The Sun.
London, England, 1871-02-03 00:00:00

METROFOLITAN GOSSlP.—TauaspAy,

We have all looked forward to the opening of Parlia-
ment with intense interest, but it is likely that another
and similar but more momentous event will go far to
absorb attention in the proceedings of popular assemblies.
Never in the history of the . world has a
Parliament gathered together under circumstances such as
those which attend the meeting of the French National
Assembly. No event of the kind can compare with it in
importance, save the gathering of the States-General in
1789. What a time we shall have of it for the next fort-
night, with our own explanations touching war and
Eastern policy, and army reorganisation; and on the
other side of the Channel—first, the electoral con-
test, and then the question of peace or war !
The London papers, which, with the exception of
the Daily News and the Pall Mall Gazette, dis-
play a sublime ignorance of French politics, are
sure that the Republic is doomed, that France is monarchi-
cal, and, therefore, will elect a king-perferring Assembly.
But I advise your readers to take no notice of these
prophecies, for, in fast, the position is one which
admits of no prophecy. If two general elections
take place in England within a short time,
the two Parliaments are, as a rule, pretty similar in
character. In France so much depends upon the extent
of the districts in which the voting takes place, and the
interference or forbearance of the officials, that it is not

impossible for the most Conservative Chamber to be suc-
ceeded by an ultra-Radical one within a year
The belief here is general that the Assembly will make
peace. Everything depends upon the terms.
London was much startled yesterday afternoon by a
telegram from the Times Berlin correspondent, announcing
the German terms of peace to be the cession of Alsace
and part of Lorraine, including Metz, the transfer of
Pondicherry in East India, twenty first-class war ships,
and a money indemnity of—four hundred million English
pounds ! The agitation was great. The Funds fell, and
everybody, as well they might, declared that peace was
impossible at such aprice. This morning the papers appear
with mild expressions of incredulity and remonstrance. I
have no hesitation in pronouncing this programme to be
flat nonsense. It is improbable on the face of it, it comes
from an indifferent authority, and it is contrary to all the
signs and symptoms by which the nature of the German
terms has been calculated hitherto. The Times thismorning
says it has seldom reason to doubt the authority of the
news sent by its Berlin correspondent ; but it may be as
well to point out that this gentleman was the author of
the famous canard about France proposing disarmament,
and that only a day or two ago he announced that
the territorial claim would extend to the Meuse,
instead of to the Moselle—a statement which his last per-
formance in the telegram way contradicts. In short, the
Times Berlin correspondent is noted for his " alarmist"
reports. It is obvious that such a peace would be worse
than even the present war. I do not profess to have access
to Count Bismarck's private views ; but as a reader of the
German papers, which generally write with a purpose, I
can affirm that no hints of such claims as these have made
their appearance.
The Times made another fiasco with the statement that
the Empress had signed away Alsace and Lorraine. The
Imperialists are for the moment in disfavour with the
Germans, though they will, of course, rise again, if the
Republic does not make peace. What plans may
be on foot, I cannot tell, but the visitors to Chislehurst
have latterly been very numerous, and communication
with the Continent is incessant. The calling of the
National Assembly is a great blow to Imperialist hopes.
Mental derangement seems to have been the true cause
of General Bourbaki's attempted suicide, and of the
perfectly needless destruction of his army. A friend of
mine, who saw him in the North, during the time when
he was organising the force which Faidherbe afterwards
commanded, noted a strangeness in his behaviour, a style
of demeanour very different from that of the bright
looking officer who used to manoeuvre the Im-
perial Guard in the Champs de Mars, or the
avenues of the Elysbe. But nothing like madness
was then observable. At Bourges, however, according to
the Times correspondent, his eccentricities became more
pronounced, and after the defeat at Belfort, the derange-
ment was complete.
I have repeatedly expressed doubt touching the pro-
bability of our ever getting any satisfactory result out of
that unfortunate Conference. The present state of
affairs spews how well-founded was that doubt. Two
obstacles of the first importance beset Earl Granville.
There is no French representative, and the difficulty of
reconciling the diverse views concerning the Black Sea
has proved far greater than was anticipated. The de-
liberations, in short, are understood all over Europe to have
come to a dead lock. It is even hinted in the Independance
Beige that Earl Granville's indis position, reported on
Tuesday, was of the diplomatic type. Different versions
are given as to the exact state of affairs; but it would
appear that the English Government is desirous that the re-
sults of the Conference should not have the appearance of
merely satisfying the demands so rudely put forth by
Russia, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to
discover an acceptable compromise. It is clear that a
mistake has been made in opening the Conference at all,
until it was quite certain that a French representative
could attend. We have no desire to go to war for FranCe,
nor is it needful to display any benevolent neutrality on
her behalf ; but it was possible, without preju-
dicing the question of the present war, to point
out that the Paris treaty, whether wise or foolish, was
gained by French as well as by English blood and treasure,
and that French co-operation in the Conference was a
sine qua. non. The protocol affirming that one party to a
treaty cannot break its stipulations at will is useless, and
almost ridiculous. It would be as logical to attach
to the ten commandments an eleventh stipulating that the
foregoing should not be infringed.
The air is thick with rumours respecting the coming
Army Bill; but I will not venture to repeat more than
one. The impression that the purchase system is doomed
is so general as to amount to a conviction. Encouraged
by the strength of public opinion, the Government has
determined upon the desperate battle which must be fought
before this abuse can be overturned. Such is the general
belief. For my own part, I see no reason to doubt that
the Government Army Bill will be generally satisfactory.
If this Ministry is not a legislating Ministry, it is nothing.
The measures passed during the last two years may justly
claim to rank amongst the models of British legislation.
Until, therefore, the Government has proved its inability
to deal with the army question, the prestige of past suc-
cesses is in its favour.

Military men are getting ready for an Irish campaign
in the summer and autumn. The Prince of Wales is, I
am informed, to go to Ireland in August to open the show
of the Agricultural Society, of which his Royal Highness
is president this year. The visit is to be made the excuse
for a number of splendid military displays, and several
fresh regiments, chiefly infantry, are to be sent to the
Sister Isle for the summer drill season. The regiments
for the most part will be quartered at the Curragh, where
vast improvements for the reception of bodies of
troops have been accomplished since the Government suc-
ceeded in taking up the whole plain of 5,000 acres as
Crown property. The prevalence of smallpox and other
contagious diseases in English towns is.perhaps the chief
inducement to the authorities to send our regiments to a
place which has been known for the past ten years as the
healthiest for the soldiers generally. It is well known
that before a regiment goes abroad it is, as a rule, sent for
some months to the Curragh Camp or to Cork, add the
other day a Highland officer explained the matter to me by
saying that tlie Government adopted this plan in order
that the battalions might leave home hardy and strong.
The rank and file will be very grateful to the staff-
sergeant who in this month's St. Paul's complains on
their behalf of the wretched systems in vogue, of sending
off healthy soldiers to bed ever night at nine o'clock, of
preventing men who are ailing from going to bed before
that hour, and of compelling soldiers on furlough always
to appear in uniform instead of a private dress. The same
writer, justly hints at one reason at least why the purchase
system is likely to bepowerfully attacked next session. The
system has been an institution in England since the days
of Charles 11., and since then gentlemen with money, and
often, be it said, without brains, have sought in the army
an honourable, if not a difficult, profession. Latterly the
regular army has appeared so inefficient, and the militia
have been so ridiculed and laughed at, that some great
reform in the existing organisation must appear necessary
to enlightened statesmen.

Some readers interested in the affairs of the Irish clergy
at the present crisis will doubtless be glad to hear that the
privilege of compounding for parts of livings is to be
allowed to certain rectors. By this plan a vicar of say
one parish, and portions of two other parishes, can com-
mute for his own proper parish, while he can commute
and compound with respect to the divided parishes. Speak-
ing of Ireland, I hear that Sir John Gray, the indefati-