The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-05 00:00:00

-

ENING EDITION

to 5'..., effect that the policy of Lord Grey and that of Lord
M'ihourne were essentially different. He wished to
call their attention to a very impor' ant fact. 'I le,y left.
tee Cabinet, hut they left Lord Grey behind them.—( dear,
;;,•=r, and cheers.) They left upon the ae proeriation
tetestion. 'I he Right Honourable Member for Pembroke
had stated, that that was the only queetien upei which
he differed from the rest of the Cabinet. A Commission
was hatted by Lased Grey, to take the religious census
of the people of Ireland. That was the question upon
Vrteiga the west out. They stated that they perceived
3( one, the principle upon which it was based ; the
appropriation question was naturally connected with the
Commission ; and upon it they went out. It was perfectly
manifest, without reference to dates and facts, and without
reference to speeches. that they separated thereselves from the
Cabinet upon a question upon which the rest of the Government
eoneurred with Lord Grey. The Rlght Hon. Baronet the
blember for Pembroke stated that many good measures had
1 eon intro:limed by the Whigs ; and he and the Honourable
end Learned Member for Exeter said and boasted that they
a ere not cottuteracted by the Tories. But he would ask did the
Whigs deserve no credit for bringing forward measures that
even their enemies could not oppose; or had the Right Hon.
Baronet such an estimate of the character of his new friends
as to think the measures weredeteriorated by their support?—
(Loud cheers.) He stated that the Post-office Bill
belonged exclusively to the Whigs.--( Hear.) That was
not so, because that Bill was supported by a 'area portion of
the Tories in that House. it was supported also and
applauded by Lord Ashburton—(Loud cheers)—with
whom the Right Hon. Baronet (the Member fur Pembroke)
ottgheto have some fellow feeling, and it passed the Lords—the
great Conservatives of the country, according to the doctrine
et Gentlemen opposite—it passed the House wlthout a division.
—( Cheers.) If the Bill was so f, aught with evil, was it not
the duty of the Tory party to arrest such a Bill
in that place ?—( Loud cheers from the Opposition.) He con-
fessed that he was at a loss to discover the cause for
such a cheer, but at all events they could not di:pute
that it reseived the support of a large portion of the
party calling themselves Conservatives. But was that great
commercial boon to be withheld lest those monopolies should
be endangered, and by means of the modification of which
the revenue of the country, it was admitted, might be re-
cruited 2---( Hear, hear.) True it was that the expenditure of
late had exceeded the revenue, but mark, that excess had
arisen from an outlay for the honour and interest of the
country, and he could not retrain from expressing
his surprise that with reference to that branch of
the questtos, the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Pem-
broke, who was First Lord of the Admiralty under a Whig
Government, did not avail himself of an opportunity of rerer-
ring to the state of that department with which he had
been so long and so honourably associated.— ( Hear, hear, and
cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman scarcely adverted to
their external policy. He thought he 'voted have said
something on their Indian empire' on which he
had given a notice, but which he had dropped when an
announcement was made of the victories of British arms, unless
the measures ef the intended Governor-General should be em-
harrasied by any rash declaration made by the Rieht
lion. Geutlentan.—(Cheers ) On the Chinese question he had
certainly said a few sentences which, in his opinion, he would
no; have n.ed, if he had bees apprised that at the time he was
uttering them, the flag of England was floating on the walla of
Canton.—( Hear, hear.) The results of the Indian cam-
paign, as well as the results of the Chinese expedition,
would, he thought. afford the best refutation of the premature
sarcasms of the Right Hon. Baronet.--(Hear.) It appeared to
him that the silence of the Right Hon. Baronet and his friend
on the Syrian question, was most extraordinary ;
they had merely glanced at it, and for their silence
he was anxious to make some compensation by
quoting the opinion of a man hostile to England,
but whose sense of justice did not prevent his offering- the high
tribute of his approval to wisdom and genius. He held in
he hand an extract from the speech of M. Berryer, in which
he said Lord Palmerston had achieved great things for England
in a short time. The movement of the world was changed.
The Mediterranean had again become the centre of the world,
and connected the 60,000,000 of inhabitants of India, of whom
the laws centred in a small island on the other side of the
Channel. The Mediterranean was now the central point in all
the great transactions of the world. Lord Palmerston
had planted his standard there—he had done a mighty
deed, and he was not surprised that the most ardent
English Tory was now resolved to do him honour and give him
a firm sustainment.—( Hear, hear, hear, and cheers.)
He supposed he was adverting to the conduct of the Duke of
Wellington, for that great soldier was too English, when the ho-
nour.of his country was coecerned, to degenerate into a partisan.
But how would the men who supported these things—how would
everyman in Europe, he would say, be astonished if the House of
Commons should call upon the Queen to dismiss front office
the man they could not deprive of fame—(Cheers)—and in his
place to transfer the foreign interests of the country to those
who in 1829 prompted Russia to force the Baldec ? He would
nOW pass, and rapidly, from the foreign policy of the country
to the Home Department, end he did so because he saw the
Honourable Baronet opposite, the Member for Wiltshire.
He was happy to congratulate him that without the
assistance of the Olivers and the Edwards, the tranquillity
of the country bad been preserved.—( Hear, hear, and
cheers.) With the Home Department was connected
the: Poor-law question. The Honourable Baronet the
Member for Pembroke had stated that he condemned the
severity of certain of the clauses of that Bill, but, in the pro-
gress of the measure, in the cause of humanity he had
never interposed—(Loud cheers)—dreading that his
conunisseration might be listened to with same disrelish by
the Honourable Member for Nottingham, with regard to
whose el oction a peti t iota had been presented that day.—( Cheers. )
The Hen. Gentleman was one whom he greatly respected,
in oonsequenee of the sacrifices he had made in the
cause of the poor, and which sacrifices, he hoped,
he would ere long have an opportunity of repeating.—(Loud
cheering.) He recollected that many years ago a
motion was made with respect to the Church, and
in the minority was the name of Walter.—( Loud cheers.)
Much had been said about the appropriation clause
by the . other side, but, if . be recollected rightly,
pal ties ow the other side of the House were connected with
passing* an appropriation clause with a vengeance, they
agreed to the Canada Bill.—(Hear, hear)—a Bill in
wich they consented that property secured by Act
of Parlisment to the Church should be divested from
it, and applied to the Popish Church.—(Hear, hear. )
That in his opinion showed that the party opposite were
not—influenced by those exclusively Protestant sent i-
Mintz - which it was generally supposed they enterta'ned.
II& he would pass from the consideration of the measures
adopted by ilea Whigs to the policy of the Right
Honourable Baronet, the Member for Tamworth,
wbo he his resolution asked for the support of the
Hciase, The Right Hon. Baronet had adverted to the
inaroduct!en of the Reform .11111, Whet was his conduct in re-
gard to that .Bill f During the two years befoMembers
it had
passed, his party had refused td grpt
to, the great cities; of the empire ; and, In consequence
of their not having taken cognizance of the state
.of public opinion, their pernicious resistance to the measure
had produced that state of things which had put the
Noble .Lord the Member for North Lancashire, and
the, Right Honourable Baronet the Member firgerehroke, to the painful necessity of recommending the sub-
emersion of one portion of the Legislature.—( Hear, hear.) He
%geld turn next to the course pursued by the Right Ho-
nourable Baronet in 1839. (The Right Hon. Gentleman
here made some observations, but in so low a tone, that we
were unable to catch even their purport.) The Right Hon,
eiatleman then referred to a report of the proceedings of the
Committee of the House of Commons in regard to the
Grano Lodge. On the 12th day a Novemer, 1834,
tlee.Grand Lodge in Ireland came to a resolution, to the effect
than they hoped they would be allowed to vindicate their sen-
timents while denounced es e the paltry remnantof an expiring
Went." The King had dismissed his Ministers at the death of
Lord Spencer, and he called the Right Hon. Baronet to office.
'f }ere could be no doubt but that the country was
thee in a high state of religious excitement.—(Hear, and
cheers.) What had the Right Honourable Baronet done ?
The,Parliament had sat only for two 'sessions, yet the Right
11.onourable Baronet had shrunk from eneountering it, and II
had dissolved the Parliament in the midst of that. excitement, '
which had been produced in the manner to which he had al-
lulled.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet, it appeeeet!:
.attached great impoclanee to appointments in the lemmliold-
-Ind on that occasion' the Earl of linden, the Grand Master
ef the °ranee Lodges of Ireland, was the Noble-
Tian whom he had selected to pl ice in the closest
relation to his Sovereign.--(Cheers.) 1.00 well did they ri-
nsepeer the answers giveti by the Hon. Member for Cambridge,
seen Secretary of St ate for the Home Department, t o the addresses
presented to him by berets of Orangemen.—( Ch. ens.) The
scenes at the Dublin Theatre were fresh in their recollec-
tion —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Such had been the
conduct of the 'tight Hon. Baronet in 1835. Whit
hail it been :ince? It was quite true, as the Right Hon-
»melee Baronet the Memeer for Pembroke had said
that his Right Honourable Friend had voted for the
_English Municipal Reform Bill. lint what course hail
Ira adopted with regacd to the Irish Municipal Bill ?
tie had stated that teland was placed under such pecu-
liar aircuutstances, that, it was not entitled to a COMMII-
- , rif privileges with England.— ( Loud cheers.) England
fleet at Gist forced him to give way; but when lie did so he still
libelled to an odious distinction, which established fer
efie'poorlie country a franchise twice as large as for the
/teller oneeee( Loud cheers.) The attempts which had
alnico. been made- on the Parliamentary franchise of
Irwiatel- had enhanced the difficulties with which the
U jog , ironourable Baronet had admitted he should have
tsetcontend. Those were the reasons for which he thought they
tegisteia preference to the ftiget Hon. Baronet, to continue
ellYeer that Government by which M nnicipal Reform had
bee cerriede--by which Parliamentary Reform had been carried,
eirehich slavery had been abolislvd, hy eh ich the East
itdri.a.-. trade had been opened, by which commerce
been unshackled, which hail afforded a cheap mode of
tfetreit for intellectual and commercial communication,
lell'etieielt education had been promoted, by which Ireland had
been exineiliated, which hadeementid the union of the Canadas,
Wing the foundation of a mighty empire, by which a
great accession had been made to the glory and renown
YSEnglund, an/ she peace of the world secured.—(Cheers.)
, .ir STRATFORD CANNING slid he must be allowed to
tip,,:without eepaiting from that courtesey, which the Right
ob. Gestleman had an laboriously professed, that for a Gen-
Aktbeki'who- was acquainted with the forms of that House, he
leas singularly infelicitous in the personal character which he
61U-1011-he debate. —( Hear. ) He was fir from saying that
iheutlen. Gentleman intended to do so, but whenever he took
Apt iris. debate allusions of the most pointed and personal elm-
Mum iievariably tell from him. With respect to the argument
'A it.heJlight, Hon. Gentleman, he would leave that so abler
ban'ils.:„,,tie .must, however, be allowed to say that he could
enl.y inter, from the argument of the Right Hon. Gentleman,
eat; in lii; opinion, such were the transcendent merits of the
Ittieforre 'Bill, that whoever took part in that enactment, how-
ifMr ineaPable of exercising the Ministerial fenetione, would
Tee-tofferetilo'retain office. In the progress of thedebate, that
Weet which would send them to their respective constituen-
eies; .and which At first was scarcely whispered on
She: opposite benches, had at length been distinctly avowed.
(seutleinan un the other side of the House, felt the pressure ef
4ererguanents on the Conservative side. They felt that they
luidieor caw to make out against the arguineets advanced on
qiq side of the House, and that the only course for the m to
tersue, in order to avoid the duties preseribed to tl e n' was
either resignation or dissolution. '1 heir seemed to intend
itfopting the latter, but they (the Conservatives) would only
tivirrve fresh strength from that course. The temporary wind -
pliss of the foreign policy of the Noble Lord (Lord Palmersten)
which he was both wilting and happy to admit, might, never-
daeless, be found to have sown die seeds of future disturbance.
4411 ear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had referred to
44-eranduct of the Government in all its itepaetments, and al.
tielteugh he was ready to do justice to the diating4ithed conduit
of the Noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Departigeo,t, yet,
be'regild ant help reflecting that most of his measures had Lie
carried by the co-operation and assistance of his (Sir S. Can-
. i) side of the House. Looking at the colonies, he would
vi.
ye 'that it was during the existence of the pre-
sout_,_G,ove...._.rnen, ens s the Canadas had been thrown into re-
- max. v•ila,
..
,„ %lost to the mother country.—( Hear. )
roans. mine. e of Lower Canada as well as that of
*sat ead `lt-not NT found but id prepared for a rebel-
"apt, 4skoss.
enioZt. for the loyalty and patriotism of the
pihOgetetegligfi,,,,, e; itry_ would have been lost to us
r pf ibe Ezelninie;.iitiovernment. , After the Chan-
lode' eishe segyeriemvedirtri to go on with the usual busi.
hes
msht lion. Prima
would y altos r so disistrous a division,
have neglected his duty, placed

as he was at the head of a large party in that House, had he
not taken some steps for recording his sense of so tincoostittr
tional a course. He confeso-A he was at a loss to understand
how the Nlemeers for Lincolnshii e cote.: reconcile the vo.e
they were now about to give, vvi h their eorsdesit up n a late
occasion. The Government said they had brought forward
their measures under the pressure of a deficit, and hat they
looked to those measures for supplying the deficiency—they had
heard from one of those Hon. Members that if it depended
upon his vote, they would never have an opportunity of bring •
ing those measures before the House, but now he thought it
consistent with that declaration to vote his confidence in the
same Government, he for one could not reconcile such con-
duct. Thanking the House for its patience, he would not de-
tain them from hearing those who could so much better treat
the whole of the subjects before them.
Mr. C. BULLER said he would not follow the last speaker,
but would endeavour to discuss the singularly framed resolution
of the Right Hon. Baronet upon general grounds. The resolution
was so singularly worded for the purpose of obtaining a vote of
no confidence in Ministers, without the usual responsibilities
attending upon such a course. Whatever might he the result
of the division, and he did not think the Right Hon. Baronet
would succeed, for not one on that (the Ministerial) side of the
House could give a vote to turn out Ministers, of whose general
policy they approved, merely because they felt bound to vote
against them on one or two measures. It would be, of course,
a party division, and no one could vote with the Right Hon.
Baronet without at the same time giving him his confidence ;
nor was there one on his side of the House prepared to do that.
He agreed with him in thinking it unconstitutional in a Minis-
try to hold office merely by the favour of the Crown. They
were of necessity compelled to give in to the declared wishes
of that House ; but not upon any isolated measure. They
were justified in holding on, if the House gave them reason to
believe that it still had confidence in their general policy, but
more especially if they had reason to believe that they had a
majority of the people with them. Walpole resigned upon a
merettrivial motion, but it told him that he had failed to secure
a majority even by all his corruption ; and it would have been
dangerous to his life to have held out in the then excited state
of men's minds. North and Addington resigned when in pos-
session of an actual majority, but they both found it
impossible to carry on a ruinous and disgraceful war
with our colonies in one case, and one of the greatest, most
expensive, and most unpopular of wars in the other, with base
majorities, and having the whole country against them. On
the other hand look at Pitt in 1784, and the Right Honourable
Baronet in 1835 ; the former retained office after repeated de-
feats, because he thought he had the confidence of the coun-
try, and he was justified by the result ; the latter was justified
by the great chance of success. The Ministry of Lord ,
Li-
verpool lost the Property Tax in one year, and the Salt Tax
' in the next, yet they never thought of resigning ; they sus-
tained one of the most ignominous defeats that was ever suf-
fered by any Government upon a question deeply involving
the honour and feelings of the Sovereign, deeply involving
their own honour, the Bill of Pains and Penalties against
Queen Caroline, but they did not resign when they abandoned
that Bill fearful of a defeat in that House. Why did not that
Ministry resign upon defeats of such magnitude, merely be-
cause they felt that although Parliament condemned those
measures they did not condemn their general policy, but pre-
ferred them to any other Government which could replace
them. The practical inference to be drawn from all that was
that a Government ought not to resign upon an individual
defeat, nor so long as they were able to wield with effect the
executive of the State.—(Tory cheers.) What was the
cause of the resignation of the Duke of Wellington in 1830?
Ostensibly it was the vote upon the Civil List, but he retired
because there never was a Government so unpopular at
home and despised abroad it was utterly powerless for the pro-
tection of property—it had not to cope with an armed rebellion,
but was beat by machine and rick burr.ers in the agricultural
districts; they were obliged to make their Sovereign refuse to
dine at the Mansion-house for fear of riot ; but a still stronger
ground was behind. He resigned because he and his Govern..
meet feared a defeat upon the question of Reform in Parlia-
ment. Was that the case at present ? Did the Government
fear any discussion of their measures? No ; the shrinking
from discussion was on the other side. Had the ordinary and
efficient administration been in any, even the slightest degree,
paralyzed by the assumed weakness of the Government?—
(Tory cheers.) He thanked them for the cheer, for it gave
him the opportunity of saying that they had met the most
dangerous outbreak of modern times in the most prompt
and efficient manner ; they had put down the Chartists' armed
and unarmed outbreaks in a manner impossible to be more
prompt and energetic, and yet by the ordinary laws of the land.
Ireland, which was always in a state of disorder and disorgani-
zation, was extremely tranquil. The Right Hon. Baronet
the Member for Tamworth appeared to him very hard pressed
for an argument against the Government, when he spoke of
their being sorely pressed upon the motion of his Hon. Friend
the Member for Finsbury, as if it was not often the case that
the strongest Government might be oecasionally pressed between
eight and nine o'clock on a chance division. It was unneces-
sary to remind the Right Hon. Baronet of the radical state of
the House at such an hour; but whatever majorities might
support him on great divisions, when he came into power he
would find himself very weak in his divisions at that hour.—
(Hear, hear.) It appeared to him that Hon. Members on the
other side had cautiously refrained from much allusion tojthe
foreign policy of the Government, Although it was that po-
licy which, whatever their individual opinions might be as to
its correctness and expediency, they must all be anxious to see
upheld in such a manner as would inspire respect for the
power of England.—(Hear, hear.) It could not be denied
that there never was a period when that power
was so much disputed.—(Cheers.) He did not happen to
agree with all the foreign policy of the Noble Lord, especially
as regarded the Eastern question, but in following out that
policy the Noble Lord had judged more correctly than he
(Mr. Buller) did of the feelings of the people, nine-tenths of
whom had gone along with him in it.—(Cheers.) He could
not help bearing his testimony to the extraordinary vigour
by which its success had been insured, the courage with which
it had been followed up, and the skill with which all the pre-
parations had been made. He was proud of the energy and
influence that policy had given to England, and he could not
help contrasting that proud position with the miserable figure
they cut under the Administration of the Duke of Wellington,
when there was not a power in Europe that did not presnme
upon their internal dissensions, and when they allowed the
Turkish empire to be dismembered by France and Russia,
with just so much of remonstrance as showed the impotence
of their threats.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet
had confined the burden of his charge to the acts of the
Government. It did not appear to bins, however, that so very
unusual a number of the measures of the Government had
' been thwarted.—(Hear, hear.) They had lost nothing of
importance except the Irish Registration Bill, and
that was of less practical importance, because the
law was left as it stood, and the other side had not succeeded
in disfranchising the Irish people under the pretence of amend-
ing the registration. It appeared to him that, with regard to
the proposed modification of the sugar defies, the Government
would have deserved the charge of weakness if, after having
brought forward such a plan, they had not afforded the coun-
t try an opportunity of expressing its opinion upon it.—(Hear,
hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman had reproached the Go-
vernment with having carried some of its measures by compro-
mise and conciliation to Hon. Members opposite. That aps
peared to him an extraordinary doctrine for a Conservative
leader, whose measures should rest on such a basis as to secure
the co-operation of both parties on all great questions.
It appeared that the Right Hon. Baronet abhorred agitation,
but he (Mr. Buller) thought agitation a very good thing occa-
sionally, because political repose was too frequently a proof of
compromise. Did the Right Hon. Baronet forget that during
his short reign of 1835 his defence of every measure he brought
forward was that it was analogous to some measure of Lord
Althorp's, and the only one majority he obtained on the malt-
tax was through the co-operation of his (Mr. Buller's) side of
the House? In 1828 the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts bad been carried—in 1829 the measures of Catholic
Emaucipatioss' to which the Eight Honourable Baronet had
been all his life opposed, had been carried. Did the Right
Honourable Baronet aesome a more proud position
in the Session of 1830 on that account? Why, the first night
an amendment had been moved by the Right Hon., but not
then reconciled Baronet, the Member for Kent ; and it was
only thrown out by the private advice of their own leaders in
the other House. The great measure of the Session was the
financial paliey.of the Government. They had an opportunity
for a great remissiess of taxes, and the most important division
was the Chancellor of the Eeeheilner's proposal to repeal the
flser Act, while the landed gentlemed wished to repeal the
Malt-tag, On that occasion the Government was only able to
carry their prepeeition by the support of the then Opposition.
—( tlear, hear.) He wa,-; entepelled to admit that the. e was a
great degree of weakness in the prevent Government; and
that RV a Metter of serious evil to the peblieis That weak-
ness interfered with the ',rout-Ps% of many beneficial measures,
lie need only instance the County Courts Bill,—the appairr-
ment of two new Judges ia Chhticery,—and, above all, the New
Poor-law Bi.l. He regretted the foss of these measures, but,
after all, he would rather have a Cioveennieet with the sin of
net be.ng able to carry their good measures, than 4 Cloven-
ment able end wiling to carry bail ones.—(Cheers,) Before
he withdrew is iS confidence from the present Government, on
the ground of their went of strength, he must see that a
stronger one was taking their pigs 1 End he did not think the
Right Hon. llasonet could show such a Government for any
Jong period. If he again assumed the reins of power, ho ven-
turned to predict the Right Honourable Gentleman
would again repeat his former errors, and bring his Ads
ministration to a close as speedily as that of
the Duke of Wellington. The first great act of the Right
Hon, Baronet's political life to which he could refer with sa-
tisfsetion was the Catholic Emancipation Hill, Had he pur-
sued the police by which he was then actuated, he would have
been elevated into the rank of an enlightened statesman, and
obtain a name for political integrity amnrigst al future states-
men. Instead of that, he had resorted to the mere temporary
shifts of political expediency, and his course since then had
been nothing hat a servile repetition of the errors that had led
ito ha resignation. Then he had been borne into office on the
shoulders of a no-Popery mob, •as he was now carried to its
gates as the champion of monopoly,—(Cheers.) The Right
Hon. Baronet well knew his own weakness, and had shrunk
from power on a former occasion on account of its difficulties
and dangers. He had stated that his difficulty then was Ire-
land, and he had done nothing since to make the government
of that country more easy. His policy appeared to consist
more in having loopholes of retreat than being able to meet
the danger boldly, and it reminded him of the feudal Barons of
old, whis, while strengthening their ramparts, always contrived
having posterns and gates by which they could abandon their
strongholds in time of danger, —( Ghee' s and laughter.) Every
question of the Bigot Hon. %met had been based upon
unspecified time and unparticularized deteils. And • the
fact was, that his ob:cure explicitness on the sugar
duty hack led many to believe that there was nothing to pre.
vent his proposing a greater modification of these duties if
there was only the lapse of a reasonable time allowed.—( Hear,
hear.) The timber duties he had opposed on the contents of
an unknown letter from the Governor of Canada, stating that
the human mind was utterly incapable of grappling with the ques-
tion. For the future any letter of any future Governor might
induce the Bight Hon. Baronet to alter his views to snit hi
altered circumstances.
recommended or approved of the
With regard to corn lie was surethat
Ihreacigar4,l the financial position of. the
snlnuiin g country
.ea
state,
n andtle m a:,
icountry he had been most explicitly iezirnmunicative. It, was
an eld maxim, of Tory statesmen;' and a very pod .one, ;that
Party had a right to throw out a remedy for an. aeariese,
no par
ied,4ed grievance, as taxes always were, unless he t% as ;pre-
pare( ' with soother remedy h its place. But on that point the
Bight Hon. Baronet had been m most y steriously silent.
Whether he meant to square things by exidirlg tu the national
debt, or reducing the es.tablishmeats, or by same seheMe of
indirect taxation affecting an interest which at present knew
nothing about it, or by restoring the old rates of postage, or
by that highly popular tax, a property tax, or by hfs coming ,
round, as he most prQba .),
11y world, to such alterations of tie
tariff as he was now opposing tIA Chancellor of the Exchequer
upon- all that was matter of uncertainty, but it was plear
that he was congregating a large party around aim. Hy astopt itg
that loose and wide system of policy, every Member of unfee4
z.. Jews who was able td pay his footing in that House, would be
who adhered
attraote4 towards him. One half of the party to
him were imesoess.ed with the conviction that the .moment he
came into power the otinse half would be thrown overboard.—
( Much laughter.) They were nes sleubt *Of indebted to the
Hight Hon. Baronet for some measures of rewu. It teas he
who had brought about Catholic Emancipation and' the gefoire
Bill ; het he had done so by calling into existence the Cathelic
Association, and Swing, and Captain Rock.—( Hear.), He
(Mr. Buller) would prefer carrying on reform by a much
less dangerous machinery. Ha thought it would be better
done by Ministers who would stand in tio r+ff of
popular opinion, who would sympathize with the feelirgs of
the people, and who would proceed on improved priociples of