The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-14 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14, 1841.

GREAT NORTH OF ENGLAND
RAILWAY.
The Public are informed that the GREAT NORTH OF
ENGLAND RAILWAY is now open from YORK to
DARLINGTON, for Public Traffic.
The Trains kill depart at the following Hours :
FROM DARLINGTON TO YORK.

11. M.
5 45 A. M.—Taking Passengers for London, Derby, Bir-
mingham, Sheffield, and Manchester.
8 0 a.m.—Taking, Passengers for London, Derby, Birming-
ham, Slffield, Manchester, Leeds, Selby,
ask I I-lull
12 30 r. m. —Taking Passengers for Derby, Sheffield, Man-
chester, Leeds, Selby, and Hull.
3 0 r. 11. —(Mail), taking Passengers for London, Derby,
Leicester, Birmingham, Sheffield, anches-
ter, Leeds, Selby, and Hull.
6 F.M. —Taking Passengers to York.
FROM YORK TO DARLINGTON.
6 0 A.m.--Bringing Passengers from York.
7 20 A.M.—(Mail), bringing Passengers from London, Lei-
cester, Derby, and Sheffield.
9 35 a.m.—Bringing Passengers from Manchester, Leeds,
Selby, and Hull.
2 30 r. s. —Bringing Passengers from Birmingham, Not-
tingham, Derby, Sheffield, Manchester,

Selby, and Hull.
6 0 r. m. —Bringing Passengers from London, Birmingham,
Derby, Sheffield, Manchester, Leeds, Selby,
and Hull.
Until further Notice, Passengers will only be booked as far
as York, where the Carriages are changed.
On Sundays only the Mail Trains run.
FARES BETWEEN :YORK AND DARLINGTON.

PASSENGERS. CARRIAGES. HORSES.
---
Ist Class 2d Class On 2Wheelsl On4Wheek 1 2 3
12s. 9s. 20s. 30s. 20s. 30s. 36s

Parties riding in their own Carriages, and Children under
seven years of age, at lower rates.
Cwriages and Horses must be at the Station a quarter of
an hour before the Departure of the Trains; and, to prevent
disappointment, previous notice should be given to the Station
he Company will not be responsible for Luggage, unless it
is booked and paid for according to its value ; and Passen-
gers are particularly requested to have their Name and Ad-
dress fully marked thereon, and to satisfy themselves that it is
deposited on the carriages.

D. 0. BRIEN, Secretary.

I.OST, YESTERDAY AFTERNOON, be-
tween the BANK and MILE-END GATE, a little
WORSTED BAG, containing a £2OO and £5O NOTE.
A Reward of £lO will be given to any one who will bring
the above to Mr. Aylett, 15, Globe Road, Mile-end.
The Notes are stopped at the Bank.

IMPORTANT TO
THE STAMP RE'
that THE WEEKLY
week a number more than equa
5 Examiners, or
5 St. James's Chronicles, or
51 Spectators, or
51 Mark Lane Expresses, or
51 Watchmen, or
51 John Bulls, or
51 Observers, or
51 Eras, or
6 Globes, or
6 Standards, or
7 Records, or
7 Patriots, or
The advantage to Advert
Office, 337, Strand.

ADVERTISERS.

TURNS for 1840 prove
CHRONICLE publishes every
11 to

7 True Suns, or
7 Britannias, or
8 Bell's New Messengers, or
9 Arguses, or
9 Evening Mails, or
9 Atlases, or

10 Planets, or
13 Ages, or
16 Shipping Gazettes, or
16 Evening Chronicles, or
__ __

29 Couriers, or
32 English Chronicles.
isers is therefore obvious.

ANNUAL DIVISION OF PROFITS.

UNIVERSAL LIFE ASSURANCE SO-
CIETY, I, King William-street, London.

-Established 1834.
Empowered by Act of Parliament.

One-fifth of the ascertained profits of the five preceding
years is divided between the policy-holders and shareholders ;
three-fourths to the former, and one-fourth to the latter. The
remaining four-fifths are set apart to enter into the average of
the succeeding years, and thus to provide against unforeseen
contingencies.
The first division of Profits took place on the 13th of May,
1840, when a reduction of 60 per cent. was declared on the
annual premiums of all those policies entitled to participation.
Policies effected before the Second Wednesday in May will
entitle the holders to participate in the profits twelve months
earlier than those effected at a subsequent period.
The following table will show the operation of the reduction
made by the Society :

Age Annual
when Date of Sum- Orig inal Premium
Policy Policy. Assured. Premium. Reduction payable in
was 1840.
issued.
—
20 May 1835.
.£l,OOO £l9 6 8 £ll 12 0 £7 14 8
30 1,000 24 8 4 14 13 0 9 15 4
40 —.—. 1,000 31 10 0 18 18 0 12 12 0
50 1,000 42 15 0 25 13 0 17 2 0
60 ***
".
•
... ... 1,009 66 11 8 39 19 0 26 12 8

This system of reduction in the premiums affords immediate
benefit to the Assured, or enables them to secure a considerable
bonus by effecting a new policy.
Policies are granted in London and by resident Committees
at Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, on Indian risks, at very ad-
vantageous rates, calculated from extensive data and tables,
exclusively in the possession of this Society, to show the true
risk of life during residence in India, and after retirement from.
foreign service.
By Order of the Board,
DAVID JONES. Actuary.

TO LAND SURVEYORS, AND OTHERS EMPLOYED
UNDER THE TITHE AND POOR-LAW COMMIS-
SIONS.
COMPUTING MACHINES.

SHAW and SONS beg to draw the attention
of the Profession to their New and Improved PARAL-
LEL SLIDES for computing the Areas of Maps. By the
use of one of these Instruments, the former tedious method is
avoided, and a Surveyor may with ease compute from 800 to
1,000 Acres of average work in seven hours. Price 15s. The
usual charge 21s.
London : Shaw and Sons, 137, Fetter-lane.

21, FLEET-STREET.
NEARLY OPPOSITE CHANCERY-LANE.
TEN to TWENTY POUNDS SAVED.
Messrs. BROWNE and CART WRIGHT, Surg-on-
Dentists, 21, Fleet-street, beg to call public attention to their
new and beautiful EVERLASTING TEETH, the most clean
and wholesome that can be worn. They are so exactly formed
to nature, both in shape and colour, that the closest observer
cannot detect the difference, with this advantage—they never
change colour, decay, or wear out ; and a complete set, on fine
gold, for which they will only charge 15 to 18 guineas, will last
for 20 years or upwards, and are far superior to those usually
charged 30 or 40 guineas ; a single tooth, one guinea ; three
ditto, two guineas and a half. Natural teeth supplied from 51.
per set, or 10s. per tooth. Messrs. Browne and Cartwright's
method of fitting neither requires the extraction of stumps nor
gives the slightest pain ; and having had upwards of 20 years'
experience in the profession, can guarantee to restore perfect
mastication and articulation, having succeeded in thousands of
cases, in hundreds of which other dentists had entirely failed.
The above are totally different from the brittle glossy French
teeth, usually supplied by dentists as newly-discovered mineral
&c. A visit will convince the most sceptical of the fact.

WILKINSON'S ANTI- CORROSION
PAINT.
__

REMOVED from 63, Upper Thames-street, to
54, WATLING-STREET, near Queen-street, Cheapside.
J. R. WILKINSON particularly recommends his Paint to
the Nobility, Gentry, and the Public, wbo wish to paint their
houses of Roman cement, ;thee°, or brick walls, as a preven-
tive to damp or sea spray in exposed situations; it will not
Mister or peel off as common paint. On tiling, to represent
slating, iron hurdles, roofs, conservatories, hot-houses, fences,
farm, or any out-buildings, it will last four times as long as
lommon paint. It is so simple in its use, that any labourer
can lay it on. To ship-owners for their decks, bottoms of ves-
sels, &c., it will be shown, as well as to the public, to be supe-
rior to any paint in use, by testimonials of its lasting fourteen
years on wood and houses, twenty years on iron (see the South-
wark-bridge). The public are particularly guarded in giving
their orders for Wilkinson's Anti-Corrosion Paint, that no
ether colour may be imposed upon thorn for his. A liberal
allowance to the trade.

FORGERY IN HOLLAND.--A letter from the
Hague, of the 6th instant, states :—" A ease of forgery,
recently discovered here, has produced a great sensation.
A manufacturer of Leydeno who had fallen into difficulties
some time before the accession of the present King, and
had obtained his Majesty's confidence while Prince of
Orange, had received various sums of money from bim ;
and his Royal benefactor hail gone so far as to put his
name to some bills, which the manufacturer readily got
cashed. Taking advantage of this, he forged the Prince's
name on several other bills, circulated them, and obtained
100,000 florins from one capitalist alone at Amstordarn.
The man was arrested not long ago at Rotterdam, and is
to be tried for the offence. He has endeavoured to screen
himself by threatening to disclose some secrets concerning
the present King, of which he boasts that he is in posses-
sion. His Majesty is determined that justice shall pursue
its course with this indis idual."

SKELETON OF JONATHAN WILD.--Mr.Fow-
ler, surgeon, of Sheet-street, Windsor, has now in his pos-
session the undoubted skeleton of this notorious thief and
celebrated thief-taker. The skeleton, which is in an oaken
case, where there is no doubt it has been for upwards of a
century, is five feet six inches and a half high ; and it is
supposed by several medical men and anatomists who had
seen it, that Wild, during his lifetime, must have been five
feat eight to nine inches in height. Upon the coffin_
plate, composed of sheet-iron, which is now nailed to the
oaken me, there is the following inscription, clearly
legible, punched in, in the usual manner adopted then
and since by the undertakers :—" Mr. Jonathan Wild,
died May 24, 1725, in ye 42d year of his age."
It may bo observed that Wild wa4 executed at Ty_
burn on this day. With the trifling exception of
the loss of a portion of the forefinger of .0 e right ham!,
the left thumb, and a few teeth (which have fallen out,
there are three in the heed now, quite sound) the skeleton
is in every respect perfect. The skeleton can be traced
back to the possession of a surgeon named Brand, who, at
the period of the execution of Wild, was:a particular friend
of the then ordinary of Newgate. A medical practitioner
at Windsor, Dr. Thomas, who died about 35 years ago,
upwards of 74 years of age, finished his early studies under
this Mr. Brand, who gave him the skeleton and oaken
case, with the coffin plate in the preci,e state they are
now in. When Dr. Thomas die], Mr. Rendall, a rela-
tive, came into possession both of his practice and the
skeleton ; and upon Mr. Rendall retiring from business
some sears ago, he was succeeded by Mr. Fowler, the
present possessor of the skeleton of this notorious cha-
racter.

The Queen has been pleased to order 2001. to
be given to the poor of the parish cf West Pennard, where
the monster cheese was made.

PROTESTANTISM and PUSEYISM.

TO THE EDITOR Or THE SUN.

Six,—The controversy between Romanists and
Church of Englandists still continuing to be carried on
by both of them, allow me to inquire, through the
medium of your widely circulated Journal, whether Dr.
W. F. Hook, of Leeds in Yorkshire, has answered
the letters of VERAX?

This formidable antagonist of the Reverend Doctor
of the North, is a Roman Catholic layman, well known
to the learned for his profound researches into eccle-
siastical history. That he has been successful in what
is technically called "flooring" his Protestant opponent,
may be presumed from the studied silence of the latter.
VERA x took to himself the unenviable task of cudgelling
the Doctor, in consequence of an ill-judged sermon de-
livered by him at Manchester, on the " Novelties of
Romanism;" a sermon opposed not merely to the
'Church of Rome, but also to those members of his
own Church who have been upholding many points of
genuine Romanism. Bating one doctrine of human ma-
nufacture—for it is not found in the Neff Testament—
viz., the Royal supremacy, there seems to be no great
difference betu een VERAX anti the Puseyites. The lat-
ter have been acting as pioneers to the Church of
Rome ; and if Providence has raised them up (un-
knowingly to themselvs), as his instruments for weak -
ening the Church of England by internal schism, we
may naturally look to some changes in our Church
affairs as being very near at hand. That a house which
is divided against itself cannot stand. we read in a book
which is appealed to not less by VERAX than by Dr.
Hooke. Both cite that book as the supreme autho-
rity by which all religious disputes must be decided ;
but as the Romanist appears to have studied it with
the greater degree of attention of the two, we must not
wonder at any victory which he may obtain over the
Protestant, although defended by the high-sounding
appellation of " Chaplain in Ordinary to her Majesty
the Queen."
1 have the honour to subscribe myself, Sir, your
most obedient servant,
A PROTESTANT, BUT NO HALF
ROMANIST.

TO INNKEEPERS AND POST-

MASTERS.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
Government last year, to relieve the posting business,
which lightly taxed railroads and untaxed steam-vessels
had nearly crushed, reduced the assessed taxes on car-
riages let to hire to 3/. per annum, whether used with
one or two horses ; but many postmasters have within
these few days received notice that this was only in-
tended on those solely let by the mile, and on which
the duty of three halfpence per mile per horse was
paid, and that carriages on which the duty is dif-
ftrently paid must be charged as private carriages,
which are subject to a progressive duty as follows :
one, 61. ; two, 13/. ; three, 211. ; four, 30/. ; five,
391. 7s. 6d. ; six, 49/. 4s. ; seven, .59/. 10s., and so on.
The unfortunate postmaster is therefore placed in a
worse situation than ever ; there is no one but would
always let by the mile if he could ; but the trade is in
such a depressed state, that postmasters cannot obtain
the amount required, particularly when the parties re-
turn in the carriage ; they are therefore obliged to let
by the job or day, and pay one-fifth of the amount re-
ceived to the Government ; for distances of five miles
out and five back carriages are commonly let with two
horses for 108., and a fifth, i. e. 2s. paid to the Excise ;
but they claim 3s. 6d., and, with the assistance of the
assessed taxes, are likely to get the whole of the 10a.
The same in letting for the day ; they seldom obtain
as much as 6d. per mile per horse ; and if the Ex-
ciseman is to take three halfpence per mile, the
trade must b 3 entirely destroyed : the oppres-
site tax laid on it has nearly ruined all en-
gaged in it ; and only wanted this finishing stroke ; and
this, when gentlemen who can keep their own carriages
are liable to no mileage ; they can drive where they
please, lend to whom they please, and pay nothing, but
a person who cannot afford to keep a carriage, and only
uses one, from force of circumstances, as illness, busi-
ness, or, perhaps, once a year, to see his friends, is
taxed three halfpence for every mile the horse be has
hired goes out and home, and if he requires a horse
for a day, he is taxed 2s. Gd. besides the regular as-
sessed taxes, or ss. for two horses, and if he agree for
the job, the Postmaster says—l must have 10s., and
2s. Gd. the duty, makes 12s. Gd. he has to pay ; thus
are the middling classes taxed while the rich lawmakers
escrine
Hounslow, April 12.

TOTAL REPEAL OF THE CORN

LAWS.

(From the Liverpool Times of Tuesday.)
A public meeting of the inhabitants of Liverpool was
held yesterday, at noon, in Clayton-square, to consider
the propriety of petitioning the Legislature for a total
repeal of the Corn-laws. There was a considerable
body of gentlemen belonging to the Liberal party in
this town present, including Sir Joshua Walmsley (who
acted as chairman), Mr. Thomas Thornely, M.P., Mr.
Charles Holland, Mr. R. V. Yates, Colonel Williams,
Mr. W. Rathbone, Mr. J. Rosson, Mr. Alderman
Sheil, Mr. James Mulleneux, &c.

Sir J. WAL MSLEY took the chair. He said this
public meeting of the inhabitants of Liverpool had been
convened for the purpose of considering the propriety of
petitioning the Legislatnre for a total repeal of the
Corn-laws. Fle trusted that the time was not far dis-
tant when we might reasonably look for a more just and
equal mode of taxation. The evidence which had been
recently adduced before a Committee of the House of
Commons would, he thought, tend greatly to facilitate
that desirable object. That evidence was of a mast
important character ; and if not altogether conclu•
sive on the necessity of a thorough reform in our tariff,
it had at least made out a strong case for deep and
serious inquiry. For his own part he had been long
satisfied that unless the restrictions and prohibitions
which bore so hard on the middle and productive classes
of the country were removed, they would not only en-
danger the commerce and manufactures of the country,
but the very safety of the empire. We must ever re-
member that monopoly and exclusion were mere apolo-
gies for robbing one portion of the community for the
supposed benefit of the other; and that no article was
worth protecting at home which, from climate or other
circumstances, could be imported cheaper from abroad.
England possessed great aad overwhelming advantages
over most other countries ; but neither the superiority
of her coal and her mineral productions, nor the skill,
capital, or enterprise of her people could long avail
against the present ruinous system of restrictions, and
the consequent retaliation. We should never lose sight
of this fact, that it was to our commerce and manufac-
tures we owed our present position in the scale of nations,
and that if we cease to be an exporting country of mann-
iwtores, we should sink as rapidly as we have risen.
It must be borne in mind that our present exports
amounted to between forty and fifty millions per annum ;
that three-fourths of the cotton imported into this coun-
try was exported again in the shape of twist and cotton
goods. For what were we hazarding this great branch
of national wealth ? For what were we refusing to take
the grain of the United States, the coffee and sugar of
the Brazils, and the timber of the north of Europe ?
For what were we restricting the labour and enhancins
the price of the food for the people ? It was in orde
that the rent-roll of a comparatively small number o
lenderds, and the revenue of a few colonial monopolists,
might be increased. It was urged that we should sup-
port our colonies ; but we might support them at too
great a cost, and at the sacrifice of the mother country.
Give them free trade, and they would support them-
selves. Some were afraid that, by an alteration in our
tariff, and in the Corn-laws, we might endanger the
revenues of the country. Perhaps there was no set
of men in the world more tenacious of national faith
and honour than Englishmen, and especially British
merchants. Now they were perfectly satisfied upon
this subject, and had openly expressed their sentiments
again and again, that by the removal of restrictions
and prohibitions, commerce would be increased, and
with it the revenue of the country. That meeting,
however, had higher and more sacred objects—they
thought that the people should enjoy some portion of
those luxuries and of those comforts which they so
richly produced. This was their object in the repeal
of the Corn-laws ; and they could fairly call upon all
classes of the community—upon the rich and the poor,
who were the most particularly interested—upon the
working man, and upon those whom they had a right
to regard as the best men in the community—to assist
them in this labour of love, in this great work of jus-
tice to themselves and their fellow-men. He trusted
they should have every man's helping hand, that no
man might be said to be supporting the Corn-laws, lest
haply he might be sinning and fighting against Him
to whom he lifted up his prayer—" Give us this day
our daily bread."
Col. WILLIAMS moved the first resolution in an ad-
dress of considerable length. The gallant Colonel de-
scribed the circumstances under which the Corn-law
passed in 1814-13, observing that the people strongly
remonstrated, but in vain, the plot which was then
hatched in the House of Commons against them to
raise the price of bread, in order to enable the land-
lords to pay their taxes. That was the principle upon
which the " illustrious Duke " afterwards "improved "
the measure, and it would continue to be the principle so
long as the people were silly enough to send onl:• lords
and lawyers into the Commons' House to further their
interests.—(Cheers.)
Mr. Was. RATHBONE seconded the resolution. He
said that the meeting had assembled upon ono of the
most important subjects on which they could meet.
On every ground he was an advocate for the prompt
and total repeal of the Corn-laws, believing that those
laws were at once in contradiction to the decrees of the
Almighty, and to the interests of the people of every class.
He was opposed to those laws because they gene-
rated in the people a feeling of dissatis!action, a feeling
of injustice, which was at once subversive of religion, at
once subversive of morality, at once subversive of any
thing like loyalty, and subversive of principle of every
kind. He must, however remember that it was not
one abuse only under which we laboured, but that they
were like the bundle of sticks of the old man of the
fable. He attempted to break them when they were
all bound together, and he could not ; but if they
broke them one by one, the bundle would become
smaller, and at last it would be broken altogether. Now,
why was it that the children of light did not act thus
for their own interests as well as the children of dark-
uess ? Why was it that they did not follow the right
course when they had a right end in view ? Yet they
did not do it, he was sorry to say—they did not often
look after their own interests, and they often threw those
from them who were really their friends. Look at ten
years ago, when the timber duties were proposed to be
altered, which was one of our great abuses ! The whole
country was in arms, and the administration was very
nearly put out,because the people rose to prevent the tim-
ber duties being altered and improved. If, 10 years ago,
the people had petitioned for a repeal of the timber
duties, he believed we should at this moment have been
very much nearer the repeal of the Corn-laws—nay, in
his conscience he believed that those Corn-laws would
not have existed at this moment if that administration
had been supported in the repeal of those timber duties.
Next to the Corn-laws the timber duties were the most
important. They had now some hope. The revenue
was beginning to fall off ; these terrible restrictions upon
commerce had destroyed any profit to capital, and they
were grinding the poor man down to the dust, so that
as an Irishman had once said from that place—" You
will begin to have a nation of ventriloquists—that
speak from their bellies."—(Cheers and laughter.)
But it was wonderful, that curtailed as she had
been by laws laid down for what was celled pro-
tection, but which were in effect restrictive of every-
thing that was good, that England had maintained
her place as she had ; but she could not maintain it
much longer if she went on as she was doing. We
should have manufacturers in Germany and Switzerland
to contend with, and when it was too late we might re-
pent. Let the people petition for free corn to our colo-
nies; let them support the present Government in the
plan they were taking to let our colonies have cheap
bread ; then let the people turn round upon them and
say, " Why arc you worse than the heathen ? Will you
neglect your own ? Will you give to the West Indies
, cheap bread and deny it to our suffering manufacturers at
home ?" Did not the meeting feel—and if they did feel
they would be ready to petition for the removal of every-
thing that was an abuse—did they not know, that the
bundle of sticks, that was, the bundle of abuses, at every
twig that was broken became less? If they felt this,
they would come forward in a different way from that in
which they hitherto have done ; they would feel that if
they wished for success in any pursuit they must give
time and exertion to it themselves ; that they must not
be like the poor unfortunate carter who, when his cart
was fast in the rut, lay down in the ditch, and began to
pray to Jupiter. Jupiter said to him, " You lazy lout,
put your shoulder to the wheel, and then I will listen
to your prayers." In like manner they must put their
shoulder to the wheel if they wished the Corn-laws to
be repealed.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put
and carried.

Mr. CHARLES HOLLAND, in moving the next reso-
lution, said they were again met to protest against the
iniquitous Corn-laws, against the most inhuman and un•
righteous laws ever enacted by any sect or class of men,
to attempt for their own selfish purposes, and to im-
pose a badge of slavery, misery, and degradation upon
their fellow-men. Was that meeting prepared to sub-
mit to that? If they were, how long were they going
to submit ? Was it not an undisputed fact, that the mi-
sery and destitution of the lowest industrious classes,
the losses which the manufacturers were sustaining, the
diminution of our manufacturing profits. and the small
returns which the capitalists were now receiving, were
attributable mainly to these laws? They no longer ven-
tured to meet us in the field of argument; but they
trusted, with too much reason he feared, to the
apathy which ho was sorry to say distinguished the in-
dustrious classes, who seemed to think it was not a
question which concerned them. Alas! too soon
would they feel it. Suppose two bad seasons were to
visit this country, where then would he the industri-

ous lower orders ; where would they seek for bread,
when the foreigner was prohibited from growing
food for them ? He was sorry to say that their oppo-
nents were not only trusting to that apathy, but they
had bribed the leaders of a certain portion of the in-
dustrious classes—the leaders of the Chartists, to try
to prevent the repeal of these laws.—(Cries of " No.")
There were many among us who joined in the senti-
ments of the Chartists, who thought to obtain political
rights ; but it was a sad mistake on their part to sup-
pose they would sooner obtain those rlitical rights with
an empty belly than a full one.—(Hear, hear.) Were
they more likely to fight the battle for political privi-
leges with cheap bread or not? But hitherto he was
sorry to say the landlords had been able to obtain the
co-operation of some of the leaders of that party. He
trusted, however, that their next appeal would receive
a million and a half of signatures. Mr. Holland con-
cluded by calling upon the meeting to come forward
with a demonstration of moral, not physical force
against the Corn-laws, like that which carried the Ro-
form Bill.

Mr. DUFFIE seconded it, and said, that if any thing
was pleasing to him in the character of that meeting,
it was the fact that there were united in it the middle
and working classes, the two greatest and most influen-
tial classes in the community. They had, he was glad
to say, combined their strength together for the express
purpose of removing the odious Corn-laws from our
Statute-book. They had been told it was for the inte-
rest of the working classes to support the Corn-laws.
because dear bread made high wages ; but every work-
ing man knew as well as he did, from sad experience,
that this was not true. Mr. Duffle then proceeded to
argue on this position, and to show the absurdity ols
protective duties. The decrees of Milan and Berlin,
he observed, rendered it necessary for us to destroy
Napoleon in order to open continental Europe to our
commerce ; but when that had been accomplished, the
landed aristocracy re-enactad those decrees by the in-
famous Corn-laws. He called on the meeting, with re-
ference to the Corn-laws, to assert the great principle,
that whatever was morally wrong could not be politi-
cally, right, and to hold that man disgraced who re-
fused to support the leaders who were contending for
this object.

Mr. T. THORNELY, M.P., said before he read the
resolution which the Committee had placed in his hands,
he begged to say how great a gratification it was to him
to meet so large an assemblage of his fellow-townsmen,
met to assert, in the face of the public, their deter-
mination to procure by fair, just, and constitutional
means, the repeal of those Corn-laws which had en-
tailed so much misery upon the labouring classes, and
which from year to year were fettering so much of the
industry and the commerce of the country. They were
probably not all aware of the operation of the present
Corn-laws. The duty upon corn was a fluctuating duty,
which was fixed every week : it might be a shilling a
quarter, or it Eight be much higher. Now, the opera-
tion of the Corn-laws was this, that in proportion as
the price of corn falls the duty rises, and it was only
when corn was of so high a price as to threaten famine,
that it was admitted at a nominal duty. This arrange-
ment of the duties might appear a very insidious one,
but he thought it a very barefaced one, because it had
this effect—always to prevent the people from having
corn as cheap as they could buy it from foreign countries,
if the law did not prevent them. Did they know what
the duty upon the importation of wheat was at this very
day ? It was 235. Bd. a quarter, or nearly 3s. a bushel.
That was a prohibitory duty : it brought in no revenue,
and prevented the people from having corn at that price.
He was happy that the intention of the House of Com-
mons, and he believed of the Ministry too, was now
being directed to the state of the tariff of this country ;
by the tariff he meant the duties upon the importa-
tion of goods. It was singular enough that we, who
were so great a commercial and manufacturing people,
had really the most anti commercial tariff in the
world ! Whenever the goods of any foreign country were
cheap and good, our tariff prevented their importation ;
but whenever they were dear and bad, then we were
compelled to consume them. He was a very old free-
trader. He had long experience as a commercial man,
and, from his boyhood to the present time, he never
had but one opinion, that all duties upon imports should
be for the sake of revenue, and not for protection—
that that meeting, and all the merchants and manufac•
turcrs in the country should freely exchange with every
foreign market the produce of their industry—that it
should he for them to seek out in every foreign market
the cheapest and best articles those countries produced,
and that they were entitled to enjoy the cheapness and
the abundauee of those commodities. If they would
walk round the docks, they would see a great number
of vessels advertised to take emigrants from the la-
bouring portion of the population, to labour in the
United States and in Canada. Would these la-
bourers go to the United States and to Canada if
wages were lower than they were in this country ? No,
indeed, they would not. They were going there to get
better wages, or they had much better stay at home.
But all those vessels which took out emigrants to
Canada were going to bring back flour from Canada to
this country ; end the meeting might be sure that flour
was brought from Canada, because it would bring a
greater price in this market. Therefore, these very
voyages across the Atlantic and back again, in which
labourers were going from this country to get better
wages than they could at home—those same vessels
bringing back cheap flour to a better market showed
that all the representations about the cheapness o
corn bringing down wages was a complete delusion.
Upon this question of free trade hung, in his opinion,
a great deal more than the mere cheapness or dear-
ness of prices. The social condition of the people, the
independence of the labouring classes, their desire to
educate their children, their desire to keep out of the
workhouse, were all included in the great question
of free trade. An annual grant was made by the
House of Commons of 30,0001. for educating the
people ; it was a mere trifle and an insignificant sum ;
they were now legislating upon the Poor-law Amend-
ment Bill, and night after night, when he had sat in
that House, it often occurred to him if they adopted
the principle of free trade in corn, and in every other
article, the people, the honest labouring classes of this
country, would be able to sustain themselves without
parish relief. Aye, and they would educate their chil-
dren too, without grants from the House ofCommons.
In fact, it was lamentable that the time of Parliament
should be taken up in reconciling what was abso-
lutely irreconclleable. They were adopting measurk s
about the administration of the Poor-law ; they were
educating the people ; but the first thing they did
was was to tie the hands of the people from main
taining themselves. However, he was not without
hope ; on the contrary, ho never felt more strongly
than he did that he was right on the principle of free
trade, whether with regard to corn or anything
else ; and he assured them, that if the people of this
country would do their duty to them Selves, that he
thought in the present session something would be
done, some great step taken towards the improvement
of our great restrictive code. It was his happiness, in
Parliament, to be associated with Mr. Villiers, who had
taken the lead, and was prepared to do so this session,
in endeavouring to procure the repeal of the Corn-laws.
He had, he assured them, great confidence that if the
people out of doors would exert themselves by petition-
ing—for the cause was so good that it was absolutely
unanswerable—great good must arise to them speedily.
Mr. JONES, an operative, seconded the resolution,
and it was carried.

Mr. JOHN itossort, in moving the next resolution,
quoted a passage from Dr. Verity's work, published
lest year, to prove that nothing but a diminution of
the supply of food could prevent this country from at-
prosperity which no nation, ancient
orta
inminogdearnd,e had ever of
cver arrived at. He concluded by de-
claring that free trade could alone save the empire, and
make her continue what she had hitherto bees, the envy
of surrounding nations, and the admiration of the
world.

Mr. JAMES Al lILLENEUX seconded the resolution,
and said, that at all times and in all places he was, and
should he, ready to raise his voice against the Corn-
laws ; for he considered them the most selfish and
wicked monopoly ever inflicted upon a country.
The resolution was then carried.
Mr. It. V. YATES read a draft of the petition, and
moved its adoption.
Mr. ANNTEER Seconded the motion, and it was
carried.

-
A vote of thanks was presented to Sir Joshua
Walmsley, for his conduct in the chair, and the pro-
ceedings terminated.

NEW POOR LAW.

The Essex Herald has the following reply of Lord
Western to an application made to him by some inha-
bitants of Rayleigh, that he would present a petition to
the House of Lords against the Poor-law Amend-
ment Act.
" I have received your letter of yesterday's date,
desiring me to present a petition to the House of
Lords, signed by the inhabitants of Ra)leigh, the
purport of which is to express an opinion strongly
condemnatory of the existing Poor-law, which is de-
scribed as cruel and oppressive to the poor, also pray-
ing that the Amendment Bill may not pass into a law.
I am sorry to say I cannot faithfully perform this
duty you require of me, for my opinions are by no
weans in accord with the petitioners' ; so far from it, I
consider the Poor-law to be a most salutary measure
called for by urgent necessity, to rescue the honest la-
bourers from the state of dependence and moral degra-
of spirit to which the miserable working of the
dation