The Sun.
London, England, 1841-03-27 00:00:00

that the interference of the different States with each
other will break up the whole confederacy. We had
augured setter results from this first grand experiment cf a
people virtually to establish the right of sel`-govern-
ment, and painfully indeed should we regret the disap-
pointment of our anticipations. We cannot, however,
disguise from ourselves the danger which the intemperate
and outrageous proceedings of certain branches of Ameri-
can society must inc7itably entail, not only on the cohesion
of the American Union and the freedom of American
citizens, but also upon the general progress of the de-
moc7atic principle, which ruu.7t in all quarters of the
world, be injured by its recent dm.ogatory manifesta-
tions in the United States. Reserved as the Address
prudently is with regard to the question.. upon which
public f,eling is more immediately it ex.
presses, broadly enough, a desire to control t:.'e dan-
gerous tendencies of parties, and to correct the con-
stitutional defects which give scope to their exercise.

(From the Morning Post.)
The bent and habit of mind which suggested to the new
President this topics of an address devoted almost exelu-
siv,ly to describe the peculiarities of the American Coe-
stitutioe, the advantages of which it was intended to be
the source, the dangers to which he deems it peculiarly
liable, and the precautions against those dangers which he
is most anxious to recommend, are pledges more effectual
than any express declaration, however emphatic, could
have afforded, that General Harrison is sincerely desirous
to preserve the cherished institutions of his country from
the dangers and trinls incident to a state of war, and must
be anxious in the same degree to render justice to other
independent nations. But the Inaugural Address, if it
adverts very sparingly to the foreign relations of America,
adverts to them for the exclusive purpose of proclaiming
the pacific disposition cf the distinguished speaker.
There is only one passage in the Address in which
foreign poli ics are alluded to. The abstinence is well ex-
plained. The speaker could not enter into details respect-
ing pendisg negotiations, of the actual state of which he
was not yet officially informed. Neither cculd he omit
the opportunity sf declaring his determination that these
negotiations should be prosecuted by his Government in the
spirit of Feace, and his confidence that a kindred spirit
prevailed in the Governments with which he would have
to deal. We regard this as by far the happiest part in the
Address, for it has the rare merit of saying not a word too
little or too much. Many nersons will is one rlser ,nee
.stew to aiseourege, or even to moderate, the expression of
fselings wit-eras to slavery. We arc not sure, however,
that, with a view to the safe and even the speediest extir-
pation of this evil, his admonition may not be a wise one.
(From the Morning Herald.)
The Inaugural Address of General Harrison, on the 4th
instant, on being installed President, at Washiegton, is at
length before the British public. The excitement of re-
cent events, and especially of the transactions connec ed
with the ease of Mr. M‘Lead, and the difficulties of the
Boundary Question, had produced a degree of interest
touching the probable contents of this speech far more in-
terne than documents of such a kind usually create among
us. Yet for what regards these two engrossing topics of,
we might say, eve-, European interest, our readers may
search this very erensive di'quisition (for such it is) al-
most in vain. The case of APLeod is nut even touched
upon, no nomine, by the new President; and we cannot
quite concur with our Liverpool Correspondent and others
in holding that passage, which is supposed incidentally to
glance at it, rca ly was intended by the Speaker to touch
the subject: The passage runs thus :—" Irk no case can the
same person, at the same time, act as the citizen of two
separate States, and he is therefore positively precluded
from any interference with the reserved powers of any
State but that of which he is, for the time being, a citizen.
Ile may, indeed, offer to the citizens of other Stases his
advice as to their management, and the form in which it i s
tendered is left to his own discretion and sense of pro-
priety." To us, this sort of reasoning on the relative and
the general character of citizenship in a subject of the
United States, seems to be as distant from the case of Mr.
M'Leod, as, we fear, are the chances which that gentle-
man has of experiencing an impartial trial within their ter-
nit ,ry. Much v.:ore to the purpose of Mr. M‘Leoci's case
_more encouraging as holding out some prospect of the
cessa•ion of unprincipled and vindictive persecution against
our countryman—is that sort of manifesto of honourable
and just intensions on the part of General Harrison's Ge-
' vernment, which was conveyed in Mr. Buchanan's state-
meat in the Senate.