The Sun.
London, England, 1840-11-19 00:00:00

MAP OF CHINA.

AT WAR WITH CHINA—WHERE
IS CIIINA ? VERY FEW CAN TELL.
The Sun Newspaper will soon answer the question
by publishing a Beautiful, Large, and Highly
Correct MAP of CHINA, with a Complete
History of that Extensive Empire, and its
Singular People.
THE MAP will nearly occupy a page of The Sun.
It is got up under the special Superintendence of
the celebrated Mr. JAMES WYLD, Geographer
to her MAJESTY the QUEEN. It comprehends
480 a large portion of India, from the Mouths of
the Ganges—the Islands in the Bay of Bengal—
Birmali—Assam— Thibet—Nepaul Cochin
China—Canton, and the immense Islands and
EaYs along the coast of China to PEKIN,
situated One Hundred and Twenty Miles inland
from the confines of the Yellow Sea.
he next News from China is expected to be ex-
ceedingly interesting and decisive. The Island
of CHUSAN, the first point of attack by the
Expedition, commands the great Bay of Nankin,
from which the Imperial Canal communicates
with Pekin, the Capital of the Empire. Chusan
is about half way between Canton and Pekin.

him, or to impose any penalty on him : they say a
still more severe penalty awaits him. If they were
authorised by their own doctrines to scourge or to
imprison, that would be a legitimate source
of power ; but as they are not, and as an ex-
press punishment is provided for disbelief, as
no power is conferred on the priesthood by
the doctrines they teach, all their. Oaims to
earthly power and wealth, other than what the
hearers voluntarily bestow, or the law gives,
are all gross usurpations, and, being preg-
. nzut with mischief, ought to be resisted. In
the doctrines they teach, between which and
them we must always remember the distinction,
there is no warrant whatever for the power they
possess, and the larger power they claim ; and to
gain their ends they do not hesitate to sport with
some of the most sacred feelings of our nature.
We know that they possess great power, which
is not derived from teaching certain doctrines—
that they admit—but from the law. however
disguised, it is wholly secular, though it ex-
hibits itself in certain mock displays of spiritual
appeals. It is to be tested, therefore, like any
other secular power, like the metropolitan police,
or the newly instituted constabulary, by its worldly
and its political effects. In truth, the warmest
defenders of the priesthood speak of them as a
preventive police. The State does not pay and
provide for them with a view to secure the salvation
of the people, or even to teach the doctrines on be-
lieving which that may depend ; but it pays and
provides for the priesthood as a means of preserving
political obedience. What can statesmen, who
unscrupulously, when it suits their purposes, send
thousands of men to be knocked on the head, and
who cause them to perish in the midst of their sins,
care about the salvation of their victims ? The
supposition is absurd. Nevertheless, the most
belligerent Tory statesmen are, and have been, the
warmest supporters of the priesthood, because they
subserve secular purposes. The whole power of the
priesthood, therefore, is a secular power, created by
the law, not conferred by the Gospel. Hence we
question it freely ; and shall persist in dealing with
the priesthood as we would with the metropolitan
police, except that the latter is the more useful of
the two.

To briefly set before our readers the plain truth,
that the priesthood derive their power from the law,
not from the Gospel, in opposition to some current
attempts to mistify the public, and make them be-
lieve that the Church—a term conveniently used for
the priesthood—is spiritual and eternal, has been
our object in these remarks. As a general ques-
tion, interesting to all classes, we know none of
more importance than the extensive claims made
and now making by the established priesthood.

That enlightened nobleman, the Earl of AIouNT-
CASHELL, whose extreme Protestant fervour we
have often admired in the House of Peers, has taken
the field, by a letter published in the Irish Papers,
against the Anti-Corn League. We do not anti-
cipate much evil from his Lordship's attacks. Here
is a specimen :

Preparations are making to agitate the question again
in Parliament ; large sums arc subscribed to prosecute
the warfare ; lecturers arc engaged to bias public judg-
ment, and noting is left undone to ruin the farmer. It
is time then that Ireland should take a part in this con-
test. Let us remember she is an agricultural, and not
a manufacturing country, that her income depends
chiefly on the produce of her soil, and that in proportion
as;_thts is reduced in value, in like proportion will she be-
come more impoverished. If we consume the goods of
British manufacturers, is it not just that they should pay
a fair price in return for our corn, But they require
our produce for less than we can grow it, and they wish
to ruin us, and to favour foreign countries.

We suppose the Illustrious Earl does not re-
quire to be informed that there are two species of
value—value in use, and value in exchange. W
b e
may put the former out of view, for even the EARL
of iNIOUNTCASHELL will not have the hardihood
or the obtuseness to affirm that the utility of the
crops grown in Ireland will be lessened by a smaller
share of them going into the clutches of the land-
owners. The latter value is the one he means,
as he afterwards distinctly shows by asserting that
the manufacturers ought to pay a " fair price"
for the corn of Ireland. What is a fair
price ? That which the two parties to the great
business of buying and selling mutually and un-
constrainedly agree on. This price the manu-
facturers are ready to give. They will give what
the corn is worth in the market. " That will
not content us," say the law-making Earl, and
his law-making colleagues ; " we must have more
than that ; we must have all we can extort, by pre.
venting you, by law, from bringing corn from New
York or Dantzic, and by making you buy exclu-
sively our corn." The unfair dealer then—he who
exacts an unfair price, he who diminishes the
value in exchange of manufactures, and enhances
the value in exchange of corn, without enhancing
the value in nse of either, by which the value of
both in exchange are naturally and justly de-
termined—is the landowner, who actually practices
that unfairness he accuses the manufacturer of
wishing to practice. He is condemned by his own
remark. The landlords require the produce of the
manufacturer for less than they can make it,
and for less than they can sell it to others ; they try
to ruin the manufacturers, and to starve the people.

To be opposed by the Irish landlords, must re-
commend the cause of the League to the people of
England. We know no class of men snore de-
se►vedly discredited and dishonoured than the land-
lords of the lumper-starved peasantry of Ireland.
Reckless, extravagant, profligate, the condition of
the people must make all reasonable beings support
a cause which meets with opposition from them.

Ireland, too, is an agricultural country, and in
that condition, therefore,, to which our landlords
and our clergy wish to carry back the people of
England. The bulk of its population are agricul-
turists, virtuous tillers of the soil, with little to
eat, and less to clothe them, the prey of want and
distress, the very humblest servants of the Itomish
priesthood ; and altogether in a condition, however
gratifying to Lord MOUNTCASHEL L, the very reverse
of that which all intelligent people would be happy to
see. After the wretched Africans, who are sold off into
slavery, we know of no large population in a worse
condition than the agriculturalists of Ireland. They
II are a perpetual beacon to the English not to follow
the councils and the practices of the landlords of
Ireland, and carefully to eschew whatever they re-
commend.

We have received with the French Journals of
Tuesday the address of the Committee of the
Chamber of Peers, in answer to the speech from
the throne, which will be found in another column.
There is nothing in this document to occasion any
alarm as to the maintenance of European tranquil-
lity, although the following paragraph, relative to
the Quadruple Treaty has been alluded to as indi-
cating the sympathy of the Committee with the war

party :
" The treaty concluded between the Emperor of
.Austria, the Queen of Great Britain, the King of
Prussia, the Emperor of Russia, and the Ottoman
Porte, in order to regulate the relations of the Sul.
tan and the Paella of Egypt, and the acts which have
followed it, have caused your Majesty to resolve upon
adopting measures which would allow France to observe,
with entire freedom of action, the course of events in the
East. Sire, the policy of your Government, during ten
years, has materially assisted in preserving humanity from
those conflagrations which suspend the progress of civilisa-
tion, and cause nations to endure the fatal consequences
for a length of time; but the dignity of a nation is its life
itself, and we know how dear the dignity of France is to
the heart of her King. Frenchmen would rise up at your
voice, and would be ready to make any sacrifice rather than
consent to the humiliation of their country. At all events,
we hope that a just and disinterested policy will prevail in