The Sun.
London, England, 1812-10-20 00:00:00

ED STATES

(Continued from our Paper of Yesterday.)

The people of the neighbouring Common-
wealth, as we under Stand, have been as unable as
ourselves, to discover instances of impres.sment;
in any degree equal to the alleged numbers." , It is
iMpossible, under these circumstances, for us to"
believe, that the evil of impresSrhent does exist;
in the degree of enormity pretended. If so many
of our seafaring fellow-citizens were actually in
bondage, they must have been taken from among
the inhabitants of the Atlantic coast ; they-would
be fro' in
.aniOng our brethren, Sons,. relations, and
friendS.;" we should he acquainted with them and
their misfortuneS ; we should hear 'the cries of
their wives and "children, their parents and re-7
latices, quite as soon as our fellow-citizens of the
South and West.

It is well worthy of notice, that the greatest ap-
parent feeling on this: `subject of impreSsinents,
• and the greatest disposition to wake war_ on that
account, arc entertained' by the Representatives
of those States, which have no seamen at all of
their own ; while those sections of the community,
in which more than three-kiurths-of'the mariners
of the United States have their hOMes, are, by
great majorities, against that war, among the pro-
fessed objects of which-, the release of impressed
seamen forms so principal a figure.
Tt is well known that England pretends to no
right of impressing our seamen. She' insists only
that she has a right to the service of her own snb-
jects, in time of war, even thOugh found serving
on board- the i'nerchant ships of other nations.—
This claim we suppose to be neither unfounded nor
novel. It is 'recognized by the pablic Jaw, of En-
ror, and of the eiviliied world Writers of the
highest anthoritymaintain, that the right belongs
to.all nations. For •the• same reason, say they;
that the father of a family may dethand the aid of
his children to defend himself and his house, a na-
tion may call home her subjects to her defence and
protection in time of war: • .
But if.lthis were not so, is our nation to plunge'
into a ruinous war, in order to settle a question of
relative right between the Government of a. fo-
reign nation and the subjects of that Government?
Are we to fight the battles .of British seamen ?-t.
Nay more-tare we to espouse :heir cause, in op-
position to the cause of our native_ mariners ?--;-
Shall we contend for the -free and privileged 'ad-
mission of foreigners into our merchant service,
and thereby exclude the seamen of New England
from that service ? Do we profess to be at war for
the support of our seamen's rights, when We con,.
tend for a point, which; if gained, will shut them
from the rhost lucrative part of their employment,
and " sacrifice their interest that British and other
foreign- seamen May liive equal privileges with
themselves 7''

- Fatal, indeed, would it be to the important in-
terests of the navigating States, if the conse-
quence of this war should he, that the American
flag shall give the American character to all who
sail under it, and thus invite thousands of foreign
sianien to enter into our service, and thrust aside
our own native

But this evil of impressment, however great it
may be, is at least not greater now than it was in
the time of Washington. That great man did not,
however, deem it an evil to be remedied by war.—
Neither did it occur to President Adams, nor even
to President Jefferson, that it would be wise or po-
litic, for the purpose of attempting to escue a very
small. portion of our seamen from eaptivity,, to
commence a war, which must inevitably, as this
war Will, consign ten times as many to a captivity
as bad.- •

England has always-, nrofessed'a willinness to
adjust this subject by amicable arrangement. She
has repeatedly called on us to d'o our part towards
effecting such adjustment. She has reminded us
of the facility,. we may say the fality, with which
American protections are obtained ;. of the frequent
instances, in .which Irishmen' and others; that can-
not speak a word of our language,.are found with
*American protections in their pockets. :,Shelias
expressly and officially offered.to prohibit., hy,se-
,Vere laws, all impressments from American vessels,
if the American .Government would enact laws
prohibiting Atherican officers from granting pro-.
tections or certificates -of citizenship to British
subjects. She has also, through her Minister, of-
fered to restore every native seaman that our Go-
vernment could name, as being under impressment.
For years preceding the Declaration of War; our
Government has been, in a manner, silent on this
subject. Under an expectation, which has never
.been liroken off, of an amicable arrangement, Go-
vernnient seems to have ceased to make it a topic
of complaint. When the arrangement was made
with Mr. Erskine, the present Administration them-
selves did not consider any existing difficulties on
the subject, of impressment as insuperable obsta-
cles to peace.
What is it, then, that ha.th since given to this
subject a sudden and unusual importance ? What
is-it that bath so completely stifled the. voice of
the friends of the seamen, and at the same time
e tiled into action such powerful sympathies in the
b )som of strange.'s What is it., -that raised the
voice beyond the Westerrfmountains,so loud and
,elatnoroui for their protection by war while the
fathers and 'brethren, the friends and relatives,
the wives and children of these .v
the
even the seamen themselves, depreeate this
War as the greatest,calamity that could fall upon
them.

The Blockade and Orders in Counei, the other
causes of war; bear .no better exarnination than
the-subject of impressnient. The Bloekade, now
,h 0 grievoui to be endared, we know was regarded,
Mt the time it Was laid, as a.measurefavourabte to
•yarintert2.-.
Mr.
this,
.upon the eNpress
declar4atiot: of Mr. Monroe, then our 'Minister in
Engtainl. W have his own Words, that it 311011111
be regarded:" in a highly f4vourable light," and
that;-it;" promised to be highly satisfactory to our
commercial interests."

By what trait► of rensoning'this favour is now
turned into an injury, and an injury of such rung-,

, .
nitride AS tO•Justrty war, we are .uttctly at alos
to comprehend.
We ave equally unsatisfied. With the arguments
used; to prove that the Decrees, of France were
repealed in Noveniber, 1610, and that, therefore,
without departing from impartial policy, we are
justified in undertaking to compel Eng,land , by war,
to abandon her Orders in C0un.61., Against such
suppoSed repeal c_f. the French Decrees, we have
the express declarOion of the French.Criovzfnment
itself, as late as March, 1812, alleging that those
Decrees did then exist. We have'. also had daily
evidence of thefr Operation; in the destruction of
oar property, and some Members of this Meeting
have convictions -of the existence and operation of
those Decrees, own to the very moment of our
Declaration of 1,17.-ay ;. which convictions, being
produCed by great and repeated personal inse4,..
in til; seizures, detention, confiscation, and burn-'
lugs, under those very Degrees; are not likely to
be. :removed, by any, ingenious comments on.
the terms of an ambiguous, deevptive, and fal-
lacious instrument, 'like the Duke of Cadore's
letter. ".

But this question is now at rest. The recent ap-
pearance of the French Decree, purporting to be
dated April 28, 1811, leaves no, foothold for per-
.
sistance and partiality, longer to stand on. That
Decree declares, that in.consequence of measures
adopted by our Governnient against England in
*March 18:11, the Decree of Berlin, and Milan shall
now be considered as having ceased:to operate, as,
against us, in November 1810. This proves, bt.!
• ,
ydnd• contracjiction, that those Dpci-ces were not
repealed at the time when our Go,rernment adopt-
ed measures against England, founded on their sup-
posed repeal.
A more singular incongruity, than
,is here ma-
nifest, never characterized the intercourse of na7.
tions. Tn March;!1811, this .66i-eminent took
measures against, England, because France,' had
actually repealed her Dcerees 3 afterwards, ,in May
1811, Fiance rrepealed her Decrees, because our
Government had actually taken measures against
England:
_

The conduct of France, in relation to the re,
peal of her ediots, exhibits, to our view, a scene
of the most contemptible fraud and juggling, .that
ever disgraced the COurt of any nation.
The British Orders in Council, we are informed,
are now revoked. We cannot but lament, that-
the Declaration of War was forced and hurried, as
if to put. -us beyond the benefit of favourable
events. Every attempt at postponement was in,".
.effectual, and the question was taken at a moment
ivhen, perhaps, a month's delay would have re.'
moved the principal ground of complaint, and
averted the awful calamity.
As none of the complaints against England are-
of recent origin, as they they must all have been,
long in contemplation of Govermnent,- it was
'reasonably expected, th 4 if Government intended
war, it would have made adequate provisiOn and
preparation: for that event. In this expectation
we have been disappointed. The nation is totally
unprepared for war. We say, totally unprepared
—because the degree of preparation bears no de-
sirable relation to the .magnitude of the occasion,
or to the greatness of the interests which are at
stake. .

Without mentioning the situation of our inland
frontier, it is sufficient to advert to 'the exposed
state of our sea coast and commerce. It is niibeard
'of, and beyond imagination strange, in our -•opi-
nion, that such great and important interests as
the navigation and commerce of a whiile country
should be put to Hazard---to certain loss—for Want
of that protection, which it was in the power, and
which, we preSume to • say, 'it was the duty of
Government to have afforded.

On the subject of NaVal Defence, we do not feel
ourselves confined to the mere language of sup-
plication: •On that topic we do not address our-
selves to the favour and clemency only of any Ad-
Ministration.' We hold it to be oui• right to de-
mand, ' the hand of the General Government,
adequate protection' to our lawful commerce.
When the 'Constitution empowered t 1 Goverh-
ment to build and maintain a navy, it was not
supposed, that that provision would remain in-
operative parehthent, and a dead letter. On the
contrary, it was confidently expected that that
power would -be exercised a -cheerfully as the
power to levy and coiled taxes.—We consider
protection on the sea to be as .solemnly guaran-
teed to us by the Consitution, as protection on the
land ; and we shall' as readily assent to a practical
Construction of that instrument, which deprived
us of the one, as to that whiCh deprives us of the
other.

When the Commercial .and Navigating States
surrendered to the General Government the riches
of their Cnstont-houses,.and thereby parted with
the fairjst porafin of their revenue, \leaving/ to
themselves nothing to defray the expenses of their
Own C.ftablishments, but an unpleasant resort to
direct 't:xation, they had a right to expect, and
they did expect, from the wisdom and justice of
that Government, adequate and ample means of
protection and defence. They enter& -intb-the
union Under this full expectation: It was •ati'ek-
pectatiot, raised and excited, not only by the ex-
press words of the Constitution itself, but also by
the declarations and assurance's of those who re-
commended its adoption.
It is not disrespectful to' remind you, Sir, that
a diStinguished advocate * for the union of these
States-urged the 'adoption of the Federal Consti.-
tution upon the inhabitants of the Atlantic Fron-
tier,. in .the following manner

The palpable necessity of the power to pro-
vide and maintain a na►y, has protected that part
of the Constitution against a spirit of censure
.which has spared ,few other parts. 'lt Must be
numbered among the great blessings of America,
that as her union will be. the 'only source of her
mairitime strength, so this will be ,the sc.princi-
pal source of -her security against darter from
abroad.

"The inhabitants of the Atlantic frothier are
all of them deeply interested in Has provision for
naval protection, and if they have hitherto been
suffered to sleep. quietly in
.their beds ; if their
property. has remained safe against the predatory
spirit of licentious adventurers ; -if their maritime

Mr. Madison himself.

towns 11,114 not yet
,ten compelled to raffsehi
themselves from ti2.e terrors of conflagration, by
y;clding to the exactions ofidaring and sudden in-
vaders, these instances of good fortune are not to
be ascribed 'tf: :the capacities of the existing Go-
vernment in-1798.'._

The same distinguished Gentleman, at a .later
period, gave to the people of this nation a solemn
and official pledge of his sentiments on this im-
portant subject, i►z his station as a leading Mem-,
her of Congress, in the following emphatic
manner

". I consider an acquiition of marl tifi/C strength
essential to this country ; should we ever be so
unfortunate- as to be engaged in war, what but
this can defend our towns ard cities upon the sea
coast ?Or what lint this can enable us-to repel an
invading-enem,yl"-l-
-, May we -now,'Sir, be permitted to ask, whether
these hopes have been realized, and these asstir-
ances performed ? Has this solemn pledge been re-
. deemed ?. Does .the present actual administration
of the Constitution comport with these princi-
ples ? Is a sufficient. navy prOvided and Main-
tained.? Is this naval protection, in which the in-
habitantS•of the Atlantic frontier are so deeply in-
terested, afforded to. them ? Can they now sleep
quietly in their beds ? Is their property now safe
against the licentiouS spirit of predatory adven-
turers .? Are their maritime towns secure, from
conflagration, or the exactions of daring and sud-
den invaders? We put these qUestions, not merely
to the wisdom and policy, but the duty and con-
science of our Government. Alas I. it is notorious
that we have not this navy; we are not protect-:
ed ; weeatmot be quiet or •secure,; our maritime
towns are not safe against invasion and bursting ;
our best interests are at the mercy of our enemies,
and we can do nothing but ,sit still, and see the
frnits of 30 years of htborioUs niu,try, swept
away with the besom of destrudiOn ! .

We are, Sir, froni principles and habits, attach'
ed to t is u:lion of the States. But our attachment
is to the sulwancc, and not to the enrol. It is to
the good which this union is capable of producing
and not to the evil,, which is sntlercd unnaturally
to grow out of it. If the time should ever arrive
when this Union shall be holden together by no-
thing but the authority of law; when its incor-
porAting vital principle shall become extinct;
when its principal exercise shall .consist in acts of
power and authority, not -ot protection and be-
neficence ; when it shall lose the strong bond
which it has hitherto had in .the public affections;
aryl when, consequently, we shall be one, not
n,",intereSt and mutual,re.g-ard, but in name and
form only, we; Sir, shall look on that hour as
the closing scene of our coimtry's,prosperity.
We shrink from 'the separation of, the States as
anievent fraught with incalculable evils, and it is
among our strongest objections to the present
course, of measures, that they have, in our opini-
on, a very dangerous and alarming bearing on such
an event.

If a separation of 'the States ever should take
place, it will be on some occasion when one por-
tion of the country undertakes to control, to re-
gulate, to sacrifice the interest of another; when
a small and heated majority in the Government,
taking counsel-of their passions, and not of their
reason, contemptuously disregarding the-interest,
acid perhaps stopping the mouths, of a large and
respectable minority, shall, by hasty, rash, and
ruinous measures; threaten to destroy our essen-
tial rights, and lay waste the most important-in-
'
terests.

It shall be our most fervent supplication to
heaven to avert both the eveta and the occasion;
and the Government may be assured, that the tie
that binds us to the Union will never be .broken
by us.

But although we lament the present war on all
accounts, yet do we deprecate it most of all, as we
view in it, as we fear, the harbinger of French al-
liance Our apprehensions on this head are not
unnatural. The United States, and Napoleon Em-
peror and King, have now a common enemy, and
in some sort a common cause. They wage war
against England for object's, in some degree, the
same. There has been really or apparently, a Se-
rie., of 'remarkable coincidence in the measures of
the two Governments. Add to this the known
character of the Frepch Court for intrigue, cir-
cunmvention, and perfidy, and the world will
judge whether our fears are groundless or unwar-
rantable.

On the subject of any French connection, either
close, or the more remote, we have made up our
minds, We will, in no event, assist in uniting
the Republic of, America 'with the military despot-
ism of France. We Will have no connection with
her principles or her pOwer. • If her armed troops,
under whatever name and character, should-. come
here, -we shall regard them' as enemies., No pres-
sure, domestic or foreign, shall ever compel us to
connect our interests with those of the Mdse. of
Corsica.; or to yoke ourselves to the triumphal cal-
m' the conqueror and the tyrant' of Continental
Europe. - . • -
In forming this resolution, we have not been
thoughtless of possible consequences. We have
weighed them. 'We have, reflected on the - mea-
sures which an adherence to this resolution might
hereafter occasion. We haveconsidered the events
which may grow oat of it. In the 'full and undis-
guised view of these consequences, we have'formed
this ourresolution, and we affirm-to von, Sir, and
to the world, that it is,deep, fixed, and unchange-
able.

It only remains for us to express our conscien-
tious conviction, that the preSent course of nv.•.a-
sures- will prove most prejudicial and •ruinous to
the country ; and to st:pplicate the Government
to adopt such a system as shall restore- to us .the
blessings of peace and eommerce7.t--
S. TEN-NEy, per order.
IV. A. K NT, Secretary,
•fi Mr. Madison's Speech in Congress, 1798.

An avalanche occurred on the 4th Sept. in the
neighbourhood of Villeneuve, Switierland.. A
part of the eastern chain of, the Fourehes, which
had been sapped by a stream that ran ran at its
base, suddenly fell with a terrific noise. Aboit 30
cottages were buried beneath the ruins, and 13 of
their inmates killed.—The noise of. the .avalanche
was heard at the distance of six miles.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE TO-MORROW!,
Morning, <ll3 minutes after 2. I Evening, 12 minutes after 3•