown intoai
te,
uY• In 1781 the candidate for New Sarum was corn-
„"d, and no new writ issued for some time. In 1703, for
i`nWee,"ltle-Under- Line no new writ was issued that Session,G
To
did not stop with regard to those cases; but in the
Tr:- of the Shepherds, the elder Shepherd was sent to the
-ter ; the House thus showing itself determined, by
t'Y Means it could adopt, to prevent the corrupt prac-
e'esPrevailing. With regard to Corfe Castle and Wot -
t
ik Bassett, they took similar proceedings, and showed a
° determination. He wished to state he mentioned these
Ceres because he thought the House should be reminded of
What had been done in former times with respect to cases of
Corruption and that in agreeing to the motion of the
Noble Lord, he did not wish to be precluded from following
such
a course if it should be thought necessary on a fieure
deecasion. He considered these precedents as good precc-
Qts• He thought they did well in taking every means
to
Prevent such corruption from prevailing; and however
th_ere these precedents had been, and whatever objection
might be to the course adopted in a constitutional
ee. yet he considered the evil was so vital and so de-
fie'active to the constitution of Parliament, as to be a jus-
stion for adopting such proceedings. There was another
p
l"uieSeeceding to which he would call the attention of the
ho had
because he thought it was still stronger than those
o,„ had mentioned, but which he thought, if they found all
4(lQer resources failed, Parliament would be justified in
°Pting, and in which Election Committees were directed
a! Parliament to act for the destruction of these practices.
ivas thus in 1691 with regard to the borough of Twicken-
tos) when a person was found guilty of corrupt practises,
Committee not only prevented him taking his
4%
but gave it to the next on the poll,
Tilenst whom no such practises could be shown to exist.
toe7re was an objection to this practice that it was not al-
ving the majority their votes on this occasion, but it was
e
more than was done with regard to any person who
Ana found to be disqualified by law, in which case the
Committee set aside the election, and gave the scat to the
other
party, notice being given to the electors—not that
e meant to propose this in the Bill he meant to introduce,
but to show there were other means. If the candidate
Were guilty of corruption he proposed it should be com-
petent to give him notice that he was disqualified, and
that the votes thrown away should be given to the other
Candidate, and if he were found guilty of treating he should
not be seated by a majority of votes, but his opponent
Would ; and on this it appeared to him, if these contests
Were carried on by two parties, each striving against the
other as to which should obtain the most votes by bribery,
he should be very glad if some person to whom that prac-
tice had become known should declare he himself took
no part in such proceedings, but gave notice to the other
ildidate that proceedings would be commenced against
sloth candidate ; and that he who bad the minority of votes,
elt had refused to give as a bribe even a single crust of
b:tt(l. would have his scat. He believed he had stated
whieitlite measures he meant to propose, and the course
thou the House had taken on similar proceedings. lie
to ght that was the time in which they ought, not only
sh_ take advantage, but to seize any occasion to
an they were disposed to adopt measures to put
n. end to a system so disgraceful, so injurious, and so
'Qat to the Constitution.—( Hear, hear.) It was by those
who were afraid of the extension of popular privileges that
these attempts were made. These persons looked to the
voters to whom these rights were extended as vultures or
enTrion crows, flocked to the field of battle, and made that
Which was in itself a great benefit, an evil and a slur upon
te country. Perhaps he had taken an aggravated view of
these 47 evils, which might by some be considered as neces-
sary evils, which would exist in spite of the law. He would
not use words of his own, but quote those of an eloquent '
Writer, in concluding what he had to say on this subject,
because
he thought both the words, and the occasion of
their utterance, which was not a political one, should give
Wereextend,
i—" But the further the expensiveness of elections
it-rTenfl, the further they promote every kind of vice, to the
family of [The Noble he morals and interests
on botto h osay that he trusted
f the voter and his
;rata
"
uca to public opinion for the suppression of these cor-
rupti Practices—(Hear, hear)—and he hoped the Noble
n:rie connected with this particular borough would use
their influence against them.—( Hear.) Men of all parties
:Ititist see that these practices tended to make the electors of
country unworthy of their privilege ; and, if allowed
° continue, must sap the very vitals of the Constitution.
s's( Hear, hear.)
The Earl of DARLINGTON begged to say that he
almost entirely concurred With the sentiments of the Noble
vrd•—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. HAWES regretted much that the Noble Lord
should have negatived inquiry.
Lord J. RUSSELL begged to explain. He had
stated that he would vote for the issuing of the writ, but ,he
had_ reserved to himself the right 'hereafter to support fur-
tur inquiry, though at present he saw no reason to propose
--(Hear, hear.)
•Mr• HAWES rose to move as an amendment that a
Selectto Committee be appointed to inquire as to the extent
eo which bribery and treating prevailed at the late election
r the borough of Ludlow, and that the writ for a Member
o
serve in Parliament for that borough be suspended in
8°? meantime. He agreed with the Noble Lord (J. Rus-
") that the bribery was co-extensive with the treating,
and that those persons were as bad who made men drunk
as those who gave them money. The Hon. Member then
'end extracts from the evidence of instances of men being
enticed to public houses and made drunk, and kept in that
state until the election was over. As to the case of a wit-
ness named Tyler, one of the witnesses upon whose evi_
uence the decision of the Committee had been formed,he was
Paid 501. for his vote. [The Hon. Gentleman read further
extracts amidst great interruption from cries of " Divide,
divide," " o:der, order," &c.] He was quite willing to
adjourn the debate if the House was unwilling to hear him.
--(Cheers, and cries of " Oh, oh.") He could
imagine that the discussion of a case of bribery was
distasteful in that House, and especially amongst those who
did not represent as large constituencies as he, and others
near him, represented—( Cheers)—and he hoped to sec the
time when those small and corrnpt constituencies would be
done away with.—( Cheers.) He would ask any man if
the evidence was not such as to call for the most search-
ing inquiry ? To issue the writ was nothing more nor less
than to tell the electors of Ludlow that the House of Com-
mons was indifferent to their corruption, and that they had
only to be more acute and cautious in future. Was there
tiny certainty that the other House would pass the Noble
(Word's Bill ? and if so, were they to allow gentlemen in the
Mean time to go down to Ludlow and tell the people there
that they would be paid for their votes, and that they need
not be afield of the House of Commons ? The cases of
debauchery were so flagrant, that he did not think a noble
lfamily, who were in all other respects most estimable,
would descend so low as to encourage them, if it were not
for the indifference of the House or Commons. He was
eglad that this was not a party question, as both the candi-
-4ateB, the one a Whig and the other a Tory, had been
Proved guilty of bribery by their agents.
Mr. HUME seconded the motion. The Noble Lord
had made out a full case for inquiry, and every Member
roust have sosed, whilst the Noble Lord was speaking,
that he meant to move for a Committee. The Noble
Lord admitted that the Committee had stopped short in
ell' inquiry, but that what had been proved before them
Wa6 most atrocious, Why did the Noble Lord quote pre-
cedents to show that unreformed Parliaments had sus-
pended writs on account of bribery even for two menths,e
he did not intend to move for its suspension ? The Noble
Lord expects that public opinion would put down the prac-
`
.tee, but how could that be if the House of Commons
treats it as venial? He thought the writs for Ludlow and
Cambridge should be suspended until it was seen whether
the Noble Lord's measure should pass the House of Lords.
The Noble Lord had always shown a great anxiety to put
down corruption. He had brought in the Reform Bill,
for
which ho merited the thanks of the country, although it
Was not quite perfect, and in justice to himself he ought to
Punish the corruption of these places.
Sir ROBERT PEEL had already said, that in this
Case
there was not round for suspending the writ, and
, agreed with the Noble Lord (John Russell) that
”10 course taken in respect to it should not be a precedent
in respect to other cases. He himself had, on more than
One occasion, moved for the suspension of a writ, but the
CA4SO of each borough ought to stand on its own merits.
"u inquiry by a Select Committee, which had not as
much power as an Election Committee, would lead to no•
mg. The opportunity of ascertaining the truth was
greater in an Election Committee through the hostility of
the parties, who were each desirous of convicting each