The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-28 00:00:00

to repeat the opinions they had before expressed. He
could not have proposed to himself a duty, or rather
have a duty imposed upon him more agreeable, of
taking every opportunity of discussing matter relative
to the Cornafa-ws. He should not be a party to that want
of respect to the Speech delivered from the Throne.
Concurring as he did entirely in the principles upon
which the financial arrangements of the year had been
proposed, and believing that those principles, if carried
out further, would be attended with success, he should
resist by every means in his power the opposite policy
represented by that amendment. They could not shut
their eyes to the opinions of the Hon. Member who
moved the amendment, as he had recently expressed
them in an important district. It was not any vague
language about free trade, that would qualify his
opinion on that. He thought that the Honour-
able Member for Yorkshire had been well put
forward to represent his party.—(Hear, hear.) He
considered the amendment had placed at issue in that
House those matters which were in dispute in the coun-
try, and which the House was called together to de-
cide.—(Hear, hear.) The time had come that he had
long foreseen, when the principle upon which the trade
and taxation of the country was carried on absorbed the
public mind. The cause was now ripe for hearing; the par-
ties were ascertained - there was on the one side the
whole community, and the other the agriculturist and
the aristocracy.—(Hear, hear.) The plea was vested
interests, and the answer to that plea was vested
robbery.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He was satisfied
that the country at large would view with impatience the
attempt made to divert the House from this subject for
the more vulgar topics of party.—(Hear, hear.) He be-
lieved that the great majority of which the other side
boasted might be traced to one section of the popular
party having used them to chastise the other.—(Hear,
hear.) They did not tell the Government they had been
too democratic ; but they said you have broken your
promises and forfeited your pledges.—(Hear, hear.)
That was what the Hon. Member for Yorkshire had
said. He said the Government had not kept their pro-
mises. With whom, he would ask ? Why, the people.
He was disposed to agree with what the Hon. and Learned
Member for Bath had said, that lie thought the Govern-
ment had shrunk from those principles which placed
them in power ; but, at the same time, he could not
condemn them to the extent that some did. There were
two things that had been a source of weakness on the
part of the Government. He alluded to their policy
with respect to Ireland, and their advocacy of the
New Poor-law Bill.—( Hear, hear.) He thought that the
prejudices of the country against Ireland had been greatly ex-
aggerated, but it was impossible to deny that there was great
prejudice against it. He trusted it was diminishing every day.
—( Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that many had stated that
they viewed the Noble Lord the Member for North Lanca-
shire coming into power with joy because they believed he would
put down the lrish.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") With
respect to the New Poor-law, nobody could deny that
the Government were indebted for much of their unpopularity
to their advocacy of that measure. He might say that they
could have no purpose to serve in supporting that law if they
did not think it an improvement of the old one. He himself
thought the New Poor-law an improvement. He thought
there was one cause of the unpopularity of the Government
which he ought to notice, because he felt the truth of what had
been remarked as to the measures which they lately proposed
having suffered from their unpopularity. fie believed that
the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies had been rather
incautious in an expression which he permitted himself to use
relative to the Reform Bill. He (Mr. V.) always thought that
more had been made of that expression than there was any occa-
sion for. All the construction that he (Mr. V. ) put upon it was,
that the Noble Lord, somewhat tempted by the confusion which
he and his colleagues caused in bringing about that measure
to allay the ferment that resulted, was disposed to be unneces-
sarily cautious in working out those principles which he said
they recognised. But he (Mr. Villiers) never believed that
the Noble Lord would say that that measure, which was pro-
posed by the Noble Lord himself, whereby the people were to
be represented freely and fully in that House, should cease.
He could not suppose that the Noble Lord ever considered
that the Reform Bill was to be a finallneasure. He believed
that all the Noble Lord meant was that reform should be
worked out cautiously and by degrees. That, however, was
one great cause of the unpopularity of the Government.
There was a disposition to condemn the Noble Lord, on ac-
count of the manner in which he had taken up those mea-
sures lately propounded by Ministers. The Noble Lord in his
(Mr. Villiers's) belief acted in that manner—in every thing
he had said or done, on the subject of the alteration in the Corn-
laws—from an honest conviction of the necessity cf the change.
He (Mr. Villiers) could not give his support to the present
opposition party, because he could not conceal from himself
that they were coming into power in direct opposition to the
principles of commercial freedom and free trade. He believed
that the present miserable exhibition which the country pre-
sented of commerce paralysed, capital unemployed, and the
people in the lowest state of wretched degradation, was to be
traced to the system of restriction. He would call the atten-
tion of the House to the present distressed state of the people.
It was not isolated cases—it was not individual cases of distress,
which the Right Hon. Baronet pointed to as not leading to
any just conclusion, that he would call attention to. The evi-
dence which he held in 'hi, hand was evidence of distress in
every department of traae. There seemed to be a disposition
not to receive favourably anything stated by the Dissenting
Clergy assembled at Manchester, but, as the Hon. Member for
Stockport had stated, they were delegated by congregations who
were suffering, and who directed them to proceed to a spot
where the subject was likely to excite attention. In the docu-
ment which he held in his hand, the names of the persons and
places were given, and it was quite competent for any person
to satisfy himself of the truth and correctness of the statement.
Every department of manufacture was included in the docu-
ment drawn up by the meeting at Mane.tester. Mining, hard-
ware, earthenware, hosiery; the silk, woollen, and cotton trade;
glove-making, agriculture, &c. H',; had selected the cotton
trade from wich to give a specir-sen of the suffering state of
the people. It was in the year 1837, when the price of food
began to rise, and in that year 1,911 persons had received me-
dical relief from the dispensary of the district ; and in 1840
that number had increased to 3,072. That was in the district
of Preston. In the seine district the number of deaths
in 1838 amounted to 1, .09 ; in 1839 to 1.,277 ; and in 1,i140 to
1739, which showed rit increase in the number of (lentils in
that particular bransih of trade of 462. The clerk of the union,
when applied to for the cause of that increase, stated that it
was in a great measure owing to an insufficiency of food. In
consequence elthe high price of food they were exposed to
great privations, which they bore with the greatest patience.
The report els° stated that the greatest indifference was felt
towards any constitutional efforts to obtain relief, such as pre
sensing 'iretitions to that House. A similar state of things
existed in Leeds, Coventry, Macclesfield, Nottingham, Shef-
field, Tewkesbury, Liverpool, Bridport, &c. That state of
things was naturally owing to the restrictions which were
Pl'sced on their intercourse with other countries—restrictions
'.which prevented their exchanging what they were able to pro-
duce for the food which could be received from those countries.
He believed, if these restrictions were removed, the distress
complained of would cease. He was sorry to find that the
Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, and the
Noble Lord, the Member for North Lancashire, had laboured
to justify those who maintained that cause of distress. He had
been led to expect, from what the Right Hon. Baronet did in
that House, that when he had the power, he would use that
power over his party to cause them to change their opinions.
The Right Hon. Baronet was now on the eve of coming into
power, and in his speech at Tamworth, on the occasion of the
late elections, he laboured with ingenuity and talent to show
that there were other causes of distress than those which
were really so. The Right Hon. Baronet seemed to say that
the Corn-laws were founded upon vital principles at com-
merce ; yet he could not deny the derangement they caused-
in the currency, and the export of bullion from the country
which they occasioned. Whew the Right Hoh. Baronet said
that the Corn-laws caused no harm, he told them
that bullion might go out of the country that
credit might be contracted—the Bank distressed—every m ant
of obtaining comfort destroyed—yet that no evil should result.
It was calculated that there was one million employed in agri-
culture, and that each family received about 201. a year ; and if
that calculation was correct, there were 30,000,0 001. to be ex-
pended in some way or other. When wheat was 575. per
quarter, at an average rate, the people were obliged to spend
7s. 6d. per week upon bread. Now, when the average price of
wheat was 70s. per quarter, what could be left to men who
earned but 10s. per week, and were obliged to spend 7s. 6d.
out of that sum for bread? In Leicester and other places,
where the people were supported by produciug things•from
the agricultural labourers, there was now no demand for
labour, and in consequence 14,000 persons, who were thrown
out of employment, were dependent for support on the parish
of Leicester.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He (Mr. Villiers)
complained of the Right Hon. Baronet, and he complained
much more of the Noble Lord the Member for North Lan-
cashire ; for he observed that the Right Hon Baronet had
made something like an admission that the Corn-laws were not
good. He confined himself to :showing to those whom he ad-
dresied that the Corn 'laws did not produce any distress ; but
the Noble Lord, in the speech which he addressed to the
people of Lancashire, laboured to show that the high price of
provisions was an advantage. He (Mr. 'Villiers) could not
believe that a man of any mind could honestly believe that.
What ! was a man to go and tell the poor man that the less
food there was in the country the better it would be for him—
( Hear)—that the more scarce provisions were the more the
poor man would get —( Hear.) Why, there was nothing in
witchcraft, nothing in the whole history of delusion, equal
to that. They knew how it was that that delusion was
attended with success. It was effected by a use of terms. They
told the people that wages would fall, and when the people
learned that, they knew that their condition would be worse.
They told those poor people it was the cruelty of those free
traders, of those advocates of heartless doctrines, that
would ruin them, who would lower their wages,
and who wanted to transfer them from the occupations to
which they were
bred, to those of which they were
ignorant. That was what the Noble Lord endeavoured to im-
press on the people's minds. The Noble Lord also expressed
one of those fallacies which was used during the war to enable
the people to bear taxation, and that was, that if the landlord
received high rents, it would give them the means of employing
more labourers- That was the old doctrine. It was first started,
he believed, by Mr. Vunsittart. The Noble Lord contended
that the higher the rents were the more would landlords be
enab
outtheir p
led tc
emPloy a greater number of grooms and gardeners
to lay le as u re- g rounds, and if the Corn-laws Were
repeated the landlords would be obliged to reduce their ex-
penses, V.) would ask,
ahned all those persons to
penses, and consequently they should employ less number of
commu-
nitys
sourcthionsyotrifptahtehysbewnitahboe
cuornerdsitoionntohfeirtheestaptoeos.r
wWeaalenrso,t,
whom he referred. to be at
not form
considered? Were they not
humanto whose means
essential to look? He
could not conceive bow there was
supportn it
t wo abs ao
Did they
for the gardeners and grooms, and none for the
be more explicitweavers
as to what he
Really, the Noble Lord should
protection—(Cheers)--and to di.
before he
meant by the principle of
cinetly announce to the country,took power, and
policy proposed, what he meant by
when he objected to the
those principles—(Hear, hear)—
beeause he told them that
his confidence,
he was a disciple of Mr. Huskisson, and was in
and, as his lion. Friend had said, he came forward in .Ir.
Huskisson's mantle.—( Hear, hear.) A great deal was said
about Mr. Huskisson; and he (Mr. Villiers) did not mean to
sayhis opinions
that Vr. Huskisson was not obliged to square
by the scale of his party ; but he (Mr • Villiers) contended
1 to the principle
that the current of his opinions was opposer
trade.—( Cries of
of protection, and in favour of freeto
" Hear, hear.") He (Mr. Villiers) did not
.mean
le.; he
say, that after he had propounded those principles,
Mr.
had riot sanctioned opposite principles ; but if they quitted _
f
Huskisson, they should state what his real opinions l
were.
they would look to his speeches in 1825-6, or to his last speech
_ee h
in the House on the state of the nation, they would find that
they had no business to quote those opinions which he had sup-
ported hen in the Government.
Sir R. PEEL—Look to his speeches in 1827 and 1828.
Mr. VILLIERS continued.—He (Mr. Villiers) had said,
that when called upon to sipe what Mr. Huskisson's opinions
a h were, and what he thoughtc country should act on, those
opinions should be ascertained. 'I hey knew he was charged
in that House, in a most violent speech, by a Gen-
tleman who sat on the Libreral side, in much the same
manner as the Noble Lord had been charged. He was charged
as one altogether regardless of the rest of the world, and on