The Sun.
London, England, 1840-12-10 00:00:00

PIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

wrong.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the "Milting Chronicle.)
The French telegraphic despatch announcing the sub.
ieeion of Mehemet Ali has a reference to the brusque
J;ntiation which led to that result. The lies sion given
the French papers is without this signijeaut allusion.
ee tactics of the French in Egypt, and M. Thiers and
partizans in France, have always been to protract as
:eh as possible. The brusque conclusion of the ne-
!tiations is not, therefore, to their taste. They had
.i.tered themselves that the negotiations might be in-
spun out, and that, in the meantime, eircum-
teeeees inieht occur to revive the hopes of Mehemet
" Let us play a separate game" has always been
the watchword of M. Thiers. We have heard the
story of these gentlemen in the Chambers, and by and
ler we shall have . the story of the Pacha. It is
"inown that at a public audience the Pacha
"eieterly reproached M. Cochelet and M. We-
leusi.:2 with the breach of faith of the French Ga-
eesensent towards him, the reliance on which had
—n his ruin. After the capture of Acre the Pacha
f_rdressed in the most decided terms his determination
delay no longer to comply with the demands of the
Allies. Messrs. Cochelet and Walowski strenuously
:Iged the Pacha to suspend his determination, and to
etlew France to be the niediatrix between him and the
Alties. But, on receiving the news of the change of
.Ministry in Engle, the Pacha saw that no time was to
lee lost. But though the Pacha declared himself
welding to comply with the proposed conditions, be still
hesitated to conclude any arrangement, on the round
-;,it the powers of the British dicer might not be
!iricient. Fortunately as it turns out (though at the time
regretted the withdrawal of Commedore Napier from
_Syria, where his energy and enterprise had wrought
,e :is wonders) that gallant officer had been ordered
vita a reinforcement to Alexandria, and he seems to
-c entered thoroughly into the spirit of his
..session. The Pacha might or might not intend
eo practise evasion ; hut the Commodore wisely deter-
mined to leave him exposed to no temptation. All the
orctexts for delay have been removed. After the fall
,e 1 Acre, the presence of several British ships of war,
with the previous notions entertained of the Commodore
'ey the Pacha, must have tended very much to quicken
:;he movements of the latter. The Allies have already
recommended to the Porte to continue Mehemet Ali in
the Pachalic of Egypt, and there is no doubt that the
Porte will concede to hint the hereditary administration
of rant province. That he and his successors will be
,sentieued in possession, so long as he complies with the
`elms of the arrangement, cannot b t doubted, though
we are unable to sec in what manner the Allies can
reffer a direct guarantee without trenching, which they
liave always been anxious to avoid, on the Sultan's right
:f sovereignty. There are subsisting treaties, too, by
'vbich the relations between the Sultan and the Pacha
---,lest necessarily be affected. In the treaty of corn-
- :erce, t6e instance, between Turkey and Great Britain,
't; duties payable on British commodities are regulated
r.ctlizilout the whole extent of the Turkish empire,
pt of course included. In the same manner the
-edition of all monopolies is carefully secured. Now
need riot observe that Egypt, under Mehemet Ali,
been one great monopoly. He has constituted
iceeself the sole proprietor of the soil ; he forces the
llei‘s to sell all their produce to him on terms fixed by
; and ho is, consequently, the only seller in
Then again, the French quacks about him
In.ve inoculated him with their system of heavy pro.
-sting duties, in order to make Egypt what. it never
yen be, a manufacturing country. All these things are
:ieressly in the teeth of the treaty between Turkey
.-ed Great Britain. Mehemet All must administer the
:e)untry in accordance with the laws of the empire.
.`gut the main points having been settled, the minor ar-
Treg,cosents will experience little difficulty. The Pa-
k_ now that he can no longer be a conqueror and the
'melts:- of a great empire, will see the importance of
coming an enlightened administrator. Hitherto, in
el his schemes, he has thought only of Mehemet Ali
...nd his Egyptian improvements, and left out altogether
glee Egyptian people.
(From the Morning Post.)
Our neighbours in France are, without a doubt very
le,.ppy in the use of certain phrases which mean more
them it would he polite to express in direct terms. Thus
with regard to 11.Thicrs, his opponents in the Chamber
:are content with saving that " he had a written policy
easel a reserved policy." But what is the meaning of
thiel/4? Simply that he was dishonest, and, besides being
dishonest, that he had the effrontery to attempt to cheat
the four great Powers of Europe in important negotia-
tions relative to the balance of power in Europe, and
-the general peace thereupon dependent. Ile had a
~,,tsen policy and a reserved policy I His written ore
-',eelared his willingness to co-operate with the otherr lia):
ece;scan Powers for e.naintainiug the integrity ofthe Ottoman
c,ippire. His written policy manifested a zeal for the ba-
,nee of power in Europe. His written policy professed
regard Mehemet Ali as a Prince vassal of the Sultan,
rlcse reconcilement to the Sovereign against whom he
has revolted was highly desirable, and in which France
was Anxious to co-operate by every means short of the
use of actual force. But this was all falsehood—a mere
show—an appearance got up
for the purpose of decciv-
jog. This is not conjecture or deduction, but the au-
dacious avowal of M. Thiers himself; now that he is
compelled to give an account of what he was really
His written policy was a fair one to advocate,
and was consistent with decent respect for existing
treaties. But the party whose favour M. Thiers
wishes to win desire to have existing treaties over-
Jowl), and old usurpations renewed. He therefore
-declares that he had objects in view directly su'uver-
'sive of existing treaties—that to abrogate the ar-
saneetrients of 1815,: and not to secure and strengthen
'assn, was the point at which his real policy aimed.
.And yet this is the man who talks of France hay-
ing been insulted because the Allies pursued their own
course without him. Can any reasonable man pretend
that he deserved,
or
shown . that his policy deserved, morecon-
eideration than
was own Is nothing to be said of
1-)e insult of attempting
to cajole the Powers of Europe
ei the gressest, and yet most contemptible, projects of
? It may be said that M. Thiers' was nut
France. We reply that the Treaty of the 15th of
ally „nee no slight to the French nation no insult to
any one--but a just practical rebuke to an unworthy

Minister of France, who practised deceit with most
insufferable effrontery. One thing we think is clear
enough from the circumstances of the career of M.
Thiers for some months past, namely, that unless he
ca❑ contrive to twist and cheat himself into the posi-
tion of absolute dictator to all the Powers of Europe
(which will probably happen about the same time
that he becomes six feet high without his boots,
and not before) he cannot again become either
Chief Minister or Minister for Foreign Affairs in France.
It is not at all likely that he should, with reference
to the probable course of politics in France ; but un-
less France choose for herself a state of permanent
" isolation," how could her affairs proceed with such a
Minister as M. Thiers ? What foreign Government
could negotiate with him? Not, we apprehend, such
subordinates as the Pacha of Egypt, whom he has so
cruelly misled, and so shamefully deserted. Not such
a Power as that of the Viceroyalty of Egypt, which he
cheated ; nor such leading Powers as those of Austria,
Prussia, Russia, and Britain, which he tried to cheat,
but could not. To make M. Thiers a Minister having
anything to do with foreign affairs would be nearly
the same thing as breaking off diplomatic relations
with Foreig❑ Powers, for we really cannot see how
any Government could deal with him. They might
get written documents from him ; but what then ?
How could they depend upon them ? He has his
" reserved policy," as well as his " written policy,"
and the one is contradictory of the other. In short,
he is a man of such incorrigible falsehood, that he de-
serves to be banished from every society and every ar-
rangement where veracity and mutual good faith are
necessary to the carrying on and conclusion of affairs.
We say nothing of Bourse speculations in August and
September, which probably will be better understood
by and by. In the mean time M. Desmousseaux de
Givre seems to be very confident that he is not in the

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
The Globe of last night contains a communication
from a correspondent, which commences thus :—" The
question of Church-rates is one that, for the sake of
peace on a matter as to which harmony ought to pre-
vail, cannot too speedily be settled ; and if the doubts
which exist can only be put an end to by an Act of
Parliament, the Legislature should lose no time in
passing one." So far all is well. But the succeeding
paragraph is of a quite different character, and is
penned in a very different spirit. We are sorry that
ever such sentences as these should have received the
sanction of the Globe :

" These remarks on the legal difficulties that surround
the Church-rate question are not intended to apply to the
subject of that species of dishonesty which has lately
sprung up under the name of martyrdom, and which,
beneath the mask of a conscientious scruple, secures a
pecuniary benefit. This is a trade which the dupes
who just now patronise it will soon grow tired of encou-
raging, and Church-rate martyrdom will die a natural
death, like every other species of quackery. Each repe-
tition of the dose of humbug makes the public less in-
clined to swallow it, and the self.immolation of Baines
does not go off with half the eclat that attended the auto.
imprisonment of Tnorogood. Unfortunately for the trade
of martyrdom, its very success destroys it by bringing into
the field too many candidates for its emoluments; and
though, like make any Other schemes for getting money, it
may answer very well to those who first put it into practice,
it will only lead to the disappointment and ruin of those
short-sighted speculators who are lured on by the good luck
of the original adventurers."
Had this miserable stuff, which is as incorrect in the
facts it professes to embody as it is wretched in taste,
appeared simply as a letter to the Editor, we should
have passed it over in silence, though even then we
could not have helped regretting that it should have
found a place in the columns of our Contemporary ;
hut the Globe has unhappily conferred upon it an im-
portance which in itself it does not possess, by assign-
ing it a place in the editorial department, and emblazon-
ing it in large type with " leaded " space. The
Globe characterises the martyrdom which has lately
been encountered in resisting the exaction of Church-
-1 rates as " a species of dishonesty which, beneath
the mask of a conscientious scruple, secures a
I pecuniary benefit." The imputation which it is
. heree,u l sought ungolti h
t toav fasten
the on
slightestthe
irecusants, issingle
l 0
as unfounded in fact as it is uncharitable in spirit. The
Church-rate martyrs are only as yet two in number.
Mr. John Thoroeeod, who has just finished his martyr-
dom, and Mr. Baines, who is only commencing his.
Now, on what grounds, we should like to know, does
the Globe rest the charge of dishonesty which it pre-
fers against these individuals ? If it has any—we
know it has none—let it come boldly forward and
state them. It will then be for us either to scatter
them to the winds, or by not fairly meeting them, vir-
tually to acknowledge their validity. To make a fatal
thrust at the character of a man by charging him
with dishonesty, while not the shadow of a proof is
brought forward in support of the charge, is a most
" dishonest," as well as ungenerous course of proceed-
ing. The Globe farther assumes that the object of the
Church-rate martyrs is to " secure a pecuniary benefit
under the mask of a conscientious scruple." This is only
concluding the sentence in the same uncharitable spirit
in which our Contemporary commenced it. The an-
swer is simple and conclusive. When Mr. Thorognod
entered the walls of Chelmsford gaol, rather than sub-
mit to pay the extortions of a grasping Church, he
sixpence ever being subscribed on his behalf. It was
not until lie had been many months within the walls
1 of his dungeon, and it had become generally known

that his attachment to his principles as a Dissenter had
injured a previously profitable business, that those who
shared his opinions and admired his conduct bethought
themselves of the discredit which would attach to them,
it they allowed him to 'ue ruined in a pecuniary point
of view, as well as deprived of his personal liberty, in
the assertion of principles which were as much theirs
as his. With regard to Mr. Baines, of Leicester, the
more recent of the two Church-rate martyrs, it happens,
unfortunately for the Globe's charge of dishonesty,
first, that he had avowed his determination to resist
Church-rates, should the price of his resistance be the
sacrifice of his personal liberty, before any subscription
had bean entered into on behalf of Mr. Thorogood ;
and, secondly, that being a man of property, and in the
possession of a lucrative business, he could not by pos-
sibility have had an eye to any subscription which
might be got up for him by the opponents of Church-
rates—knowing, as a man of his intelligence must have
known, that no amount which there was the slightest
probability of being subscribed on his account, could
ever compensate him for the injury which would be
done to his business ; to say nothing of the privation
which the loss of his liberty must necessarily prove to
him. The remaining sneers in the article of our Con-
temporary we pass over without a word of comment,
satisfied that every one will concur with us in the
opinion, that anything more discreditable in feeling, or
more wretched in taste, could not have been penned by
any person professing attachment to the cause of civil
and religious liberty.
(From the Times.)

We were warned some few weeks back, of certain
belligerent intentions entertained by the Dissenting
Committees, sitting in 80lt-court, Itedcross-street, &e.,
as to a renewal of what they arc pleased to call "the
Church-rate war." We were inclined to suppose that

the course taken would be a general summons to arms,

calling every Dissenter to hi;post, to oppose, in every
parish in England, the making of a legal Church-rate.
It seems, however, as if this plain and straightforward
line of conduct had been abandoned for a very different
one. Whether the increased and increasing strength
of the Church in popular opinion, and the consequent
defeats perpetually suffered by the Dissenting combatants
in such contests, or any other consideration, may have
weighed with their leaders, we know not ; but, as far as
their course is yet developed, it appears to be a far less
open and honourable one. If we may judge from the perti-
nacious resistance of the Leicester recusant, the great ex-
pense already incurred, and the still greater which is ap-
parently about to be entered upon, we should be inclined to
conclude that a settled plan had been formed to weary
out the Church by the not difficult expedient of pro-
tracted and costly litigation. The steps already taken,
and those which are announced as about to follow,
will probably lead to a waste of from five hundred to a
thousand pounds, in a case in which the original claim
is about forty shillings. No one will suppose that a
Leicester tradesman, either by and from himself, or at
the. instance and with the aid of his friends and neigh-
hours, is thus half-ruining himself in a contest about so
trivial a sum. The mind is naturally forced to the
conclusion, that some general Dissenting fund must be
employed to support the outlay demanded by such pro-
ceedings. Now, we shall not enter upon the question,
whether a confederacy to defeat a legal claim by means
of protracted litigation would not be held by all sound
lawyers to amount to an indictable offence. Leaving this,
we merely ask whether, if Dissenters combine to evade
payment of a legal impost, there can be any objection ad-
vanced against a combination of Churchmen for the
simple purpose of asserting and maintaining the supre-
macy of the law ? But two such associations duly con-
fronting each other would produce a state of society
which would render the interference of the Legislature
inevitable. We do not aleprecate such interference
en the contrary, we plainly tell the Dissenting conspi-
rators that they can do the Church no greater service
than by forcing the Legislature to fled some way of ad-
iiisting this perplexed and difficult question. The pre-
3,•rit state of the law, which gives the dissentients the
power, wherever they can gain a majority (and it can
never be difficult to find plenty of people who dislike
a!1 rates and all imposts) of stopping almost intermi-
nably all supplies and which also affords opportunity
dlesnasallaiwmsuinitoLity sutcoh ianvsoylsvte the C
emcanhunercvhe-orffi-
be
ctoersevinenen a small
defended as one which works well either for the Church-
man or the Dissenter. Let, then, the kw be altered ; but
let it not be so altered as to relinquish the nationality
of the Church Establishment. Archdeacon Wilberforce,
in his recent charge, compares the Dissenter who en-
deavours to evade payment of a Church-rate to a man
who buys or inherits an estate with a certain rent-charge
upon it, and then complains that it is against his con-
science to pay that rent-charge, constituting, as it did, a
part of the original bargain. A Ministerial advocate of
tEe Dissenters denies the relevancy of this similitude;

inasmuch as the Church-rate is not a fixed rent-charge,
but an assessment depending on the uncertain vote of a
parish vestry. But, in remarking this distinction between
the cases, the objector forgets or conceals one very es-
sential point. The charge, the pecuniary obligation of
maintaining the ecclesiastical edifices, is legally and
most completely attached to the rateable property of
the kingdom. All that is left to the parish vestry is
the mode and the time, the when and the how, of
the performance of this duty. Some one, of course,
must decide upon these points. To leave them to the
arbitrary decisions of a single churchwarden would not
be always safe or right. They have therefore been left
to the vote of the parish vestry, and thus the present
difficulty has crept in. Dissenters have perverted a
discretion, as to amount and mode, into an absolute
power, even of refusal to act at all. But this is not
honest. It is a taking advantage of a loophole to es-
cape a plain pecuniary liability. It is little better, in
fact, than for a trader to refuse to honour his own ac-
ceptance or endorsement on a bill because he had found
out that there was a mistake in the stamp, or some
other technical error. The Dissenters profess to desire
a change in the law. The Members of the Church
ought to be quite as anxious for it. We hope we may
now repose trust, not only in the House of Lords,
but in the House of Commons also, to remove the
existing defects in the working of the law, without
tampering with the principle of the law itself. The
Church has never been anything else is England
than a national institution. It is so now. Its edifices
are in the charge of the Legislature ; and scarcely a
Session has ever passed, since Parliaments were first
summoned, without some public recognition of this fact
being given. The people of England wish for no
change in this respect. But they will be perfectly wil-
ling that all future Thoragoods and Bainescs shall be
permitted to remain in quiet by their own firesides, some
less costly, less troublesome, and more efficient means
being provided of causing them to pay, so far as they
have the means, their fair quota of this national impost.
Doubtless the Dissenters will reply, that they want
something quite different from this. They want to
get rid of the impost itself. We know it. Let them
ask this of the Legislature ; let the question be fairly
argued before that tribunal, and we are ready to abide
by its decision. Only, for the greater peace and com-
fort of both' Churchman and Dissenter, let the ques-
tion be put upon such a footing, that these interminable
parish brawls may no longer embitter and disturb the
neighbourly and Christian feelings of the whole com-
munity.

SECON D EDITION.

THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES.)

BRITISH FUNDS
Bank Stock
3 per Cent. Red B9A Ditto Bonds
3 per Cent Cons ...... .. 90 Ditto Old Annuities —
3k per Cent Red.__ .. 98 Ditto New Annuities...
New 31 per Cent
New 5 per Cent ...
Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small 4pm
Jan. 1860, l3 Bank Stock for Acct ...
Oct. 1859 ... ...... India Stock for Acct ...
Jan. 1860
FOREIGN FUNDS.
A ustrian, 5 per cent... Portuguese, 5 per cent.
Belgian, 5 per cent — Ditto, New Ditto.....
Brazilian Bonds ... ..
BuenosAyres, 6 per cent 181 Russian, 5 per cent....
Chilian, 6 per c:nt
Colombian, 6 per cent... Spanish, 5 per cent 24?;
Ditto, 1824
Danish, 3 per cent..... French,s per cent... —f. —r.
Greek, 1825, 5 percent. Exchange —f. —c.
Mexican, 5 per cent.... French,3 per cent —f. —c.
Ditto, 6 per cent, 1825. Dutch, 2-1 per cent 5l/
Peruvian,lB2s,6 per ct. Ditto, 5 per cent..... 98
SHARES.
Eastern Counties Railway (23 paid)
Ditto Debentures ( 2 paid) 4&
Great Western Railway (65 paid) B9l
Ditto New Shares (40 paid) .... .. ... 501
Ditto Fifths ( 4 paid) 9l
Gosport Junction Railway (35 pd)
Liverpool and Manchester (100 paid) I E'.s
London and Brighton Railway (40 paid)
London and Blackwall Railway (22/ pd) Idi
London and Birmingham Railway (90 pd) 170
London and Greenwich Railway (20 paid) 8
Ditto Scrip. ( 2 paid) ... 3
London and Croydon Railway (Trunk) l2h
Manchester and Birmingham Railway (40p) 271
North Midland Railway (100 paid) —
Ditto New Shares (40 paid)
South Eastern and Dover (28 paid)... ..

at the prospect of increased burthens, in consequence •
of augmented charges in the war t'epartment. The
fact is, that France is just now placed in a position
of which individuals in private life often complain.
Liabilities to a serious amount have been unthinkingly
and uselessly incurred, for unreasonable or extrava-
gant purposes, and it is not till payment is demanded
that the folly of the outlay begins to be percep
tible. The French have indulged in a good deal of
bombast and vapouring about their power and h.fluence,
their warlike propensities have been humoured to a
large extent, they have been allowed to sing the
"Marseillaise" till they were hoarse, and no one attempt-
ed to arrest the course of vituperation against what the
c/aquers of the Theatre du Valais Royal called the
offensive name of England ; but now they find that no
good consequence has arisen from their senseless Oa It s,
they are exceedingly grieved to think that a day of
reckoning for them must come. The journalists, finding
that all their splendid flourishes have had no effect,
and that the Eastern question has been settled without
the intervention of France, would fain be allowed
to throw off the pecuniary responsibility. A 3,
however, fleets are not manned, and armies arc
not formed gratis, they are naturally annoyed at
finding the practical illustration of the disagreeable
fact. The result is that the public mind
is again in a ferment, and the funds have fal-
len. We have so often occasion to expose the
fallacies and sophistries of French writers that we
are not astonished to find that some of them are
now endeavouring to make it appear that Mehemet Ali
would not have submitted had it not been for the weak-
ness and vacillation of the Cabinet of M. Guizot. The
tact, however, is notorious, that the course he has
adopted was discussed and almost agreed to while M.
Thiers was in power. hits submission may perhaps
have been retarded by the advice of M. iValewski,
but it is clear that the energetic demonstrations of
the Allies had much more influence in bringing about
a solution of the question than any negotiation or
even positive tendencies connected with the policy of
M. Guizot.