The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-26 00:00:00

fact, the people of Ireland are substantially excluded
from the elective franchise.
Read this contrast between the English and Irish
franchises, and then tell me—on your faith and on your
conscience—ls this a Union?
'Fake this fact with you ; that when I applied i o the
Imperial Parliament for leave to bring in a Bill to as-
similate the elective franchises in England and in Ire-
land, 1 was refused even the poor privilege of laying my
Bill on the table of the House, by an overwhelming
majority of Whigs and Tories, the opposition to my
motion being led by no less a person than Lord
Morpeth ! !
Equalization of the franchise was the plainest jus-
tice ; and when this justice is contemptuously refused
to Ireland by all parties—Whigs as well as Tories—is
Ireland to lie down in despair, and—
But I anticipate. I will again return to this topic.
For the present I content myself with defying you to
to allege that there is a real Union between the two
countries.

EIGHTHLY.—The strongest proof that there is no
real Union between the countries, is to be found in the
facts relative to our Corporations, taken in these

points :
First, in the refusal for years to grant to Ireland re-
formed Corporations.
Secondly, in the insulting and insufficient Municipal
Bill finally forced upon Ireland—giving her no other
choice than that or none. _ .. ._.

Scotland has had for many years a full Corporate
Reform.
England has had for some years a full Corporate
Reform.
In Ireland only ten places have had reformed Cor-
porations conceded to them !
But how inadequate and futile is the Irish Corporate
Reform Bill ! There never was a more minutely pre-

pared piece of chicanery and fraud, than the Irish Cor-
poration Bill. There is not one of the clauses intro-
duced by the Reuse of Lords, but is calculated to effect
some fraudulent purpose.
I will specify only three particulars—l could mention
fifty. First, the commencement of the operation of the
Bill is postponed for considerably more than twelve
months after its passing. During that interval, the
old and condemned Corporations are left in full pos-
session of all their peculations and abuses ; and are
allowed to make the reversionary interest of the inha-
bitants at large in tie corporate franchises as little
valuable as possible. Secondly, all the fictitious free-
men created before the passing of the Act—no matter
how fraudulently admitted—are confirmed in their frau-
dulent title by an express enactment in the Irish Mu-
nicipal Reform Bill. Thirdly, by the English Corporate
Reform Bill every person rated to the poor, no matter
at what sum, is entitled to be a burgess. In Ireland,
no person can be a burgess unless he is rated at 101.
a year. The object manifestly is, to exclude as many
as possible of the people of Ireland ; to create a diffe-
rent class of corporate voters ; to put as much power
as possible into the hands of the aristocracy
of wealth ; and to keep as much power as possible
from the people at large. Is not every Irishman, who,
if he were English, would be a burgess, an injured
man by being excluded in Ireland ? Is there not a
plain and palpable injustice done to him, simply be-
cause he is an Irishman residing in Ireland, instead of
being an Englishman residing in England ? Can any
man, with all these facts before his eyes, have the pre-
sumption to allege that there is a real Union between
the two countries?
NINTHLY.—But perhaps the strongest proof that
there is no real Union, remains behind. It is to be
found in the success which Stanley's Bill obtained in
the House of Commons.
Stanley did not dare to bring in a Bill to limit the
franchises of the Scottish people ; or to render their
mode of registration more vexatious or expensive. He
would have been shouted down in the House, had lie
made such an attempt.
Stanley did not presume to bring in a Bill to limit
the franchises of the English people, or to render more
vexatious or expensive their mode of registration. If he
had, he would have been scouted im the House ; and
probably rolled in the kennel out of the House.
But Stanley did bring in a Bill to limit and restrict
most stringently the elective franchises of the Irish
people, and to increase enormously the vexation and
expense of a mode of registration already very vexatious
and very expensive.
Recollect, I charge you, that the Irish franchises
were already most unjustly limited and restricted ;
but this was not enough ; there still remained in
Ireland a sufficient number of voters to return to
Parliament a majority of friends of civil and religious
liberty. Stanley, accordingly, brought in his Bill to
annihilate the popular power in Ireland, and to hand
over the representation to the Irish aristocracy. And
he was insolent enough to avow that such was his in-
tention and design. It was an insane avowal! But
the insolence of his hatred of Ireland amounts to in-
sanity.
Yes—upon this point of the paucity of our electors
—a point upon which we ought to have commanded
the sympathy and support of every friend to rational
reform in Ireland—yes ; upon this point Stanley placed
his foot, and declared that, of the little we had, the
greater part should be taken away ; that our electoral
poverty should be remedied by making it still poorer
He was joined, of course, by all the Tories, who natu-
rally hated Ireland, which they had so much injured.
He was joined by all the bigots, who piously detested
the religion of the people of Ireland, which had in-
creased, in spite of all their efforts. He was joined by
some Whigs, and by the Member for Halifax, Mr.
Vs the son-in-law of Earl Grey ; and—oh ! ever-
lasting shame—by Lord Howick, the heir of Earl Grey ;
and who, with his brother-in-law, actually decided the
fate of the day ; and secured, by their votes, the
further progress of the Bill ; upon an occasion when,
had they voted with us, it would have been anni•
hilated.
We, the Irish Members, of course, opposed the Bill.
We begged—we prayed—we argued—we remonstrated.
It was all in vain!! We appealed to the Union ;we
said we were not slaves, but citizens of the State. We
demanded a participation in the franchises of that State,
instead of a diminution of our own franchises.
We were met with " beastly bellowings," and re-
peated hostile majorities.
Finally, Lord Stanley placed his assault on our liber-
ties on this foundation ; that the Irish people were
" villainous perjurers ;" and the majorities which, as he
boasts, followed with unexampled perseverance and en-
thusiasm his black banner of destruction, re-echoed his
cry of " villainous perjurers." Stanley and his gang
did not deem it enough to rob the Irish people of their
franchises, unless they also could infix upon them the
description of '6 VILLAINOUS PERJURERS."
The religious, moral, brave, generous people of Ire-
land—" villainous perjurers!"
I will buy me a starling who will cry incessantly to
the people of Ireland, " VILLAINOUS PERJURERS."
You, Sir, may imagine that we ought to delight in a
Union that produces such blessings ; that gives us a
majority of " English gentlemen," forsooth! who sup-
port this insane iniustice—this maniac calumny
Can I, after this, wonder, that you should express
surprise that the Irish people are not enamoured of the
Union?
I must, however, conclude for the present. My pur-
pose is to justify the Repeaters. I have stated to you
feebly, but, I trust distinctly, some of the grievances
that convince me and the Irish people that the Union is
unendurable. I will ask you to give me space for a
second letter, into which I will endeavour to compress
the rest of my justification.
I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
DANIEL O'CONNELL.

MORTALITY in the METROPOLIS

The following are the results of " A Table of Mortality
in the Metropolis, showing the Number of Deaths from
all Causes Registered, in the week ending Saturday, the
17th October, 1840." The Table is issued from the Office
of the Registrar-General:—

Weekly
Total. Average

CAUSES OF PEATY.

I 838.

Epidemic, Endemic, and Contagious Diseases 142 265
Diseases of the Brain, Nerves, and Senses 137 156
Diseases of the Lungs, and other Organs of
Respiration
Diseases of the Heat and Bloodvessels
Diseases of the Stomach, Liver, and other
Organs of Digestion
Diseases of the Kidnoys, Sze. . ..... ... 4 5
Childbed, Diseases el the Uterus, ice.
Diseases of the Joints, Bones, and Muscles
Diseases of the Skin, &e 1 1
Diseases of Uncertain Seat• 99 102
Old Age, or Natural Decay 69 9
79
9
Deaths by Violence, Privation, or Intemperance 22
13
Causes not specified ........................ •
864
Deaths from all causes -
Average Weekly Deaths . 1,013
Deaths in the Average Weekly
Week. Deaths, 1338.
Western Districts ... 130 .•.... 156
North Districts
Central Districts ........203
East Districts ...... 181 • • .... 239
South Districts .

Total S ...... 1,013
It is stated that under the ter4i4 m Metropolis are coin
prised the a 2 districts herein mentioned, which include the
City of London within and without the walls, the City and
Liberties of Westminster, the out parishes within the
bills of mortality—and the parishes if St. Marylebone ;
St. Pancras ; Kensington; Fulham ; Hammersmith
( Chapelry) ; St. Luke, Chelsea; Paddington ; St. Mary,
Stoke Newington ; St. Leonard, Bromley ; St. Mary-le-
bow ; Camberwell ; Greenwich ; St. Nicholas and St.
Paul, Deptford; and Woolwich. The population as enu-
merated in 1831 was 1,494,890. The weekly average for
1838 was obtained by dividing the deaths registered in that
year by 52. In comparing it with the weekly deaths in
18.10, it must ise borne in mind that the metropolis in-
creases nearly two per cent. annually ; and that, if the
popultt ion had been the same in 1838 as in 1840, the deaths
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A gentleman of fortune in Berkshire, s%ho kept
three servant maids, ccas married to one of them on Friday
last, and on Saturday his two sons followed his example by
marrying the other two.