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London, England, 1841-04-15 00:00:00

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LONDON:
THURSDAY, APRIL 15, 1841.

EVENING EDITION

11,1,----....„........ -......--............,
readY, in 3 vols. post Bvo., with numerous Illustration s
COl, IvyN Le C
ech, Btc.,
L IN K.

By CHARLES HOOTON.
Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street.
- 4* • To be bad at all the Libraries.
tEIS MAJESTY the EMPEROR of
411,...,AU5TR1A having AUTHORISED and GUA7
0/ILED several DISTRIBUTIONS of MONEI
4. DENDS, which (though they are NO LOTTERIESI
Many possibilities of obtaining
LARGE ,
REINE BROTHERS, atFORTUNES HAMBURGH and at
LUBECK,
Aterselli* SELLING BONDS for the said DISTRIBU PIONS.
kir 'lons desirous to purchase for the Next Distributions
li„teive, PREVIOUS to giving any orders, the PROS-
-06,4 u S and PARTICULARS, upon addressing, WITH-
DELAY, a line to

HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH,
T, or to HEINE BR, at LUBECK.
l*ge NEXT DISTRIBUTIONOTHERS contains FIFTEEN HUN-
" 44) DIVIDENDS, amounting to £137,592,
The Dividends being
425)000 £BOO £2OO £9O
6,000 600 150 80
9000 500 120 70
1,500
1,000
300 110 64
th,
. 'a.c.lN 250 100 62
law
..„. E BROTHERS having remitted, during a short
li,ti 40,0001., 18,000/., 9,0001., 5,0001., 3,6001., &c. &c., to
ktbi°ll3 3,600/., 801., and 700/., t Edinburgh
41 3,600/. to Beoverley ; 3,600/.o to Hal faxg (Yorkshire);
Dri,7l. to Portleaven Harbour ; 900/. and 600/. to Liverpool ;
Coil. to Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; 9001. to Hull ; 9001. and
Ilkii to Manchester ; 6001. to Bideford ; 6001. to Cork ; and
to tißradford ; they shall feel glad to remit many Dividends
e
said Distributions to England, Ireland, and Scotland.
I,"ke Dividends falling unto the Securities can be cashed at
"; Banker's connected with Germany in every mercantile
„ of the world.
14-"Tacturr". 9th March, 1841.— HEINE BROTHERS
1401 e kleasureto state that they remitted to-day, 9th March,
s .„.,' TWENTY-FIVE THOUSAND POUNDS to L0n-
..,..-.llvicinity, resulting from the Distribution of Ist inst.

UIiiI'HEATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN.
—Mt the MANAGEMENT of MADAME VESTRIS.
Val k_ THIS EVENING, APRIL 15
.be repeated the New Comedy, in Five Acts, entitled
gir„ LONDON ASSURANCE.
net, lareourt Courtly, Bart., Mr. W. Farren ; Max Hark-
,ilr"ATt• Bartley ; Mr. Charles Courtly, Mr. Anderson ;
LittiQ°lPhus Spanker, Mr. Keeley; Mr. Dazzle, Mr. C.
l'atmsee:v; Mark Meddle, Mr. Harley ; Grace Harkaway,
~ett, estris ; Lady Gay Spanker, Mrs. Nisbett ; Mrs.
4thr wt.}lumbv.
' be repeated, the Grand Romantic Fairy Ex-
travaganza, entitled
hnet BEAUTY AND THE BEAST.
4azi Qtl„tiViadame Vestris : The Beast, Mr. W. Harrison ;
A01de7,,", Mr. Harley ; Dressalinda, Miss Rainforth ; Mar-
„To.Ziss Grant ; Queen of the Roses, Miss Lee.
,„uoot.,;"11w, London Assurance, with Beauty and the Beast.
,ati to le opened at half-past Six—the performances to
b,,L'4,ce at Seven o'Clock.
lite:Boxes, 7s. ; Second Price, 3s. 6d. • First and Second
'S3• ; Second Price, 2s. 6d. ; Pit, is.; Second. Price,
Qtllery le
4tliesebs and places for the Boxes to be taken of Mr. Grogan.
80a-offfce, from Ten till Four, where Season Tickets
841 upon application.
Doze_ to b a bad so'ely of Mr. Andre As, bookseller,
t)iliß ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.
".. THE MANAGEMENT OF MR. DAVIDGE
'44 N AND MR. WILLIS JONES.
80 New Pieces, supported by Mr. 0. Smith, Mr. J. S.
let Mr. Hicks, and Mr. J. T. Haines, in addition to the
ti•vourites. Splendid scenery and appointments.
THIS EVENING, APRIL 15,
be acted a New Legendary Drama, entitled
fb EOMAR'
MOORE OF FLEET-STREET ; OR,
" ST
4te LING OF THE OLD SALOUPE HOUSE.
`.°43re, Mr. J. S. Balls ; Wilhelm Stirn, Mr. 0. Smith.
4 tul:n After which, a Spectacle of .Diablerie, called
'LYON, THE GREAT FIEND ; OR, THE LOVE

TOKEN.
Apollyon, Mr. 0. Smith.
.To conclude with a New Farce, entitled
v 0 ~0.3,; OR, TWO MEN AND ONE COAT.
•geters by Messrs. J. S. Balls, J. T. Haines, Neville,
ileslop, Mrs. H. Hughes, Mrs. W. Daly, &c.
.eIY- New Scenery and Dresses for all Three Pieces.
coo
TUE CHINA SUN"
•
13LISHED ON SATURDAY LAST,
IS NOW ON SALE,
With all the LATEST NEWS.
4111 RAILWAY SUN
WILL BE PUBLISHED
TOWARDS THE END OF THIS
MONTH.

k§,4 TO CORRESPONDENTS.
Z. of Liverpool" has our very best thanks.
ql
41.
. WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW
111,134, minutes after 9 I Evening ll minutes afar 10
4blication of the Evening Edition of THE Sits CO111••
menced at 20 minutes after Three.

Times observed yesterday :
Ikii;‘t'llartered Bank in the United States appears to be
ti7ollusive designation for a nest of swindlers. What
iiin!er Laurie has recently laid bare, in reference to
Ntrnsture4 cf the West Middlesex pickpockets, would
Nteised and defended in America by the wealthier
ill 41 of the republic. Joseph Adey, another everlasting
Sir Peter's, should emigrate immediately to New
il,sl4o,,lnere., as tar as regards. the proper game of his
IL °0 will not only find multitudes perishing for lack
kiAtkgetinng to their advantage," but discover various
oitoe; fellow-traders who, if they be not over-jealous
17 kit 41' adepts, will at least welcome him as a conee-
Zy :elate. In the. United States, banking and Litur-
iriltra
eta to be distinguished from each ether only by
s.tt tnents employed by their respective professors,—
NeedtititaLl crowbars, as far as concerns the spoil they are
IV 'Or, seem to be synonymous tools.
dispute not the justice of these severe re-
t ; and yet if our memory betray us not,
kttl
NWansactions by Chartered Banks in Eng-
-Itt4lthin the last ten years would match any
7111,. Proceedings of the American Banks. We
kiii44ote two of the worst statements contained
11111: ?'ilea, and, reminding our readers of the
Arlat• 1,,
eiv recent banking transactions at
,k4Cester,'Wolverhampton, and other places,
V4I as of the fraudulent conduct of many
1114 t,! bankers, leave them to decide whether
AmeB have any reason to exult over the R-
V! B)disorderly, and unstable character of
ti cratie institutions
thtlit Bank of Vicksburg, the report says, that it was
Vklit'd by the payment of $lOO,OOO in the notes of the
ise,ll Banking Company of New Orleans : also $llO
1 0;1 and $ lO in gold. The notes were obtainea from
Ckeb,`eans by a few individuals, and used by them in
0, of the first instalment of stock subscriled for by
i7qt4.large portion of which was in the names of other
cited, As soon as the first Board of Directors was or-
r,tc.to, the notes of the real stockholders, who are mostly
9M •e „el: Were ittbstituted for the notes of the Company
;•Q, krred to. These bank-notes were deposited in
iltitideticltnertial and Railroad Bank of Vicksburg, and were
~,eltiong its resources, and, in fact, reported as
‘a.'ll—ni.the Commissioners in December,lB37. Thus a
Was created, and an old one enabled to make a
tt ten times as much specie as she really possessed I
414'k has also violated her charter by issuing notes to
1144 double the amount of the capital actually paid
Commissioners say—" The Commercial and
blj t'u Bank of Vicksburg is now told by the parent
Nit take care of herself, in providing the means of
,q,„4, her credit."
j4lee RAILROAD COMPANY.—.The report states,
llntla-y, 1838, the circulation of this Bank was
41
Veat as the capital paid in would permit, and
Pt is,. :tors, being pressed for money, resorted to the
teltethod to increase the capital of the Bank.
titt4,otie the Directors bad their notes discounted for
tyttt bieach at thirty days, netting $75,000 ; the four
ttt4teit:ntorr, a day or two afterwards, lied their notes
hiige Ng for similar amounts ; thus increasing the capital
Ilk $135,000, and forming a basis for more issues,
Yeoere made. The President of tbe Bank also took
of its notes and put them in circulation without
Vishllt entered at ail upon the books of the Bank,
kit! toer'vithout the knowledge of the Cashier. These
;',4se, used by the President to lessen his own liabi•
litlit7 loaned to the Directors jor the same purpose I
1.44111a5t and worst part of the quotation may
i , LPPropriate likeness within a short period,
OA the City of London, in the great na-
V'lj.
Yea UK) which has for more titan a century
I
ti of a monopoly of the power of getting
ti(a:/ther men's property, which the Arne-
ca4ll,l" struggle in vain to attain. Not
it o Presidents and Directors here discount
111;AsIltw: bills, but they know beforehand when
the etit.i.e are to be adopted to curtail or enlarge
opt bietley ; and, being merchants and dealers,
tihe 4,11,1 Y., and sell accordingly. In truth the
ok4a_rent reason for our not being equally
tilvritaialt our own practices as at those of the
s._/ is their familiarity. What can be
ttltaierehaat,rous than a private body, composed
tt,rtly,
07s, having the privilege to control the
cow I. the empire at their pleasure? They
ttl / m, from the public without
1)11b,14 qd d
,ey to interest, and they lend the same
andLne Government, the agent of the
kkith ts charge a high rate of interest.
csee, I,nat_einents as those contained in the
4 Of
r7et Our own deformities in the prac-
,,the...,..
We learn at once, by seeing

their contortions, the agonies of being plucked;
but we have so long submitted to the process,
that they have grown customary, if not pleasant,
and some persons even assert that we could no
longer exist were the plucking to be discon-
tinued.

The statements of the Times, and the facts
that continually fall under our own observation,
are calculated, however, to awaken a spirit
of inquiry which will not be satisfied by a
surface investigation. " Charters and crow-
bars," says our Contemporary, in a just spirit of
generalization, " as far as concerns the spoil
they are worked for, seem to be synonymous
tools." The remark seems to be true nearly of
all times and all places; and is as applicable to
College charters and charters of many learned
corporations as to charters for banks. We
may say that the Legislature is virtually a
chartered body, though it have no -written parch-
ment as the foundation of its privileges; but it
uses them to the same end as the American
banks use their charters, and as burglars use
their crowbars. We are willing, however, to
find an excuse for them in those new moral re-
lations to which we adverted on Tuesday, and
of which legislators are as unobservant and igno-
rant as other men. _ _

The command " Thou shalt not steal" is clear
and expressive, but it gives us no information as
to what belongs to ourselves and what belongs to
others. It may be supposed that we are endowed
with an intuitive perception of this ; but that
supposition falls to the ground, when we perceive
that, in the present state of society, what be-
longs to a man, such as his wages and his profits,
is really determined and settled by no other cri-
terion than the huckstering of the market. So
contrary indeed is this supposition from the fact,
that no inconsiderable number of philosophers
have asserted that property is altogether the
creature of positive legislation, and that the law-
maker settles and determines what belongs to
one man and what to another. The Legislature
acts in general on this maxim, and, believing that
it creates the right of property, it assumes the
power of appropriating an immense part of the
national wealth according to its pleasure.
It is plain, then, that the command " Thou
shalt not steal" has left us in ignorance of what
belongs to each ; and the conduct of bankers in
America and Europe, as well as the conduct of
higher and more trusted classes, makes us con-
clude, that at present no knowledge is so neces-
sary as the knowledge of what justly belongs to
every individual. Nothing, we are sure, but
ignorance can cause those who call themselves
the conservators of the public morals, who make
laws to punish crimes, and who strenuously en-
force on the public observance the maxim we
have quoted, to continually violate it. The new
moral relations which continually come into ex-
istence are not known to them, and their ignor-
ranee causes much of the wrong they do. At the
same time, as most of the disorders which pre-
vail in society are connected with property, and
with violations of property, no knowledge is now
so necessary as the knowledge of what truly be-
longs to each and every individual. It is clearly
commanded that one man is not to steal from
another ; but what belongs to each is not as
clearly set forth ; and hence it is that chartered
banks, endowed priests, and colleges of law-
makers, continually violate this great and clear
command.

Such is a sample, we think, of that more than
surface investigation to which the conduct of
those who are really the respectable classes of
society both in Europe and America gives rise.
We are forbidden by our limits to pursue the
subject now, and must content ourselves with one
additional remark. Since the division of labour
has become so extensive that the huxtering of
the market determines and settles what shall be-
long to by far the greater number of persons
in society, why, let us ask, should it not,
undisturbed by legislation, determine what
is to belong to all ? Why should not the wages
of the parson, and the rent of the landlord, un-
iufluenced by a positive law, be exclusively deter-
mined by the huckstering of the market as well
as the wages of the handloom weaver ? We, at
least, cannot recognise either the propriety or
the justice of passing laws to bestow a certain
quantum of property on these classes, while
the same laws sternly tell the labouring classes
to trust to the huckstering of the market for
settling the amount of their wages. One princi-
ple or the other should be followed throughout,
and as long as the State endows the priests and
keeps up rent by a tax, the labourers will be
justified in demanding that a law should secure
for them ample wages.

The Times yesterday had some excellent re-
marks on the mode in which legislators experi-
ment on the human race. We beg to quote a

specimen :

Experimental philosophers are proverbial for their in-
difference to the ordinary feelings of humanity. Most
persons have heard of the French physician, who
inoculated his Turkish patients with the plague to
ascertain whether that disease might so be commu-
nicated ; and it would be easy to mention other
cases, in which individuals have indulged a similar
curiosity at the expense of their fellow-men, and,
for so doing, have been visited with very general censure.
But at length, in the present enlightened age, prejudice of
every kind is fast disappearing ; and while science marches
on with a more fearless and unhesitating step, the foible
humanity is almost brow-beaten out of the field.
Experimental philosophy, as it formerly advanced in its
researches from rabbits to men, has now advanced from men
to nations ; and, no longer contented with studying the fibres
and arteries of animal bodies, has extended its researches
to the finer mechanism and more subtle organization of
those great moral interests which constitute political so-
ciety. Laws of the most comprehensive nature, involving
the happiness of millions, are passed by Parliament
avowedly as expersiments ; philosophers are selected, from
the newly-created department of science, to conduct the
interesting proees*L, with a carte blanche to vary the in
atruments, the mode, and the mechanism of investiga-
tion, as often and as widely as they think proper ; and
instead of cats, horses, or dogs, the poor people of
Great Britain are made the subjects of their operations.
After an exclt•.sive application of these princi-
ples to the Poor-law, the Times turns round and
applies them to the landed gentlemen. It says—

To take a different test : the gentlemen to whom we ap-
peal cannot be :ignorant that there is a large school of poli-
ticians (and, we suspect, the Poor-law Commissioners and
their entire sect among the number), who consider the pre-
sent system of Corn-laws to be at least as capital and mis-
chievous an abuse as the old system of poor-laws ever
was. The arguments which they advance for their doc-
trine are infinitely stronger than any which could be
brought forward against the old Poor-law. At least,
they say, let the experiment be tried, let it be seen whe-
ther the interests of all may not be sufficiently protected
by a modification of the present law. An entire repeal,
they agree, would be most desirable, and most beneficial
in the main, even if all the landowners were to be sacri-
ficed in the transition ; but if the Legislature is not pre-
pared for this, let us have (they repeat) the experiment
on a smaller scale. and we will see bow it works.

Now, how do the landed gentry, who are so very ready
to make painful experiments in the person of the poor, an-
swer this? They refuse flatly. Why ? Because this ex-
periment might be painful or dangerous, either directly or
in its codsequences, to. themselvt s. In this case they see
plainly enough the cruelty, the injustice, the robbery (as
they consider it) of in flieting suffering upon the members of
one (lass for the bentrfit of the rest—they see through the
hollow pretence of those who would induce them to commit
themselves to princi pies u nder the name of experiments, and
they exclaim against the :suicidal infatuation of legislating
experimentally upon the Lnost important interests of the
nation. The numerical proportion of these gentlemen
who might suffer by a Corn-I aw experiment, to those who
do suffer by the present Poor-law experiment, is as that
of units to thousands ; and a poor man has quite as great
a capacity cf suffering as any Baronet or Duke. Oh
that we could either see ourselves as others see us, or look
upon others with as much tenderness as we discover for
ourselves I

There is only one small error, we think, in the
last passage. The Times represents the landlords
as resisting the painful experim.ant of abolishing
the Corn-laws, when the fact is, that the Corn-
laws are the 'painful experiment by -7/liich the
landlords are .testing the patience of the people,
and their capacity of suffering. The laneords,
instead of being the victims of an experimCnt,
are the experimental philosophers. The star v-
ing labourers are the " lively fowls" mentioned by
our Contemporary, wandering about with the
molten lead of hunger poured into their stomachs
by
unhappyt
the experimenting landlords. They are the
dogs" whose brains are partially
removed by the process of vivisection, in
order that the landlords may learn how slow
men are in dying, and how they struggle to pre-
serve as loaig as possible a pained and wretched
existence. For the many striking illustrations of
suffering inflicted on the people by the experi-
menting, la' idlords the public will be grateful to
the Times, and perhaps will come to the conclu-
sion that if these experimentalists were made

suffer some of the torture they inflict the result
might be beneficial to humanity.
Whatever the landlords may think, we be-
lieve they will be mistaken if they expect
that the bulk of the people will allow them-
selves to be experimented on by legisla-
tion in the manner described by the Times.
That our Contemporary's principle and re-
marks cannot be circumscribed by the Poor-
law, and apply to a great variety of other enact-
ments, is rather his business than ours. We
have frequently asserted that the experiments
which the landlords have made on the people
were not submitted to as if they were fowls
and dogs. In truth, their indignation and
their discontent are only surpassed by their
patience and their suffering. The landlords, pro-
bably, will disregard what we say, and, there-
fore, we will take a passage or two from the Re-
port of the Hand-loom Weavers' Commission.
At page 64, they quote the complaint of
JAMES CROMACK, " that the Corn-laws force
the weaver to eat his bread dearer than he ought
to eat it. It takes more," he says, "of his earn-

ings to buy food, and leaves so little remaining,
that he can purchase little else." They also
.quote the saying of CHARLES FLETCHER,
" that the weaver is peculiarly affected by
these laws, because the smaller a man's in-
come the greater the proportion he must spend
in bread." At page 68, we find this passage :
" Distress," says Robert Contrill, an aged weaver,
"makes a man hopeless ; he becomes desperate and preys
upon scciety, careless even of what little honest advan-
tages are in his way, and then comes the last wretched-
ness." Such a man is not likely to be a good husband,
or a good father, or a good neighbour, or even a good
subject. Can we wonder if, while brooding in forced in-
activity over his misfortunes, he listens t, the agitators,
who tell Lim that they are all owing to bad legislation.
When we consider bow much evil he really suffers from
the Corn-laws, can we wonder that he exaggerates their
influence, or that, finding all alteration in them steadily
refused by the Legislature, he cherishes wild visions of
organic change.
And what are these visions ? " Division of waste
lands, alterations of the standard, universal suf-
frage." " The state of mind which they indicate,"
say the Commissioners, " deserves serious atten-

tion. TH L: GOVERNMENT OF THIS COUNTRY RE-
SIDES IN A MINORITY, AND A NARROW MINORITY:
THE OWN 111 S OF THE LAND, A SMALL PORTION
OF THE COMMUNITY, CONSTITUTE ALMOST EXCLU-
SIVELY ONE HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT, AND FORM
A LARGE MAJORITY OF THE OTHER. SUCH A GO-
VERNMENT CAN BE SAFE ONLY WHILE IT IS

POPULAR, AND POPULAR ONLY WHILE IT IS BE-
LIEVED TO BE IMPARTIAL. The first prudential
duty is to avoid even the appearance of selfish
legislation." Those are the words of the Commis-
sioners, and they signify that the very existence
of the Government is endangered by the cruel
experiments of the legislating landlords on the
food of the people. Will they be warned in time
by those who have been authorised to inquire
into the condition and the feelings of the people ?

The Paris journals of Tuesday have all reached
us. In the Chamber of Deputies the Supple-
mentary Credit Bill continued the subject of
discussion. The debate loses much of its inter-
est by the reserve of M. GUIZOT, who would
merely admit that negotiations were on foot for
placing France in harmony with the other great
Powers of Etirope. The ex-Minister of Finance,
M. GOUIN, having contended that his successor
in office exaggerated the financial distress of the
country, M. HUMANN, the present Finance
Minister, addressed the following observatioLs
to the Chamber :

The truth is, Gentlemen, that a very deplorable financial
position had been left to us, and the Cabinet which succeeded
to that of the Ist of March was necessarily compelled
to place the responsibility of that position upon those
to whom it really belonged. The country knows well
that the causes of this position are not due to uc, and
that we are not responsible for the sacrifices which are
imposed upon it.—(Sensation.) As to loans, I have always
understood that it was an easy matter for a country to find
lenders. We see, however, that many Governments seek
to borrow and cannot effect their wish. Call to mind, Gen-
tlemen, without going out of France, the walks of Louis
XIV. with Samuel Bernard in the garden of Versailles,
and the patriotic loan of Necker. We frequently hear a
neighbouring kingdom cited where loans are attended with no
difficulty. I answer that there exists in that kingdom a sen-
timent of nationality and unanimity which renders the people
capable of the greatest efforts.—(Murmers on the left.) There,
notwithstanding the greatest embarrassments, exists an ad-
mirable order in financial matters. In that country were
invented both the steam-engine and the spinning-machine.
Two men of genius doubled, as if by enchantment, the pro-
ductive powers of their country, and still, Gentlemen, what
would be the situation of that country, with its debt of twenty
milliards, if on any single day of the last half century, it had
been abandoned by its good fortune?—(Sensation.) France
has an immense credit, and this credit will maintain itself
firmly, if but one intelligence pervades the mass. In my
opinion, the Cabinet of the Ist of March was mistaken in its
plans and resources, when it desired to support, by the mea-
sure which it prepared, a tedious war against the whole of
Europe. Such efforts are not, in my opinion, possible, but
under a dictator and a system of absolute government.—(Loud
marks of dissent from the left. )
This speech called up M. THIERS, whose de-
fence of his policy will be best given in his
own words :
M. Thiers stated that it was very unfair to attribute the
expenditure of the armaments of 1842 to the responsibility of
the late Cabinet, for if it was true, as now stated, that the Go-
vernment was on the point of coming to a satisfactory ar-
rangement with the rest of Europe it could no longer be ne-
cessary to keep up an army of 480,000 men. On this point,
however, he said the Minister of Foreign Affairs refused to
enter into any discussion; but notwithstanding his reserve,
the treaty, the signature to which had been promised, was
known. It was every insignificant affair connected with the
passage of the Dardanelles, and amounted to nothing like that
position in Europe which it had been the object of the late
Cabinet to attain. The Hon. Deputy then alluded to the
large expenditure which had been incurred for public works by
preceding Governments, observing that each Ministry had
been compelled to give way to the influence of the Deputies,
each railway and each canal having its representative, and
the Ministers being dependent on the Chambers as the Depu-
ties were upon the electors. (At this part of his speech
there was much interruption from the left, and cries of " No,
no." M. Thiers said it was a fact, to which one De-
puty replied, " This is a fatal admission." M. Thiers
observed it might be fatal, but it was the truth. )
It was, however, a fact that no Minister finds greater support
than the Minister of Public Works, for he has on every side
persons who are soliciting him for public works; the conse
quence is, that the Budget of the Minister of War is neglected
for that of the Minister of Public Works. To such an extent
had negligence been carried in this department, that there were
some stables in which the loss of horses was 12 per cent., in-
stead of 6 per cent., which it ought to have been. It became
our duty to repair the negligence and omissions of this depart-
ment. But is this any reason why we should declare in the
face of Europe that we are in a state of absolute destitution ?
When we shall have finished Cherbourg, repaired our fortresses,
fortified Paris, and completed our principal civil works, we
shall, indeed, have expended a milliard, but with the reserve of
the sinking fund and a loan, we shall have executed immense
works, and still be very far from the position of au unfortunate
nation.

At a subsequent period of the debate, he thus
attacked the policy of the SOULT-GUIZOT Ad-
ministration :
M. Thiers asserted that the Cabinet was playing a farce.—
( Tumult.) He had hoped nothing from the policy of the
Cabinet, but it had beaten his expectations. Its policy is
quite negative. The Hon. Member then entered into the
Eastern question, and endeavoured to prove that Syria ought
to remain under French influence; that the isthmus of Suez
should support French preponderance; and that the object of
the negotiation pending for the purpose of closing the Darda-
nelles against its marit►me powers was a complete humbug ;
that it was to the advantage of Russia. The Hon. Member
added that he still regretted the English alliance, and that if
the present Cabinet was one day obliged to return to that al-
liance, it would find that it had been advancing the interests of
Russia.
To this and other attacks upon him M. GUI-
ZOT replied as follows:

It was said by their adversaries that they were advocates for
peace upon any condition, but such was not the case ; on the
contrary, they maintained the armed peace, and would do so
as long as the interests of the country required it. On the
other hand, they were not disposed to threaten and brave all Eu-
rope, or declare, as M. Thiers had said, " that it was the intention
of the Government to raise 900,000 men, and a large fleet, to ne-
gotiate in the Spring, and declare war against Europe, in case
she refused to modify the Treaty of the 15th of July."—( Sen-
sation. ) The present Cabinet had no idea of exacting such a
modification ; its policy was simply to keep up an army of 500,000
men, and maintain " armed peace," until France could resume
with dignity and propriety her seat in the councils of Europe.
This debate, which was so anxiously expected
by the Journals and the public, will lead to no
result. The impenetrable reserve of the Govern-
ment defeats all the projects of the opposition.
The only facts of importance elicited were, that
a Treaty was in the course of negotiation, and
that M. TRIERS is for France disarming the in-
stant the Treaty is signed.
The Maniteur Parisien states that Lord Pox-

SONI3Y has received from the British Govern-
ment leave of absence from his post as Ambassa-
dor, and that he was preparing to leave Con-
stantinople. We trust the leave of absence
granted to his Lordship is unlimited. The
country has had quite enough of his diplomacy
in the East.
Le Francais der Ouest complains in angry terms of the ap-
pearance of .some English cutters come to dredge oysters on
the bank of St. Marc, on the coast of the Cotes du Nord.
The National Guard of Binit is on the watch," says this
journal. "If the English approach sufficiently near to the
coast to be reached by their muskets, they are burning with
desire to shoot them. The Mayors of the communes in the
neighbo-irhood of the coast have informed the Prefect now in
Paris of the state of affairs, in order that he may solicit the
Minister to give him the means of repressing this robbery.
and to make our flag respected. If Frenchmen had committed
such acts on the English coast, there would be no want of
voices in the British Parliament to demand full satisfaction."
The barracks and the camps no longer sufficing to receive

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