The Sun.
London, England, 1847-07-19 00:00:00

free-trade measures have been in operation. They have
been in operation therefore, concurrently at least, with
these evidences of the increasing ease and comfort of tilt
people. Other causes have no doubt contributed to that
ease and comfort; but even if the whole effect be assigned
to those other causes—to railway enterprise, or anythini:
else—it does not affect my present argument. If theta
be front any oause a tendeney to the consumption of
articles of the first necessity much more rapid than the
increase of population, the responsibility of undertaking
to regulate the supply of food by legislative restraints,
and the difficulty of maintaining those restraints in the
event of any sudden check to prosperity, or increased
price of subsistence, will be greatly- augmented, while.
on the other hand, the danger to be apprehended from
foreign compet tion is materially lessened.
It was from the combined influence of these various
considerations—from diminished confidence in the neces-
sity or advantage of protection—from the increasing
difficulty of resisting the application to articles of few('
of those principles which had been gradually applied
to so many other articles—from the result of the experi-
ment made with regard to cattle and meat in 1842
from the evidences of rapidly increasing consumption—
from the aggravation of every other difficulty, in the
maintenance of the corn-laws, by the fact of their sus
pension on the first real pressure—it was from the com-
bined influence of such considerations, that I came tt
the conclusion that the attempt to maintain those law
inviolate after their suspension would be impolitic, thy.
1 the struggle for their maintenance would assume a new
character, and that no advantage to be gained by sucees:-
could counterbalance the consequences:of failure, or ever,
the evils attending protracted conflict.
My opinions in this respect may have been erroneous.
but they were not formed without mature and painfu
deliberation, and I am wholly unconscious of any singli
motive of self-interest, personal or political, which wa
not calculated to bias my judgment in favour of an
opposite conclusion. If, from the confidence which the
agricultural interest had reposed in the Government, ant'
the support they had freely given to it, that interest hat
a special claim upon me, I should have ill-satisfied that
claim by giving advice at a very critical period, which
might certainly have been more acceptable—which might
have protected myself from the imputation of being in-
consistent and unfaithful—but which in my heart and
conscience I believed to be, as applicable to that time
and those circumstances, unsound and dangerous.
Between the maintenance of the corn-laws inviolate,
and a measure involving their ultimate repeal, I saw in
middle course satisfactory or advantageous to any in.
terest; I saw still less of satisfaction or advantage in
indecision and irrational delay; I could not admit tht
incompetency of the present Parliament to deal wit},
this as with every other question of public concern
There appeared to me, upon the whole, much less o
public evil in the resolution finally to adjust the questioi
of the corn-laws than in any other that could be then
adopted, and that being my deliberate conviction, I fel,
it to be my duty to incur the painful sacrifices which the
acting upon that conviction must inevitably entail.
There is no event that has since occurred (I speak of
events bearing directly upon the merits of the questiot
at issue) which does not confirm me in the belief that,
even with special reference to the agricultural interest
the course taken was preferable to any other.
So much, Gentlemen, with regard to the past. In re
sp.'ct to the future, it is my intention, it' re elected, tt
conform on all matters connected with our financial ale
commercial concerns to the general principles on which I
have acted while in power.
Acting with the caution and circumspection whicl
teed to make reformation permanent, by making it safe
and which are indispensably requisite in all case,
wherein the public credit, or wherein extensive and coin
plicated interests are concerned, I shall feel disposed ti
support such measures as are calculated to remove an,
remaining restrictions on commerce—to abate dutie
that are levied for the purpose of protection, or that, b:
their amount, defeat the purposes of revenue—to appoi
tion equitably the burden of taxation—and to better th
condition of those who labour for their subsistence.
_ _

Such measures are not only verfectly compatible with
t‘ut are mainly conducive to, those great objr•ets of con
sti•utional policy which it has been, from the commence-
ment of my public life, as it will bo to its close,
unvarying purpose to upho'd.
It is my tirru persuasion that the course sanctioned b:
the present Parliament, with reference to our financia
and commercial policy, has tended to fortify the esta
blishPd institutions of this country, to inspire confident,
in the equity and benevolence of the Legislature, t
maintain the just authority of en hereditary nobilir)
and to discourage the desire for democratic change in th,
constitution of the House of Commons.
It has aided the Government in conducting the admi
nistration of internal affairs, and in maintaining th
public tranquillity, even during a period of suilerinl..
from depression in trade and a high price of food, natio
more through the mild influence of general contentment
than through the appliance of force, or the harsh coer
cion of the civil power. And if the sad times of ay"
severer trial should return, that trial will not be bore.
with the less fortitude and patience, when the privation,
that accompany it can be ascribed solely to causes over
which the Legislature has no control.
I have thus, Gentlemen, explained to you the course
which I have pursued, and that to which, if re-elected, I
intend to conform.

In a few days, probably, the trust you have committee
en me will be replaced in your hands. If you disapprov,
of that which I have done—if you think the commercie
policy erroneous, or the motives for adopting it insuffi
oient or unworthy, I cannot solicit or expect the renewal
of your confidence. Stiil less caul solicit or expect it if you
think that that policy ought to be reversed—if you de
sire to re-establish the principle of Protection—to re-
store the duties that have been repealed on cotton, or.
wool, on meat, on flour, on the long list of imported
articles, which are either the materials for domestic
manufactures, or enter into general consumption as arti-
cles of food.
It is my earnest hope that you will make your chola
of a representative exclusively upon public grounds—that
you will not permit the consideration of mere personal
regard, or of my long connexion with you, to influence
that choice against your deliberate judgment.
If that deliberate judgment be in favour of the course
which I have pursued, and which I propose to pursue,
shall hope for a continuance of your confidence— if it bt
not, our intercourse in all the relations of private life wilt
not assume a less friendly character, if, in the discharg
of a trust committed to you, you should give effect to
opinions upon public matters at variance with those
which I have expressed.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen,
With much esteem,
Your faithful servant and friend,
ROBERT PEEL.