The Sun.
London, England, 1847-05-01 00:00:00

RAILWAYS, PIERS, AND HARBOURS (IRE-

• .
LAND) BILL.
On the motion that the order of the day for the House
going into Committee on the Railways, Harbours, Piers,
&c. (Ireland) Bill being read,
Mr. ROEBUCK rose reluctantly to call the attention
of the House while he stated the reasons why he was
about to propose an amendment to the proposition of the
Government. The subject was now fairly before them,
and he would state the grounds why he objected.
What was it the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer proposed to them to do ? He asked them to go
into Committee of Supply, for the purpose of doing
that, which in the early part of the session, he and those
who voted with him told the House, in the strongest
manner, wa- in the highest degree inimical to the
interests of the country. He would feel it necessary to
reed to the House some of the words of the Right
Honourable Baronet, although it was not his
habit to have recourse to this mode of argu-
ment. Now he wished to call the attention
of the House to the circumstances connected with this
question of railways in Ireland. It might be in the
recollection of every one in that House, that in the com-
mencement of the session the Noble Lord opposite
(Lord G. Bentinek) introduced into the House a measure
f,r the purpose of establishing railways in Ireland.
Now, at that time the situation of the country was
different to whet it was at the present time.
Then there was no great pressure in the
money market; the commerce of the country was in as
flourishing a state as it was usually in at that period of
the year. The Noble Lord's Bill, after embracing a
general view of the state of the country, proposed to ask
from this country a loan of 16,000,0001. ; but he pro-
posed to ask this at different times, and the sum—if he
recollected rightly—which was proposed to be raised
in the first year was 4,000,0001. Now at
that time the description which he (Mr. Roe-
buck) had given of the state of the country was
correct. There might be no great prosperity, but there
was no alarm, and there would have been no difficulty in
raising the sum required by the Noble Lord. Now, at
that time what was the language used by the Right
Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer? After the
enormous sums of money which had been lately granted
to Ireland, the Right Hon. Gentleman came down and
asked the House to grant a sum of 620,0001. for the
purpose of assisting railways in Ireland. But let them
look at the language of the Right lion. Gentleman! Mr.
Roebuck had opened the book, when he was inter-
rupted by
The SPEAKER, who intimated that the Hon.
Member could not quote from a speech made on the
debate on the present measure.
Mr. ROEBUCK did not wish to quote anything that
was not pertinent to the present question, and if he was
desirous of giving the words, it was only from the fear
that his memory might not serve to give the precise mean-
ing of the Right Hon. Gentleman, whose opinions he was
desirous of giving to the House, for to misrepresent him
formed no part of his iatentiun. Now, he thought that
an argument might be used of this nature, and one which
was particularly applicable to the present question—
(Such was the import of the Right Hon. Gentleman's
expressions)—that, although the sum of four millions
only was demanded at present. yet eventually the sum of
16,000,000/. would be required, and that the plan would
impose upon the Government a task which he, in his
character of Chancellor of the Exchequer, could cot
undertake. The expressions of the Noble Lord at the
head of the Treasury were precisely to the same effect.
He said, further, that if the railroads were in such a '
state of prosperity as the Noble Lord had asserted them
to be in that country—and he instanced the Great
Western Railway of Ireland—they did not need that as-
sistance for which he sought, and they should not
give the money. Both the Right Hon. Gentleman and
the Noble Lord went further than this, for they said
that if they went into the market to borrow the money,
they would go unfairly armed, and affirmed that even
if the plan was to be adopted it would not give that
amount of employment which the Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for Lynn affirmed that it would give. For this they
cited the words of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member
for Tamworth, and, if he recollected right, the Right
Hon. Baronet the late Secretary fur the Home Depart-
ment had also stated that such would be the case. They
;rounded their objection chiefly on the extent of the
measure which the Noble Lord had brought forward,
but for his part, in his opinion, that was the best recom-
mendation of the plan. He did not say that it was a
wise plan ; but it was at least a bold and a comprehen-
sive plan—one calculated to give extensive employ-
ment to the poor population of Ireland. Since
the Noble Lord's proposal was before the House,
change in a most important and vital particular was pro-
duced—some people contended—by the Government
themselves. At the time the Noble Lord made
his proposal there was no alarm in the money
market. It was only apprehended. But what
was the situation of the commercial interest
at the time this measure is brought forward? Was it not
notorious that the Noble Lord at the head of the Go•
vernment was daily in communication with the great
commercial interests of Liverpool, Glasgow, and Lon•
don ? Had not every means been taken so restore con-
fidence, but without success ? Were net the best possible
bills the mercantile world could produce of no avail
on account of enormous discounts charged for
cash ? And yet, in this deplorable state of
things the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of
the Exchequer was about to throw another anditional
burden upon the Bank, and by what arguments was
this proposal supported? Why, by precisely the same
as those by which the Noble Lord had successfully
resisted a similar proposal a few weeks ago.
There was nothing in this measure to distinguish it from
the one introduced by the Noble Lord a short time ago,
except the greater danger which they would now incur
in carrying out its principles ; and then, again, these
companies would be unable to borrow money at a rate
of interest which they would be able to pay. The
Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer
opposed the measure of the Noble Lord, on the ground
that the Government should not become money-lenders.
But were not the circumstances now the same as they
were at the time that measure w©s introduced ? And
what a flaming sword was wielded against it by the
Hon. Gentleman, who said that it would not employ the
weak and disabled. but the able-bodied. He said, "We
want relief for the poor and the aged, for women and
children, as well as for the able-bodied." Those were
the parties, he said, whom they could not benefit by
such means as those which the Noble Lord sought. It
was also urged by everybody who spoke on the same side
as he (Mr. Roebuck) did, that the state of the country
at the time could not have been assisted by such a pro-
position. The Government said they had left nothing
undone to provide employment far the indigent poor ;
but, entertaining that argument, how could they
now come forward with this extraordinary
measure ? Was there ever so pitiful an attempt ?
lie could not call it an endeavour, for no phra,-e in the
English la,guag could supple him with a word which
cool I express his feelings, without tr, spassine on the
courtesies of the House, an t which would ad quately
enable him to describe the plan of the Right
Honourable Gentleman The Government proposed
to lend 620,0001. to Ireland, after they le,cl ex-
pended something like 10,000,0001., and when they
had already deraßged, not only the social condition of
Ireland, but the social atiermonetary system of England,
oy their unwise proceedings. But be assured the people
would not any longer suffer such proceedings. When they
saw hundreds of persons swept away, families destoyed,
situations well and honourablyfilled up annthilated,and the
whole mercantile world in a commotion, and, in the
words of a French orator, with " hideous bankruptcy
knocking at their doors," were they to see the Chancellor
of the Exchequer come to the House with a smiling face
again to demand money—money?—(dear.); It might be
a pitiful sum compared with their previous lavish expen-
diture, but the people would not bear it. lie appealed to
every gentleman in the House —if they wished
to consult consistency, which was not a matter of much
importance, it would seem, at the present period—to .
adesae.yi nbete ttlhie,lßrilelata)
support him
carrying
imhaeri,n,
ihis. preset amendment. He would
ask the Hoe. Members who voted in the majority
the Noble Lord opposite to join him
—that the other orders of the
th; if they did so, and if they obtained a
htii:tiegwilitt
it
would hear no more
of this
h
the people of England wtotFolduiread a lesson to her Mnhatio-tt
cellart
o
)efiacran)tTlhieheinfetClthtan-
dafltoeok rather angry, that
brought down,
evfen an appeal
jesty's Ministers ; they
schemes like these were day
founded on no principle, and wirtlat'y
to the country, placed upon the ta:>lte
rather to occupy their time than anythino the H.ouse,
would move that the other orders of theg dal Ile
9.7 be now
read.—(Hear, hear.)
' The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that he would not dispute the abstract right of the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman to take the course which he
had thought proper to take upon the present
occasion, but he believed it to be an irregular
one, and one which would in future set a bad