The Sun.
London, England, 1840-07-23 00:00:00

no mistake, beats down the price of wool. We wish
the flock masters joy of the bread tax.

ing the 13th of CHARLES 11., touching the uni-
formity of religious worship ?
We find the following observations on the sub-
ject in the Brighton Guardian :
Great complaints are made of its Li: orgy by some of the
ablest of its clergy ; they have petitioned Parliament to
amend it ; and if Parliament should deem that necessary,
as God knows it is, the Regent, as we understand the re-
striction, would be unable to assent to the alteration.
Suppose that the present demand for improvement in the
Church Liturgy should become general. the consequence
of the restriction will be to place the Church more than
ever at variance wish common sense and the people, and to
give an additional impetus to Dissent.
We should also like to ask why the present Par-
liament proposes, on such an important point, to
tie up the discretion of it 3 successors during a
minority, if such a thing should happen, of eighteen
years ? By decreeing that the Regent shall not
give his assent to any alteration of the Act 13th
of CHARLES 11., the Regency Bill, as effectually
as a law can, prevents the Parliament from passing
any such measure. We are well aware that if a
necessity should arise to make a sweeping reform in the
Church, the Regency Bill will not be an insur-
mountable obstacle ; but those who proposed it must
be as well aware of that as we are, and ought not
therefore to pass a law which will be sure to give
way whenever the time comes to bring it into actual
operation.
The clergy have no reliance, apparently, on
themselves or on the virtues of the Church,
for they always seek to protect it by
oaths and Acts of Parliament. No other
class of men, and no other institution, is ex-
pressly guarded by the Coronation oath ; but
the clergy in administering that, imposed on
the Sovereign a condition for their own peculiar
protection. The Church (using that word to
mean the priesthood, its favourite sense with
them) really forms a very inconsiderable por-
tion of the nation, both as to wealth and
numbers ; and why its property should be so sedu-
lously protected by the Royal oath is only to be ac-
counted for by looking back to those periods when
men had no other security than oaths for the per-
formance of moral duties, and when the clergy
placed the crown on the head of the Prince, as the
deputed ministers of heaven. The restriction on
the Regent, not to repeal the 13th of CHARLES
11., is a mere extension of the Coronation oath
for the security of the clergy and the Church against
the progress of society.
The Paper quoted above draws attention also to
the succession to the throne, and asks very
pointedly whether the people must submit, in case
such a contingency should arise, to the King of
HANOVER as King of England. It is generally
considered no good illustration of the principle of
monarchy that a young and amiable woman should
be called to exercise the functions of sovereignty.
But con3trained as she is to act through responsible
Ministers, it is not likely that she can do much
mischief. A resolute Prince who has arrived at
mature age might exercise the Royal power to the
great injury of the people ; and for the nation to
have the King of HANOVER forced on the throne
against the public will, by the law of succession—
which must not be altered, however necessary—
would be so frightful a consequence of the mo-
narchical principle that it would go nigh to over•
turn it.

The following panegyric on the statesmanship
of Lord CASTLEREAGH—the " wind-pipe-slit-
ting, blood and water spout," as Lord BYRON
termed him—is from the Morning Herald :
Lord Castlereagh was essentially a good man, and, not-
withstanding the abuse lavished upon him by a most un-
scrupulous press, he was the greatest favourite in the
House of Commons since the time of North. The secret
of his being such a favourite consisted in the evident sin-
cerity of his purpose, and in his abstaining at all times
from joking ever the serious charge committed to his care.
However, some Liberal Members, who boast of being born
a generation too soon, might question his policy, he was
always respected by them. They knew that he was not
trifling. He never show'd of Indeed, whenever asked
a question, his eloquence amounted to no more than plac-
ing his left hand on the table, and explaining the point in a
gentlemanly conversational manner. And he was never
absent from his place. There was no asking a question
twic'a in his time ; in his time there was no delay of the
au2plies until the greater portion of the House are posi-
t:ively fagged out of town, as they are now • and though
upon his handsome face a smile always played indicative of
conscious honesty and superiority, he never tried to get
out of a difficulty by preliminary persiflage. Reader, look
on that picture—and on this. Turn your eye over a file
of newspapers, and you will find that the only seven times
in the course of six months upon which Lord Palmerston
has made his appesrance to answer the most important
questions, he has shuffled out of them by attempts at jok-
ing. Is not this too much of a joke ?
Is it possible that Lord CASTLEREAGH, as above
stated, never tried to turn his handsome face to ac-
count in the House of Commons ? Was he, in
reality, so indifferent to the power which a " smile
always playing" on his face—and that " smile" too,
one of " conscious superiority"—gave him over the
" first assembly of gentlemen in the world," as never
to dream of trying what might be made by its occa-
sional exercise ? We have heard of grinning
through horse collars, and very pretty amusement
some rustics think it ; but we never before heard of
smiling down an opposition in the House of Com-
mons. Our venerable Contemporary, who is always
associating piety with lawn sleeves in one sex, and
wrinkles in the other, chuckles with delight upon
making the discovery that Lord CASTLEREAGH
was no MOLL FLANDERS in male attire, profiting
by his good looks. " Though a handsome man his
Lordship vas very far from being a gay deceiver,"
quoth Granny. We shall not attempt to dispute
this point with so good an authority as our frail
Contemporary. We should doubt, however, the
influence of smiles indicative of " conscious supe-
riority" in the House of Commons even in Lord
CASTLEREAGH'S time. Of what avail they are
now in that House the estimation in which Lord
STANLEY is held by all parties may be taken as a
fair test. His Lordship only smiles to " indicate
conscious superiority," and perhaps because he is
not always smiling it cannot be said with confi-
dence that he is shunned by all his friends and de-
tested by all his opponents.
But besides profiting nothing by his handsome
face and nis constant smile " of conscious superi-
ority," Lord CASTLEREAGH made no pretensions
to what he had neither the mouth to utter, the
judgment to comprehend, or the feeling and taste
to admire—eloquence I His Lordship was a pat-
tern of virtue, both positively and negatively. He
neither abused beauty which he had, or attempted
eloquence which he had not. " His eloquence
amounted to no more," says the Herald, with that
minuteness of detail, characteristic of garrulous old
age, " than placing his left hand upon the table and
explaining the point in a gentlemanly conversational
manner." It is a thousand pities that the Herald
has forgotten to tell us where his Lordship placed
his right hand when his left was upon the table.
Perhaps he employed it in holding his hat, perhaps
thrust it into his pocket, or very likely used it as
some other small orators do in the House in illus-
trating the clearing of the " point" by removing the
folds in his waistcoat. But it is quite clear that
his Lordship was no orator, and equally so that the
Herald regards eloquence as not only useless but
pernicious.
Again we are assured by Granny that Lord
CASTLEREAGH was never absent from his place
in the House of Commons. Would to GOD this
were the truth I But the lamentable fate of Poland,
the dismemberment of Saxony, the fatal annexation
of Finland to Russia, and the base surrender of
Parga to the ruthless ALI PACHA, in violation of
the faith of treaties, are deplorably disgraceful evi-
dences of his Lordship's occasional inattention to
his Parliamentary duties. The country has not
yet forgotten, though the Herald has, the Con-
gress of Vienna.
The sneering allusion to Lord PALMERSTON
we dismiss with silent contempt. The superiority
of his Lordship's policy is attested by its honour-
able pacific tendency, and its uniform success.
The Englishman who calmly contemplates the re-
sults of his Lordship's interference in Portugal, in
Spain, in Belgium, in Persia, and in Affghanistan,
will readily pardon the levity with which he may
have treated the grave interrogations of such sage
statesmen as BENJAMIN DISRAELI, Mr. MAC-
LEAN, and one or two other Conservative wise-
acres, troubled with an itch for dabbling in foreign
politics. Lord PALMERSTON employs his time to
better purpose than in answering the questions of
babblers and meddlers of this description.

The King of HANOVER is an unpopular and
discredited man. He has the character both of a
tyrant and a knave. He was the chief of the
ORANGE faction, and his accession to the throne
might be the beginning of a rebellion. Now the
Regency Bill says that should his accession become
probable, and should it threaten to cause, as it
might, a rebellion in the empire, the Parliament and
the Regent are not to have the power to ward off
that calamity by quietly altering the succession to
the throne, but must submit to the King of HANO-
VER and place him on the throne of Great Britain.
We know that should such a case arise, the
Parliament would pay no more attention to the Re-
gency Act than to an old song. The men of that
day, whenever it comes, will maintain that they
have supreme power as well as the present Parlia-
ment—that they are better judges of what the
kingdom requires, than men who are gone to their
account—and they will at once, if necessary for
the public good, set aside the King of HANOVER,
and place some other person on the throne. The
restriction, therefore, will, in fact, be useless,
should any circumstance arise to make it necessary or
desirable to alter the succession to the throne, and it
is merely silly for the Parliament to pass any
such law. If such restrictions were really binding
it would be a monstrous exercise of power in the
present Parliament to tie up their successors and
the nation for eighteen years ; but should it be ne-
cessary, before the expiration of the Regency, to
alter the succession to the throne, the restric-
tions on the Regent will fall away like
burnt tow from the arms of a strong man. To pre-
vent these consequences, it would be as well that
some Radical or Liberal Member of the House of
Commons should at least raise a debate on the pro-
priety of placing the proposed restrictions on the
Regent. They are at best but a mockery of that
supreme power in the Parliament which they meant
to limit.

A Correspondent has ably enforced and con-
firmed our observations, made a few days ago, on
the present high price of sugar being a peat in-
jury to the fruit growers. It is only further ne-
cessary for us to make the fruit-growers aware that
the high price of sugar is the consequence of that
restrictive system of which the Corn-laws are a
part. If the landlords, who in this respect have
in fact a deep interest in the national prosperity,
were wise, they would exert themselves to remove
any kind of restiictiou on trade, by which industry
would be promoted and the value of their land,
and all that grows on it, would he increased ; but
instead of that they foster a noxious system of re-
striction, beginning with Corn-laws, which cuts up
national prosperity by the toots. If they did not
require Corn-laws they would be able to demand
the importation of sugar, free from any prohibitory
duty. Cheap sugar would enhance the value of
all the fruit grown in England, but the fruit-growers
are denied cheap sugar, because the landlords in-
sist on Corn-laws, and, insisting on Corn-laws, are
obliged to support the restrictions on the importa-
tion of sugar. The little farmers, therefore, who
grow fruit, are sacrificed by the blind cupidity of
the landlords, who support a monstrous system of
restriction on every branch of industry.
The proofs, however, that the farmers suffer from
the system are now pouring in on us. At the
Lewes wool fair, held on Tuesday, the following
statement was made, and it should induce the
Sussex flock masters to doubt whether the can
injure the manufacturer of Yorkshire with impu-
nity : _ _

The proposed alteration in the duties on coffee
has caused almost universal dissatisfaction among
the trade in the city ; and, when the question is
understood, cannot fail to meet even with more de-
cided hostility from all but one class throughout
the country. By this alteration the duty on West
India Colonial coffee is to be reduced from 6d. to
5d., while that on coffee imported from the East
Indies is to remain at 9d., or about 80 per cent. in
favour of the West India planters. After all that
has been done for this class—after the people of this
country have liberally indemnified them for the manu-
mission of the slaves by the enormous grant of 20
millions sterling, and their sugar is admitted on the
small duty of 241. the cwt., while Foreign sugar
pays 635., the public may naturally ask, " Is there
to be no end to this favouritism ?" At the pre-
sent moment, too, this uncalled for partiality is
peculiarly ill-timed. The middle classes, but
chiefly the poor, are suffering greatly from the late
enormous rise in two of the great necessaries
of life—tea and sugar ; and it was, there-
fore, the bounden duty of the Government
to have seized this opportunity of showing some
regard for their sufferings by lowering the duty
on all coffee—the only substitute for tea. But
independent of this, the Government are dealing
unfairly with another class—the importers of East
India Coffee—who have very properly drawn up a
remonstrance, which they are to present this after
noon to the President of the Board of Trade. It
has been in a few days most numerously sign 'd,
and so glaring is the injustice, and so little mercy is
shown in the present severe times to the people, that
we cannot doubt for a moment that it will have
the desired effect. Mr. LABOUCHERE, however,
ought to do something more. Were the duty on
all coffees lowered fifty per cent., the revenue would
not suffer, and a great blessing would be conferred
on the starving poor. We extract the following
just remarks on the subject from the Morning
Advertiser :

The usual loyal toasts were drunk, after which the
healths of the wool buyers were given. Mr. Elkington, in
acknowledging the toast, said that the market was much
depressed, but from what cause he could not explain.
They were willing to buy at a fair market price. Mr.
Legg, another buyer, said a variety of circumstances com-
bined had depressed the market. In the first place, a
great quantity of the German wools was in the hands of
consignees; and at the German fairs there was a reduction
on wools from Is. 10d. per lb. to Is. 2d. A very great
portion of old wool remained in the hands of the growers
of this country, and he had witnessed with regret the ex-
traordinary state of the manfacturing interests, in conse-
quence of the reduction in the price of the raw material
and manufactured goods. In one town in Yorkshire there
were eighty failures in less than nine months. If growers
would keep the wool it would depress the market, and he
was satisfied that those who held it longest would expe-
rience the greatest loss. In 1829, in consequence of a
pressure on the market, wool was reduced to 6d. per
pound ; and in 1827, good Down fleeces were bought at
9d. Circumstances over which they had no control
combined to depress the market.
price which the Advices from Constantinople, dated the Ist of July,
Sixpence a pound, then, is the
wool-growers may soon expect to receive for their have reached us. The Porte, at the instance of Lord.
PoNsomnt, had refused to enter into any direct nego-
wool. There are great quantities of German wool
tiation with SAKI BEY, 'MEHEMET ALPS Secretary,u,
in the market : the Germans being unable to send us
for the adjustment of the differences between the St
TAN and the *to iceroy. Tne proposal with which SASH
corn, rear flocks of shee and send us wool. The
flock masters, just likep the fruit-growers, suffer BEy was charged was cots, quently forwarded to Lon-
from the cupidity of the landowners. England don fur the consideration of the representatives of the
has the produce of manufacturing fo ex Five Great ingenuity
change for the produce of agricultural industry, and Powers. The Euglish fleet bail also sailed
for the,, coast of Syria to watch the progress of the in-
if the stupid land-owners will not allow the latter to
le imported in the shape of bread corn, it must seize,
.Turkish
. , Con and, as was reported generally, to
and send back to Constantinople, the
.
come in, to a certain extent,l....s_ ships employed by MEtremET ALI in
in the shape of wool, theru ktirahnport.ition of his troops. To this report
r somesimilar produce. The landlords can only stop we attach very little credit, as, two-thirds of the
the influx of agricultural produce by annihilating
!crews being Egyptians, the bare attempt could not he
the manufacturing ingenuity at home, which sup- made without provoking a contest strangely inconsistent
plies products to exchange for it. Their maxim in with the pacide and mediatorial professions of the Five
words is live and let live, their conduct is starve and Powers. And yet if a probability exist of the failure
make us starve ; they have starved the manufa of the Syriin expedition, we do not see how the fleet
urers, and now they begin to suffer themselves,
y failutes in less . c"'
toe town of Yorkshire, amon2,t wool trianufa,;,n- } Porto to trrar directly with MEHEMET ALI will most
IC,: • can be recovered without blows. Toe refusal of the
cis of course, 46 there Crete e,sh;.• and were tie to succeed in putting
Alan nine inontli.," and they were caused by Lii, do' n t e Syria() :esorgents., we doubt wlrrther iii. would
inch he commissioned i
bread tax ; and thus the bread tax, by a clear, plain, I makecsoAnlsielit:L:oeynrtraoatgiie 11",
.
straightforward process, about which there can be l The Russians
had landed a fresh reinforcement o
ratify
tbet
to proposal
eosai SULTAN.

The policy of the late Mr. Huskisson, and of the Right
Hon. P. Thomson, the Governor-General of the Canadas,
has been to reduce duties upon all imports, in order to in-
crease consumption, and at the same time the revenue. It
appears to us. therefore, to be a new doctrine that one
species of article should be favoured in point of taxation,
and another exposed to an unbearable inequality. We are
of opinion that every article of produce coming fairly under
the decision of the Government or the Legislature, should
have fair play, excepting foreign productions, and that
the people should be left to themselves to judge whether
they preferred the one or the other.