The Sun.
London, England, 1840-06-12 00:00:00

' over the bar.—( Cheers and laughter.) Now, he would
treat the Bill of the Noble Lord opposite in the same way.
—(Laughter, and cries of " Divide.") Hon. Members
might talk of dividing; but he would not suffer the Noble
Lord to travel through the country in the new attire of a
friend to freedom of election and a foe to intimidation and
corruption.—( Cheers and laughter.) Why did the Noble
Lord confine his remedy to one side of the Channel ?
(Cheers)—and not only to one side of the Channel, but to
one portion of the constituency on that side?—( Cheers. )
The Noble Lord had not the manliness to touch the ear-
1-111A freemen—all his indignation was spent upon the al-
leged corruption of the freeholders.—( Laughter.) The
Noble Lord might laugh ; but it was no laughing matter
to those who were the victims of his measure.—( Cheers
and laughter.) The Noble Lord was going to Ireland in the
character of a reformer of abuses. Why did he not attempt
to put down the corruption of Ludlow and Cambridge ?
—( Cheers.) Such conduct appeared to him very like a
disreputable and nasty hypocrisy.—(Cheers.) The whole
secret of the Bill was that the Noble Lord and his party
found themselves defeated; by the Irish majorities, which
were available to the Liberal side on all questions that did
not affect Ireland, and the Noble Lord found that he had
the people of Ireland at his mercy in that House upon
question which affected the people of Ireland
( Cheers.) He maintained that the present question was
one merely of party; and no one knew better than the
Noble Lord that his Bill would not remedy one of the
evils that really existed.—( Hear, hear, and cries of "
Di-
vide.") Why did.the Noble Lord object now to let this
Bill stand over for the settlement of the English Registra-
tion Bill? In 1831 the Noble Lord had himself insisted
that the Irish Reform Bill should be postponed until the
English Reform Bill was decided. Why did he oppose a
similar course upon the present question?—( Hear, hear.)
He (Mr. Grattan) had been told that day by Tory Mem-
bers that the Bill would be carried ; but those Gentle:nen
admitted to him, at the same time, that England would
feel the effects of the Bill when Europe carte to be arrayed
against her.—( Cheers and laughter.) Hon. Gentlemen
might laugh, but it was really no lau%hing matter.
—( Hear, hear, and renewed laughter.) This mea-
sure had 'taken away from the people of Ireland their
confidence in British sincerity, and they looked upen it as
the most offensive measure that had been directed against
their rights since the year 1806. The Hon. Member con.
eluded, amidst loud cries of " Withdraw," and " Divide,
divide," by strongly protesting against the Bill, and giv-
ing his support to the proposition of the Hon. Member for
Halifax.

Sir E. SUG DEN denied that he laughed at the wrongs
of the people of Ireland. What he laughed at was the
Hon. Member's assertion, that the effects of this Bill
would be felt when all Europe was arrayed against Eng-
land.—( Cheers and laughter.)
Several Members then rose to address the House, amidst
loud cries of " Divide ;" and the Gallery was cleared, but
no division took place.
The Gallery door having been opened we re.entered,
and found the House in a state of great confusion. Sir
William Somerville was on his legs attempting to address
the House, but the moment Reporters were seen in the
Gallery, several voices exclaimed " Withdraw, withdraw,
divide, divide," and others " Go on, go on ;" while an
Hon. Member cried out " Mr. Speaker, I see strangers in
the Gallery," and the Gallery was again cleared, but the
gallery door left open, some Members crying out " stop,
stop," and others " withdraw, withdraw," which rendered
it difficult to know whether it was intended to exclude or
admit strangers. At length, however, the storm a little
subsided, and

Sir W. SONIERVILLE proceeded to address the
House, but amidst repeated cries of " Question, question,"
" Divide, divide." The Hon. Baronet, the Member for
Londonderry (Sir R. Bateson) presented a petition on a
former night from the place he ( Sir W. Somerville) re-
presented. He had felt it his duty to make inquiries re-
specting it, and finding that one individual, whose name
was affixed to the petition, denied having signed it, he was
induced to make further inquiries. He found that to that
petition was affixed the name of a boy three years old, the
name of one individual dead, and the names of thirty-one
boys who did not know right from wrong. In the last
Drogheda Newspaper he had received, there were
communications to the Editor of that Newspaper,
from no, less than persons complaining that their names
had been forged to that petition. Yet the party who af-
fixed eighteen forged names to a petition. had the impu-
dence to come before that House and complain of imino-
rality,_(Cheers.) It was difficult, indeed, to believe
that such parties were animated by a desire to put down
frau..l, perjury, and immorality. He had never in his ex-
perience, known a single instance of personation in Ire-
land, although he knew two instances of it in England.
He should vote for the motion of the Hon. Member for
Halifax ; and, as he liked to do everything fair and above
board, be would state bat his object in voting for that
motion, was that he believed by so doing he would post-
pone the measure of the Noble Lord.—(Opposition
cheers.) The Bill of the Noble Lord was so monstrous
in its provisions, that no alteration, without absolutely cut-
ting down its principle, would make it acceptable to the
people of Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) Although be was as
willing as any Member to amend the Irish system of
registration whenever it might require amendment, yet
sooner than such a Bill should pass he would prefer
leaving matters as they were. ( Hear, hear.) He
would not for the sake of punish;ng those who might
be guilty of fraud and imposture strike down and
strangle the franchise of the entire people, and de-
stroy their liberties, solemnly granted them by Parliament.
Feeling that the Bill, if allowed to pass, would be instru-
mental not to one party or another, but to the general
interests of society in Ireland, he should give it every op-
position in his power.—(Cheers, and cries of " Divide !
Divide !")
Mr. DILLON BROWNE could not allow the debate
to close without offering his distinct opposition to the Bill. '
—(Bear, hear.) It was the duty of every Irish Member to
thwart the progress of the Bill. The Noble Lord the
Member for North Lancashire bad not been very active in
attending to the franchises of the English people, but had
reserved his malice for Ireland.

Lord STANLEY rose to order. The Hon. Member,
in using the word " malice," was overstepping the bounds
of Parliamentary language.
Mr. DILLON BROWNE.—I may be going beyond
Parliamentary language, but I am not going beyond my
own conviction.

The SPE AKE R... The Hon. Member must be per-
fectly aware that his last expression was contrary to all
Parliamentary usage—(Cheers)—and I call upon the Hon.
Member to retract the expression.—(Continued cheers.)
Mr. DILLON BROWNE.—Then I have no other
course to pursue than to retract the expression; but
I consicler there has been no man of late years con-
nected with this country who has shown by his pub-
lic acts more hostility towards Ireland than the Noble
Lord, and there is no man who deserves less to be
respected by the people of that country, or who has shown
a greater disposition to contract the liberties of the Irish
people.

Lord DUNGANNON rose to order. He submitted
whether in discussing a measure in that House one Hon.
Member was at liberty to cast personalities at the other and
use the most unparliamentary language?
The SPEAKER said the Nate Lord was quite right.
No Hon. Member had a right to cast personalities upon
another, and he had been carefully watching to prevent
the Hon. Member approaching anything like personality.
Mr. BROWNE made an observation across the House
to Lord Dungannon, which did not leach the gallery, and
which was followed by cries of " Chair, chair," " Order."
The SPEAKER regretted to be obliged to call the
Hon. Member to order, but he ought to apologise to the
Noble Lord for the expression he had just used.
Mr. BRO WNE did not mean to use any language dis-
respectful to the Noble Lord, and added something which
did not reach the gallery, and which occasioned renewed
cries of " Order," " Chair,- and great uproar.
The SPEAKER said the Hen. Member woul!, best
consult the respect which was due to the Hoty:,, by not
repeating the offensive expressions in oth:,. terms. He
ought to apologize to the Noble Li-;;Ct for having used
them. —( Hear, hear.)
Mr. BROWNE though' "ine Noble Lord must have mis-
understood him, for if Ire had used offensive expressions he
extremely regretted it. He considered that the Noble Lord
always en:,eavoured to thwart the progress of public li-
berty in Ireland. He therefore felt irritated, more espe-
cially when he saw efforts made to lower and degrade the
religion which he professed. The Bill went to the extent
of depriving the Roman Catholics of Ireland of the fran-
chise, and he did not think that it was at all prudent
for an insignificant minority in that country (and
he spoke numerically), to continue their hostility
to the people of Ireland.—(Cries of " Divide," and
much confusion.) Mr. Dillon O'Brien had lately stated
that in Tipperary, if the present Bill passed, there
were thousands of Irishmen ready to take up the sword
for the liberty of their country ; and he ( Mr. Browne) would
not only assent to that principle, but he would be ready to
imitate the example and sacrifice his life for the liberties
of his country. He thought the present measure one of
the most atrocious that had been ever introduced into Par-

'lament, and it should have his most decided opposition.
—( Cheers, and cries of " Divide.")
Sir CHA S. LEMON said it was always painful to
him to withhold his support from the Noble Lord below
him, but when be beard of the abuses of the Irish system
reiterated night after night, he felt himself bound to vote
for the second reading of the Noble Lord's Bill. He
certainly did not participate in the views of those who
said that their object was to effect the Repeal of the
Union, to destroy the Irish Church, and that legislative
power which had been established by the Union, and con-
firmed by the Reform Bill. He entertained no sympathy
with those persons, but ho must say that after the scene
that had lately passed in that House it was evident that the
subject could not be discussed with anything like calmness
or temper.—( Hear, hear.) They had been told that if the
Bill were postponed it would be impossible to pass it during
the present session. Now he felt very much inclined tore.
tort and to say that if they spent night alto night, discussing
what could not lead to any practical result, the opportunity
of passing the English Bill would be lost.—( Hear. ) Looking
at the question in a practical point of view, he felt con-
vinead that no good would result from their forcing the
Bill through Committee. In supporting the motion of
the Hon Member for Halifax, he did so on different
grounds from those of the three Cr four preceding speakers.
Nor did he mean by it to obstruct the project of the
Noble Lord if brought forward at a proper
period.
Mr. SL ANEY had no hesitation in giving his vote in
favour of the motion of the Hon. Member for Halifax, be-
cause they would therby have an opportunity of considering
the question on English instead of on Irish ground. In
the present temper of the House it was impossible that the
question could undergo a fair and impartial consideration.
Mr. O'CONNELL did not mean to detain the House
many minutes. He thought that those Gentlemen who
had been rather indifferent to the Irish view of the ques-
tion, should seriously consider what bad fallen from the
Hon. Member for Cornwall. He had iieclined giving any
assent to Irish objects, but in order to carry out that view
of the case, the House should recollect what the effect of
an adverse vote would be upon Ireland. Would they con-
ciliate it to the connection—would it make the Union
more durable—would they make the people of Ireland

feel a greater inclination to continue the Union in its pro:
sent state ? Was there a single Member of that House who