The Sun.
London, England, 1823-12-27 00:00:00

[IVIORNINGI CIIRONICLIC.]

Our Madrid letters give us to understand that
the amnesty question still continues to be the
great subject of discussion with the Spanish Ca-
binet, and, indeed, nearly the only one to
which the attention of the Ministers was seri-
ously. turned. As long as Confessor Saez re-
mained in office, it was firmly resolved that there
should be no forgiveness for past political
offences, and this was the unanimous opinion
of the whole of the Clerical party. They
dread the return of the Liberals, who, they
are confident, cannot be penitent or sincere,
and they have long been publicly preaching
that the altar and the throne will be again
is danger from the moment those who have fled
or who have been exiled return to their homes.
They have always wished that the Port St. Mary
Decree should be acted upon, without the small
est deviation, and this vindictive spirit, it was,
that first alarmed the French Minister, and in-
d used the other Members of the Diplomatic Corps
to coalesce with him in order to bring about a
change in the Spanish Cabinet, by which means
they confidently anticipated that a conciliatory
policy would be pursued, more likely to allay the
effervescence of parties and restore tranquillity to
the country. Under this impression, it was, that
the King was urged, and at length induced, to
change his Ministers ; but as, in doing this, no
alteration took place in his own private senti-
ments, he continued to guide his conduct by
the private advice of his former confidants. What
the new Ministers had been able to effect by
their Cabinet Councils in the morning, they
found was entirely undone before evening by the
secret advisers brought up to the King's room by
a private staircase. The former had apparently,
by dint of argument and perseverance, succeeded
in convincing the King that it was essential to his
interests to issue an Amnesty Decree, this being
a measure not only recommended by his faithful
Allies, but also expected from him by the whole
of Europe, as the natural consequence of a revo-
lution now brought to a close. The King,
in fact, felt himself compelled to acquiesce ;
the rough draught of the proposed Decree was
made out, and after receiving the sanction
of the Foreign Ministers of most influence
was submitted to the Kiug for his signa-
ture. His Majesty received the paper, informing
his zealous servants that he required some little
time to deliberate on so weighty a matter. On
the second day he returned the paper, so loaded
with exceptions, that the proposed adt of pardon
was thereby rendered completely null and void ;
at the same time "adding, that under that form
only he would consent to the measure. Thin
placed the Ministers, as well us those who upheld
theta, in a very awkward dilemma, and they
deemeil it most advisable to suspend the publica-
tion, at the same time agreeing to return to the
charge, and endeavour to convince the King of
the necessity of relaxing from his first determi-
nation.

LBRITISif
The President's Message to the Congress of
the' United States, Whether it regards alone that
immense and rising country, or'Europe generally,
is a most important,•but, we think, also a simple'
and a satisfactory document. There is nnthing
of rhetoric or display about it ; no apparent sup-
pression or distortion'; it is 'a " plain unvarnished
tile," a statement of facts as they have really
occurred for the last twelve months, and a fair
display of the state and resources of America.—
The coMmencementof the Message is worthy the
tint Magistrate of that great and free country; it is
an unadorned tribute to public feeling ; an offering
of deferentiel homege before the great tribunal
of public -opinion, the judgment seat before
which all character ultimately must stand or
fall. The first allusion made by the Message to
the political relations of America naturally turns
to thoie with this country, as the parent state.,
and still the most powerful in Europe. It states
the disagreement of the Cominissioners, under the
sth article of the Treaty of Ghent, on the boun-
dary line between the United States and Great
Britain, and their having made their respective re.
ports in compliance"with that article, that the sarin
might be referred to the decision of a friendly
power. It being manifest, however (the Mes.
sage ,adds) that it would be difficult, if riot ;In<
possible, for any 'power to perform that office

without great delay and much inconvenience to 1
itself, a proposal had been made by the Govern-
ment of the United States, and acceded to by
that of Great Britain, to endeavour to establish
that boundary by amicable negociation. A pro-
position (the Message also states) has been made
to regulate the commercial intercourse between
the two countries—and the claims of the inhabitants
of the United States inhabiting the states and
territories bordering_ on the lakes and rivers which
empty into the St. Lawrence, to the navigation
of that river to the ocean. For these and other
objects of high importance to the interest of
both parties—a negociation has been opened
with the British government—which the Message
adds its hope of being attended with a satisfac-
tory result. From Great Britain, as the first
European power, the relations of America are trac-
ed, to the second in political consequence, that
is, to France. The negociation, the Message
states, which had been depending with the
French Government on several important sub-
jects, and particularly fora just indemnity of losses
sustained in the late wars by the Citizens of the
United States under unjustifiable seizures, and con-
fiscations of their property, had not as yet had the
desired effect ; but a Minister was immediately to
be appointed to France to resume the nogociation
on that and other subjects between the two na-
tions. From France the Message proceeds to
the greatest Norther Power, Russia—and alludes
to the contending claims between that Cabinet
and America, in which this country also has a
strong interest.