The Sun.
London, England, 1840-01-30 00:00:00

the danger was greater at the present moment. He (Sir

•.
J. Graham) then rewrncd to the point. If a Minister of
the Crown, conscious of weakness, disapproving of
changes, remonstrating, and still remonstrating without
success,—if. on his owu judgment and honour, the Noble
Lord left his colleagues from a sense of duty—from a

s,•tv,e of weakness in the government—if he said an

ic 3

e of (3.,aty comp:Alert him to leave an Adnii-

wh4t mast b,! the wonder that the Noble Lord

should oppose the motion embodying the very sentiments
that had been expressed by that Noble Lord?—(Cheers
from the Opposition.) The Noble Lord had laid down
principles in which he (Sir J. Graham) entirely con-
curred. Ile said he was in favour of progressive reform,
provided great changes in the Constitution were carefully
at•oided. Had it not been for that unfortunate difference

that existel re4arding th•a Corn•laws, he (Sir J. Graham)

could not sce anv d:iference between himself and the

Noble Lord

This he was sure of, that as far as regarded

principles of progressive reform, he (Sir James Graham)
was willing to act with the Noble Lord.—( Loud cheers. )
The Noble Lord thought that the registration, as it was

then fixed, was vexatiotH in the highest degree. Those
were the reasons then that the Noble Lord gave for Flip-
porting the Government. That brought Lim to the real
matter which he was anxious to urge upon the House as a

ground why he (Sir J. Gr,ham):,-bouhl deliberately vote
for the motion of the Hon. Baronet. He ( Sir James
Graham) thought he had found the real position of the
Noble Lord. The Noble Lord, like Ishmael of old, had

left his father's house and gone into the wilderness with his

hand against every man.—( A laugh.) The Noble Lord
bad doa.t sonic censure on every part of the Homo, and
he must say the least censure had fallen on the side on

which he (Sir James Graham) stood. And in the balanced

state of his mind, he thought the Noble Lord would find
relief by coining to thtt side of the House—( A laugh)—
to which he seemed gravitating., and effect a great, sub-
. . .

stantial change, and an entire dissolution of connection.—
( Loud cheers and laughter.) The Hon. Member for
Carlow, who had spoken last night, had stated that he
took his stand on two great questions, for which the Hon.
Gentleman thought the Government was entitled to com-
rnendaion. That Hon. Gentleman said he took his
stand, first, on the Tithe Act, and, secondly, he took his
stand on the Reform Act He (Sir J. Graham) boldly
asserted that on those two points he took his stand, also,
in favour of the motion of the Hon. Baronet the Member
for Devonshire. And, if the House would bear with him,
he could prove to the satisfaction of every impartial man,
that, whether with regard to the conduct of the
present Administr :tion, with respect to the Titbit
Act of 1/35, or with respect to the Reform Act,
he said, with reference to both those points, he would prove
that they were not entitled to the confidence of that
House. He would recal the recollec ion of the House
to what had taken place with regard to the Tithe Act.
That was the origin of the dispute between himself ..nd
the Noble Lord opposite ; it first took place in the dis-
cussion of 1834. He had now before him the words used
by the Noble Lord in the debate in May of that year,
when the Noble Lord stated that nothing but the n,ost
imperative sense of duty would lead him to risk the pol:ti-

cal connexion of his friends whom be esteemed ; but such
was the importance of the principle of the alienation of a
portion of the property of the Irish Church to secular
uses, that under nu circumstances could he refrain from
urging that which was termed Justice to Ireland and at
that time the watch-word of a party in the House. It
was in consequence of that declaration that he ( Sir J.
Graham) and two of his colleagues left Lord Grey's Admi-
nistration.—( Cheers.) That Government was suc-
ceeded by the Government of 1834, but omitting the
principle of appropriation. Now, what did the Noble
Lord say on "moving the Appropriation resolution of 1835 ?
The Noble Lord said the real strength of the question was
such, that if the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite could
count on a majority of 100—yet he would bring forward,
year after year, Bills with respect to the Church of Ire-
land. The Noble Lord carried the resolution that de-
stroyed the Government of his Right Hon. Friend, and
and that resolution was the foundation of the Government
of Lord Melbourne.—( Hear, hear.) Now, if ever a Ca-
binet was bound by a principle from which it was impos-
sible to depart, he said that Government was, when it had
pledged itself to the principle of Appropriation. But did
it rest there. What was the declaration of Lord Melbourne
in 1836 ? It was suggested that it was possible to get over
that principle. Now let them listen to what Lord Melbourne
had stated. Why he stated that he could not depart from
the principle of appropriation without a total se orifice of
character and reputation—( Loud cheers from the Oppo-
sition)—and he ( Lord Melbourne) believed that it would
be a most beneficial measure for Ireland, and one which
he was determined to stand by. Now he ( Sir J. Graham)
said if a Government could depart from such a pledge and
be entitled to the confidence of that House, he then said
that there never was an administration convicted of such
a breach of engagements so solemnly entered into. He
said not only in point of honour, but in point of feeling, it
was binding on them to adhere to that resolution.
He saw the Hon. Member for Sheffield opposite, and he
thought, in a communication to his constituents, he bad re-
ferred to something that had fallen from him (Sir James
Graham) respecting the Corn-laws. He would take leave
to refresh the Hon. Gentleman's recollection regarding
a declaration he had made on that subject to his consti-
tuents either last year or the year before. If he was not
deceived he had seen a report in which the Hon. Member
stated that this desertion of the appropriation principle
in the settlement of the tithe question in Ireland was the
basest act of political tergiversation which he had ever
seen in his life. If the Honourable Member addressed
the House lse would have an opportunity of explaining
no doubt satisfactorily, if not to them, at all events to his
constituents, how, after making that declaration, he was
prepared to vote confidence in her Majesty's Government--
Cheers. ) Proceeding from that question, he wished to
state to the House another fact on which he was prepared
to vote his entire want of confidence in the Government.
The settlement of the Tithe question had been highly sa-
tisfactory to himself and Hon. Members on his ( Sir James
Graham's) side of the House. It was highly satisfactory,
because it gave a complete triumph to them while struggling
for the extinction of the obnoxious principle of appropria-
tion, and had gone tar to give peace and contentment to
Leland, which had been the prey of constant and harrassing
disturbances. But there was a danger foreseen in that
arrangement. He ( Sir James Graham) had said that
it might give the Protestant landlords of Ireland
an interest adverse to the Protestant Church. Now within
three months after the settlement of that question, what
had occurred ?—( Hear, hear.) A LOrd Lieutenant of a
county in Ireland, occupying a post near the pet son of her
Majesty, favoured theretore by Government and by the
Crown, headed a requisition for a county meeting in Ire-
land to sign a petition " for the total extinction of tithes, in
substance as well as in name, or their appropriation to
national purposes."—( Loud cheers.) Actually the very
course they had foreseen—(Cheers)—as the only one of
danger arising from the settlement which in other respects
was satisfactory. The person who led the way in that
dangerous course of mischief and danger to the Protestant
Church was the Lord Lieutenant of an Irish county. occu-
pying a place at the Court of her Majesty, and he still re•
mained Lord Lieutenant, and still retained the favour of
his S.-.vereign.—(Loud cheers.) It could do nothing but
show the people of Ireland that such conduct, far from
forfeiting the favour of the Government, appeared the
surest mode of retaining it.--( Hear, hear, hear.) ale had
reason to think that it was also considered the best mode of
retaining the favour of the Sovereign. He had reason to think
not only was that the fact, but that a peculiar mark of fa-
vour
and distinction had been conferred on that Nobleman,
thereby marking the favour of his Sovereign.—(Cheers. )
He would confidently ask was that Government worthy the con-
fidence of the country?—( Hear, hear.) But, passing from
that disputed—that oft-fought field of Ireland—he came to
what was more directly connected with what fell from the
Noble Lord, with reference to the dangerous change recently
introduced into the Government itself. Of his Right Hon.
Friend the Judge Advocate, although any compliment that fell
from him would be unworthy acceptance, he must be permit-
ted to say, that although now opposed to him, yet the recol-
lection of ancient days of sincere friendship had been
highly gratified by the display of high talent that
had distinguished his speech of the previous night,
while it fully justified the friendly anticipations he had made,
that he would occupy the highest post in the deliberations and
debates in that House.—( Hear, hear.) His Right Honourable
Friend had reproached them with regard to the time of bring-
ing on the present question. He ( Sir James Graham) had
sat for some time in that House. He had sat long upon the
opposition benches, and he lihd had some experience in the
management of public affairs, and he had always observed teat
when objections were made by an Administration in point of
time to any motion brought forward, and particularly when
that Government expressed its delight at the charge that had
been made, and opportunity afforded them of meeting it, there
was always something that pinched, and that it was inconvenient
in point of time.--(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman
asked why was the question brought forward now—what new
circumstance or reason had arisen ? He would tell him at once,
since the weak, disturbed, distracted Government came down
to Parliament in May last, and declared their utter incompe-
tence to conduct the affairs of the country, from their increas-
ing weakness—( Hear, hear)—many circumstances had arisen.
First of all, there was the Marquis of Normanloy, whose ease
had been considered, and testimony produced with regard to
his conduct in Ireland, from which there was no appeal, that
evidence being placed on record. —( Hear, hear.) That con-
duct had been investigated and censured by one branch of the
Legislature for the manner in which he had exercised the pre-
rogative of mercy—for his conduct towards the Judges in Ire-
land, and for the mode in which he had generally administered
Irish affairs.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had been trans-
ferred from the Colonial to the Horne Office, where again he
was the special adviser of her Majesty, with respect to her
prerogative of mere, and where he was the direct organ
of communication with the Judges of Great Britain.—( Hear'
hear.) Then the Noble Lord (J. Russell) himself—who rto
not very happy in his management of colonial affairs, or in
his attempt to settle the Jamaica question • and in his con-
duct with regard to that question, the Noble Lord appeared to
him to have made the most mal-adroit admission on that paint
he had ever heard—in returning to office under very doubt-
ful circumstances, with his majority of five not much improved;
threw over-board the entire scheme for the settlement of
Jamaica. All his plans for the improvement and protection °',
the negroes, and for their security from inju.tice and oppres-
sion, were abandoned, and he adopted the most noxious measure
proposed by his (Sir J. Graham's) side of the House, and
boldly took upon himself the responsibility of passing it. S°
the matter appeared to rest until the extraordinary disclaimer_
of the other night. His Right Hon. Friend the Member for
Tamworth had congratulated the Noble Lord on the settle-
ment of the Jamaica question—that everything that could be
desired had been obtained—that the House of Assembly were,
on the best terms with the Governor, and had given the tons"
substantial proofs of it by voting a large increase of his salary"'
nothing, in fact, could be more satisfactory. " Oh," said the
Noble Lord, " the unhappy condition of the affairs of Jarilai'l
is such, that, under the Act of the last Session, it is impossibie
that justice can be done between black and white—the blast
has no chance whatever of obtaining justice. Such is the offer
of your Bill, which we wish now to cure." Now, if that were
the opinion of the Noble Lord—if he was really of opinion
that the measure he adopted was inconsistent with justice icbe-
tween man and man—that the measure he abandoned would
have accomplished that, he appealed to the House, and re
would ask whether conduct such as that could command tija
confidence of any portion of that House ?—( Loud cheers.)
would now return to a question which was more impart'''
and on which he might shy with the Hon Member for Carn
he took his stand—he meant the conduct of the Noble Loci
with respect to the vital point, (fir. so it had been considered
by the Noble Lord the Member for Northumberland')
the constitution of the Commons Howe of Parliament. "-he
( Hear.) Hethought it was in I $32 that the Noble Lord,when
l lon. Member for the City of London made a motion respect'''