The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-02 00:00:00

TUDES OF A SERVANT GIRL!

- -
William Dean, Mr. E. F. Saville ; and Susan Hopley by
Miss Vincent, the accepted Heroine of Domestic Drama.
After which, the Operatic Drama of
THE PRISONER OF ROCHELLE.
_ . _ _

Henri (the Prisoner), Mr. Osbaldiston ; Beatrice by Miss
Vincent, who will introduce the popular Song of " Wanted a
Governess !" accompaniod by herself on the Pianoforte.
To conclude with, a new Romance. in Three Acts, entitled
THE GALLEY SLAVES OF TOULON; OR, THE

HIDDETTREASURE!
Louis de Valere, Mr. Osbaldiston ; Lapelle, Mr. E.
F. Saville ; Babin, Mr.°-Saisl ; Bouquet, Mr. Ross ; Antoine,
Mr. Hoivard; Leonora, Miss Lee; Madame Bouquet, Miss
Howard, &c. &c.
Boxes, 2s.—Pit, ls.—Gallery, 6d. Half-price at Half-past
Eight.

THE GREATEST WONDER AT PRESENT IN
LONDON, is the WIZARD of the NORTH, at the
THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI . he has prepared a Ban-
quet of Mephistophelian, Dextrological, and Necromantic
Cabals, for the Wonderseekers of the approaching Holidays.
London is again set on fire by the supernatural fame of the
eximious Wizard ; he is again on his magic throne, he waves
his mystic sceptre, and thousands of Leauty, fashion, and lite-
rature rush as if charmed, or spell-commanded, to behold the
mesteriachist of this age of science and wonder ! Hundreds
are nightly turned from the doors of the mystic palace, that
cannot gain admission ; this is proof, and more than proof, of
the Wizard's powers of charming. During the last six nights
twelve thousand spectators have been witness of the Wizard's
mighty feats of the science of darkness, and all exclaim, Can
this man be of earth? is he mortal or superhuman.
To- morrow, and during the week,
The Great Delusionist will perform his thousand feats of
Photographic and Aliadnic Enchantments, concluding every
evening with the GUN DELUSION.
Boxes, 2s. 6d. ; Pit, Is. 6d. ; Gallery, 6d. Second price at
Nine o'Clock, Boxes, Is. 6d. ; Pit, Is.
Doors open at half-past Scven, the Wizard enters his Magic
Laboratory at Eight, concluding at half-past Ten. Carriages
at Ten;

ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.
SPLENDID AND EXTRAORDINARY NOVELTY!! !
Exhibition of the Great Fire Works of St. Angelo !
Promenade Musicale by the Band of Sixty Wind Instruments!
;TO-MORROW, JUNE 3,
THE GRAND ROMAN FESTA, in imitation of the
rejoicings which take place in Home at the celebration of
"II giurno di S. Pietro," will be repeated TO-MORROW,
when will be presented an exact fac-simile of the superb
GIRANDOLA from the Castle of St. Angelo, the greatest
and most magnificent display of Fire Works in the World, com-
prising. arcoog its beautiful effects, the Cascade of Fire—
Fountains of Blazing Stars—and the tremendous LErial Bou-
quet ; with the ILLUMINATION of St. PETER'S, when
the whole of this vast and glorious edifice is brilliantly lighted
with countless myriads of lamps, presenting together a coup
d'ceil of in conceivable splendour hitherto unattempted out of
Italy. The unrivalled Band of this Establishment, conducted
by Mr. Godfrey, augmented by the addition of many performers
of eminence, will give a Promenade Musicale et Champetre in
the. enlarged and newly-deeorated Orchestra
The Menagerie, including the great male Orang Outang,
and several other rarities, is exhibited daily, with Dansou's
Colossal Pictorial Model of Rome !

Open at Ten. Admission One Shilling.
Concert at Six. Fire Works at Nine.

HIGH. WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Morning 19 minutes attar 0. 1 Evening 42 minutes after 0

LONDON:
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 2, 1841.

NEWS FROM CPANA.

The Overland Mail from India Arrived at Mar-
seilles on Sunday. By telegr
Aphic despatches
communicated to the Frencl., Government, and
transmitted to London, we learn that hostilities
have recommenced beoveen Great Britain and
China. The EMPEP,,OR having refused to ratify
the treaty conclu(led between the Imperial Com-
missioner KESUEN and Plenipotentiary ELLIOT,
and having ordered KESHEN to be sent in irons
to Pekin, to answer before the Supreme Tribu-
nals for the concessions made to the " outer
barbarians," the British troops took pos-
session of the Bogue forts on the 25th of Feb-
ruary, and immediately afterwards of the factory
:at Canton. The EMPEROR, however, declared
himself resolved to grant no terms to the " bar-
barians," save on their most abject submission,
after having first evacuated all their conquests.
His Imperial Celestiality has found by this time
that all British Plenipotentiaries are not made
exactly on the ELLIOT model.

The same despatches announce that on the =22.d
of April, Sir GORDON BREMER arrived at Cal-
outta from the Canton River, to confer with the
Gove'enor-General on the subject of our relations
Witt China. The nature of the conference may
inferred from the fact, that re-inforce-
-ments from India were at once to proceed to
China to join the British fore', at Whampoa. We
may therefore anticipate something like an
honourable settlement of the China question at
sio distant period. With the factory at Canton
in the possession of our soldiery, the city is en-
tirt.ely at our mercy. In one hour our troops
-could reduce it to a heap of ashes. What is
most to be guarded against, is the prolongation
of the war. The Chinese well deserve a good
drubbing, but if it be not quickly administered
the moral effect of it will be lost. Besides, it is
only by long fighting with us that they can learn
so much of the art of war as to become our most
formidable enemies. For all details we must
await the arrival of the Anglo-Indian Papers
and letters brought by the Overland Mail.

We congratulate the City of London on its re-
Coyery. The meeting yesterday shows that it
18 again awake and restored to its senses. We
cannot flatter it by saying that it has taken the
lead in the good cause; it is far in the rear;
but he well-conduOted, unanimous meeting yes-
terday will carry it forward towards the first
rank. It ,=ice both numerous and well ordered.
j'he speeches, particularly Mr. GROTE'S and Mr-
Misv.E.tis's, were excellent ; and altogether it

confers honour on the City. It will stimulate
other towns, and be the herald, we hope, of con-
tinual and rapid progress.
It will be observed that none of the speakers
advocated a fixed duty, but the purport of their
resolutions was to support Ministers. The meet-
ing " highly approved of the proposed alteration
in the existing Corn-laws." " The hand of sym-
pathy," as Mr. TRAVERS expressed it, " was now
held out to them from high quarters. Let, them
seize the hand so held out. For his own part,
he was for the total abolition of all the laws
which imposed a tax on human food." Mr.
GROTE, too, said " I hope, Gentlemen, we are not
to look on the duty as invested with finality. I
hope we are to look on it as a temporary
expedient to secure a transition from the
present system of monopoly to one of
perfect freedom of trade." All the speakers ex-
pressed some similar opinions. We know that
the League and the bulk of the manufacturing
population are for the total abolition, and it ought
to be highly gratifying to the Ministers, a proof
of the real confidence placed in them, to find
gentlemen like Mr. GROTE and Mr. TRAVERS,
and like those composing the great City meeting,
coming forward to accept their offer, and, waiv-
ing their own opinions, to adopt the plan pro-
posed to Parliament.

We are disposed to honour their catholic spi-
rit, but we dread the consequences of the con-
tradiction between their expressed conviction
and their conduct. Such political expedieqcy,twe
are afraid, is not calculated to impress the ear-
nest and hungering people of England with a
thorough conviction of the earnestness of their
leaders, nor will it excite that zeal, wanting which
success must be hopeless. That opinions are uni-
versally expressed at the meetings held by the
town population, in favour of the total abolition.
and that they only accept the fixed duty as an
instalment of the abolition, is a decisive proof that
the Ministers' plan does not satisfy the town po-
pulation.

At the same time that plan is met by the
agriculturists with determined hostility. At all
these meetings they express the fiercest opposi-
tion to it. They declare Bs. is no protection at
all. The plan, then, has the misfortune of not
satisfying either of the great interests. It is not
what either the master-manufacturers, the
farmers, the landlords, or the labourers demand.
The fixed duty is something like a crotchet of
some theorist, a little bit of economical, so called
science, picked up, one hardly knows how, and
supported, as we think, by most insufficient rea-
soning..

The parentage of the opinion that a fixed duty
of about Bs. or 10s. is necessary to counteract the
peculiar burdens of the agriculturists, is due, we
believe, to Mr. RICARDO. Since his death, how-
ever, the tithes have been commuted, and as the
real charge is made to depend on prices, while it
will no longer be increased as cultivation is ex-
tended, we must suggest that the principal cause
why Mr. RICARDO advocated a fixed duty of Bs.
or 10s. no longer exists. Since his death, too,
the Poor-law has been altered, and the Poor-
rates in agricultural districts have been ma-
terially decreased. At the Chelmsford meeting
speakers' praised the New Poor-law. They be-
nefit by it. Since Mr. RICARDO'S death, too,
the agriculturists have been relieved by the re-
'mission of taxes which pressed peculiarly on
them ; so that nearly all the circumstances
which led him to the conclusion that a fixed
duty was required to counteract the burden im-
posed upon the land, have been changed. But
though the burdens no longer exist, the idle and
wealthy owners of rent are still to be indulged in
their vile and sordid desire of plundering the in-
dustrious poor,
In the preface to a second edition of Mr.
M'CuLLocn's pamphlet " On the Policy and Pro-
bable Consequences of the proposed Repeal of the
existing Corn-lazes," a reason for proposing so
high a fixed duty is given, which strikes us as
extraordinary, and not likely to stand the test of
that searching investigation to which the whole
question will be subjected:-
1 "We have," says Mr. M'Culloch, " previously en-
deavoured to show, that a duty of ss. per quarter on
wheat would more than cover the excess of the peculiar
taxes falling on the land, so that the additional 3s. a
quarter may be regarded as a protection in favour of the
agriculturists. Ad though they do not certainly re-.
quire any such protection, it was probably the more. ex-
pedient course, considering the prevalent notions as to the
extreme low price of corn abroad, to fix the 411,4 at the
outset of the new system at a higher rate 'than might,
under other circumstances, have been yroper. At all
events, with such a duty, the idea that 'Cis the intention
of Government to swamp,' as it harl, been termed, the
agriculture of the United Kingit.dm by admitting un-
limited importations of foreign corn, is too absurd to
deserve any lengthened notice. The only good Objection
that can be made to the Mir,' sterial project is not that it
gives too little, but that it gives too much protection,"
Mr. M'CULLOCH, then, though he is for some
protection, states ',flat the Bs. proposed by'Minis-
ters, is 3s. too ; but he says, proposing that
" probably w as the more expedient course, consi-
dering the, prevalent notions as to the extreme
low price of corn abroad." All legislation,
founded on prices abroad, has a most unstable
bas.. 4. They vary in different countries, and in
01. fferent seasons ; and a law to protect our agri-
culture, founded on prices abroad, should vary
with the seasons, with the skill of different cul-
tivr;tors, and as the wheat is imported from
`Jdessa or New York. A law founded on actual
prices abroad seems to be little better than a
piece of solemn quackery.
Now it is very remarkable that Mr. M'Cur.-
LOCH assigns the proposed high fixed duty not
to a knowledge of actual prices abroad, but to a
deference to some prevalent notion, implying
that it is erroneous, as to extreme low prices
abroad. Did any body ever hear before of a
.law affecting the whole subsistence of • the
people being founded on a deference to
the acknowledged error of some theorists?
The people complain of starvation—the Minis-
ters profess a wish to relieve them—but out of
deference to an erroneous notion entertained by
their opponents, the offspring of idle fears and
abominable sordidness, they persist, contrary to
justice, and contrary to the demands and. wishes
of those on whom they reckon for support, in im-
posing a fixed duty of Bs. per quarter on the
people's food. Such a law so defended may be
matched, we think, amongst our old statutes con-
cerning witchcraft or prohibiting the feeding of
spirits, but nowhere else. Such a law, too, so
defended, will not, and cannot enlist the sympa-
thies of the people heartily in its favour, and will
not be a sufficiently powerful instrument to con-
quer the Tories.

We notice with pleasure that the agitation on
the subject of the Corn-laws is very active in the
agricultural districts. In the Essex Herald of
yesterday we find report of no less than three
meetings; and though they were all unanimously
for maintaining the Corn-law as it now exists, we
are so convinced that our cause must gain by dis-
cussion, that even these meetings give us satisfac-
tion. Some of the subjects mooted at them are
worthy of notice, and we should think our cause
on the verge of success if the agriculturists would
only really think of what they themselves say
and do.

At all these meetings, as in Parliament and as
in Lincolnshire,the speakers say that Bs. is no
protection at all,-.and one and all cry "away with
it." At the same time the fact is, as we have
more than once mentioned already, that the
actual duty paid under the present system has
been only os. 9d. The proposed plan offers
them, therefore, a protection of :2s. 3d. per
quarter more than they have received, and yet
they cry " away with it." They are deceived by
the working of the averages, by which alone the
gamblers profit. They have appeared to receive
a much higher protection, but the corn-dealers
have taken care to work- the law to their profit,
and to the deception of the' corn-growers. If
the farmers, then, gay that Ss. is not?,a sufficient
protection, how miserably they have been de-
ceived by the present law, which has cheated
than into a belief that they were to hav'e an

average protection of upwards of 205., and
wocked them with a protection of ss. 9d.
The farmers have made their agreements ex-
pecting to receive what the law held out to them,
and all between that and the actual protection
afforded them has been, as it were, filched from
them by the law and the landlords.
We are not surprised, therefore, to find Mr,
ROBERT BAKER, an intelligent tenant-farmer, at
the meeting at Chelmsford, on Friday, de-
claring—

" From 1828 we have had the present scale, and I
leave it to the farmers to say whether under that scale
they have realized capital. I say there is not a farmer
amongst us who has realized capital."
This is quite in conformity with what we have
repeatedly stated in The Sun ; but while the pro-
tected farmers have realized no capital, the un-
protected manufacturers—fbr exporting the com-
modities they really have no protection—have
realised such immense sums that they have sup-
plied, as Lord ASHBURTON correctly stated,
three-fourths of the 60,000,0001. sterling, which
have been employed in making railroads. It is
plain, then, that the law puts a cheat upon the
farmers, and lures them to poverty and decay.
Mr. BAKER went on to say of the farmers,
" As a body they have not realised further than by a
reinvestment of it in the land, where they expected to
find it, and where they would have found it but for this
breach of good faith towards' them." .
The farmers depend, therefore, on the preserva-
tion of the law as it now exists, and depend on con-
tinually starving, as we have repeatedly proved,
their humble fellow-countrymen, in order to
realise their poor and petty profits. At the
same time, they run a great risk, though that
breach of faith be not committed which substi-
tutes an Bs. protection for a ss. 9d. protection, of
not realising their investment. Mr. BAKER
showed that between 1817 and 182:?., when the
farmers had Lord RIPON'S beloved Corn-law in
the parish where he " resides, three-fourths of
the farms were abandoned, and every tenant left
it a ruined man." They have incurred almost as
great a misfortune under the present law, and Mr.
BAKER correctly anticipates another year likelB3s,
though the Corn-law be not repealed. Let the
farmers throughout England mark his words,
and let them be assured, if the Corn-law be not
repealed or altered, to give a stimulus to trade,
that the first two favourable harvests in succes-
sion Trhich they have, if not the very first great
harvest, will reduce them to a worse condition
than in 1835. Mr. BAKER said—
" In the year 1835, under this very Corn Bill, we
were petitioning that we might have the support of the
House of Commons to protect us under the depression
which then existed—existed too, under this Bill, for
.under it we then had wheat at 40s. in the face of a full
crop. . . . If wheat did not come down to the price that
it fell to in 1835, we should have no reason to complain
—(Hear, hear)—for it has now been on the decline for
eighteen months. In 1839 and 1840, from deficient har
vests it rose, but it has now descended 4s. to ss. in price
from. that period, and there is every appearance from the
criJps that it will still go on descending."
If the farmers look to the trade reports they
will find that stagnation and distress prevail in
the manufacturing districts, that men are givang
up their mills and turning off their han.-d. s and
when they remember 1835, and 10,ok at their
own prospects in face of the ruin of their
customers, they will dread; not without reason,
a speedy repetition of disasters as great as those
of 1817-1822.

At all these meetings the speakers say they
rely on the Act of Parliament not being disturbed.
They over and over again spoke of their faith
that the law would not be altered, and
referred to the necessity, should it be altered,
of revising the Commutation of Tithes Act. To us
it, appears singular that the brave and intelligent
yeomen of England should rely for prosperity on
the law. The time was when they worked out
their prosperity with their own hands, and all
that they required from the law was to be pro-
tected from depredation and violence. They are
as bad now as the boors of Austria, or the wooden-
shoe peasantry of France, who can only move as
the law prescribes, -which may be altered to-mor-
row. This is a, total perversion of the ancient
English character, which resisted the law when
it interfered with private concerns, and thought
it a degradation to rely for prosperity on aught
but itz, own skill and industry.
When the farmers of England say that they
'.annot cultivate so cheaply as foreigners, they
do themselves a great injustice. Why should
they embrace so disheartening, so dependent, so
desponding a faith ? They ask, they say, for a
protection in proportion to their burdens. They
want to he enabled, by taxing others, to pay
their share of the National Debt. But have not
other persons to pay their share ? Is not the
bulk of the revenue raised by customs, excise
duties, and assessed taxes, of which the farmers
pay no more in proportion to their property and
consumption than 'any other persons ? It is well
observed, in a pamphlet entitled " The Many
sacrificed to the Few, proved by the Effect!, of
the Sugar Monopoly," that other intere!,',s bear
their share of taxation, and bear, a share of
taxation for the landlords, and et can compete
with foreigners. The passa6e is as follows :
The argument upon whic.,'the advocates for a system
of preferences most F.:;`,nerally and most triumphantly
rely in favour of th.r.,ir theory, is drawn from the finan-
cial condition of the country. " low is it possible,"
they say, " that a heavily taxed people, as we are, can
grow e'drn, or produce sugar as cheaply as other people
less heavily burthened ?" It is of no use to answer
them by pointing to the fact that we export every year
the products of our labour to the value of more than
fifty millions of money, proving by the very fact of such
exportation that, burthened as we are with taxes, we
can and do produce manufactures at a cheaper rate than
they can be produced by any other people. It would
sorely puzzle the protectionists to explain why a heavily
taxed people can produce cheap cottons and hardwares,
and at the same time be therefore unable to produce
cheap corn: They are ail unable to point out any causes
which give to taxation a greater influence in the one
case than in the other, and the candid among them have
long since been driven from the position which they
falsely held, that the land has a greater proportion of
the national burthens laid on it than is borne by other
interests in the kingdom. This might have been the
case to some small extent formerly, but has long since
ceased to be true ; the last burthen peculiarly affecting
the landed interest that could be found was a tax on
shepherds' dogs, and this has been removed. It would
not be difficult to produce a somewhat formidable array
of instances in which that interf:.st is exempted from
burthens which are borne by other classes ;—we may
mention the duty on insuring farming produce—assessed
taxes on farm-house;;,—and that crying injustice, the
exemption of rea; property from all probate duty.
If the farmers will but look at the manufac-
turers struggling under their full share of the
national burdens, and bearing, moreover, the
great burden of the bread-tax—which not only
shortens their supply of food, but limits the
market for the sale of their commodities—if they
can become sensible that the manufacturers
could still, up to this time, realise capital, they
will surely be ashamed of their great real infe-
riority to those manufacturers whom they pre-
tend to despise. Why should not farmers make
fortunes, as well as money-lenders and manufac-
turers? Their industry is the main source of the
social wealth. Their whining despair—their
hopeless dependence on a law which can only be
maintained by annually starving a multitude of
their own customers out of existence, is un-
worthy of Englishmen.
At the Chelmsford meeting Mr. TOWER de-
scribed the corn monopolists as three-fourths of
the society. We know not where Mr. TOWER
picked up his statistics, but we never before
heard of the agricultural labourers being in-
cluded amongst the monopolists, and without
including them we cannot make out that the
persons connected with the land amount to
the tenth part of the proportion mentioned by
Mr. TOWER. It is against the whole body of the
labourers, agricultural as well as others, that the
landowners have their monopoly, and it is a poor
fallacy of Mr. TOWER to include the victims of
the monopoly amongst those who profit by it.
Such strange exaggerations—such bald attempts
to delude--if the agriculturists will but reflect .on
them, should awaken in them a strong suspicion
that their cause is not a just one. If -they
also reflect on the moral nature of the.
Corn-law--if they can only be broughtto see that piices can only be raised by
limiting the quantity.of food, that limiting theL
quantity is withholding food-from those who-ar-
perishing, that -vsithholding of preventing ties

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