The Sun.
London, England, 1841-02-25 00:00:00

nrudential considerations required that it should
be passed.
Mr. THESIGER followed Mr. Serzeant JACK -
;ON in Lttacking Mr. MACAULAY'S law. He de-
tied that the poor-rate test would afford a proper
lualification, and entered into many details to
show that employing the 51. test would lead to
many frauds.
Mr. CHARLES BULLER picked some large holes
in the coats of Messrs. THESIGER and JACKSON,
and made an able speech in favour of the Bill. _

Sir JAMES GRAHAM was more bitter than ef-
fective against it. He declared his own lofty de-
termination to oppose it to the last. His strong-
est points were personal hits and adjura-
tions. He 'described the Government as going
down the bill of concession,' and called on
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, `rho had declared in his
Letter to the Electors of Stroud, that he
would not lift the anchors of the Monarchy when
,me saw a storm in the horizon, to say at once
penly what he meant to do and where he
neant to stop. The Right Honourable
Baronet made a great hit for his par:y,
when he drew forth out of his pocket a
list of the division on Repeal, and pointed out,
one after another, concluding with Mr. O'CON-
NELL, who affirmed in the House that he had been
offered the Chief Baronship, which he would not
accept because there should be no suspicion
that justice was polluted in his person, some
seven or eight persons who had voted in that
minority, and since received appointments under
the Crown. The Right Hon. Baronet thought
that was truckling to Repeal, while in fact ex-
cept in the case of Mr. O'CONNELL, who would
not accept the offer, every one of those Members
has been won from time cause of Repeal, and
now strengthen the Government. But time To-
ries, contrary to Lord BROUGHAM, regard tile
agitation for Repeal as a crime, and they cheered
the list vociferously, as if it were no merit to
convert an opponent to a friend. The Right
Hon. Baronet dwelt at some length, too, on the
relative respectability of the electors in the two
kingdoms, and pointed out the greater wealth
of those of England. He forgot, however, that
it is the boast of his party that the county elec-
tors of England are the very serfs of the landlords,
while the reason urged by Lord STANLEY and
others for his Bill is, that the poor cottars and ten
pound tenants in Ireland refused to submit tothat
degradation ; they are to be disfranchised because
they had a will of their own, and yet Sir JAMES
objects to a poor constituency, that it will be de-
pendent. Sir J AMES GRAHAM'S speech was
powerful and impressive, when he referred t )
Mr. MARSHALL'S letter to Earl FITZWILLIAM, to
the progress of democracy, and to the
avowed necessity of keeping it down. They will
put down the aristocracy. He declared
for the former, and the Tories, being landlords,
cheered him. We were not sorry to hear such
language. It will make an impression on the
country—it will awaken reflection ; but it will
tell more against than for the race of the bread-
taxers.

Mr. SHIEL followed Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and
concluded the debate. The speech of the Right
Hon. Gentleman was rich in sarcasm ; and in
turn Sir JAMES GRAHAM, Lord STANLEY, and
Sir WM. FOLLETT winced under his burning
words. In reminding Sir JAMES GRAHAM that
he had called Sir JAMES SCARLETT a re-
negade Whig, he (Mr. SHIEL) observed that the
Right Hon. Baronet now felt in his own person
all the bitterness of that reproach. The young
Whig Lord (STANLEY), the advocate of the peo-
ple's rights in 1829, who then objected to the
solvent tenant clause, and engrafted his ob-
jection on his Reform Bill for Ireland in
1831, appeared to no advantage under the re-
miniscence. Neither did the Noble Lord like
a proof which Mr. SHIEL brought of his dis-
increnuousness in adopting the whole of Sir M.
O'LocuLlN's Bill, leaving out, and telling the
House nothing about the omission, the qualifica-
tion clause. But we have not time nor space to,
analyse one of the most telling and caustic
speeches that ever was heard in Parliament.
Nor was it deficient of the higher and
more searching kinds of eloquence. The appeal
which Mr. SHIEL made to the Tories to observe,
after he had deScribed Lord STANLEY, what
manner of man is now their standard-bearer,
to note the preparation for war abroad,
while Lord STANLEY was exciting insurrection
at home, and to remember the confederacies
which have existed in Ireland, were most
powerful and impressive. They made a great
sensation in the House, and will produce a great
efiect on the country.
The debate was again adjourned at a Quarter
before One o'clock.

A writer in the nines, under the signature of
" LcEmus," on the 12th inst., said.--" This, my
Lord, is an aye of recurrence to, rst principles
a period 'unexampled in the annalS- of the world.
The shackles of ages are falling off, and the
thoi;
sctfiyaammrml
human intellect is, rising up unconscious of its
strength, and likely, in pure ignorance how to
restrain and encontage that strength, to rend
asunder the bones, the muscles, the ligaments,
which are alike its prison and the necessary in-
struments of its energy and activity; in other
words, to burst through and destroy the whole
framework of (political gy.) society." The
journal in which that sentence appeared is a gua-
rantee that it is no'radical or revolutionary ex-
aggeration. We believe that it falls short of the
truth, and that the deep-laid foundations of po-
litical-society are now actually removed. They
were laid in. the public mind of a past age--
is the customs of our ancestors—in preju-
' dices and theories; all of which have passed
or are passing away. The knowledge and intel-
lect of the present time afford them no solid bed ;
they cannot be underpinned or fresh piled; arOnnd
them is one mass of moving, bottomless quicksand,
and, as LCELIUS says, the whole framework of
political society is rent asunder and destroyed
,ta:pbnnaaeknotcidriai
giluekdassie:
into
nzsa, so-
ciety, by the activity and energy of the human intel-
lect.etiioenty;
:Whheeegriaiodaitdviti
iit.taholefreetprietlltideoityf, the
males and females,—the population of the world,
with all
tsit,scownavieitnsienccoenzsectiierse,
'Age, constituting natural society,—can never
be destroyed, but is destined by its own laws to
increase, and expand, and absorb political or ar-
tificial society in . itself. We add the epithet
political, because there are many writers and
Inany statesmen who never distinguish between
political and natural society, and are overbear-
ing, reckless, and arrogant, from attributing to
political society, Which is weak and changing,
the permanence and the indestructibility of na-
tural society. - • y•
My Lord STANLEY is obviously one of those
statesmen who has never looked for his rule of.
conduct beyond the statutes at large and the de-
bates of the two Houses. He means to govern
the nation by Parliamentary documents, and
while he finds in. 'them a precedent for folly,
however enormous, he discards as utterly un7
worthy. of study the opinions and the affections
of the human beings lie is resolved to coerce if
they will not submit. But arrogance naturally
excites resistance, -though the arrogance be ex-
hibited by a lawful authority; the gorge of man
as certainly and as naturally rises against cruelty,,
though it be in a law-maker,qas • the running
stream rises and bounds over gibe rock in it.;
course ; and while men are everywhere recur-
ring to first principles, this HOTSPUR of legisla-
tutors arrogantly and. cruelly provokes the Irish
to inquire into the very foundation of his claims
to settle the franchise for them. To what do all
his assertions - and all his arguments amount?
-To this, and• nothing, More than this :—" We, the
law-makers, the landlords of Ireland and Eng-
land, being Protestants, have, no confidence in
the Catholic Irish ; they shall have neither
votes nor leases; We. can trust our English
Protestant farmers, and therefore we will give
them votes and leases;- but- the Catholic Irish
shall have none,' or only a mockery, while
we will take care not to allow them any power,
and will hold in our hands all the organized mi-
litary means of
,the empire, ready to trample
them into nothingness if they stir to claim their
rights or resist our will." Such, translated into
the language of common sense, rejecting all the
verbiage with which every passionate man can
gloze over and hide even from himself his crimi-
nal or foolish motives and objects, is the sum of
Lord STANLEY'S arguments, and he is fool enough
to expect, in this of the world, that, the Ca-
tholic Irish will bend their necks to his intoler-
able legislative yoke. *Not to misrepsesent the
Noble Lord, let us quote a passage or two from
Iris speech :
It is the pride and satisfaction of a landlord in England to
believe that, in the main, his tenants will be guided by Ids
wishes.,—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) We
do not seek to disguise or to deny it, and every gentleman
knows perfectly well, in a contested county election, though he
would condemn an extravagant and oppressive exercise of au-
thority, he may calculate upon the' .re!ult of the election. by
the number of landed proprietors and the party to winch they
respectively belong.7--(lronical cheers from
the Liberal
benches.) No English lindlord would think it proper to in-
terfere, if upon his estate he found that one, two, or three,
or half his tenants were, in the exercise of their
own independent judgment, differing with him in his poli-
tical views, and taking •a course wholly independent of and
adverse to his; but if an English landlord found that there was
upon his estate a systematic influence habitually exercised over
ail his tenants, to prevail upon them as a body in every in-
stance to put themselves in opposition to him, and that that
influence was one which he could neither avert nor control,
I ask, what would be the natural course for an English land-
lord, and in such circumstances, to take ? You would not
think it very unnatural if he sought to obtain tenants over
whom that influence was not exerted, In titi, country, where

there is less of hardship than there is in Ireland, in getting
rid of one tenant and substituting another, I do not think any
great animadversion would be poured upon the landlord who
should say, " I must have tenants who will not be habitually
subject to an interest and ilfluenco which they .exerciso
against me." . . . . ..
I ask if in England that would not be considered a kind, and a
mild, and a liberal course?-{lronical cheers from the Liberal
benches.) Would not any landlord be, in the opinion of Ron.
Gentlemen opposite, justified in saying " I will be contented
to neutralise the influence of my property altogether, I will be
content to sacrifice any influence and political right which I
may derive from the possession of property, but I will not sub-
mit to hare the influence of my property habitually turned
against myself, and I will not of my own free will place instru-
ments in the hands of others for the purpose of effecting that."
That is the whole secret of Lord STANLEY'S
conduct. The .landowners.of Ireland are Protes-
tant, the tenantry are Catholic, and
.the end and
aim of the opposition to Lord MORPETH'S Bill
is covertly, but really, to re-enact the exclusive
laws, and put down the influence of the Catho-
lics in the elections. Of course, putting it. down
in the constituencies, would pat it down in the
Legislature and in the Government of the coun-
try. Hen2e be is supported by rabid parsons,
whO have avowed a desire to procure the repeal
of the Emancipation Act, and have called meet-
ings of Protestant operatives to petition against
Lord MORPIZTII7S Bill ; and hence he is supported
by all the Orangemen who have put their names
by hundreds to papers to encourage their new
Grand Master. Passing over the temporary effect
which this may have on the Government, let
us look for a moment at the possible effect of
such conduct, in this age "of recurrence to first
principles," on the Catholics.
What if they should ask Lord StANLEY "by
what rigilt do you Protestant landlords presume
to make laws for us? We are not your slaves.
Every people and- all people have a right to
Choose their own governors and law-makers.
You English established that principle at your
own revolution. We honour you for it, and mean
to imitate your noble example. We have not
chosen you. To disobey the laws after they are
made is, we know, rebellion or treason ;
but there is neither treasoh nor rebellion
in resolving. to choose our own lawmakers,
and in declaring that We will not have
your Lord SrANLEY and your bigoted Orange
associates for our lawmakers. We will choose
for ourselves, wO will not obey you; we
will determine, too, in what manner we will
choose. • We will consult the priests whom we
love, the Catholic gentlemen in 'Whom we have
confidence, and we will organize our own mans
of choosing our lawmakers. When you talk of
arranging the franchise, we tell you that is our
business, and we will not allow you Protestant
and Orange landlords to dictate' to 113 how we
• shall elect our Representatives, nor whom we
shall elect. We claim, like all free men, the
right of choosing our lawmakers in the manner
we please, and only such as we choose willingly
will.we willingly obey."- _ _

What will Lord STANLEY and the Orangemen
say to the Catholics if they use that language ?
But in fact, they use language to the same effect.
In a letter dated London, 20th instant, addressed
to Mr. RAY, in Dublin, and read in the Repeal
Association, Mr. O'CONNELL says—.
The crisis is at hand. Every man must make up his
mind either to stand for Ireland in the peaceably and strictly
legal struggle, or to counsel disgrace and crouch beneath
Orange-Tory misrule. Shame on the deserters of their fa-
therland Olcry to free and firm spirits whose love of country
beam only the more btightly the more the sacred flame of
patriotism is trampled by the hoof of Orange despotism !
My mini is full of the coming contest. I anticipate de-
feat. I pass by the struggle, and, standing as it were after it
was over, on the 'vantage ground of recent insult and injury,
I call upon every Irishman to make up his mind at once either
for Ireland or against Ireland. There will immediately be no
medium, no neutral ground. When this blow is once struck,
whoever is not for Ireland is against bis native land.
Hui rah for the Repeal 1! 1
That is a call on the Catholics not to submit
to Lord STANLEY and the Orangemen, should
they succeed in passing their Bill into a law ;
that is a call to choose their own representatives,
and to throw off submisSion to the Protestant
landlords. We cannot blame the insulted, in-
jured, maddened Irish. We wonder they have
not before now taken to their hills and bogs,
invoked the aid of their_ countrymen in the
United States, and the oppressed millions in
England, and bid defiance to the insulting
Protestant—and that we should be obliged to
add, plundering—landlords, and rapacious Pro-
testant priests, telling them plainly they
would obey no laws - except those they had
a voice in making. Such are the thoughts
and deeds of which the ideas rise in the
minds of men at witnessing the unblushing
arrogance with which, by means of sorry
legislation, Lord STANLEY pursues his way,
and drags along his party to an odious and re-
volting tyranny.
Re is blinded by passion, and knows not what
he does. - He is bringing into question the rights
of property, of which he insists on straining the
power and the influence. Men are beginning to
ask, at last, in Ireland,-by. what tenure the land-
lords hold the soil, and with that claim a right
to annoy, vex, and oppress all other men ? If
they answer, by the sword, they will have to
fight for it. If they answer, by political expe-
diency, they will have to prove that the pub-
lic welfare is promoted by degrading and
impoyerishinr, the mass of the people. if they
answer, frotr.GOD, the Catholics will tell them
they profess a different creed, and though they
worship the same GOD, they interpret his oracles
differently front them. If the gentlemen ofEng-
land do not wish to make the intellect of this
age suddenly burst through and destroy
.the
whole framework of society, let them, as
speedily as possible, withdraw their confidence
from Lord STANLEY, and send him to drive a
steam-engine. lie may pozsibly govern a loco-
motive; his attempt to govern the nation, will
speedily blow all up in one vast and terrible
destruction.

The Morning Herald of Tuesday introduced a
bitter attack on the factory owners by declaring
I that it was desirous to promote good feeling in
I all classes. We will not, in endeavouring to set
the mill-owners right, imitate its hypocrisy, for
we boldly avow that our object is to excite, if we
can, animosity and hatred against the landowners,
because they insist on robbing the community.
We do not assert that the mill-owners are not
greedy, exclusively desirous of gathering riches,
acid getting as much work for as little wages as
they can. That is the principle of their exist-
ence—the end and aim of their being.
Why should a man trouble himself to buy and
sell, to keep accounts, and to haggle with work-
men•and with other traders, except for what he
can gain? But in this the mill-owners resemble
all the rest of mankind, the landowners amongst
them, and are only to be condemned if the am-
- bition of rising in the world—the very soul, we
think, of social improvement—is to be extin-
guished as a mere cheating will-o'-the-wisp.
It is in favour of the mill-owners, however,
that their pursuit of wealth is open and undis-
guised, and their practice of getting as much la-
bour as they can for as little wages as possible,
is avowed, and can deceive only those who wish
to be deceived. : They may be met and counter-
acted by those who deal with them; and if the
other parties to the bargain suffer from it they
have probably : themselves to :blame, quite as
much as the mill-owners.
Between the mill-owners and the land-
owners there is one palpable distinction. The
former are struggling to make a fortune—the
latter have made or inherited theirs. The for
mer are yet contending with the world—the
latter are placed above it for admiration. We
have no right to expect the same works of
charity and benevolence from those who know
riot whether they will from day to day have any-
thing justly to bestow, as from those who are as,
sured of a bountiful income. Nevertheless, it is
not true, in spite of the Herald and Dr. HOL-
LAND, that our mill-owners have contributed
nothing to the comfort of the people. To men-
tion only a single instance, the most splendid
and useful gift of modern times, the public
garden and walk at Derby, was bestowed on the
people by Mr. STRUTT—a mill-owner.
Because the millowners want something them-
selves, they • are instrumental in -providing for
others. They are the authors and improvers of,
many useful inventions. Their exertions have.
called into existence the extensive factories by
which the people are employed and fed. If there
be not employment and food enough, the fault
is more the landowners' than the mill-owners'.
The former prevent the latter from giving em-
ployment and wages -to the people. The land-
owners, wanting nothing, are very little instru-
mental either in providing for others, or pro-
moting improvement. They live to enjoy, not to
traffic. They have no settled labour. They are
emphatically the idle classes; and if not a bur-
den to themsdves they are to others. They do
nothing fir society, except consume its produce
without any equivalent.
At.the same time the owners of rent pretend
to do a great deal for the public. The 11 ml -owners
make no • such pretence. They avow that
they study their own interest; the land-
owners swear they act for the good of
the country, whether they convict poachers or
make Corn-laws. They received their estates
originally for the performance of certain duties,
which have all merged in making and adminis-
tering the laws. The monopoly of the soil im-
poses on them the duty of taking care of the
people; no such duty devolves on the mill-owners.
Their workmen must take care of themselves.
The. mill-owners dO their duty towards them as I

masters, when they honestly, -and in full, pay
them their wages.
It is the duty of the law-makers to provide for
the welfare of the workmen employed by the
mill-owners, .as well as others. They should
make and enforce just laws between masters and
workinen, so that the former may have as little
power over the latter as possible. They have acted
quite contrary to their duty. They have made laws
for placing the workmen at the mercy of the
mill-owner. They have excluded the labourers
from the franchise and from Parliament; they
have doomed the workman to be a slave, when
he ought to be as free as his employer. The
wretched condition of the labourers is, then, far
more the fault of the law-making landowner,
with his bread-tax and his monopoly of repre-
sentation, than of the mill-owner.
It must be noticed, too, that the mill-owner
does not undertake to provide either for the in-
struction or the comfort of the people. He.. only
employs them. The Church is their hired and.
largely paid instructor ; they are made to sup-
port it. The Government is their endowed pro-
tector; they. contribute to its taxes. On the
Executive Government and the Established
Church, the debased condition of the people,
their icraorance, their destitution, their
improvidence, their immorality, reflect indelible
disgrace, because, these institutions have for
their objects to promote the welfare of the multi-
tude ; the mill-owners'have only to make money
to carry on their private business, each for him-
self, and they do their duty to their workmen
when they honestly pay them. When the mill-
o-,vners gain wealth, their object is attained; but
as long as the bulk of the people remain in their
present wretched physical and moral .condition
the Government and the Church must be deno-
minated failures.

To the disgrace of the London University, Mr.
WILLIAM Tooxp has been re-elected Treasurer by
a majority of two votes over Mr. TAYLOR. The
Proprietors, therefore, identify themselves with
the man who used his influence as Treasurer to
the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge
to turn out one or the other of the Members for
Finsbury, who, with all the faults that even the
pious Mr. TooKE imputed to them, have never
been charged with the crime of backbiting a friend,
or playing into the hands of the Tories under the
sacred name of religion, while professing contrary
political opinions. We are forced to admit that
this decision creates a very unfavourable im-
pression as regards the present state of the Uni-
versity, and the morality of those who.superin-
tend this establishment. Mr. WARBURTON, one
of the main pillars of the Institution, and Chair-
man of the meeting, proposed Mr. TooKE, and
by a strange mode of reasoning came to the con-
clUsion that, though he might have been -guilty
of misdeeds in another Institution, matters of
that kind should not be brought forward against
him in the London University. There is no ac-
counting for tastes, but certainly it will not afford
Lord BROUGHAM much satisfaction to learn that
he has been elected President by the same men
who reinstated Mr. TooKE as Treasurer.

Madrid Papers of the 16th inst. have come to
hand. In the Gazette of that date we find the
following circular addressed to the Political
Chiefs of the Kingdom by. Senor CORTINA,
Minister of the Interior. It is dated the 14th
inst.:—

The Regency, informed that there exist in certain towns in
the kingdom patriotic clubs, where newspapers are read and
political questions discussed, and considering that these clubs
are not authorised by law, orders you to dissolve immediately
every patriotic club that bas been formed in your province.
Should others be formed, you will have applied to the delin-
quents the penalties decreed by the laws. This measure is in-
dispensable for the preservat'on of public order, which the Re-
gency is resolved to have respected at any price.
The Opposition Journals assert that ESPAR-
TERO will meet with powerful opposition in the
Cortes, who will not sanction his appointment as
sole Regent. Some affect to believe that Es-
PARTERO'S ambition is not bounded by the sole
Regency; and hint that he looks to the Crown
as fairly within his grasp. There are acts. which
it is wisdom in a nation to regard as impossi-
bilities, and any attempt to deprive Queen
ISABELLA of the Crown of Spain is one of them.
• Senor ANTONIO GONZALES, and his Secretary,
Senor LUIS FLORES, set out for London on the
15th. They had 10,000 dollars advanced to them
froni the Treasury.
The Five per Cents. were at 28 for cash, and
29 at 60 days.

The Paris Journals of Tuesday have all reached
us. In the Journal des Dcbats we find the fol-
lowing observations respecting the levy of French
troops for the years 1841 and 1842 :
The Chamber of Deputies voted yesterday, with a majority
of 220 against 15, the project of law relative to the annual levy
of 'BO,OOO men.

Several Journals affect to misconceive the plans of the Mi-
nister of War, and to forget the consequences that must arise
from the new law respecting the duration of military service
and the reserve. The facts speak for themselves.
The Committee of the Budget of 1842 has examined with
the greatest care the credits allotted to the administration of
war. These credits, founded on an effective force of 493,741
men, exceed the primitive Budget of 1841 by 113,178,610 f.
Ihe Committee has inquired of the Ministry what would be
the consequences of the new system of reserve, lately presented
to the deliberation of the Chamber, re'ative to the effective
force of the army. Marshal Soult declared that he had no
certain data to produce ; that he awaited the discussion and
voting of the new law in order to draw up definitively his plans
of execution. Nevertheless, he added that, according to his
calculations, by classing in the reserve of 1842 those men who
have served four or live years, an approximate diminution of
60,000 men might be made in the effective foree of the army,
and 23,000,000 f. saved to the country.
Thus in 1842 the army would consist of 433,000 men, and
might be reduced the following year to the nominal amount of
370,000, with a reserve of from 120,000 to 130,000 men,
which would form a force of 500,000 men ready for service.
It should also be observed that this nominal effective force
of 370,000 for 1843, includes 53,000 men and 12,000 horses
more than the effective force of the army previous to the
events of last July.
The effective force of the year 1841 will amount to
493,711 men, and will be rigorously kept up to that number, un-
less the Chambers should judge otherwise in the discussion of
the supplementary credits.
It must be kept in view, respecting the armaments, that as
the law on the reserve, and on the duration of service, has not
yet been voted, the Committee and the Minister of War can
dis.:uss but hypothetica'ly, and that this new reserve system, if
adopted, must necessarily modify the effective force and the
reserve of 1842.

This does not look much like disarmament, and
yet France must disarm if she Would maintain
the peace of Europe. With her National Guards
and her Reserves, she has at this moment a mil-
lion of soldiers ready to take the field--..a force
quite disproportioned to the necessities of.a pa-
cific policy.
_ _

The Itiladiteur Parisien has the following re-
marks on the Fortifications Bill, now before the
Chamber of Peers :
The Committee of Peers on the Fortifications Bill will re-
assemble to-morrow and resume its labours. Numerous docu-
ments have been submitted to it by the President of the Coun-
cil, Minister of War. It appears that the members of this
Committee have ascertained to a certainty that if the Chamber
of Peers votes an amendment leading to a suppression of the
continuous wall, such amendment will be passed without diffi-
cul y by the Chamber of Deputies. A numerous meeting has,
it is said, been held, in which were several of the most influ•
en hl members of this last-mentioned Chamber. A discussion
was entered upon as to the conduct to be adopted in the case—
sufficiently probable—of the Peers sanctioning the modification
which the Committee will propose in the Bill; and it results
from this discussion that these modifications will meet with
success if the Bill be sent back to the Palais Bourbon. The
Committee of Peers will, besides, we are assured, take the
greatest care to keep its amendment clear of those characteris-
tics which, to many of the Honourable Members of the Cham-
ber 'of the Deputies, rendered the proposition of General
Schneider inadmissible. The clause fixing the minimum of
the distance of the external works at 4,000 metres will com-
pletely disappear. It is known that it was this clause which
raised objections among the partisans of an • efficient fortifica-
tion of the capital.
The ttloniteur publishes a return of the produce and con-
sumption of domestic sugar 'during the year 1840, including
the month of January, The number of manufactories
existing in France on the 31st of that month was 398, of
which 155 belonged to the department of the North, and the
lest were divided among 41 other departments; 31 had
ceased working during the year, but had still some sugar on
hand. The quantity manufactured during the above period
was 18,612,870 kilogrammes, and that sold for consumption
12,733,429 ; leaving 9,982,027 unsold, including the 4,102,656
lying over since last year. The duties levied in January, 1841,
amounted to 569,988 francs.

The diplomatic changes which have long been preparing
were settled, as it is said, yesterday. The Count de St. Au!aire
is to exchange the embassy at Vienna for that of London;
the Marquis of Dalmatia to go to Rome, as successor to M. de
Latour Maubourg, who is to go to Naples, to take the place of
M. de Montebello ; and the latter to go to Constantinople, as
successor to Count Pontois, who is appointed Ambassador to
Spain. Lastly, M. de Bussiere, Minister in Saxony, succeeds
the Marquis de Dalmatia at Turin, and is succeeded. at Dres-
den by M. Bourqueney, Secretary to the Legation at London.
It appears to be agreed upon that these changes will not be
made public till after the close of the session of the Chambers,
in order to save the Marquis of Dalmatia from the reproaches
which this scandalous promotion could not fail to draw upon him
from his colleagues.
M. de Flahaut, who after four years' efforts, at length ob-
tain:, an embassy from M. Guizot, was scarcely five months
ago one of the faithful adherents of M. Thiers, and periodi-
cally denounced to bias in his letters, dated from London, the
treasons (les trahisons) of M. Guizot, whose ptace he then
aspired to obtain. It must not be forgotten that M. de Flau-
haut is an English Peer by right of his wife.
The order (which, to say the least, is extraordinary), for a
part of our Toulon fleet to put to sea at a time of the year
when the fleets of all nations seek .th?, best stations, is judged
of at Bordeaux as we ourselves judged of it. See the spirit of
disorder, unskilfulness, and imprudence which directs our af-
fairs. To make people believe that the French Government
intended to oppose the execution of the Treaty of London, a
levy was made of all our seamen, millions were expended, and
the finest fleet that France has possessed for a long time, was
equipped in the Mediterranean. Well, what was the result of
all these expenses of all these preparations, of this splendid and
formidable squadron, manned by so many brave and able sea-
men ? What was done with it? Nothing at all ; and after
having rendered it the humble spectator of the triumph of
the British navy, beheld twelve ships of the line sent to sea
for no other purpose than to make a promenade in the Mediter-
ranean; at the very worst season, only exposing them to the
Chances of damage and loss in some horrible tempest, while the