The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-12 00:00:00

TUE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE l2, 1847.

A considerable time having elapsed before any Hon.
Member's offering to address the HOUSP, and loud calls
for Ler Pele,er hating been neete i
Mr. B OSBORNE ruse and sled, teat he had tee d to
have had the experience of any of the Ai embers of
the Government who might have chosen to ad-
dress the House on this subject, but having
been unsuccessful in this endeavour, (although he cer-
tainly expected that some of the Lords of the Treasury,
who were as mute as they were distinguished, would have
been put forward,) he was forced to content himself
with the explanation given by the two Hon. Members
who had spoken on the side of the Government. Had
the lion. Member for Pontefract not appeared to the
rescue ; had he not illustrated in his own person the
advantages of intervention, the " red box" would have
been in considerable danger, for a division would pro-
bably have been in danger, and the Ministers would
evidently be in a minority. Ile considered that the
Hon. Member for Pontefract had drawn on his poeti-
cal invention—(Laughter)—when he said that a young
could
explain,
country required
escheo:.ali3n.gbiyn cv,o,nhsietihtuttiiloenyale
government.ou There was only on
this. If they only allowed one person to tell his story
continually from morning till night every day for a
twelvemonth, that person would in the end become their
master. On no other principle could he account for the
otherwise unaccountable conduct of the Noble Lord the
Secretary for the Colonies, clinging to a Cabinet which
he refused to become a Member of in 1845 because of
the meddling capacities of the present Secretary for
Foreign Affairs. It might be said that this inter-
vention was a great scheme for the improve-
ment of Portugal, but if it could be shown
that this intervention, so far from pacifying Portugal,
was laying the seeds of a general European war, en-
dangering the existence of Portugal, and upholding
anarchy and despotic principles ; he maintained that
every Member of that House who preferred liberal
principles was called upon to support the motion of the
Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Montrose. What
induced the Noble Lord, on the 25th of May, to arrive at
the conclusion ? Fie was unable to account for it by the
ordinary rules of reasoning. There certainly were at the
time whispers about mysteriousinfluences, but no import-
ance was attached to them, and he could not believe
that the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
suffered himself to be influenced by them. The only
conclusion, therefore, he could bring himself to arrive at
after an attentive perusal of these papers was, that the
Noble Lord was averse to the whole proceeding. The
Noble Lord must have been out-voted in the Cabinet.
Now it was necessary in coming to this debate that they
should have a definite meaning of the word" intervention."
He believed he was right in saying that the term was
modern, and he could not, he thought, put the subject
on a better footing than by reading the definition of the
word " intervention," given by a statesman of
great influence and experience. Hero was the
definition. The term " intervention" he defined to
be, " the principle that every nation has the right of
managing its own internal affairs, and regulating its in
ternal policy so long as it does not injure its neighbour;
and no nation has the right to control by force of arms
the appointment of its Govenments or rulers." That
was the definition of the Noble Lord the present Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs on June the Ist, 1829; and,
therefore, he felt bound to ask the Noble Lord who
ought not, he thought, to retain his seat with such
pertinacious obstinacy, why, if in June 1829 he held
this principle to be sacred, how was it that he now
violated it in his own person, and outraged the liberties
of Europe by his own proceedings?—(Hear, hear.) It
was well to remark that all this intervention had been
done secretly, and the greatest fuss had been made in
that House about the production of the papers relating
to it.—(Hear, hear.) Why, at the very moment when
the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Montrose was
pressing the Government for them, the protocol was
actually published in Paris.—(Hear, hear.) In reading
these papers, and examining all these transactions, he
was most forcibly struck with the astute conduct of Louis
Philippe. That great genius did not appear in these
transactions to the extent of the part he had taken in
them. Whenever there was any dirty work to be clone,
Louis Philippe, like a second Mephistophiles,
urged on the Noble Lord, who was at the head
of the Foreign Department, and the time would come
when he would reap all the advantage of the interven-
tion, while the Noble Lord would have to bear the whole
odium of the proceeding.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon.
Member for Montrose had told them that the Queen of
Portugal sacrificed her Crown, and broke her oath when
she sought for the intervention of a foreign power. The.
Noble Lord readily responded to the call, but how dee
ferent was the course pursued by Mr. Canning in 1826,
when the intervention of this country was sought then
by Portugal. That great statesman would not allow u
single British soldier to embark until the concurrence of
the Portuguese Legislature had been obtained to the
proceeding. In 1847, however, the Noble Lord sets
aside all charters and treaties, and only loaking to at,
absolute monarchy, paying no regard to constitutionai
liberty, he did not wait to ask a single question, but
actually put the army in possession of the Jnnta, before
the Cortes had taken any consideration of the subject.—
(Hear, hear.) It was not very difficult to discover from
the contents of the blue book, the real object of the
Court of Portugal since October 1846. Its whole object
had been foreign intervention. That was distinctly to be
traced from the very beginning of the counter-revolution
and the military " move" executed under the auspices
of the Court itself.—(Hear, hear.) They had heard a
great deal which did not appear in the blue book ; but
are Hon. Gentlemen really aware of what Costa Cabral',
administration was ? Costa Cabral, like many others,
commenced his career as a furious Liberal, but the mo-
ment he got into power he became the patron of abso-
lute monarchy. Tney had some instances of this,
though on a humbler scale, on that side of the House.
They had some Gentlemen who had been very loud in
opposition, but became very quiet in office. Now, by the
intrigues of Cabral the charter of 1826 was got rid of,
because there were articles in that charter which pre-
vented him from carrying out his designs, and substi-
tuted in its stead the charter of 1838. Not content
with that, however, his first act, under this new char
ter, was to appoint his brother Jose Cabral to be Mi-
nister of Public Duties. He then took to levying taxes
without the consent of the Cortes—he imprisoned
people without trial—and, at last, he took a policy,
which on all occasions, and at all times, had pro-
voked the resistance of the people.—(Hear, hear.)
He began by levying two taxes, one upon
salt, and the other upon burials, a tax of 10s. was levied
upon the friends of every person who was buried, and
this gave rise to the insurrections in the provinces. The
minister was then dismissed, and the Duke Palmella
was sent for, who was induced to accept office, but on
the 6th of October he was desired to sign his own dis-
missal. At first he hesitated doing so, but he was told
he must consider himself a prisoner, and after
having being confined ono night in the palace.
he signed the decree of his own dismissal. The dis-
missal was brought about by the King Consort, who ha
taken the army under his control ; and when the com-
manding officers would not bend to his will, he substi
tuted creatures of his own in their place. He offered
Das Antes, a Marquasa if he would take part in the
counter-revolution, but that distinguished man refused
the bribe, and he (Mr. Osborne) was sure
had the Honourable Member for Pontefract
been as celebrated for war as he was for
verse, he would have followed the same course.—(Hear,
and laughter.) When Cabral was disposed of—to use a
common English phrase—he was kicked up stairs. The
Queen made him courtier, and sent him to Madrid,
where he had concocted the whole of this scheme et
foreign intervention, which had brought eternal disgraoe
upon the British name.—(Hear.) At that moment Cabral
ruled Portugal ; at that moment he ruled this country,
and he (Mr. Osborne) believed that, however well-in-
tentioned the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign
Department might be in his interference, the Noble
Lord, in this instance, had been caught napping. The
Noble Ford, in fact,was nothing more than a child
in the/leading strings of Costa Cabral and Louis Philippe.
Although she was waited upon by the wives and daugh-
ters of those who had suffered in her royal father's
cause, she sent these prisoners to a convict ship, and
from thence to a penal colony. What was the conduct
of Mr. Sotheron? he remonstrated with the Government,
although without any orders from his own Government;
but what did they do? they lied to him.—(Hear, hear.)
Yes, there should be speaking out. They said that they
would send those prisoners of Torres Vedras to Madeira.
and was this now the Government whom they were
about to bolster up? Could any one believe that the
Queen, starting with the prestige of royalty, and a good
and disciplined army, that she should be driven into a
corner, relying for her protection upon the British fleet
in the Tagus. unless the voice of the people was unani-
mously raised to hurl her from her throne, he must say
that the appointment of the gallant officer, Colonel
Wylde, was most injudicious. They said that they only
appointed him in order to give a military opinion, but
it was a very curious circusnetance that throughout the
.whole of the discussion and the reports not one of those
military opinions was hazarded. tie did not suit the
views, however, of the Noble Lord, and his commis-
sion was recalled in consequence, as it was alleged of
his having spoken disparagingly of the Marquis De Sal-
danha's troops, let them remember that. This was only
the statement of the Marquis, for Colonel Wylde denied
having given
any offence to the Marshal Saldanha, al-
though he found him forging his name. He would
quote several passages to prove that Colonel Wylde was
sentin any character but that of a military one; he
was rather sent as a mediator, and if he came from the
Foreign-office, i
he would leave it to the House, it warmost injudicious to send a person like Colonel Wylde,
who was a most 'gallant officer, but who was so much
connected with the Court, to get information about the
army. He was not the person to be intrusted with th.
management of those affairs, and he should like to have
sees one of the Noble Lord's dispatches reproving him
for exceeding the bounds of his authority, when he
threatened the Marquis Sada Baudiera, that if he
should be successful, he should have to meet the British
troops. What right, he should like to know, had he to take
the name of the Queen and the people of England in vain?
he protested against such conduct, be protested against
it being even tacitly approved of by the Minister, as
there was no appearance that he had been reproved for
it. It appeared that the Queen had broken through
every oath, and it was impossible to rely upon what bet
Ministers would say. But as soon as Sir Hamilton
Seymour appeared, the whole scene changed. All the
dispatches assumed the character of rose-water. The
Queen went out and attended the wounded. He wa-
sent out in order to make a case for the Court. Tie
Noble Lord was very much mistaken if he
thought that M. Guizot or Louis Philippe would be
caught in a blue book—(Laughter)—and he certainly
thought that he could not make out his case, througe
them. Now he considered that it was necessary, in such,
a crisis as the present, to speak out the whole truth, and
in his opinion, Sir Hamilton Seymour exceeded his au-
thority, for they were only bound to guarantee the life-
of the Queen, and not her throne; but he had gun
ranteed the throne, and in this ho overstepped the
00111440 of his duty. Lyery ode kurf

that there was no treaty which guaranteed more
than the protection of the throne in eases of fereign in
t-v IWPrt. t
wishes of the people. Trie treaties entered in o with
Portugal did not guarantee shy particular dynasty.
They did not pledge this country to mix itself up with
the internal disputes of Portugal. Mr. Canning had
maintained this doctrine, and so did Mr. Peel in 1829 ;
and he hoped that the Right Honourable Baronet
would be prepared' in 1847 to support that
view. The Noble Lord (Palmerston) believed that the
quadruple alliance was at an end, and it was not even pre-
tended that this convention was made in conformity
with that treaty. He did not know then what to call
this new arrangement, and he hoped the Noble Lord
would get up in a short time and explain under
what treaty or understanding this protocol was
issued. He thought if there was any constitutional
feeling in France, the people of that country
would demand from Louis Philippe the cause of this in-
fringement of the liberties of Europe. He would ask
this House and the country, wbat they had gained by
these conventions that had been lately entered into ?
—(Hear.) The Noble Lord might ask, what he (Mr.
Osborne) would have done under the circumstances ?
He would reply that he would have given instructions to
the British representative in Portugal to communicate to
Spain, that on the very first soldier that would cross by
the frontier into Portugal, a British army would be
directly sent there to oppose them.—(Hear.) The Go-
vernment organ had to. night intimated that the whole
affair was settled—that the policy was triumphant. He
would ask the Noble Lord to get up and tell them how the
the affairs of Portugal were settled. They were not
settled.—(Hear, hear.) They had done more to unsettle
them, and to disturb monarchical principle in Europe
than any Government that ever preceded them.—(Hear,
hear.) What guarantee had they that the same scenes
would not occur again in the space of three months.
The speech of the Noble Lord in 1e29 went counter
to almost every Act which he had authorised since, and
that speech was made on the affairs of Portugal, and
was administered as a rebuke to the Right Hon. Baronet
(Sir R. Peel). He would, in conclusion, ask him to get
up now, and say, as he said then, that he was defending
the cause of liberty from the banks of the Tagus to the
shores of the Bosphorus.—(Cheers.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I was anxious that the
earliest possible day should be given to the Hon. Member
for Montrose that he might have an opportunity of
bringing his resolution before the House, condemning
the course which the Government is pursuing with
respect to the affairs of Portugal; but, Sir, after hearing
his speech, and that of the Hon. Gentleman who has
just sat down, I am in doubt whether our natural anxiety
to have this question brought before the House,
and not to shrink from any accusation that might be
made against us has not brought upon the House the
inconvenience of Gentlemen preparing their opinions
and their speeches upon this subject, without reference
to the facts upon which they have to speak—(Hear)—
because, Sir, both the Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Montrose, but more especially the lion. Gentleman who
has just sat down spoke entirely from a reference to
some papers which did not exist, whilst the details of
the subject were to be found in the pipers which
have been placed on the table of the Hone.
The Honourable Gentleman who has just spoken has
founded his speech and his censure entirely upon the
supposition that her Majesty's Government were en-
gaged in establishing an absolute Government in Porte.
gal.—(Hear, bear.) That it was their intention to
maintain a despotism in that country, and he therefore
broke out in declamation, and gibes, and inferences
against the Ministry who could be guilty of such pro-
eeedings. But the simple tact is, that we had no such
thing in view at all—that, on the contrary, the pro-
positions made, which my Noble Friend proposed first
to the Queen of Portugal, and afterwards to the Junta'
of Oporto ; those terms were that all previous decrees
should cease, and that everything done on the 6th of
October should be revoked ; that the jury should be
called, and that the constitutional law of the country
should have full play ; and that simple observation de-
stroys, I think, three-fourths of the specious assertions
of the Hon. Gentleman. With respect to the interven-
tion, it appears, a.- I shall afterwards remark, that he
cannot blame us for interference, when he would have
interfered in this manner—he would have told the Crown
or Spain that no Spanish force should enter Portugal.
—ear.) Sir, what I have to contend, in opposition
to
the Hon. Gentleman who has made this speech—attack-
ng the conduct of the Government is this—that it was
necessary to interfere,first for the welfare of the interests
of Portugal, and secondly, for the interests of this
country ; and further, I am ready to maintain, that by
that interference we not have risked the dagger of an
European war. These three propositions I think can be
proved from the papers which have been laid before the
House, and from the events which have taken place
within the last few days.—(Hear.) Sir, I will not
follow the Honourable Gentleman who has just sat
down, upon the subject of the previous administrations
of Portugal during the time of the Cabrals. That body
was destroyed by a revolution—by a military revolution
—like others which have since held office. The Duke
of Palmella was at the head of the administration when
that meeting of the Cabral party took place, which
caused the Government so much alarm, and to all
parties theu out of power, because they threatened the
suppression of the constitution and the destruction of
the power of the monarchy. The Queen thought ieneces-
-ary, being acted upon by these alarms, partaking of the
fears that were entertained,joining with those who formed a
considerable party ; she thought it necessary to ask the
Duke of Palmella if he could save her from the dangers
which she apprehended, and on his professing himself
ready to continue the Ministry, but not offering any gua-
rantee as to what might occur, he desired that he might
be permitted to resign and immediately form another
Miuistry.—(Hear, hear.) Now, so far there was nothing
unconstitutional. There might be some imprudence in the
conduct of the Sovereign of Portugal, but so far as the
dismissal of the Ministry was concerned, that
was an act of the Sovereign, and one
to which the Minister of any Sovereign might
be subject. Lord Howard de Walden, who was
then at Lisbon, seems to have supposed at first that the
nomination of the Ministry of Das Antes would be
favourably received. Upon a party waiting upon him,
and asking him whether they would be safe, and whether
they might depend upon the execution of the law, in
reply he stated that, he expected that the law could be
administered without any revolutionary move-
ment ; but in a few days after, the parties
opposed to them, and who urged the Duke
of Palmella to change his Ministers, joined Das
Antes, and they formed a Junta in Oporto. They sent
circular addresses to the Sovereign, in which they
demanded that the new Ministry should be dismissed,
and expressed their fears of what is called Cabralistic
faction in Portugal. Upon that demand being refused
they placed themselves in arms against their Sovereign.
I am not now to argue whether they were justified in
heir fears, or whether that which they apprehended
would have taken place, but I am quite ready to admit
that at Oporto and various other places the provisions
of the constitution were entirely thrown aside, and the
most disgraceful and arbitrary acts of the most despotic
nature were the consequences, which were sanctionediby
the Government. The Hon. Member fur Montrose went
tarough the narrative of those various acts as if
they were those which her Majesty's Government
were prepared to defend, and which they received
with indulgence. I say, on the contrary, that
those very acts form a part of our case.
is it was to put an end to proceedings like these, and to
April sth, in which he proposed the terms to the Queen
titenyu aNnoe
he l
eoFf
rtilei
ha
dt
wa rrboitter at
hr e
dsiesipstaetmeh
oo f
:arose, and you will find that her Majesty's Minister at
ft•p,uoredvveretnnhinto et
juhtue,ntthca'aint
Lisbon disapproved of what they did afterwards, and
, arnestly remonstrated with the Government at Lisbon
Take the acts in succession as they
upon the
whichtbearbitrawr3 a's thechar deputationacterof of the
these acts.Tapkreisoonneerasf
them,
taken at Torres Vedras, an act of great
injustice in itself, and certainly most cruel to those
persons. Unfortunately, the Queen of Portugal had
placed herself in the hands of a party who seemed to
have thought that the indulgence of cruelty should be
part of their policy, and who continued so to act, in j
defiance of every remonstrance. Now, sir, the lion.
Gentleman who spoke last has said much in favour of the
people, and much against the conduct of the Queen of
Portugal. I will now read to the House a report of Mr.
Sotheron, with respect to the Torres Vedras
question. (Thc Noble Lord than road the report,
which stated that the subject had received
the most careful deliberation of the Council, and
he was happy to think that the benevolent feelings of
her Majesty towards the prisoners would not unlikely
lead to an immediate resignation of the Ministry, and
the same might be said with respect to every act then
adopted). My Noble Friend wrote to the Junta to pro-
pose that the terms should be altered, and communicated
the same intention to Das Antes, urging that he should
resign the command of the army and return into private
life. We are easily induced to consider in this country
—we are easily induced to believe that those who are
in the service of the Sovereign are responsible
for the acts of the Sovereign. I think it was a most
imprudent thing for the Queen to put herself into the
hands of a party which governed for several months.
But I think it is too much for the Hon. Member for
Wycombe to lay the blame personally upon the Sove-
reign, and not to consider that this party, who had the
Ministry in its hands, and who proposed to leave the
oeren
Queen without a Government, or without direction of
epaardtlyht. adhering
n cg o ut
the army, that they are not responsible for their acts.
the feelings of the people, or
went
the
nn atthtoieost iaoayn t I:lAfteront
ther
yreferring
ni
:tied:
had
on
iognt
othove
ert
rhner
exe
de-
lOns the
body,
th
representing ing
handset the Junta became less and
es a
tract from the report of Mr. Sotheron, the Noble Lord
parties,
in the most arbitrary manner ; the second were
the Junta and its adherents, some of whom en-
tertained the most violent democratic princi-
ples, who professed themselves ready to take
up arms in defence of the liberties of the people, but who
acted in the most oppressive manner. The third were
the Miguelites, who were a numerous party, who formed
with the others, and added to their power thereby, sup-
porting Das Antes, who was emboldened by his military
successes at Torres Vedras. Things went on in this
stale, and neither party seemed likely to gain a victory.
eortugal was being destroyed, her commerce and agri-
culture were neglected, and danger and rapine arise.
the whole country was divided among the soldiery.
Every dispatch which arrived deplored this state
ef things. If in these circumstances a termination could
have been put to these civil broils, and the constitution
of the country secured from danger, which would have
Atisfied those who had taken part on one side or the
eller, and which would have recalled, at the same time,
:hose who had been sent to Angola, providing for the
convocatien of the Cortes as a security for the pass-
ing of all those measures, he thought it must be ob

virms to every one that the greatest good would accrue
to Portugal ; and such, in tact, was the pro-
Qf (In dispatch of the 01,14 of April,

The Noble Lord then read the dispatch referred to. It
wit' eensiderel the !ten tle a- d-
d aek are:id-nal o rine, rec. mama :ea, et tee
sane time, the exile or the hatters el the ineurrectioe.
Sir H. Seymeur, wheee zeal and ability deserved the
highest preise, insisted that the terms offered by this
country should be witadrawn, and ad negotiation should
cease, if these conditions were insisted upon ; and the
Cabinet coincided in this opinion, considerieg the original
proposition fair, as plae7ng the country upon a constitu-
tional basis. Before that reply went back, the Queen
had accepted the conditions of the British Government.
'he had also accepted the resignation of her Minist-rs,
and replaced them with more moderate' men. The Go•
vernment of this country stated, that if the Queen
would be bound Isy the terms us originelly proposed,
they would take steps in order to comp, I tee Junta to
submit to them. Now, w, re the Government justified in
so doing. (Hear, beer.) He thought the papers,
which he would not fatigue the Heine by gaming at any
length, would prove that the interest of this country in
the affairs of Portugal, was such tha it was impossible
that the condition of this ancient ally, with whom they
had such intimate commercial relations, and the most
brotherly connexions in arms, was such as to induce
them to take any step by which the freedom of Portu-
gal was secured. But there was another question which
pressed itself upon their consideration—what was the
interest of England in the mutter ?—(Cheers)—and
what would follow from her adoeting that course,
and what, from renising so to de. Let him re-
mind the House of the ancient relations subsisting
between the countries, and the periods of difficulty
in which Portugal was their ally. Since the commence.
ment of the last century there had not been less than
four wars, in which Spain had joined with France, yet
whilst they were at war with this country, Portugal re-
mained firm in her alliance with England. At
the end of the seven years' war, Spain
joined in an alliance against England, but
Portugal still remained firm At the end of
the American war Spain was similarly engaged with
France, and still Portugal was toued faithful in their
ranks. And during the conflict with respect to the
Bourbons and the revolutionary war in France Por-
tugal was equally true.—(llesr, hear, and cheers.)
What would the Spaniards and Portuguese together
have done ? They would have insisted on the banish-
ment of the Junta, and then indeed the liberties of Por-
tugal would have been prostrated. If the Spanish army
had been allowed to interfere only, then the state of
anarchy predicted by Hon. Gentlemen would indeed
come to pass. Mr. Bulwer said that they could not in-
terfere in Portugal unless under circumstances, but if
those circumstances arose, then, indeed, England
would be prepared to interfere. The circumstances
had arisen, and her Majesty's Government did interfere.
If they had longer delayed, the position and ultimate de-
termination of the Spanish Government was to interfere.
What, then, became of the Hon. Member for Wycombe
and the Hon, and peaceful Member for Montrose, who
introduced this discussion ?—(Hear, hear.) Now let
the House consider for a moment what was the situa
tion in which we were threatened with war? Donna
Maria was reigning in Portugaaand we telt it possible that
Don Miguel might have e3:ablishi,d a footing in Portugal.
If the Government had not taken part against Spain,
they must have taken part with Don Miguel, and against
the ancient house of 13raganza, with which this country
had been on terms of intimacy for centuries, and whom
we are called upon to sustain in splendour and security.
What, then, did the Junta of Oporto propose? Das
Antes was stated to have lost his authority ever his fol-
lowers, and every person residing at Lisbon who did not
belong to that party dreaded, if they should succeed, that
a state of anarchy would follow, and that bloodshed and
murder would be perpetreted in the street. Immense
difficulty would have followed if the Government had
undertaken to defend the Portuguese against the armed
intervention of Spain. Had Spain succeeded in her
armed intervention, she would nave had the good wishes,
if not at least the active support it la luxe, for the Minis-
ter of France hail declared long ago that he thought the
case was one in which the terms of tha quadruple alliance
was applicable. What then would be the consequence if
Spain, backed by France, should succeed in establishing
a supremacy in Portugal ? Waa the House prepared
for such a state of things as that ? Was it prepared to
see that ancient alliance, which se lone existed beta eel
this country and Portugal, destroyed by Spanish supre-
macy in that country ? This was a point, which through-
out the discussion, he had nut failed to adopt. Atter
that long connexion with Portugal, he should be sorry
that this Government which was called upon by the
Government of Portugal to interfere, having the means
and the power to dictate the terms of the interference,
should shrink from so doing, and giving that assistance,
and thereby become disconnected ler ever with the Go-
vernment of Portugal. It had often been said that
the safety of this country was founded upon
a system of alliances, and except this country
maintained its alliances with Pertugal, her ancient ally,
there was no security for the peace of Europe, and this
country would be o liged to accept dishonourable terms,
or to keep a large army and a considerable fleet fur the
purpose of preserving the independence. He was speak-
ing language in conformity with that of a very great
man. In the year 1786, there was a democratic party
in the Netherlands, which was supported by France;
the authority of the Prince of Orange was altogether
subordinate, and all the power of the Government was
placed in the hands of the democratic party. England
interfered on that occasion. The King of Prussia took
occasion of an insult offer ed to the Princess of Orange,
when passing in her carriage ; he accordingly displaced
that Government, and put the Government of the Stilt-
holder in its place ; and England stated that if France
attempted to disturb that settlement made by Prussia,
they would interfere. Both Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox
concurred in that opinion. The present was pre-
cisely a similar case to that of Prussia ai.d the
Netherlands. The terms which had been offered by this
country to the Junta were such as he fully thought they
would have acceded to. Das Antes himself stated that
the terms were excellent and unexceptionable. The
question is, what inducement could the Junta have had
in refusing those terms? They happened at the same
time to have received advices of some successes which
had taken place. The third point was, that the leaders
of the Junta had not offered to disobey their orders, and
that they feared not only danger to their authority
but to their persons.—(Hear, hear.) Such were the
reasons why these terms were not accepted in the
first instance. Sir Hamilton Seymour, seeing the state
of affairs, seeing the urgency of the occasion, and in-
formed by the dispatch of April that England intended
to interfere, desired Sir William Parker to send troops
to Oporto. Notice had been given, and letters were
written, stating to the Junta that the hostile proceedings
would no longer be carried on by ties country. The
Count Das Antes had embarked his troops at this
period. Sir Thomas Maitland had received those
orders sent to Mr. Salter, that if his ships pro-
ceeded they would be captured by her Majesty's
vessels. Another letter had been written which gave
rise to the opinion that a due notice had not been given
to the Junta. There only retrained one last letter
which they had not received. He believed that the
Junta, Count Das Antes, and those who were with
him. must have been fully aware of what was to follow
if they persisted. Sir Thomas hiaitland, seeing what
had been advanced, thought it right to carry
his intentions into execution. He informed the
officers that he would not allow them toproceed south, or
enter the port. They then surrendered, the Count Das
Antas stating that they surrendered themselves Si. the
British troops, and only desired not to he delivered
to the Portuguese Government. This was
upag reed to, and with the honour that has always marked
British troops, that agreement was strictly aehered to,
and they were placed in confinement under British su-
perintendence, and treated in every respect as prisoners
of war. The consequence of this he hoped would be,
that both the Junta and the Government of Portugal
would accept the terms originally proposed by her
Majesty's Government, namely, that all these offences
should be passed over, and that the Constitution
should be re-established.—(Hear.) Therefore, so far
from establishing despotism, what they (the Govern-
ment) had dune was to do away with that despotism
that existed at Lisbon. They interfered for the peace of
Europe.—(Hear, hear.) In the last place, let the House
consider I what would have been the danger if they
had taken the course which was now recommended to
them. If they had insisted that Spain should not inter-
fere, they would make a cases ben Such a de-
termination of Government at that juncture
might have been disastrous to the peace of Europe.
Let them consider that with regard to these questio, s of pa-
litical constitutions, they were not in a state very different
from that in which Europe was placed during the wars
that, succeeded the Reformation. The French Pro-
testants then sympathised with the Protestants of Eng
land, while the Cathodes of Spain sympathised with the
Catholics of England—Queen Elizabeth endeavouring
to promote a revolution against the Catholics, while
Philip of Spain eudeavoured to excite a revolution
in this country. He thought it must be evident to any
one who gave any attention to the events of Govern-
ments, that Governments could not be indifferent to the
form of the constitution established in neighbouring na.
tions. Thus they had seen that numerous cases of inter-
ference had taken place during the last twenty years.
Interference had taken place within that time between
Turkey and Greeee, and in 1831 interference also
was considered to be necessary with respect to
Belgium. The Belgians , had revolted against the
treaty of Vienna. and withdrew their allegiance from
the Prince of Orange, though they had bound them
selves to that allegiance by oath. What happened?
When the Prince of Orange was marching troops into
Belgium, Sir Robert Adair was Sent to stop him, and
told him that he must not proceed any further. Was
that not an interference to establish a free constitution in
Belgium, apart from Holland?—(Hear.) Subsequently
With regard to Portugal itself there was an intervention
on the part of this country. There was an interference
in the case of Don Miguel and Donna Maria was placed
on the throne by the assistance of France, Spain, and
of England. He would not go through the different
cases in which this country interfered in the affairs of
other countries. He was merely showing that this
country had interfered, and that there was nothing new
in the principle which they introduced—not us the
holy alliances to establish despotism, but to establish a
limited monarchy, arid to secure the freedom of the
people; and he believed that, in this instance, their
interference would lead to useful results. The
revolution of 1688 had been edverted to in the
course of the debates, and it had been alleged
that that was a revolution brought about without
the aid of foreign interference. lie had every respect tat-
the set
in
tlement which had put the reigning fatly on the
ttrone ; but he could nut
Prince of Oran forget that William
ge was not invited until he tied
secured foreign interference and braugat "Si good engineers with hen."—(idao' g
to establish hen they wished
prince of Germany'l..) on theh throw-, they
called in the aid of six thousand
Dic
nd
blish claims. The Noble 'Lurd uthen
continue troops todestao-
much for the absence of f ign interference in our own
al Giro dwelt Ir) Ow Lica QuiAlo.

' man.—(Cheers and laughter.) I admit that these essea
::: eisss : :s sissd:l ss, ! e re 7 : -:t 1 a 3 a 1111 C, bu
that they ought rather to be excels' i,...; to tse gets a+
policy of the State.—(Cheers.) Aed therefore it, is with
respsct to this particular 111;Ifiriet• we have he' n sloW
to listen to the representatistis of the Queet, of Portugal
or to the representations of Spain. We wished, if v'
sible, that the civil war should cease hy the offer of fair
terms by the Queen, and the acceptance of those terte3
by the Junta. Neither party, however, could agree upo2
the terms to be proposed or accepted; and seeing POr'
tugal in so dress-Hal a state, and that if we longer 212'
her
stained from interfering, we should only prolong .
misery without any increased ptoTect of genie; and that
if we allowed Spain to interfere, backed by the assist•
!ince of France, another misery would be iiiffcted on
l'ottngssl, anti our aricient alliance. with that country ill'
sured; seeing that it had become a question whether or
not we should maintain that alliance, we did at la°
agree to this interference.—(Cheers.) Hon. Gi-nilett3.,ea
have asked what guarantee have we that the terms "ef
efEilimaipoosfetdhewill be kept? We have the guarantee 0
That is not the
have
oQueennl), o
security
l) o rtu gwa
el .
have;(D e r
Government has pledged itself to us, to France, and t
Spain, that these terms shall be carried into effect. Thef
are bound to us not only by good faith, earrY;
interests fir their course skill be strengthened by
in
the terms into effect. The parties who were in srll:ato
Portugal.—(Dee;
she eFittilrat ug gh et eersoe)
have laid them down, and it is to the interest of SI, .
endeavour to carry our stipulations into effect, and tilvtie'
put au end to the wretched dissensions which ba 1,
but by their owli
destroyed the happiness and prosperity of Portugal.
My belief is that our interference will be conducive to
that end. At all events, I have the satisfeetion of kn°.‘!"
ing that I do not belong to a Government which_b_a;
abandoned an alliance which England had cherished for
ctweloauereinetsutroiecs,omaned.—wtticohudl
chhoepeersw.)ill be inaintaiDe
Mr. PETER
of the debate until Menday.—Agreed to.
BORTHWICK moved the adjournment
IRI6II RAILN% AY 'S.
In reply to a question from Mr. 11.1.1-D SON,
week, if
Lord JOHN itUSSELL---I would say nest e
I thought it likely a day could be named; but thereibulre,
so many adjourned debates that I fear that ii imposs2l4
,
I shall certainly take the railway measure on tbe
and the Irish gill will come on afterwards.
The remaining orders of the da were then disposed
1:e
of, and the House adjourned at a were
Trie
o'clock.

SIEGE OPERATIONS at aIIAA Tginde!b3fle
3, t e 9th inst., was a day of con-- ,f 0
Wednesda , h
interest to tbe military of the garrison 00f account 'go,
ae_lcaperimnt in destroying a double stockade of verY h is
New Zealand,
strength, and resembling that of lielti's Pit Ibis
_o Zealand, by the Chelsea outpensioners sent to
under
pla_.e to be instructed in field.operations linurt:l
Colonel Sir Frederick Smith, K.H., of the R°tYola
of ghineers. The stockade was erected st the bc4wero
t e field works, and to witness the experiale,TlC wel
ae assembled the Commandant of the Garrison, `l,°, anl
rn s Simpson, the Brigade Major, Captain Weciu of
theprincipal officers of the staff. The Colon
pensioners were put thry
poutigeilingthaetir drill hY he
stockade commenced Sir F. Smith,
some distance ,
the pah four large sap rollers and a small haad tree"
The nand
ller°
apnuduetdhebffrstl operation of breachinqual
on which were placed bags of gunpowder 'IP° - ° na
h orecision a _
and truck were moved forward with , , need, the
steadiness, the soldiers stooKfing as they Ovs, „ of the
rollers covering'
them from the thing of musice'ri , to
et;ifeemy inside of the stockade. On arriving close 1.10,
erection, the truck was disengaged' from the gijblig
and was run close under cover and tilted, causing h-- cies°
of powder to lie close up against the stock_ade.;htga 08
(" Binkford's") was then phced. Sir F. bu'll:9 line 10
whole of the company of pensioners drawn tIP. 1 tel
th 9
,fr_ot,tt of the building, and he described very ;Ea nu, J
end
2,1
t-
utter
of powder plac.-d as the present charges wrre.'valy
rp evt4
~eo„
?:r detailing the flcture of similar experinieets
tried,t ordered the pensioners to fall back, with the el;.' viri,
red
of two or three, who remained to witness the el;.'
B by the slow match by the lion. J"11,11 Ise'
thenassistedAllen,-it-c"ol'e retired, and after the lapse o tw° which
had s a m.;At, awful exi.•)l.sion
bawlitasdef°efaethigait;
the effect of de stro) big several
her above a foot in thickness, and opening a br ooolb*
both lines of from 8 to 9 feet. The bags contained
jade
of powder. Yesterday a similar experiment wens of
against a stockade when charges containing 2-101t7.ed
powder were laid on the ground close up and t.er°,;Poil
p firmly by six damp bags tilled with sand, it!'ni.,jace,
being tired, a loud and terrific explosion too* rh of
scattering the timber, and making a h,r9inbo
thirteen feet. The explosion had such an eueevralate
aboutnr 200 panes of glass were broken in the CO "rot
of a acks, occupied by the invalid soldiers; and tereiii
large building used by the Royal Engineer and re'
so damaged, that the whole must be taken off Er
placed; several panes of glass of private houses and the
mouth
-terrace were also broken b-y
the report. en" Or tli
hp
bystanders standing some distance stated that t..•- sir
trembled under their feet. The breaching was ed 0
tisfactory to Sir F. Smith, and also to all the effi„caeof
present. The pensioners are to go through ac° king
instruction in making gabions, sap rollers. tittg'ca,ifh
stockades by means of sapping, forming bride, 6914
casks, breastworks, and everything connected wttseie
duties; and every means will be taken to rew"sw,`,,fedf
veterans as perfect as possible within the time
which is 14 days.

.tvA
„ the
LONGEVITY IN WEST CUMEIERLAN.,•". ay OA
often had occasion to notice the great age which raa lieo,lo
inhabitants of West Cumberland attain before they gbooic
and are no more seen ; but we never before had cthe gee
so large a number as forty persons having died le
,„10-sc.,
aboctedwtbst
town, within 17 months, whose ages averaged
years each. We have on former occasions stated
.0
II
places could equal Cockermouth for the longev,l, 113vgisad `O/
habitants, and we are not afraid to challenge al.' ',Ain.P.l3.
produce a parallel to what we are about to state
_A, autt!ire
course, the time over which our chronicle ex.tDretleo.
0014
extent of the population of the place to which Icookero of
subjoin a list of 40 individuals interred at
and
the Ist opt
Church between the Ist of January, 1846• a
ars e 5 10°
June,lB47—a period of 17 montmouth,whose united ag
.' befog old
to three thousand two hundred and ninety-one nanies
average of more than fourscore years each.
ages of this extraordinary list of octagenaria 9 41
Skelton ....• 1,,7
Joseph Reed - nson •
Benjamin White ... 77 ElizabethkTetirtuf.
..... .
Jane Franklin
......
e n •••
Susannah Maxwell
Nancy Johnston
.........
h BA,"
92
Mary Barnes 77 J,"senPForsYth ......... 76
William Shaw 76 oatei Witted .......... 85
Ellen Mager BO 1,3" r; nailowaY ........ 78
Ann Burns
Jonathan Birkett Eleanor fi• el.•
Ann Askew 76 Carmicha 82
82
Riephen •
Sarah Jennings......,,. 86 d Rubinson ....••
Abba Swain Bl Richer c
inichael'" 94
Isabella ar
James Muratroyd 84
............ 76
Isaac Robinson. ....
Rebecca Brown.—
.......
8804 `Villiam Ding
... ...
..
. 79
........ 77
82 Mary But .....
jaaamrtehsaAsnidursegwrasve
.. ,
Thomas Slater 79 Jose
Mary Thompson .. 80 William Hunter •00 t?.
Independent of the above, the church register co.,";be debt
natnes of upwards of 20 individuals who have pal ittid
of nature within the above &tined period whose ab
from 70 to 75 years ea,:h.— Cumberland Pacquet.
Joseph Larnbton •....... 76.1,
ity
[ADVEHTIsEMENT.]—SENT INTO THE tA:I/42.- .0(1/'
1:1FON APPROBATION.—No. 39, Albemarle-street,
.ventedeOle
Spectacles, Invisible and all kinds of Acoustic Instfilloi:e
for relief of the most extreme deafness.—Opera and nos'
Glasses and Telescopes.—Patronized by Field Marshall " sir
venor, Generals Sir Edward Paget, Sir Evan LloYcliser;
John Keatings, Maiston, Frederick Goodfallow. Clayton, ow
risen, Dyot Uobertson, Mackenzie, Galway Biggs, Sht aide' JaJ
Sir P. Maitland, Woolf, Murray, Walker, Fox, Price, Undo', 50
'fhackray, Major-Generals sir John hose, Sir James Ceckb9„ilo4.
James Itus‘ell, and T. 11. Blair, Aucinnuty, Baltine P. iljoisii`.
Mackleod, Hamilton, Turner, Weinyss, and Cook Lieuart;il
Generals Sir Henry Bouverie, Sir J. Macdonald, Sirbullet'
Sir T. Dallas, Sir -I,v in. Eustance, Sir Edward Kerrison. au",fundsi:
Admirals Lord John Hay, Sir G. Cockburn, Sir George.' ; Gal
Sir George Martin, Sir James H. Whitshed, 81r ',),itiej
Sir Edward Coddrington, Ross, Alexander, Curzons, Torn!. jl/:
Hollis, and Price; Vice-Admiral Sir F. Austelliso
Admirals Brown and Elboulean, the lion. J. Pere'', /'4,'„,rococesslif
erful Achromatic Telescopes, Opera Glasses, Aud
ot ir.
Cautiou—Messrs. S. and B Solemons, opticians, are tiwir in'le
ost
way connected with a person of the same name in To pre it
slate neighbourhood,
nor in any part of the country. jjvaisr
mistakes, be cautious, and observe— Only to be had at 39'
,Acoo
street, Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel. ,nogo
100
rADvERTHEmENT.] —TnE EARL OF AL.' „nirzis
by thin ac]) 4
AND IIoLLOI7AVS I'ILLS.—AII witounding cure , isl-•
medicine, after every other means had failed. Steets eb I" neo
Lordship's letter, dated " Villa Messina, Leghorn, „,03‘
Professor Holloway—Sir : I beg to acquaint you that
cYf tt.itct oot
effected a cure of a disorder in my liver and stecinilent, 1,7 3,la-
eminent of the facnity, at home and all over the faked °r 1411
been able to effect ; nay. not ever the waters ig
rienirad. (Sfored) " ALnnottouon." These
m
cure any diseAse of the liver or stomach.—sch`t. 244, St'—
Ointent) at Professor Holloway's Establishme; world.
by all medicine vendors throughout the civilise.

-----:""----------- —7------------ lady
of
William Graham, Esq of Bld1:711. 5 : • - the 1
On the 6th inst., at Castle Milk Lanarkshire,
On the Bth insAti,..aat. of A'
H. Frost, Esq., ~Oaka
Lauudgghe,teFr.indiley, the 'y
Islington, ttriser,
ohne,
0f 9tha
son. mood,
the wife of Mr. R. Eden, piT per-0
WO
On the 9th inst., at Circus-road, St. John a"
tba
of
_A. A. Lackersten, Esq., of a son. r goo. the
On the 9th inst., the wife of G. B. Allen, ETri't,Opilstric, "-
On the 10th inst. , at I,loucester Villa, Reg iv
lady of Robert Phillips, Esq. of a daughter. r fgec
lit;rloo.)6,niarorttfichhjteei:lngloo.utthhoarliej!nvn,sotf., the lady of James Taylor, 4-'s4'' ° the
ington,
estr.,,aEasstognif.aalr.lveyfoorfd;ip!tte,
~ •, - - •
to
MARRIED..
OntheoBrththienslat.t,eastirthlev.Rpoyr3a.sldCailrec.uost,rEidlnburgboutle°
W. Lane, Esq , advocate, to Margaret Mary,
tteuchar• 0'
daughter , Orr 0,
On the Bth inst., at St. Michael's Church, Tox:es Ole
Liverpool, James Edwards, Esq M.D., to EIJI ,
daughter of the late Jonathan Smith,' Esq.
~.., ht, 000111,4,
On the 3d inst., at Northwood, Isle of Idg, SO—
third son of William Wcollev, Esq. of Peckharn, to Graf*
second daughter of the late T. King' sley, Esq., of t-
,.... sic
Camber well.
On the Bth inst., at St. Mary's, Warwick, the Re,:;101'
Laudor, Vicar of Wichenford, Worceste:shire, to 'gbridg.
youngest daughter of W. Staunton, Esq., of ''''ll
House, Warwickshire.

DIE&
On the 2d inst., Mr. George Dutton, aged 56. Feeoo
On the 4th inst., at Tunbridge-wells, FranceS,ed 7,
daughter of the Hon. and Rev. Andrew G. Stuart, a cot* a
On the 7th inst., at Woolwich, Mr. Abraham B-
, lichar
On the 9th inst , in London, Lieutenc.nt-ColorAel
Irton, of the Rifle Brigade, aged 42. re goji.,°f.
On the 9th inst., in Baker. strea, Portman-Si"' .'linle-t‘
General Archibald Robertson, of the Bombay Establ%..o4'
On the 9th inst., at Gloucester-terrace, BegenttLoo, fgl;
Louisa Decima, youngest daughter of the late J. Co 0,00
On the 9th inst., at Clapham, Emily Jane, sec°nd
of H. W. Hewlett, Esq., aged 12 of Selig Ate
On the 10th iust., Mr. William Collingwoo-'
mOn trket. 11°,,°, e, isq'
the Bth inst., in Woburn-square, Cabe' l'll),rue,
On the 9th inst., at East Dulwich, B'oo'by Na'
I
•••••••••••••- -
LOU ei en • .mated
, . - and Publtsged by MURDO YOI,, ,' 10 I..de' ;I
I,trand, Printr, at Mt ''' 4,4 Office 2:o. ii.", St's'a''' .I.vi sh
4 thl OM, in tk, (3, i 21,14.tva1il Wl.°
ji"itlY
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