The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-24 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY, Aril! TA 24, :1841.

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rdlo ,BE LET, FURNISHED, a most Com.
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r Particulars and Cards to view, apply at 61,- Strand ; or
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A 1110S.T_CONVENIENT FAMILY HOUSE, FULLY
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ANDA U.—A NEW LANDAU; to be
SOLD, or LET on JOB, for any period required, with
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ESTMINSTER LOAN and INVEST-
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' Notice is hereby given, that the HALF-YEARLY DIVI-
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TE'STMINSTER LOAN and INVEST-
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• TRUSTEES.

Hewit Bridgman, Esq., M.P.
Charles Kerry Nicholls, Esq.
DIRECTORS.
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with a Capital of £lOO,OOO, divided into Shares of £lO each,
(first instalment £5 per Share), a considerable portion of which
are already taken by the Proprietors. Since the establishment
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By order of the Board,
• JOHN SIMPSON, Secretary.

Hon. Edmund Byng
Sir Robert Dugdale

• NOTTINGHAM ELECTION.
•• • ' (FROM OUR CORRESFONDENT.
THURSDAY NIGHT.—The noisy part of the election has now
commenced, bands of music, flags, and crowds o! people collecting
in every part. The canvass being nearly concluded, both parties
have time to give way to a little mirth and merriment. Mr.
Lcrpent has not received so many promises as Sir John Hub-
house and General Ferguson had at the last election, many of
the Liberal party remaining neuter; but there is no doubt
that when the poll commences they will hasten to record their
votes for Larpent. A grand procession has been announced
in a blue Tory bill, to do honour to Mr. Walter, " for his un-
flinching advocacy of the rights of the poor man, and his deter-
mined opposition to the iniquitous Poor law."
The flags and banes began to assemble -as early as two
o'clock. At that hour Mr. Pitkeithley addressed the first di-
vision from the windows of the Black's head, a high Tory
house, advising them to keep order, to behave with decorum,
and to let their procession be remarkable for its regularity
and quietness. All the afternoon flags were visible, parading
about the town, and at seven o'clock a meeting was held in the
Market-place to agree to the address. Mr. Edward Cox was
in the chair, and Mr. Whitehead moved an address to Mr.
Walter for his uniform kindness and exertions in behalf of the
poor, and his opposition to the unconstitutional Poor-law
Bill. The number of persons assembled composed many thou-
sa,ids, and the address was agreed to most unanimously. Two
persons from Derby and Leicester delivered the sentiments of
the Chartists of those towns as in favour of Mr. Walter. The
address was then taken up to Mr. Walter, who returned a nr.st
gracious answer to it, thanking them for their kindness in grant-
ing,the address. The whole then quietly separated, nor was
the peace of the town disturbed in the slightest degree.
Mr. Larpent, at ahe. close of .the canvass, has isued an ad-
dress to his supporters, in which he' slates that the expectations
Ile formed when he came among them have been fully real:so,
and that he feels a confident expectation that he shall be re-
turned as their representative.—[The address will be found In
nother part of The Sun. j

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Nottingham, April 22, 1841.
Sr hope and trust when a candidate again comes from
London to present himself for Nottingham your good city
will send us something better than Mr. Walter : he has only
one idea—

" The Neutralization of Centralization 1 the Commis-

sioners of the Poor-law Bill.'
This is all he has told us, and truly, probably all he know.
Alteration of the Corn-laws—Alteration of Tariff, &c., he
comprehend !—No !
Ultra-Tories, ultra. Chartists, anybody, compose his agitat-
ing associates.

After kindly relieving him of a little of his money, we will
return him—the rejected of Nottingham.
[We have received another letter, signed "A Moral Force
Man," stating in most indignant language that one of the
Chartist leaders has become a traitor to his cause; and sold him-
self to Mr. Walter's friends. In a p'stscript the writer adds,
" the above indicates but a faint and favourable glimpse of his
real character. You may denounce him as a traitor in the
most unmeasured terms." He must be bad indeed, if the de-
scription we have received is only a "favourable glimpse," for
it is so wrongly drawn that we should not be justified in pub-
lishing it. ]

HIRED BREAD TAXERS DIS-
GUISED AS CHARTISTS.

(Ft om the Anti- Bread-Tax Circular, late Anti- Corn-law
Circular).
In our last we alluded in general terms to the circumstance
that Nightingale, the Manchester Chartist leader, had been
hired by the Gladstone party to go to Walsall to oppose Mr.
Smith. The following particulars of the bargain entered into
on the occasion can be substantiated on oath, and we dare the
parties implicated to disprove our statement
It was Mr. Wilkins who suggested that Nightingale should
be sent for. The messenger sent from Walsall took with him
a letter from Mr. Wilkins, introducing him as a trusty emissary
of the Carlton Club ; and to whom do our readers suppose this
letter was addressed? • Why to Mr. Sowler, of the Manchester
Courier ! The messenger delivered his credentials on the Sun-
day morning, and then Mr. Sowler, jun., accompanied him to
N;ghtingale's tap-room. Nightingale bargained for'. thirty
pieces of gold and his exi"ences, and accompanied the messen-
ger to Walsall on Sunday afternoon, selling his services for the
same number of pieees (thirty) for which Judas Iscariot
agreed to betray his Lord and Master. It was a sore disap-
pointment to the bread taxers that the people at Walsall, in-
stead of listening to Nightingale, walked quietly away as soon
as he commenced speaking. The bread taxers, enraged at his
failure, then broke faith with the, traitor, and would pay him
only fifteen pieces of gold, with which the creature took his
departure. It is said of -tbe traitor Judas, that after he be-
trayed his Lord he went out and hanged himself. We'have
not heard that the Chartist traitor has followed his example,
but we hope the exposure will induce the honest portion of
the Chartists to inquire into the character of the men whu set
themselves up as their leaders."s Manchester Times.
These facts are not only important as proving an individual
case, but they afford a clue to the secret mot yes of others who
are still acting the very same part as Nightingale. There are
two or three men in Manchester, whose ostensible occupation
is that of Chartist lecturers; that is, they pretend to be the
missionary advocates of the principles of the Charter. 'I hose
principles are universal suffrage, vote by ballot, annual Parlia-
ments, paid. representatives, and no property qualification.
These men profess to aim at carrying the Charter, not
by physical force, but by moral means—by reason and ar-
gument. ' The avowed object is to convince the public
mind of the justice of their cause. What then would be
the natural and rational course of such lecturers if
true to the principles of Chartism.? Why, obviously,
to take the Charter in hand, and to make converts to it doc-
trines. But the actual employment of these men is to follow
our lecturers and attend public meetings for the purpose of
obstructing, by a variety of manoeuvres, every demonstration
against the bread tax. Mark the actual circumstances under
which.they can find leisure and means to travel from place to
place to .oppose our agents! Twenty to one at least of the Mem-
bers of the House of Commons are against the five points which
they pretend to wish to see become the law of the la d ; they con-
stantly assert that the entire middle class ant also against
them ; and yet with these formidable impediments to overcome,
instead of labouring to convert the public to the principles of
the Charter, they bestow their time and attention, and employ
the money which they say is furnished by Chartists, ix ob-
structing anti-bread-tax meetings! Last Monday Mr. Paultort
de:ivered a lecture at Oldham, when lo! three of these Char-
tist lecturers were there to oppose him. A short time ago
another of our lecturers was at Leicester, and one of these
worthies started up against him. Yet these men profess to
reside in Manchester!

We can vouch for the expense that attends the labours of
our Lecturers. How do these poor working-men find the
money for travelling expenses and support, to say nothing of
salaries, during these excursions ? Our ways and means are
published to the world in the munificent subscriptions of the
members of the League, but where does the money come from
for our opponents, vlo profess to be poor labouring men ? We
think there can be but one answer to this inquiry after the dis-
closures made before the Walsall Election Committee.
We shall be greatly obliged if our friends of the press and
speakers at anti-bread•tax meetings will direct public atten-
tio.i to the practices of these characters. The Examiner, of
Saturday last, has well remarked, that " it is only necessary to
expose this system of hiring brawlers, contrary to the English
stem of fair play, to ensure its destruction.' The fact once
known, there will soon be an end of the disgraceful nuisance ;
while the detection of the pay-system accounts readily for, the
small number of the disturbers, the perseverance of their vir-
tue, and the loudness of their cries. It also accounts for the
secession of the more rational Chartists, who are manifestly
ashamed of their company.
,* Mr. Pitkeithly and the hired Chartists at NottinghaM la-
bowing on Lehall of Mr. Walter may take a hint from this.
Their mission., and ti.at of Nightingale to Walsall, have the
Same moving cause.--En. Sun, - _ _

SPIBIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FLOM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

C II RONICL Times of yesterday, in an [eide
intst:eed to cement the new-horn friendship Le:weea Con-
servatism and Chat teen, puts forth all its rowel's of argu-
mert to show' '6 that there is every possible reason why
the Chartists et Nett ugham should support the atoi-
Ministerial candidate." For ones we hate the pleesure
of .subscribing usireservedly to the opinion et our Content-
poi art'. Yes, there is every possible reason why the
consistent and eleer-seeirg Chaitist should prefer the
Tory to the Whig candidate. 'recite is every possible
rrason why he should detest, and, ny every means in
his power, seek to overthrow the Whig Government, in
whose- policy he finds an insurmosneehle barrer to
the realization cf his schemes of sot i d revoltei in. In
epeekirg of the Chartists, it is necessary t disiirguish
e weee the fell veers of Feargus O'Connor and chose
ho sleets the views of Messrs Lovett, Collins, Vincent,
&c., who are fiercely denounced in the Northern Star,
the newspaper of Feargus, as utterly unworthy of public
cur fiilenee, and es little eetter' than traitors to tee walking
elssses. We need not say that the Chartists, on whose
support Mr. Welter reliese,Velorg to the elses of whom
Feargus O'Connor is theleeder, and Mr. Btontcrre O'Brien
the ore cle. 'The Chartist'd this class is one who seeks for
the most sweeping and extcresiee political reforms a; a
means towards still more eels/Ong and extensile changes
it] the tsnure of proetriye 'reW rela ins between capi-
tal and labour ; see's, in aeVord, the whose structure
and Lame work of our ex'stio,eystena of s, cisty. Woo-
ce ir has etteaded is the lea*. to the language of the
t`
Ceertist orators and pub 'ettioste, must be well aware that
" revoluien," not reform,"
its the object in view ; and
that the "five points of the Charter" ace sought as the
merest cf realizieg a more equal distribution of property, a
'ee sleeve minimum of wages, the abolition of hereditary
diseiactions, nee. other theoriss of a similar nature which
have been fermenting snore or less v silently for the last fifty
years in the mass of eMopular suffering and discontent,
eaimted by the suede-Pei-id iriemense develoement cf the
modern manufacturing system, coupled web the shameful
Leglect of everything connected with the moral, intel-
I c to I, and physical condition of the %smiting classes,
or' t he part of their rulers. With men who have such ob-
je'cts to view, those who seek for reform as a in, ass, not of
destruction but of reuevation and increased stability, have
noteisg in common. This is the sect tst of the predilee-
tiors of the Ceartets fur a Tory Government. As long
s s a Government attached to the institutions of the country
nod resolute in deforms of social order, but at the same
time unfettered by obstinate pro judices, and liberal-minded
eneug,h to throw itself frankly on 'public opinion, and on
the i stelligence of the middle and more icipecteble of tee
wi eking classes as its surest support—in other words, as
ions; as a Government acting on the maxims and
principles of the Reform Bill, of Negro Rosen-
cipetion, Tithe Reform, Municipal Reenne Justice
to Ireland, and the varieus other measures which consti-
tute the policy of the Whig administrations of the last
ten years—remains at the head of affairs, so log', as the
intelligent Chartist leaders know well by experience, there
does wet exist the siighiest possible chance for any schemes
which eaveur cf revoluiine But give them a few years
of Castlereagh government, outrage public feeling by a
low attempts to " coerce the unruly wills of the people,"
drive Ireland to rebellion by the application de few well-
timed Registration Bills, disgust the needle classes of
England by a few declarations like the memorable one of
the Duke of Welliegton against all reform, and the cause
rif Chartism is by nts means so desperate. G.ven a Po-
lignac AdminiEtratioe, a revolution of Jaly is always a
possible product.
TIMES.—We observe that an article uhich we pub-
lished on Thursday has been mistaken by a respectable
morning Contemporary a, an " explosion " of anger
against the Conservative patty in general, on acecunt of
some supposed lukewarmness of the Nstougham Con-
servatives in their support of Mr. Walter. Now, as we
never had the smallest reason to believe that any such
lukewarmness existed, it is scarcely necessary for us to
disclaim the imputation of having written under the influence
of the feeling vsbigh our Contemporary imagines. We in-
tended, not to attack the Conservative statesmen, but toWara
them rf the probable consequences of perseverance in a
' feeble and uti-Conservative course of policy. For this rea-
son, and for this cause only, we made a fact, the occurrence
of ehich was within our knowledge, serve us a teat
for such remarks as we thought suitable to the occasion.
It is insinuated that we invented the fact for our own pur-
peses, as en isatrument for conveying our own sentiments
in a gratuitously ccarse and intemperate manner; we" are
even accused of having " designated the leaders eft the
Conservative party a set of scoundrels." We teerifore
think it necessary to explain, that when we quoted' the
strong and offhand expression of one whom we knew to be
an honest man and a staunch Conservative, to the effect
that, by turning out the present Ministry, the country
would only gain the substitution of " one set of scoundrels
for another," we had not the remotest idea of adopting a
phrase which no reasonable man would apply, calmly' and
seriously, in its literal sense, to Lord Lansdowt e, or Lord
Jelin Russell, much less to such men es Lord Stanley,
Lod Lyndherse and Sir Robert Peel. We disapprove
the phrase, and gem it up altogoher, as hasty, offensive,
inappropri de, arid personally unjust to those di,tinguished
men. Why, then, did we not suppress it ? Simply tecaus_e
we did not wish to garble our quotati,o, and thJug It- it well
to let rlic Conservative leadere see what hitterne,s of feeling
their Whig propensities have a tendency to excite in' the
minds of what we verily believe to be a large class of their
most valuable supporters. The feeliog which was uppermo: t
in tee mind of the respertab'e person who gave vent in such
unmeasured terms to his impartial dislike of the aspirants
to office, as vscll as its possessors, was evidently one of;
attachment to certain principles, and disappointment at
the conduct of those whom he had supposed to be their
chaapione. It was a conviction that the two parties
within the walls of the House of Commons, of which
Lord John Russell and Sir Robert Peel are the respec-
tive leaders, act as if they were separated from each .
ether by a very slender partition of principle; that, in
personal character, both have their strong and both
their weak points ; and that the difference between
them (if no greater than it seems to be) is scarcely
one for the sake of which it can be worth while, to
agitate the country. It was a firm persuasion, that upon
certain subjects of the greatest importance to both Church"
and State, the great body of Conservativesontertain views
and feelings which meet with no encouragement from their
leaders in the House of Commons. It was a suspicion
that the triumph of Whig principles would be more effec-
tually promoted by a semi-Liberal Conservative Ministry,
under the pressure from without of a violent Whig oppo-
sition, than by a measuring-cast majority of Whigs, kept
in check by the party of Sir Robert Peel. We believe
that nothing more than this was intended by the strong
language which has given so much offence to our Con-
temporaries.
GLOB E.—When shall we have done with Lord Car-
digan ? During the last twelve months the Noble Lord and
his regiment have certainly-caused more trouble and annoy-
ance to the Commander-in-Chief, and to the other func-
tionaries at the Horse Guards, than the whille army list
besides. Scarcely has the public mind recovered from the
astonishment and disgust excited by the capricious,
overbearing, and tyrannical conduct of this notorious
Popinjay, than some new exhibition of his Lord-
ship's contempt for decency is supplied, to bring him
again before the public, invested with those peculiar
claims to notoriety which the Press, as the guareian of
public order and the vindicator of outraged rights, is
compelled to seize upon, in order to warn ethers against
attempting to raise themselves to the same " bad emi-
nence," and thus subject themselves to the same enduring
disgrace which Lord Cardigan has succeeded in obtaining
for himself, es commander of a regiment in her Majesty's
service. Had the Horse Guards performed its duty on
the perpetration of the former freaks of this insolent inno-
vator upon established rules, and subverter of discipline
and • subordination by the very means he proles-
sedly.enseloys to maintain both, the last outrage upon public
feeling would, have been avoided; those who undertake
to exculpate and extenuate the former freaks of their
protege would have been spared the necessity of making
another experiment upon the public patience and forbear-
ance; and Mr. Macaulay would not, in the House' of
Commons, on the first night after the recess, have had
imposed on him the unthankful office of a tempting to
put a construction en a primeeding of Lard Cardigan,
in the performance of his military duty, which the facts
and circumstances of the case would not sus' ain ; and thus
become a sharer in the obloquy deservedly incurred by an
act in which he bad no part, and which he is now compelled
to admit, so far from being justified, merits severe condem-
nation. Wo - confess that When we saw in. the columns
of a Contemporary, the narrative of the circumstances
attendant on the infliction of a 'military' flogging on
private Rogers, of the 11th Hussars, we were slow to be.'
lieve that the statement was correct. We thought it im-
possible that so gross an outrage upon public religion and
decency could have been perpetrateda even by Lord Car-
digan ; and abstained from copying it into our columns,
under a conviction-tbat there must have been some mis-
take or misrepresentation, which would call for explana-
tion or retractation by the journals which gave it currency.
STANDARD:--Lord Morpeth announced last night
that it is his intention to substitute- an eight pound rating
for the five
pound rating originally proposed in the
Ministerial Registration Bill for Ireland. - The an-
nouncenaent is said by the Morning Herald to have
been received by some of ,the occupants cf the Minis-
terial benches with derision, and by Mr. O'Connell
with a sneer. Mr. O'Connell afterwards expressed his deep
regret at the promised change. We have been prepared for
this farce by the Romanist journals of Dublin, which have
been for some time hinting that a change of the kind pro-
posed would be recommended—according to some of
these journals, by Lord Howick ; according to other:,
by the Noble Secretary for Ireland ; and now that it
has been presented, we think that the public will be at no
loss to see through it. Lord Morpeth proposes an eight
pound rating, end Lord Howick may, as surmised, propose
principle that property is to he the basis
a 201. rating, in the hope that the essential principle of the
;
•C'Rofefrepmreßseilnit—attiohne—ehall be got rid of ; but this trick
must
eight noti;e• suffered to succeed. s A tenant
rated at pounds, or evert at twenty pounds, may to
a pauper, and will be a pauper if he is rack rented, es too
many tenants in
Ireland are. What is the swarth of the la.
bour of a man and his family ? Is it not inure than 81. or 20/.
a year? Yet a mere rating even of the higher sum named
only insures that the tenant shall be in a condition
to receive less than the worth of that labour. The
tenant, with any beneficial interest, although he were only
the old 40s. freeholder, would be, siccordin, all cal-
culation, a more independept proprietor than the 201.
rated _ tenant, who 9 ia..truth nu proptietor at all.

The county •-• fiartehise in this country is gibed to
none, ore class excepted, who have not a beneficial
interest, above all charges, of 101. a year, and if the
interest be of no greater value than ten pounds, en unex-
pired term of a: the' least twenty years. The excepted class
is that of tenants by thC year who are bondf/de liable to the
payment of a rent of fifty pounds; and every one is awnse
that a farm rented at fifty pounds must be always ra,cd
igher. But this is not all ; the cultivation of a farm
rented" as pith as fifig pounds presumes in England the
possession of conaiderable capital l so that, although the evi-
dence of the possession of property by the fifty pound trintial
tenant is not so direct as that which ensures the proprietor-
ship of other electors, it is not less conclusive; and y
we are told every day that the fifty pound y est.!).
tenants nre not ineeeendent electors, and that the Chandoa
clause (as it is cane l) by which this class ( f farmers are
enfranchised, is " a blot upon the Reform BT." And we
arc told this by the very same men who lately voted and
wrote for a five pound rated franchise in Leland, which,
if the tenant is to have a living out of his wee:tient,
must be a nothing rented franchise, and who hope now to
gull the public by raising the rating some 60a. As to the
fragment of a term of 14 years, it may be a single year,
or even less, by which Lord Morpeth pretends to
qualify this shape of universal suffrage : it is mere
delusion, and Lord Howick, if the Irish Romanist
papers speak truly, has so much respect for decency
as to ditiend it ; for his plan, it is said, is to dispense with
any interest beyond hare possession, thus placing the Irish
rated 201. tenant exactly in the position of the English
be/. rented. Thus, to use the figure applied to "the
Chandos clause," converting the whole Irish Rcforin 8.11
into. one great blot—deeper in intensity than the English
blot—as twenty pounds rating is less than fifty pounds of
rent.

_
C URI E R.—We do not often notice the repeal re-
•rings of O'Connell and his underling agitators, but they
have latterly assumed such a shape that we do not feel it
right to pass them over in utter silence. The accaunt given
in yesterday's Courier of the last day's sitting of the As-
sociation in Dublin, exhibits is a striking light the anti-
national and dangerous views of these lrith demagogues.
Not content with advising their Irish Friends to he passiv-,
in case a war should break out, end to give no assistance
to repel a foreign enemy, should any dare to take up arms
against this country, they now bestow their sympathy is an-
other quarter from whence hostile operatiens against
England might by possibility be organized. To say '
the least, it does • seem somewhat strange that the
Repeaters should think it right to affect sympathy pre-
cisely in those directions where hostility towards Eugland
was at one period expected. Thus, when, the hot-headed
and foolish scions Of Young France were venting all sorts of
invective and injurious menace towards England, these Re-
peaters suddenly discovered that there was some thing in the
French people which deserved sympathy and admiration.
Nay, they went farther, and in no equivocal terms de-
clared that they would net act against them. A great deal
was said about the assistance afforded by Irish soldiers during
the Peninsular war, and hints were thrown out of the difficulty
in which England would be placed if such powerful aid were
withheld at another time. O'Connell did not scruple to avow
his real motive in advising the Irish to withhold their assist-
ance, but plainly intimated that his object was to prove to
the Government that it would be dangerous to refuse re-
peal. It appears from the resolutions recently voted to the
" kind-hearted •and enlightened friends of • Ireland" in
the United States, that these Irish Repea!ers have been
seized with the same regard for the turbulent si irits of
America; which they pretended to feel, when it suited their
purpose, for the equally-disreputable scoUrings of the
Paris faubourgs. 111-natured people might think that
there was something like treason, or at all events a most
dangerous disiegard of the interests of this country,
in the manifestations of sympathy with nations not upon
the best terms, with the Sovereign for whom they pretend
to have so much loyalty and affection. France was its a
state of isolation from England, but the repeaters
thought proper to fraternise with some of her people
at that peculiar moment ; and now that there
is a misunderstanding with America, which by possibility
might lead to war, although we pray Heaven to avert such
a result, they think it a convenient and seasonable moment
to concoct resolutions and addresses couched in terms
of extravagant eulogy, and expressive of affection-and
gratitude towards such choice spirits as the Lynch law
gentlemen of Lockport, wlio would have done summary
justice upon an Englishman even before trial. If such men
as these are subjt c s for the sympathy of Irish people, we
do not envy them their discretion, judgment, torgood feeling.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

POST.—The position, of the stock and money markets has
changed but very slightly since yesterday. The late advance
seems to have had the effect of bringing forward, as is usually
the case, some amount of stock to be realised. Several par-
cels were sold in the course of the day, but the sums did not, in
either case, prove'of any magnitude, so that no impression was
made upon the quotations.
In the foreign house there was a little improvement in the
Spanish' funtis'.' 'this was attributed to the fact of Senhor
Sanchez . Silva having, on the 13th instant, brought for-
turd, in the 'Cortes a proposition for placing the overdue in-
terest
on the Active Stock 'On something like a just and
proper footing, entitling this portion of the foreign debt,
which is certainly the most sacred of • all, to the
higher rate of fire instead of three per cent., as con-
templated by the plan of the ex: Minister of Finance,
Senor Gamboa. ThiS act of common justice is what was
called for by the memorial of the committee of Spanish bond-
holders, to which, however, no answer has been received direct,
or communicated by_ either the contractors or the finance
commissioners, though it is much to be hoped that both
'Messrs. Zulueta and Aless)s. Ricardo and Co. have not beer
so inattentive to the interests of the claimants as their silence
would imply. Than the small matter of five per cent. diVi-
dends on what ought to have been regularly paid in cash half-5
yearly, for the last five years,' but which'hai been totally neg-
lected, nothin'g more moderate could well be looked,. for or .
accepted, especially when it is remembered that the honnolders,
on the occasion of the'Toretio conversion,• were depriied, in
one shape and another, of tull'so per cent. of their original
claims. .

COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH
PORTUGAL.

The basis of the new treaty of commerce between Por-
tugal and Great. Britain, a .draft of which has been pre
rented to Lord Howard de Walden, is understood to be a
general principle-of equality. There is to be an equality
of personal privileges, an equality of duties,. and ,every
other kind of equality, to be regulated according to the
literal acceptation of the term in Portugal, though the
effect of such an arrangement, with regard to some of the
interests touched, would probably .be much the same as
the creditors of Portugal have experienced in the pay-
ment of the . dividends, the native being paid in
full, and the Englishman nothing. The principle of
reciprocity, recognised by the Portuguese, would
seem, at the first blush, to be unexceptionable
enough, and were such principle acted upon in good ft:Hi,
there would be nought to complain of. If, for instance, a
duty be imposed in Portugal on British, manufactures not
exceeding_ that which they will fairly bear, as is the case
with the produce of Portugal imported into this country,
the commerce of the two nations might be truly said to be
put upon an equitable footing. But the Portuguese are,
by khabit nod education, so tortuous in all theirsue slings as
to he totally incapable of taking any- straightforward
view of any matter of business. They, accordingly,
put upon .the words equality and reciprocity con-
structions that are perfectly inadmissible. With
them the meaning of reciprocity is; 'that Por-
tuguese commodities in England should pay ex-
actly the same rate per cent. of import :duty as is
exacted on English goods in Portugal, and it is in this
spirit, .it is understCod, the draft of the treaty hsnde I to
her Majesty's 'Ambassidor has been framed... In order to
test the advantage derivable to Great Britain from this
kind of reciprocity, a case has been put, which is, in fact,
one of a strictly practical nature. A tun of port wine, it
is argued, is sent to England, pays 100 per cent. ad valo-
rem duty, and yet finds a ready sale—first, because the
English have fsmiliariseOl themselves with the use of
the impure and unwholesome beverage, and can afford
to pay a high price for it ; secondly, became that
sort of wine ~being produced by Portugal only,
there can be no competition to depreciate its va-
lue. A balc of goods,' on the other hand, sent to
Portugal, if subjected to a duty of 100 per cent.,
could not be sold otherwise than at a heavy loss—first,
because the Portuguese could not afford to pay for them
at so increased a charge; and, secondly, because the
competition from France, -Switzerland, and other manu-
facturiug countries would prevent them from maintaining
a saving price in the market. An admirable kind of re-
ciprocity this would be for Great Britain. The conduct of
Portugal is'extraordinary, for, favoured and protected as
she has been in every possible way by this country, the
object of the Government is evidently • to exclude our
fabrics from her ports. With the assumption of an air
of the utmost disinterestedness, a treaty is offered for
our acceptance which must have been • concocted for
that and no other purpose. , No sooner was Dom
Mignel expelled from the throne by means of Bri-
tish arms, British capital, and British influence, than it
was discovered that the Treaty of 1810 was too favourable
to oureintereits, and that it must be cancelled. A mass of
bonds were sent into the London market, for which a price
was obtained exceeding the average cost of our own re-
curities ; a bankruptcy was the next step taken; then im-
pudent advertisements, announcing the buying up and
cancelment of bonds at a fourth of the coat, not even in-
cluding the interest, were put into the papers; and finally
a.rnost iniquitous compromise of the remainder was or is
attempted by there sticklers for reciprocity and equality,
the home creditor being all the while duly taken care of.
The equality and reciprocity principle, and the conditions
of treaties with respect to the slave-trade, have been ob-
served by Portugal with about the same fidelity as her
financial engagements. In the hands of the Por-
tuguese the inhuman traffic appears to be more flourish-
ing than ever. Their ships laden with wretetked negrocs
are to be met with at every point of the Western World,
and in the event of chase being given to them by her''Ma-
jeity's cruiacra, there' is no hesitation on the part of the
piratical commanders, to 'throw a few hundreds of them
overboard into the sea as a means of lightening the ves-
sel, and escaping with the remainder. The treatment
by Portugal of the poor English soldiers who fought
her battles, and secured the Object fur which those
bat les were waged, has been more ungrateful, but
scarcely less cruel ; and the only conclusion to which
we can come concerning her is, that the respect paid
her by the English Government has been such as to
give her a notion of her own importance out of which
springs a degree of insolence and injustice that are per-
fectly insufferable. The remedies for all this are, how-
ever, so many and so easy of application that it is surpris-

PRICE 51.

ing the effect of none of them has been tried. It is not
netPssary that we should close our ports against the only
stip!e cf Portugal; the wine so studiously avoided by
every other people, and of which we consume 27,000 piles
annually out of 32,000; or that we should withdraw from
our engrgen ent to protect her from foreign invasion, and
but fJr which:she would at the present time be an inferior
province of Spain;
Lord Palmerston has been told before now that he has
only to " hold up his finger" to put all right, and we be-
lieve it.-11forning Post.
111,Neetfflf