The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-30 00:00:00

nEsiGNATION OF MINISTERS.

At a few minute's past five o'clock,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose- to address the House,
which was then' extremely crowded, and the
most profound silence- instantly prevailed. The Noble
Lord, who appeared much
at times I have
affected,. and who was
quite inau4iloe. the gallery, said—
now, Sir, to state to the House that after the division of
Friday night her ',Majesty's MinisterS thought it their
duty at once to advise the answer which has just been
communicated to the House, and humbly to tender their
resignations to her :.Majesty, to enable her Majesty
to form a n6w,,. . Administration. Her Majesty
was graciously pleased to accept their resigna-
tions ; and we -therefore. now only hold office until
Other Ministers shall be appointed to the offices which
we respectively hOld. perllaps the I-louse will allow
me on this occasion; and before I make the motion with
which I intend to conclude, to state some considerations,
in saying which I shall as much as possible'avoid mat-
ters of controversy and debate—to state the impressions
I entertain with respect • to late events. It was
our duty, as we belie'ved, to propose the measures
which were propoied iu the late Parliament in reference
to the trade and commerce of the country,.and which
we thought essential to its interests. Upon being de-
feated with regard to Otte Of these measures we advised
her Majesty as soon as the fittsiness of the Sess:on had
terminated to resort to a dissolution of Parliament. That
dissolution having taken place, and the new Parliament
being assembled an the earliest possible opportunity we
have advised Her Majesty to subMit to them the consider-
ation of measures of the same nature, and to ask for the

opinion of Parliament in reference to these m;asures,
It has pleased the House of Commons by a large majority
to address her Majesty, stating that her Ministers, did
not enjoy the confidence of Parliament and" the
country. This decision left us no • other Part
to perform than that of resigning our offices. I Will not
use any arguments to show why we think we were=jus-
tified in prolonging the struggle until the present
clay t but T say that it was our conviction that our duty
to the sovereign whose confluence we enjoyed—that our
persuasion of the necessity of the measure which we
advised, and our • notions of the interests of the
people of this country rendered it incumbent on us
to continue that struggle to the present moment.
I have on former occasions justified the course
which we pursued on those particular occasions,
and in future debates I shall be ready to justify them again,
Butl am now only stating the conviction which we entertain.
Sir, it has been our fate now to hold power for a con-
siderable number of years, but I will only _say
that as long as we could use the power as we
believed for the benefit of the country that it
was without reluctance we continued in office
but this I will say, that I do not think the possession
of power in this country can be accompanied
with satisfaction, unless there arc means of carrying into
effect the measures which Ministers feel essential to the
welfare of the country, -I do • not allude now to
particular measures of less or minor importance
but to measures of greater and transcendent moment.
With regard to such measures, we began, in the_ com-

mencement of Lord Grey's Administration, with the
Reform Act—we led in proposing measures for the free-,
dom of commerce. With large and important mea--
sures we commenced—with large and important
Measures we end. In the. pursuance of great object 4
we triumphed— in the pursuanco of great objects
we were defeated.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.")
Another matter I may allude to, which relates both to Lord
Jersey and Lord Melbourne, as first Minister of the Crown
Lord Grey at.the time of the Reform Act, and in the first
year of that measure enjoyed, together with his colleagues;
great and almost universal popularity. Lord Mel.;
bourne, as 'being' the first Minister of William the
Fourth, became, -at the ,accession of the present
Queen, he adviser of a Princess who came'
to the Throne at the earliest period at which by law it was al-
lowable to exercise the power of sovereignty; and therefore
it became his duty to offer that advice, and give that
information, , which a .Queen, without experience, and
not to be supposed. to have, and which was received
with the confidence and reliance which her Majoyty was
pleased to repose. Her Ministers, now I will venture to say
that neither of these principles, neither the great powers
of popularity which were enjoyed by the Ministry of
Earl Grey, not the power and favour of the So-
vereign enjoyed by' the others, owing to the
circumstances in Which Lord Melbourne was placed.
would enable any Ministers to conduct the affairs of the
country without the confidence of this House, and v.hile
fault has peen found with them for proposing measures
which were not for the advantage of the coun-
try, they both have shown great forbearance
and a great desire to preserve untouched -and unim-.
paired that Constitution of the Country, and the pre-
rogatives of the Crown. Having said this much with.
regard to the Ministers Under whom I had
the honour to serve, and I may add with pride
and gratification I may then perhaps be allowed to add
a few words with regard to the person who now ad-
dresses you.--(Hear.) I will not pretend to say that
there will not be other persons holding different opinions
who will bring to the administration of public affairs
a largeer capacity and more competent intelligence of
these subjects. All ..I venture to say is, that while
placed in the situation which I had the honour
to hold that
.no considerations of a private nature—no
wish for personal advantage had diverted my attention
from my public. duties, and I have endeavoured to give
every moment I could spare to their discharge.--(Cheers.
With respect to the measures which I have proposed,
and the measures which I carried into effect, all I wish •
to observe is, that I have endeavoured, to the
best of my power and ability,. to exercise
that power for the promotion of the best inte-
rests of the country, and of the Sovereign whom
I had the honour to serve. ' This Muse has decided at
the very commencement of She Session that it will take
measures for directing the attention of the Govern-
ment to the measures alluded to in her -Majesty's Speech
I can only say that although that decision may call
upon us to .give our opposition to measures to
which• we cannot give our approval, I tun sure
that in all the future consultations of the House, I shall
be ever ready to give that advice to the House which
will promote its object, and tend to secure to it the
affection's 'of the people of the United Kingdom, and
will conduee to the' welfare and prosperity of the great
empire which this House is said to represent.—(Cheers.)
I can assure the Rouse that I shall follow that course,
and in whatever circumstances I am placed I shall ex-
press to it my conscientious conviction ; and whether
they be the acts of the Minister of the day, or of
there who are opposed to them, I shall be
always ready to give such an opinion as
I think a nay tend .to the permanent improvement
of our institutions. Never, as I expressed on
another occasion—never defending, abuses as
if they were institutions, and on the other hand never
ready to sacrifice institutions as if they were abuses. Ihave
only further to say, with regard to those in this House with
where I have conducted public affairs for many years,
whether they have been my supporters or my
opponents; I wish personally to express a hope that in
all our future relations there may be no personal bitterness
(Cheers)—and if our resignation tends to the
future welfare and prosperity of the country, I
shall always look back with satisfaction to " this day in
which that event has occurred. I, now Sir, move that
the House at its rising do adjourn to Monday next.
The Noble Lord resumed his seat amidst load cheering.
Lord STANLEY then rose and said—Sir after the an-
nouncement that has just been made, and after the allu-
sions that have been made by the Noble Lord to the by-
gone transactions, which have involved and ultimately led
to the resignation of her Majesty's Ministers, I should do
injustice to the feelings of the House,and to those Whosat on
that side of it especially, if I did not state that we feel a cor-
dial participation in the sentiments of the Noble Lord.
Whatever may have been our political differenceS., no
sentiment of personal preference can have been engen-
dered in any person's mind. It was • my good fortune
for sometime to act with the Noble Lord, and it has
been my misfortune, for some time, conscientiously to
differ from the course which the Noble Lord
has thought it propes to pursue, but as I claim
for myself and every Gentleman who felt
it to be his duty to oppose him conscientiously, so I
give him credit with having been influenced by no
considertions but the sense of duty—(Hear)—which
to a man of his high honour must be paramount to
every other.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, in
the discharge of his high duties, was distinguished
for his zeal, perseverance, and talent, whether in
the discharge of the:duties of his own department, or
in the management • of the particular business of
the House.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, I will not go back
to make any observations on the statement made by the
Noble Lord of the course purined by Parliament,
further than to say that the Noble Lord has fallen
into several inaccuracies, and he must permit me to
say, that with respect to resigning office, that having in the
course of the last session received' no -very equivocal de-
monstration that her Majesty's Ministers, as a whole,
did not poSsess the confidence of the House, which the
Noble Lord considered so necessary to carry on the
Government, the Noble Lord.'and his colleagues pro-
pounded certain measures which I will not now enter into,
but in which they were, defeated, and it was not until
that time that the NohleLord Considered that he had only
two alternatives to, pursue—one. was to resign, and the
other to appeal to the country. The Noble Lord chose
the latter alternative, and I believe that no one will
deny that it was competent for the . Noble Lord to
resort to either of those alternatives. The Noble Lord
resorted to the appeal to the people, and that appeal
had proved unsuccessful to him. The Noble Lord said
that, upon the firstday of the session, he had thought it
his duty to submit great measures to the House for its
decision, but they had been objected to by the House.
Now, I must take the liberty of saying, that that is not
exactly accurate, because by no possible acquiescence
could the Houk assent to the measures
which the Noble Lord proposed, nor by refusing
to assnasstni to the Address, did the House in any
manner determine upon the principle under discussion.
If I wanted any illustration of this I need only point out
that whereas one sentence of the Address contained
expressions relative to particular parts of the Budget
that Address was disapproved of by Honour-
able Members who agreed in the proposals of the
Government, while it was supported by other Mem-
bers who did not agree in those proposals, and
who were not ready to adopt their recommendations.
The Address was supported by some Hon. Members who,
like the Noble Lord the Member for Lincolnshire, were
altogether opposed to the measures of the Government,
but who asserted that they did net in any manner, by assent-
ing to the Address pledge themselves to the recommenda-
tion it contained. The feeling of the House was this,that
in the circumstances in which we were placed, the con-
siderations to which .the Crown, invited our attentive
were considerations or too great importance. to become
the subject of incidental deliberation in the House
of Commons, . which after all could not come to
any decision upon the matter, -and which did. not wish
to enter into the discussion in the absence of a Govern-
ment possessing the confidence of the House and the
country.— (Hear, hear,)--It was for these reasons
that r had been induced to refuse to assent to the
recommendations that have been made, and to assert -
that this lionse had not that confidence in her Ma-
jesty's present advisers which could justify them
in proposing measures of great importance to
the consideration of Parliament. sir, I cannot
but take this opportunity of expressing my regret
that the Speech was so framed as to be liable to a mis •
construction to which, I am sure, the Noble Lord,
of all men, would least desire that it should be
subject.—(Hearer •• hear.) • I- ettnApp opt feel that the

advice of the Gentleman to consider great questions, •
in Parliament, coupled with the words in which the
Speech was couched, was calculated to lead in
the public mind to an impression perfectly erroneous'
and perfectly unconstitutional, had it been cor-
rect that these recommendations were the re-
commendations of the Crown, and not the recommen-
dations of the Ministers, the constitutional advisers of
the Crown. Sir, Ido not wish, as I s:.tid before, to revive
any topics of irritating discussion upon the occasion.
I am satisfied that the Noble Lord having found it his
duty to yield to the decision of the House and of the
country, and having paid that homage to constitutional
principles which I trust every Minister of this country
will always be ready to pay to those principles by resign-
ing office when he finds he no longer possesses the power
to carry his measures with credit to himself or satisfac-
tion to the country. I am satisfied that from that moment

every feeling of excitement between the Noble Lord and
Hon. Gentlemen on this side, if any such had ever ex-
isted, will cease—(llear, hear)—and I am confident
that towards him personally no other feelings are
entertained, but those of respect for his character
and admiration of his talents.—(Loud cheers from both
sides of the HouSe.) And Igive the Noble Lord at the head
of the Government, who has had for some time the
delicate and important duty of advising us, the Noble
Lord has said a young and dutiful Sovereign—l give him
and his colleagues full credit for ha ving,in the course of their
administration, adopted those measures only which they
believed would be for the welfare of the country. I give
their credit was, that they have ceased to hold °Flee
from a determination not to attempt to disturb those
who may be called upon to undertake the
busines of the country by any factious opposition ;
but that which they steadily maintain in Parliament
those views in political matters which they conscien-
tiously entertain, the Noble Lord and his colleagues, in
whatever hands power may be placed, will behold with
oqual satisfaction the progress of measures which may
redound to the welfare and prosperity of the people.
Lord J. RU;3SELL—I can only say at present that I
am sorry that a misconstruction should exist as that
which has been alluded.to. lam quite ready to say that
the Speech from the Throne was made by the Ministers,
and they alone are responsible for it. •
Mr. S. IVORTLEY begged to engage the attention
:of the House
,for a few moments on something said by
the Noble Lord opposite, and t'iindix" eilCutiiStaiiees
which he thought would form a justification for
him while he trespassed on their indulgence for a few
• moments. He bad no. opportunity of doing so before—
the House having been engaged in :um important dission,
which lasted four nights, and only terminated at three
o'clock on Saturday morning, when they were in expect-
ation of the important division that took place. The
,Noble Lord had cast certain imputations on
him, which his respect for the House pre-
vented him from calling for an explanation of. On
Saturday the Noble Lord was not in his place, and the
present was the only opportunity he had of calling
on the Noble Lord to perform that duty.
The Noble Lord had in the first place misrepresented
certain statements of his, with respect to the Corn-
laws ; but into that question he would not
at present enter, believing that he would have
other opportunities of so doing. But the Noble
:Lord had also accused him of having gone
down to his constituents.. and raised the Poor-law
cry. The Noble Lord could know nothing personally
of the facts of the case. In the year 1837, when he
was engaged in a similar contest, proposals were made
to him by certain parties to make the Poor-law a parts
cry. It was stated that if he did so he would have a
great accession of supporters. With that suggestion he
refused to comply, as there were many parts of the Bill
of which ho decidedly approved ; and in consequence
of that refusal he , had four hundred votes less
than the Honourable Member for Preston.—(Hear.)
He maintained that the Noble Lord had no right to accuse
him of having raised the cry of the Poor-laws, in order
to turn out Lord MOrpeth. Other parties on the 'opposite
said had not been innocent of raising similar cries. We
had seen the cry raised about the " big" and'the "little"
loaf, and of " cheap bread," and he had been represented
by these parties as the only -obstacle to the starving arti-
zans' obtaining it.—(Cheers.)
Mr. ROEBUCK rose to order. He wished to ask if
the Hon. Gentleman was speaking to the queStion.
The SPEAKER said the question was, " that the
answer to the Lords Commissioners' Address be taken
iiito consideration on Monday next."—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. WORTLEY was about to proceed when
,Mr. ROEBUCK again rose to order, and said, in proof
of:the Hon. Member being out of order, that it was dis-
orderly to refer to the proceeding debato.—(Hear.)
'The SPEAKER said that th statement of the Hon.
Member for Bath (Mr. Roebuck) was correct, but that
it •was always usual for the House to grant the indulgence
desired by the Hon. Member.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ROEBUCK said he did not complain of the
Hon. Member entering into an explanation—what he
complained of was that the Hon. Member, while defend-
ing himself, should make attacks upon others.—(Hear.)
Mr. WORTLEY said ho--had not intended to make
any attack on the Hon. Member for Bath.

Mr. ROEBUCK—" Oh, no! not on me.
Mr: WORTLEY proceeded—lt was only yesterday
he had seen a placard of an organ on the opposite side,
announcing that " the Queen must consider herself a state
prisoner."—(Hear, and laughter.) He really thought that
tt. party whose organs were guilty of circulating such
randOm assertions and rumours should be restrained from
venting their spleen against their political 4dversaries.
Lord J. RUSSELL said, he should ha allowed to say

what he stated was not founded on random asser-

tions or rumours, but on what-he had seen in the accounts
of what the Honourable Gentleman was reported to
have said, especially in the address to the electors
of Yorkshire, signed J. Stuart Wortley. After
reading an extract from that address, the Noble
Lord went on say that he thought the Hon. Meniber
had mistook the gist of his (Lord J. Russell's) observa-
tions. He did not find fault with the Hon. Gentleman or
any other person for holding any opinions whatever with
respect to the Poor-law or for opposing Lord Morpeth on
the ground of his opinions on the Poor-law, but
what he (Lord John Russell) found fault with was
the Hon, Gentleman stating strong opinions with
regard.to the Poor-law, at the.time of the elections, and
when, In that House, so far from endeavouring to enforce
those- opinions, seeking the .first opportunity to place
others an power who were strong supporters of their
Poor-law. . (The Noble Lord here read an extract from
the address before-mentioned, in which the Hon. Mem-
ber condemned many portions of the Poor-law, and
stated that that law required ranch alterations ; at least
and that he (Mr. Wortley) would always approach the
subject, whether it be altered or repealed, with a deep'
conviction of that first principle—dealing with tender-
ness to the poor.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord then went
on to say that he did not find fault with any Gentleman
for holding the opinions just adverted to, but he
said that when an Honourable Member, holding
those strong opinions upon . a law of that kiwi,
came forward to bring the condition of the country
before the House, he ought not to have those matters.—
(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said, that other
persons had endeavoured to raise a cry of cheap bread—
and that a large loaf and a small loaf were carried about for
that purpose, he (Lord J. Russell) hoped that those who did
so acted, in the belief that an alterationin the Corn-laws
would give them a larger loaf, and they could not, con-
sistently with their opinions, if they
.proposed an
alteraton in the Corn-laws, but if - they
were to come to that House and remain
silent on the suk;cct, then, indeed, he would say
they acted inconsistently with their opinions.—(Hear.)
the Hon. Gentleman had not convinced him (Lord J.
Russell) by his first speech that he attached any great
importance to (the New Poor ILaw, but they should
see if his subsequent speeches, whether, although
he appeared to consider •it a matter of rumor,
concern, he would be inclined to press for any great
alteration in, or for a final abandonment of that measure.
Messengers from the Lords brought up certain Bills
OATH OF SUPREMACY.

Sir VALENTINE BLAKE in postponing the motion
of which he had given notice for leave to bring in a Bill
to exempt all Members of Parliament from the necessity
of taking. the Oath of Supremacy as a qualification to sit
and Note in Parliament, in as full and as ample a man-
ner as persons professing the Roman Catholic reli-
gion are exempted ;" said that although he postponed
that motion_ for the present, yet he thought he might
congratulate the House on the prospect, that some such
measure would soon become the law of the land. He placed
the uttnostconfidence in the manlydeclarations of theßight
Hon. Member for Tamworth, but he feared that those
with whom he was associaten would prevent the Right
Hon. Baronet from carrying his good intentions into
effect.

Mr. BROTHERTON and Dr. BOWRING, under existing
circumstances, postponed the motions of which they bad
given notice.
On the motion of Mr. J. Wood, the following gentle-
men were nominated as the Committe on Public PetttionF.

Mr. George William Wcod, Sir Edward Knatchbull,
Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Mr. Greene, Mr. Ed-
ward Buller, Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Owen Stanley,
Mr. Pusey, Pusey, Mr. C. W. G. Howard, Mr.
Villiers Stuart. Captain Jones, Lord Viscount Duncae,
Sir Charles Douglas, Lord Fitzalan, and Mr. Buckley.
The House then adjourned.

Lord John Russell was loudly cheered on his
way down to the House this afternoon by the crowd as-
sembled in Palace-yard. His Lordship, who was in his
carriage, was accompanied by his Lady, and both teemed
higbly gratified by the reception they met with.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

GLOBE.—Sir Robert Peel has succeeded, thus far, to
a miracle in the game he has played, and by mira-
culous means ; for the most powerful eloquence that
has -been used in his behalf has been his own silence,
while his abstaining ' frtin any declaration of what
he shall do has given rise--we will not say with how
much reason—to the bore that he will accomplish
everything. He has up to this moment been wearing,
in different eyes, the difti rent hues of the camelion ;
but he must, row stand frrward in his true colours,
and declare the real complexion of his political principles.
Some ' of the adherents p etend to find in his speech
of Saturday morning the Cesired solution of the pro-
blem that has *long divided the, opinion of the public
as to how Sir Robert n cart to act ; and as the last
scene of a melodrama generally brings to light a number
of close relationships that haN e never been declared before ,
it is contended that the now no longer proximue Pre-
mier, when w n ling up his long and arduous part in
The Siege- of Downing-sireet, discovered unreservedly-
the mature t f his relation:hip to all the subjects that
have, lately o cufied the stage of politics. But we deny
the Get ; at d we affirm,l that to us, at least, it is
as - mystei ions' as ever what are the ties by which
the rn m in the mask will for the future consider.
himself bound • and though he declares himselt
w cddei to the sliding, scale, we are not sure that he-
do c.s nob contemplate running off from the present