The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-02 00:00:00

(
Num

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 2, 1847.
____

Nil desperandum !
The Factory
Bill is passed !
The Factory Bill—the Ten hours' Bill has tri-
umphantly passed the House of Corn
been read a third time in the House of Lords,
and has
then, are we justified in exclaiming Nil desperVane:lily,
Let nothing be despaired of. Much as we should
have rejoiced at the passing of such a
pl
any time ea •
sure, a measure which we believe calculated to Con.
fer an inestimable benefit on a large portion of the
community, we are doubly rejoiceby d a success so
tardy and so long deferred. We hail it not only as
the triumph of Philanthropy, but also as the triumph
of Perseverance. Let it be remembered that this has
pot been a question of one session, or of two, or of
even ten sessions—thirty years have elapsed since
it was first brought forward. For thirty years the
great question has been in abeyance, during the
last fifteen of which it has been almost constantly
gander the consideration of Parliament. The first Sir
B. I'm, Ur. Sous, and others of its chief pro-

mulgators, have disappeared, but the measure has en-
dured, has found fresh champions, overcome all
obstacles, survived every defeat, and may now be
considered as the law of the land. The conflict has
been of long duration, and the struggle most severe ;
and no wonder, for against no contemptible foes was
the little band of zealous philanthropists opposed; it
had to contend vi et armis with men animated, many
of them, at least, by one of the strongest of instincts
—selfishness, and possessed of one of the most for-
midable of weapons—money. The powerful stimulus of
self-interest, and the potent adjuncts of wealth and
influence were with the enemy ; hence their opposition
was effectual and frequently successful. But the ad-
vocates of the benevolent measure had one powerful,
nay all powerful, stronghold—the inherent virtue of
their cause ; hence, though long delayed, their
triumph was assured. And that triumph is now not
only assured, but its good fruits must ere long be ap-
parent. It gives rise to somewhat painful reflections
if we look back thirty, or say even fifteen years, and
picture to ourselves the career of those for whom this
measure was originally intended—namely, the
" women and young persons" at that time toiling in
the factories. It is hardly possible to estimate how
differently these fifteen years might have passed if the
protective law had been in operation. How much would
not only their labour have been diminished, but their
troubles mitigated : how much would their frames
have been strengthened by needful repose, their
minds improved by necessary instruction, their
hearts softened by domestic comforts ! It is certainly
painful to think of the many hours of needful rest
and pleasant recreations, and useful instruction and
domestic happiness, of which thousands have been
deprived by this long protracted triumph. But we
will not sadden our rejoicings by such gloomy re-
trcspections ; let us rather be thankful that the boon
is at length obtained. Ten hours is hence-
forward the maximum for female and juvenile
diurnal labour. This really Utopian scheme
is, therefore, realised, for in this place Utopian is not
synonymous with chimerical. Lord CAMPBELL, in
his " Lives of the Chancellors," speaking of Sir
THOMAS MORB'S " History of Utopia," observes that
it contains almost a precedent for the Ten Hours'
Bill. The daily labour of the Utopians was re-
stricted to a certain number of hours, and the author
of their imaginary laws especially observes that they
were not required to work incessantly from early
morning till late at night, like beasts of burden,
nam eu plus qualm servals wrzanna est. 'We have little
need, indeed, to boast of our enlightenment and
rapid civilisation when we have so tardily
adopted a resolution already approved of by the wis-
dom of a philanthropist three hundred years ago!
But, as we have adopted it, we will not now find fault
with delays which, thank Heaven, are at length all
over. Neither need we again enter into the merits
of the so-often•canvassed question ; all further discus-
sion is needless. Thank Heaven, the Factory Bill is
passed ! Heartily and earnestly do we utter the
thanksgiving, and we doubt not but it will
meet with an almost universal response, a
response not of the lip, but of the heart.
In the crowded precincts of the factories, in " the
homes of those whose lot it is to labour," thousands
will join, unconsciously perhaps, in the earnest
thanksgiving. It will not be heard in the studied
oration, but in the smiling, or perhaps tearful, joy of
the mother returning home at the unaccustomed
hour; in the quiet satisfaction of the husband, as he
no longer loiters to consume perhaps her earnings at
the public-house ; in the noisy mirth of the young
children on the arrival of their parents and compa-
nions ; in the variously expressed delight of the young
operatives themselves, gladly returning from the
wearisome employment—in all the various expressions
of a varyingly felt satisfaction will be uttered, as by an
universal voice, the grateful aspiration—Thank
Heaven, the Factory Bill has passed !
On this happy consummation of our common
desires earnestly:do we congratulate, in the first place,
those most immediately concerned, namely, the
whole body of the manufacturing people, upon the
long anticipated boon they have at length obtained.
We congratulate them all, from the women and young
persons, who will individually obtain a respite for
their labour, to the whole families, whose happiness will
be thus agreeably augmented—from those nearly
reaching the term of their existence, who will thus
have two hours of joy added to each day of their
lives, even to the unborn children, whose infancy
and childhood will now be solaced by so many
moments of maternal care which otherwise would have
been almost unknown to them—we congratulate
them all. And also because this, like all philanthropic
measures, is twice blessed—it blesses those who give
and those who take. And also let us congratulate
those to whose instrumentality this happy result is
attributable. We are not so much disposed to thank
them for labours which must have brought their suf-
ficient reward, as to congratulate them on that reward,
namely, the satisfaction of success. And we do con-
gratulate them all, from him, " the labourer in the
eleventh hour," as Lord ELLESMERE modestly
chose to style himself, to him whose name
is inseparably interwoven with the passing of the
Ten Hours' Bill. His satisfaction must be complete;
indeed we doubt whether the most anxious among
the operatives themselves can experience on this occa-
sion so sincere a pleasure, as must Lord ASHLEY on
the triumph of a cause for which he has done so
much. Session after session, and year after year, has
it had his earnest and unswerving support. He has
advocated it with his ardent eloquence; he has la-
boured for it with unceasing patience ; he has strug-
gled for it with indomitable perseverance. He has
strenuously upheld it in long seasons of apparent
hopelessness, against vigorous, and even succcessful
opposition ; in good report and evil report ; in defeat,
in difficulty, and in doubt—no, not in doubt, for his
confidence never wavered. lie felt as assured of vic-
tory as he was of the justice of his cause. Even at
that most trying time when, after three successful divi-
sions, fortune seemed to have utterly abandoned him,
and a majority of no less than 138 was prepared to enforce
the Ministerial opposition—even in that seemingly
hopeless hour Lord ASHLEY gallantly and resolutely
declared his unconquerable conviction that " the ob-
iect for which he was contending must eventually

triumph, and that he had lit such a candle in England
as could never be put out !" Rhetoricians may
have objected to the homeliness of that metaphor,
but, for ourselves, far from objecting, we rather re-
joice in that very homeliness, because we believe it to
be on that very account more admirably caculated,
as, perhaps, the noble speaker intended it, to fix the
attention and remain in the memories of those
whom it most concerned. Disappointed by the re-
jection of their long-cherished claims, the defeated

operatives were no doubt, in part consoled by the
cheering prophecy of their friend and champion ;
and gloriously has that prophecy been realised. The
little unextinguishable candle may now kindle

a bonfire of rejoicing ! Once again, then, do
we most heartily congratulate Lord ASHLEY
on the triumphant result of his long-enduring per-
severance. In a few days, probably, the royal assent
will complete the legality of the Bill ; and on few
occasions could the regal prerogative be more grace-
fully exercised, on few occasions the arbitrary Je le
ceux fall more appropriately from a woman's lips,
than when it will thus sanction a measure so ardently
desired by so large a portion of the co►nmunity—a
measure so especially affecting the domestic happi-

ness of so many thousand homes.
Before we take leave of the Factory Bill, we would
extend our congratulations, not only to the framers
of the measure and the recipients of the boon, not
only to those who will mutually benefit from its im-
mediate effects, but to a far greater multitude,
namely, to those who may benefit from its example.
To the advocates of all reformations, however

apparently impracticable ; to the supporters of every

ust cause, however apparently hopeless, we may
most appropriately offer congratulations on the

encouragement afforded them by the triumph of
this so long apparently hopeless and impracticable
reform. When that arduous achievement of modern
science was accomplished—when the Thames Tunnel
was ultimately completed—much as we rejoiced in
the success of an enterprise so glorious,—that success
was, in our opinion, immeasurably enhanced by its so
oiten repeated disappointments and delays. We admired
not so much the fertile ingenuity that had contrived, as
the indomitable patience that had consummatedthe un.
deCaking; we rejoiced not so much at the completion
marvellouste
triumph and
of:perseveranceunparalleled—Weratherexeo-
uolfteadworks°
in the

noble, we rejoiced over an affirmation so new and
forcible, that nothing indeed is to be despaired of.
Now in the triumph of the Ten Hours' Bill,
which last night received the final sanction of the
House of Peers, we have another and a striking illus-
tration of that glorious maxim. Let then all those
now embarked in any unprosperous cause—those now
struggling at the foot of the bill, meeting fresh
obstacles at every step—let them take courage!
Let these glorious triumphs of Perseverance be to
them a new stimulus for exertion and a happy augury
of success. No matter how many may be the years
of their pilgrimage, no matter how formidable may
be the aspect of their foes, let them only be assured
of the justice of their cause, and they may rest con-
fident that its ultimate triumph is inevitable. We are
especially justified in regarding this Factory Bill as
a triumph of Philanthropy and Perseverance, as its
success is due alone to the inherent justice of its object
and the unwearying patience of its supporters.
It has received no external assistance whatsoever ; it

. _
is no Government measure, no party triumph. It is
indeed a curious circumstance that while, during its
protracted struggles, it has had to contend, and hz.s
contended successfully, against all the weight of Go-
vernment opposition, it has, even in the hour of its
triumph, received but a very partial aid from Govern-
ment support. In 1844, when Sir ROBERT PEEL'S
Government was in the very zenith of its power,
" strong Government " though it was, it
was compelled to exert all its vaunted au-
thority, it was compelled to stake its very
existence upon the issue, in order to
throw out the almost triumphant measure. All the
strength of Ministerial influence, all the fidelity of
political partizanship was exerted to the uttermost in
opposition to the cause ; and, unlike others simi-
larly circumstanced, it has been assisted by no
equivalent support no political ties unite its
champions—no Ministerial influence has secured its
triumph. The members of the present Government
are divided on the measure—the members of
the last are strongly opposed to it. We are
then justified in adducing this as an example of how
little even the most threatening opposition is to be
dreaded, how little the most desperate cause is to be
despaired of. As surely as the germs of the oak-tree
penetrate through the impeding earth, and battle
successfully with the winds of heaven, because the
principle of vitality was inherent in the acorn, so
surely will every measure inspired by some vital
principle successfully surmount all obstacles and
successfully struggle against all opposition. Again
let us exclaim then—Nil desperandum!

The House of Commons was last night occupied with
the discussion of Lord LINCOLN'S motion, "That an Ad-
dress should be presented to her MAJESTY, praying that
sbe should take into her consideration the means by
which colonisation may be made subsidiary to other
measures for the improvement of the social condition
of Ireland, and by which, consistently with a full
regard to the interests of the colonies themselves, the
comforts and prosperity of those who emigrate may
be effectually promoted." It is impossible to object
to the tone or spirit in which the Noble Lord brought
forward this deeply interesting topic. With sound judg-
ment he abstained from everything of a party cha-
racter, and thereby enabled the House to proceed to
the consideration of the question with the utmost im-
partiality, and without any prejudice being excited
on either side. To this moderation and discretion
he owes the partial success that attended his
proposition—the consent of the Government to
adopt an address, on the express understanding
that no special commission should be appointed
for this object, but that the subject should
be left in the hands of the Executive Govern-
ment,
who would give it their fullest and best consi-
deration. In yielding this modified assent the
Premier showed that the subject had not been
neglected either by the present or the former Minis-
try, that we had Commissioners watching the tide
of emigration under the Secretary of State ; that those
Commissioners had agents in every part of the United
Kingdom to afford every possible assistance to emi-
grants proceeding either to South Australia or
Canada, and that the number of those agents had been
considerably increased since the accession to office of
the present Ministry; that up to this period there had
been already no less than 120,000 persons who had
voluntarily left their native land, a number which would
probably be increased to at least 200,000 in the course of
the year, and that already measures had been adopted
in the United States to check the arrival of those
who may possibly become destitute, by compelling
masters of vessels, in which they arrive, to guarantee
that they should not become burdensome to the state.
An imperative necessity, therefore, existed that we
should not follow a course likely to indispose other
countries, whether our own colonies or not, to receive
our emigrants, by suggesting the idea that we wanted
to get rid of the rubbish of our population. Indeed,
even if all were unanimous as to the advantages to be
derived by the British dominions from the adoption of
the wildest plans of the advocates for emigration—if
the expatriation of even two millions of our Irish
brethren were as desirable and necessary as it is as-
serted to be—the Noble Lord adduced reasons
sufficiently powerful to show that every consideration
of justice and expediency required that the utmost
caution should be used to prevent that which might be
serviceable from becoming really injurious and pre-
judicial to our best interests.

We have never been disciples of the Sangrado
school. We do not believe that the condition of our
sister island is to be ameliorated by driving front her
shores myriads of her able-bodied and industrious
children—by withdrawing from those resources
which should wholly be employed in bringing
her barren lands, her neglected fields, into the
highest degree of fertility and cultivation—in deve-
loping all her varied capabilities in order to banish
the producers of national wealth—the men who, if
their exertions were directed into beneficial channels,
would become the most cherished and valued of our
fellow-subjects—the consumers of exciseab le articles
—the supporters of the Exchequer—the fillers of the
public purse. The Noble Lord who brought forward
the motion said " that he looked upon a measure of
colonisation as a remedy in some sense similar to
bleeding in the human frame." We adopt the metaphor;
there can be no closer analogy. We ask, then, is
Ireland in that plethoric state that a further deple-
tion is the best or only remedy ? Is she not rather
1 in the condition of one who has already been reduced
to weakness, who languishes for want of nourishment,
and for whom a rich and generous diet is more
fitting than a treatment that must further reduce
his already exhausted strength ? The political
Sangrados, however, will not depart from their
favourite nostrum ; they cling to their bleeding and
hot water as the only specific,"and, in place of sending
capital to her shores—her real want—they desire to
employ it in banishing what has truly been termed
her bone and sinew. We have confidence in the men
whom our SOVEREIGN has chosen to be her advisers
we are persuaded that they will not unduly sanction
the quackery to which we have alluded ; that they
will afford every protection and assistance to the
voluntary emigrant, out that they will not expend
any considerable portion of those funds which may
be applicable to the improvement of Ireland in a
manner so prejudicial to her best interests and to
those of the United Kingdom in general.

The Supplement to last night's Gazette contains
the general order, agreeably to her MAJESTY'S com-
mand, from both the Horse Guards and the Admi-
ralty-office, directing all those, from the highest down
to the lowest rank, who served in our fleets and
armies during the wars commencing in 1793, and
ending in 1814, to furnish a statement of their ser-
vices to the proper quarters, to the end that they may
receive a medal, to be struck as a mark of the SO-
VEREIGN'S gracious recollection of their heroic deeds.
Heartily as we tender our warmest felicitations to our
distinguished military and naval compatriots that they
are at length about to acquire a public decoration
which, more than thirty years since, it should have
been their privilege to have worn, yet does the official
announcement of yesterday involve reflections which
ought never to have been suffered to cross and pain
the mind of the British nation. An act of tardy jus-
tice is about to be accomplished. How great, then,
has been our injustice to those who were permitted,
year after year, to sink into their graves unrewarded
for the gallant conduct they severally displayed in a
series of brilliant actions at sea and on land indelibly
engraved in the history of our country ? What com- -

' pensation can we offer for the wounded feelings they
must have experienced till they were summoned from
the field of human existence ? Alas, none ! Many a
widow, and many an offspring of the deceased soldier,
will now have fresh reason to mourn the los.,
of their relatives from their knowledge of
how ardently the departed aspired after, though in
vain, the boon of distinction which will presently be
conferred upon the survivors; as also from the senti-
ments of regret they will naturally entertain that that
which they would have so highly prized as a precious
heir-loom—the SOVEREIGN'S medal commemorative
of the past heroism of the husband, the father, or the
brother—will, never be their pride or good
fortune to possess. The invidious manner
in which the marks of the favour of the Crown were
distributed at the close of the great war, has always
rankled in the public mind; and when, in considera•
tion of the recent triumphs of our arms in the East,
appropriate medals were struck in honour of those
who had achieved then, the gallant old officers and
men, who had fought so chivalrously through
the whole of the Peninsular campaigns, and
had been left unrequited by any honorary
emblem of distinction, felt themselves dishonoured.
An ebullition of popular feeling, however, quickly
succeeded, and the Duke of RICHMOND, though
strangely opposed, for the time, by " the hero of a
hundred fights," lost no time in convincing the
Ministers of their duty to advise the Crown to honour
the Army and the Navy, according to their well-
merited fame. 'We hope, indeed, that what has now
occurred will have the effect of rendering the re-
sponsible servants of the SOVEREIGN extremely
studious hereafter, whenever our sons of Mars or
Neptune may gain any signal victories, that the
badges of distinction shall be granted on a scale com-
mensurate with the love of justice and depth of gra-
titude peculiar to the British people, We cannot
conclude these remarks without taking exception to
the circumstance that the naval engagements for
which medals are to be struck stop at the year
1815. Surely the period might have been
extended to the following year, so as to
have comprised those who fought in the memor-
able action off Algiers !—an action, be it re-
membered, more glorious in its heroism, and more
philanthropic in its cause, than two-thirds of the
engagements for which the persons present are to be
thus honoured and rewarded. We entreat the atten-
tion of the Admiralty, of the House of . Commons,
and of the: Government to the gallant officers and
men who fought and bled in the glorious battle of
Algiers. Surely the sailors who fought there under
EXMOUTH and MILNE should not be grudged a
simple medal !

A letter from Frankfort, dated the 22d, states that
the most influential men of the Liberal party in the
Grand Duchy of Baden have resolved to present an
address to the General Diet of Prussia, adjuring that
assembly, in the name of the people of Germany, to
protect the most important interests of the country.
The address also alludes to the necessity of granting
to the Jews the full and complete enjoyment of civil
and political rights as exercised by the Christians.

We have received by the Levant mail Malta papers
to the 21st, the Constantinople journals to the 16th,
and the Moniteur Grec (the Ministerial organ) to the
20th inclusively. The Malta journals contain nothing
of importance. The Moniteur Grec neither confirms
nor contradicts the report that the Greek Government
has solicited the mediation of Austria for the arrange-
ment of the differences with the Porte. The following
is from the Courrier de Constantinople of the 16th:—
"An extraordinary courier from Persia has brought the
intelligence that the ultimatum relative to the treaty between
the Ottoman Porte and the Persian Government had been
definitively accepted by the Shah, and that it had been signed
at Teheran about the middle of the month of April."

Madrid papers of the 26th have been received.
The KING still continues at the Prado, and refuses to
join the QUEEN unless General SERRANO is sent out
as Governor of Cuba. Senor SALAMANCA is suffering
from illness.

MADRID BOLSA, MAT 26.—The Three per Cents,
were done at 29i for cash; the Four per Cents. at
181 ; the Five per Cents. at 18-il ; the Debt without
interest at 5i ; and the Coupons at 16.

We have received the Paris papers of Monday.
The National has the following observations on the
armed intervention of England, France, and Spain
in Portugal :
" Is it, in truth, seriously that an armed intervention is
spcken of in Portugal? The Debuts had already announced
to us this intelligence, which, however, was immediately,
contradicted. Since then it has published the text of a con-
vention entered into between England, France, and Spain,
according to which Spain was to succour Donna Maria with
her troops, England with her sailors, and France with her
good wishes. The journals of London inform us now that
Lord Palmerston has aimitted in the Ilouse of Commons the
existence of this treaty. At the same time Mr. Hume has
given notice that he will on Monday (this day) address ques-
tions to the English Cabinet on the subject. Thus, then, the
news is true! We must believe that explanations will also
be, without delay, demanded from M. Guizot. It is already
a fault to have allowed the English Parliament to enter on
the matter first. And by what right does this armed inter-
vention take place in the internal affairs of Portugal? The
Debuts has mentioned the Quadruple Alliance, but Lord Pal-
merston speaks of a new convention. He adds, it is true,
that the title put forth by Donna Maria is that of the con-
tracting parties of the Quadruple Alliance. But what con-
nexion can this text, so often torn to pieces, have with the
struggle at present going on in Portugal ? The question is
not now to combat Don Carlos or Don Miguel, against whom
this constitutional coalition was specially at first concluded.
Donna Maria, that perjured Queen, after having worn out,
with her coups d'etat and her .strange whimsies, the nation
which had placed her on the throne beheld that nation rise
up against a domination that was alike odious and contempt-
ible. Is not the Portuguese nation perfectly justified in acting
so? Does it not exercise a right the most legitimate and most
sacred? In what respect can England, Spain, and France,
who have a similar page in their history, find this conduct
reprehensible? The treaty of the Quadruple Alliance, taken
in its widest expression, had been directed against the me-
naces of the absolute Sovereigns. Can it have undergone in
a few years so great a metamorphosis as to have become at
present a danger for the liberty of nations? We have al-
ready had the holy alliance of despot Kings—are we to be-
hold this idea of 1815 revived in the holy alliance of the
constitutional Sovereigns? The question is a most grave
one, as may be seen. The first cannon-ball fired against the
Portuguese will give a dreadful shock to the traditions and
principles of international law. We are not astonished to
see M. Guizot mixed up with this odious scheme. He saw
in it the advantage of appearing to have again drawn closer
to England, and he hopes that he may be permitted to re-
peat the well-known expression, 'I follow in her wake.'
But it. is of importance to France that the threats of this new
coalition be not realised; and no doubt our statesmen will
consent to deny themselves for a time the pleasures of the
country, in order to bring this matter before the Chamber."
The Presse has an article, extending over three
mortal columns, on Spanish affairs, in which it ac-
cuses the British Government of having a design to
Protestantise Spain.
"If the Pope (says the Presse) refuses to gratify the
wishes of England by dissolving the marriage of Queen Isa-
bella, England will excite the Queen to diyorce herself in
spite of the Pope. Double profit for England! A divorce!
and with a divorce schism and Protestantism in Spain ! The
religious propaganda of the Anglican Sectarians triumphing
in Spain at the same time with the political and commercial
propaganda of England! Is not this a pleasant dream? To
plunge Queen Isabella into the excesses of which the reign
of Henry VIII. offers the most perfect model—to renew be-
tween the holy see and the Sovereign of a Catholic nation
the odious contest which caused Protestantism to triumph in
England—to complete a second time the separation of which
she has given the example to the world—to revenge herself
on France, and at the same time to satisfy her political inte-
rests and her religious passions—is not that a plan worthy of
British diplomacy ?"

The report of the Committee on Algeria has been
laid before the Chamber of Deputies. It recom-
mends that France " content herself with occupying
the Tell, and not endeavour to penetrate or form esta-
blishments in the smaller desert, the natives of which,
being obliged to draw their provisions from the Tell,
are de facto her tributaries."
The Committee was also of opinion that the army
should not be employed in reducing independent
Kabylia, whose pcpulation, surrounded by European
settlers and confined within narrow valleys, must ne-
cessarily undergo the influence of the French. The
Committee next considered the means best calculated
to consolidate their domination in the country, and
laid it down as a principle that the political power
should be vested in the hands of the French, and most
of the secondary offices of the Government be filled
by natives. The second part of the report treated of
the important question of the civil administration of
Algeria, and recommended the restriction of the cen-
tralization at Paris within narrower limits, so that if
the entire government of the affairs of Algeria re-
mained in France a portion of the administration
should reside in Africa itself.
It is said that Marshal BUGEALID has been recalled
from Algiers.
The Three per Cents. closed at 78f. 70c.; the Five per
Cents., 117 f. sc. • the Orleans Railroad Shares, 1,2601. ;
Rouen, 960 f.
; Havre, 650 f. •
Avignon, 755 f. ; Vierzon 592 f. ; Great Northern, 610 f: ;
50c. ; Bordeaux, 508 E 75e. ;
Basle, 187 f. 50c. ; Dieppe,' 316 f, 25c. ; Paris and Strasburg,
430 f. ; Tours and Nantes, 415 f. ; Paris and Lyons, 435 f ;
Lyons and Avignon, 447 f. 50c. ; Bordeaux and Cette, 4481.
75c. ; Spanish Three per Cents, 351.
MAIVBEILLEB, MAY 25.—Mareeilles and Avignon, 732 E 50c.
27..rarii and liouera, 957 f. 50c- Avignon

, JUNE 2, 1847.

and Marseilles, 737 f. 50c.; Northern, 606 f. 25c. ; Paris and
Lyons, 433 f. 75c.; Orleans, 1,241 f. 25c.

BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, JUNE 1.
Boulogne and Amiens, 131/4—Namur and Liege, 35A—
Northern of France, I2—Paris and Rouen, 37—Sambre and
Meuse, VA—West Flanders, 33/;.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

(THIS DAY.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly after T►velve
o'clock.

REPORTS.

The following reports were brought up and ordered
to be laid on the table :
Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Railway,
and Chester and Birkenhead Railway Purchase or
Amalgamation.
Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction Rail-
way (Deviation of Main Line and Chester Branch,
&c.)
Blackburn, Darwen, and Bolton Railway Acts Amend-
ment (Diversions of Line in the parishes of Black-
burn and Bolton in the Moors.)
Boston, Stamford, and Birmingham Railway (Branch to
Wisbech Harbour, and Wisbech Harbour Improve-
ment).
Boston, Stamford, and Birmingham Railway (Wisbech
to Satton-bridge, &c.)
Buckingham and Brackley Junction Railway, and Ox-
ford and Bletchley Junction Railway Companies
Amalgamation and Extension of Lines.
Eastern Counties Railway ( Wisbech to Spalding).
London and Yorth- Western Railway (Birmingham and
Lichfield Line, &c.)
Manchester and Lincoln Union Railway Deviation.
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Louth
and Horncastle and East Lincolnshire Junction
Branches).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Station
Approach in Manchester).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway, and
Manchester and Lincoln Union Railway and Chester-
field and Gainsborough Canal Amalgamation.
Midland Railway (Extension of the Nottingham and
Lincoln Branch at Lincoln).
Midland Railway (Erewash Valley, &c.)
Midland Railway (Leicester and Swannington Railway
Widening, Deviation, and Branches, Enlargement of
Leicester Station, and extending powers as to Ibstock
Branch).
Mold Railway.
Portadown and Dungannon Railway.
Ross, Cromarty, and part of Nairn District Roads (re-
committed).
Shrewsbury and Chester Railway (Branches and
Station).
South-Eastern Railway (North Kent and Bricklayers
Arms Junction).
The report on the Lancashire, Cheshire, and North
Wales Drainage and Inclosure ompanies Incorporation
Bill was further considered and agreed to.
THIRD READINGS.

The following Bills were read a thiititirne and passed
Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport Railway.
Swansea Docks.
Wexford Free Bridge.
POYNTZFIELD ESTATE.

On the motion of Mr. GREENE, it was ordered that
the Examiner of Petitions for Private Bills have leave
to proceed on the Poyntzfield Estate Bill to-morrow.
FLEETWOOD, PRESTON, AND WEST RIDING