The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-28 00:00:00

EVEN ENG E'DIT:IOI%T•.~
etitutional precedent. The authority of gr.
tr
Burke, the authority of Mr. Fox, and the S
thority of all who have advocated the on
principle of representative Government are 1130--
with my opinions on this point and confirm the
which Ihold. Take the opinions of Mr.. Burke. Mr.Burk.e
says—" That the House of Commons should respect his
Ministers is essential to his Maesty's service. It is fit that
they—that is, the Minister.% " should yield 0
Parliament, and not that Parliament should be new Ors
delled until it is fitted to the Ministers. If our authoritYLlts
only to be held up when we coincide in the opinion of n't
Majesty's advisers, but is to be set at nought the memos,
it differs from it, the House of Comm ons will sink int° t
mere appendage of the Administration , and will lose th.a_
position
important character which, inseparably connecting It'
honour and representation with the acts of this Hase ,
enables us to afford a real, effective, and substantial sal::
port to his Government. It is the d eference shown
a
our opinion when wo dissent froi n the servantsthe
the Crown which can alone give authority t°
proceedings of this House when it con curs in their raneir.
sures." What were the opinions of :Mr. Fox ?
Fox says, that " the true, solid, and .incontrovettwbo
basis upon which a_frm and efficient Gov, ernment eaa
s
built is on the confidence of the House of Cow
Mr. Mr. Fox spoke of that cordiality and un:,;on which con.
stituted the vital spring of the British Gov ernment*
said, "Had not the majority of the House, of Codon
almost from time immemorial, governed the countrfo;
Was it not the confidence of the House of Certiplgtery
which had given energy and efficier tcy 10
and
Administration ? Was it not the co. ifidencev
concurrence of the House of Comi sons'it
had given stability to every act. Was it m 4 througaio,
clashing with this primary principle that so. many cile-
mities happened in some of the reigns pric 1r to the
volution ?" Mr. Fox said again—" Howes e r disagri 0
able the issue, it must be imputed to : those ;or
thought themselves wiser than the House,. and Fos
alone must'answer for it to the country." Did kur'dof
say that it was the duty of a Minister constantt I t°,:fet
to the House of Commons ? Did not Mr. Fox elai7 he
himself the right of proposing such measur es 1,"0-
deemed important for the public welfare, noitwitlisT the
ing the difference which there might be with part° 05
House of Commons ? He did so. He said t hat lieetet
3-5 r -
far from meaning that he thought a Minister -wl,lO
justifiable in differing in opinion from the Holoe'vkell
man in the situation of Mimster would be more he
to differ from that House than he should, but ape° the
would adhere to his opinion, and when he foinitl big
House and he thought differently he should resit'
office, and say to the House of Commons, " o°7
another instrument to carry on the public businetto
am no longer fit to serve you." Those were the opiio tit
of Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox. No, Sir, 4,0-
me to refer to another constitutional authority, the atli;jeli
rity of the Noble Lord. Sir, in that work to wit
I have before referred, and to which I have referred `So
sincere respect, repeating again that I think it takiee
moderate, dispassionate, and able view of the prineiPl of
the British Constitution, we have not the dictunfido
the Noble Lord, amid the heat and excitementke Dri•
House, but his deliberate opinion as a writer on then of
tish Constitution with respect to the relative positilonl
the Crown and the House of Commons. The Noble c,o'
says, that the accession of George I. was the era whe,ll
vernment lie
by party was fully established in Englitaa•
clog
says the financial diffusulties which followed the wifice to
up of the war, contributed to give greater irnporttn to
the House of Commons, and he uses:that express,.:',.;
which I have before referred, " and to place wit' "suite
House of Commons, if I may so express myself, the %sill
of gravity of the Constitution." The Noble S.ord chic
describes, in powerful language, the consequences rule
must follow from a departure from that „roil:
He says, "otherwise these measures will be :tbw.„..."snd
these promises will be distrugted—(Chee rsi
finding all their steps obstructed, their effo rts„otitir
be directed to the overthrow of the C'''soble
tion."—(Great cheering.) Now, Sir, although tt Tics'
Lord is in office, yet I will not take so extreme A.,0
as he has taken of the consequences of persev ers1;100'
this system. It may not follow that; 50.,
ters so obstructed will meditate the 0 los
of the Constitution ; but the other e,
follow, for they are the consequences of It'reSo
ing to govern by a minority. You cannyoleve*/
the influence in this country of party disaffection. J-P
you meet this Government with party motionr,cerdie
don't you come down and lend it your
support without reference to its merits, and if Zt.,"-
you will enable it to proceed. But the Noble' orl
scouted these things. Ile says that from Party feu°
strength, and he said, further, that he never ,t,br
any one fear party conflicts except meek
sophers--(Long and continued cheering)—effernins 0101
and sentimental women. Those who attempt W Pools°
with a minority will be met as I was every nightbY 1118,
motion or other for the purpose of preventi tsBd
public business going on. In consequence
continuance of those motions I was obliged to lie 00 t%!
such will be the case with the present GovernTivai 51'"1
(Hear, hear.) But this I will say, that of all tot 110:'
trations there never existed a Government Pti tat
met with less obstructions than the , 9:,
They had never met with mere factin"-ded
vexatious opposition. I say, without any exten_4Al to
prehension of the overthrow of the Governire", s
Ido say, that practical experience Pr°,.." they
us that the Noble Lord is right--th"1",,;(10,4'
will he great evils, absolutely 13,1'a„-r-
evils will result in the administration of plow- of
from the incursion on the constitutional role' tv the
tempting to govern without a majority. Look iota
state of affairs since the present Government (On: for
office. Let me take three measures, one brougmitd
ward at its commencement, one at its maturity, an 10,0
supposed to be brought forward at its e'
Let me take the history of the AppropHation Clati<got
me take the history of the Jamaica Bill and the these
Duties Bill, and can I see what has taken place 00 01
three questions, without coming to the conclusion 50r
the authority of the House of Commons was 11,),' et
ported by the course pursued.—(Hear.) Sir, -L.,per
taunted the Noble Lord with abandoning the litss,:
priation clause; I thought he was placed in °,io
tion of necessity, which upon the whole T.o'
advisable for the public interests that there sbe'wrigli°l3,
settlement of the question—without the aPPr°Peoessiil,
clause. But can I conceal from myself that the a the
arose out of the weakness of the Government, and fi!e,
want of the confidence of the House, which twit'
Government no other alternative than to recede frc'the
most express engagements ?—(Cheers.) Talce, t ait
maim Bill, and look at the evil consequences tulioneOle
on account of its abandonment. The Grevevitis
brought in a Bill, the object of which
of 1,111
extinguish the Representative Government j t11,e1);
colony of Jamaica. They failed—we ()pee ono
and they were compelled to bring 01
in conformity with our suggestions. But what
statement of the evils anticipated from the courseloostlh,
was made by the Noble Lord at the head of her flor ,;
Government, and the Noble Lord the Secretaryjt t*
Colonies ? The latter Noble Lord said ce,ei
obvious that in Jamaica the authority of the,toesto,
would be greatly weakened by any vote of the,so
Commons giving support to the contumitcY
sembly of Jamaica against the proposition of the .11ept
ters of the Crown, and by continuing in ,0010oe
ministration of affairs, not having a °4
degree of the confidence and support of th15000:4
to carry on these affairs, we shall be exposing
to tlboo
the colonies of this country."—(Hear.) Lord Itt,
said, " I say that the Jamaica Bill is of parainon-cipsit,l'o
pensable importance for the great object of ems?, fnt,',o
and that the vote of the House of Commons P. e'lit
this measure. Not only that, but it demonstrli reicl
sufficient clearness such a want of confidence 111, &Yet
body of the other House of Parliament, that 1v of iipt
not contiuue the administration of the affaii;,oPoit
Majesty's Government in a manner that would, be epiel.oi
beneficial."—(Continued cheering.) That I'm-°l°ololo
you yourself gave as to the degree in which die d Vole
interests of the empire would be compromise 4,1
attempt to govern, without possessing suf6,„e,,fe pggt
confidence of the House of Commons.
tb
the case of the sugar duties, and can any one -,.
the position
.of the Chancellor of the Exchequer
heoha
satisfactory or a proper one ?—(Hear, hea,-
rtof
After stating the grounds upon
brought forward his proposition—(geaw.
holding out expectations of relief to the e,_4() o'os.
consequence of these measures, was it a e°,ll&oereiOri'
lated to exalt the authorit of the House 0' ti
to find the Chancellor of the Exchequer, clropositloo
day last, having been over-ruled in hisjerteral
,tO.OO
and after the declaration of the Attornel--(0opost
we must consider the Budget as a whole--,L.,JcelPf 1
ti
cheers)—was it a becoming position of the ulmlogy, ip
the Exchequer to move, without a word of aP°Aself )
adoption of the existing sugar duties P1.11e15
conformity with the previous resolution ?
These are conclusive proofs that the Noble, fr().„,
prophetic anticipations of the evil arisi%o
the obstructions of Government was practle oft)
alized, as we, ourselves, have had an oppoetunlit)o3,,,
serving. Is this for the credit of the l'usily,t,e
Commons ? Is it for the maintenance of ltsv
rity as a branch of the Legislature ? Ytte
you the consolation, that whatever authorld 00
1,0
detract from the House of Commons is conferresuresafir
Crown ? Alas ! no.—(Hear, hear.) Your Ine,A,
subversive of the authority of the Crown. -"dot, pe
pear to a superficial observer that this is a Pliotil'icief
strength of its prerogative, that the Crown oaPiel
enabled to support a Ministry without 3 feet ttha
in the House a Commons, but that is an imp Sgt of_t/
of the case.—(Opposition cheers.) The intet:lentioitle
Crown and the House of Commons are Ici 0.01
(Hear, hear)—and the only authority reqiiirett the Jeot
interests of the State. You cannot aim a bIOW 3 wititatiti
and legitimate authority of the House of Coml-o°llg,y,l !opt'
inflicting one on the Monarchy. But characterrits 'isterdl
to the authority of the Monarchy—to those 31'11,.„c0
representatives of it in this House—to those le' crof
measures in this House on the authority of tritieivb
Cannot it be supposed, Sir, that the t
gioritfjoir
this is maintained in the Houses without a I.tthe ,til
where is the compensation for the positive tithollot,
gerous spectacle of inefficiency and want of a_ ge. toe
Perhaps you may
" though we have not the House of Comnons ce e
sufficient indication that we possess the confitienwitkettO
country:"—(Hear, hear.) First, I should saitsed elk
say, as Mr. Pitt.. said to we litte
lox, it is dangerous to admit any other rice nits it 1,04
of public opinion than the House of ConniT.l4 00%.,1 */,j
that it is dangerous to set up the imlhlsentlinhot
of constituents against their authorised rePret we 6 at
the House of Commons. It is important tba od t/1
not be brought to this unseemly conflict, too ,
th
should not be implied that the House of C(iirri, de qOllll
not speak the public sentiments. If Y°,l'
truth of that argument,---if you
recur to the authority of the constituents,(tw to
5" P° ele
to the House of Commons ? Can you e voo
say Oa'
as, 1,..1
of
electors during the present Parliament, tbt"' IV
that confidence which is withheld troyhoi'l
4 House of Commons ? I know not a tie
cancies have arisen since the assembling v
jkato,