The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-07 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

WINDSOR, FRIDAY.—Her Majesty and Prince Albert
, walked as usual in the forenoon in the vicinity of the
Castle, and in the afternoon, at five o'clock, the Royal
party went out for a drive, her Majesty attended by the
Duchess of Bedford and the Lady Mary Gertrude Vyner,
occupying a pony carriage and four ; the carriage follow-
ing (a pony phaeton) conveyed the Marquis of Headfort
and the Lady Olivia Taylour, and in the last carriage
were the Lady Caroline Somers Cocks and the Hon.
Sarah. Mary Cavendish, the Maids of Honour in Wait-
ing. His Royal Highness Prince Albert accompanied
her Majesty on horseback, attended by Colonel Wylde,
Lord Alfred Paget, Major the Hon. George Keppel, and
Mr. Vyner. .
Her Royal Highness the Princess Royal has been
taken her airing twice to-day. Her Royal Highness is
looking exceedingly well.
The Hon. W. Cowper took his departure from the
Castle this morning. _ _ -
Sir Henry Wheatley arrived this morning at the Castle,
on a visit to her Majesty.
Mr. George Edward Anson will have the honour of
joining the Royal circle at the Castle at dinner, this
evening.
Mr. and Lady Mary Gertrude Vyner are expected to
take leave to-morrow.

Her Majesty will hold a Privy Council at two o'claok
on Wednesday afternoon, the 11th inst., at Windsor
Castle.

Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cambridge, ac-
companied by the Princesses Augusta and Mary of Cam-
bridge, returned to town on Thursday evening from her
residence at Kew.

His ltoya,l Highness the Duke of Sussex paid a visit
yesterday afternoon to the Duke and Duchess of Cam-
bridge, at Cambridge House.
The Duchess of Cambridge. accompanied by the Prin-
cesses Augusta and Mary of Cambridge, took an airing
yesterday afternoon in an open carriage.
Viscount Melbourne will have a full-dress dinner
party on Monday the 23d inst. at his official residence
in Downing-street, A numerous party of Peers have
received invitations.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer returned to his resi-
dence at Lee yesterday from Portsmouth.
The Hon. William Cowper arrived in town yesterday
from a visit to her Majesty at Windsor Castle.
Lord Adolphus Fitzclarence left town yesterday morn-
ing for Portsmouth.

STATE AND PROSPECTS OF THE

LIBERAL CAUSE.
It is, of course, impossible for any one whose sympa-
thies are all with the Whig party, to avoid feeling the
deepest mortification at the verdict against them that the
Constituencies have just pronounced. To the present
feelings of a moderate Reformer, those of an ancient Jew
when told " The ark is taken !" are only the conceivable
parallel. The Government, with whose stability the as-
cendancy of Liberal principtes was identified—a Govern-
ment that is, indeed, the personification of temperate li-
berality—now exists only until its successors are ap-
pointed, its days meanwhile being numbered, and its sub-
stantive authwity already gone. The. Ministers elect
era the heads of a party composed of hereditary, and
seemingly instinctive defenders of abuses, to whose
spontaneous act no ameliorative measure canbe ascribed.
Whatever may be unpredented in this state of parties,
it. is certainly not their relative position as Tory majority
and Whig minority. How little is there of new or

strange in this aspect of the political world ! It seems
but yesterday since the Whigs were in minorities the
most miserable and hopeless: Excluded, seemingly, in
perpetuity, from office, opposed to the Court, and to large
majorities of the Aristocracy, the populace, and even of
the stolid respectability of the country ; thus it was,
that those Whigs on whose disinterestedness imputations
are so freely made, spent, in general, their youth, nay,
the middle of life. Thus it was, that they find advo-
cated measures on which their original opponents now
take their stand, and defend as monuments a political
wisdom. The Whigs, therefore, need be nothing
daunted, nay, from the result of their former exertions,
have the greatest encouragement, in resuming their old
post in opposition. They may excusably hope that, as
the measures they once supported against such over-
whelming odds are now practically approved in being
universally maintained, so may at length be those for
the sake of which they are again in what is, in truth,
their accustomed station, in the minority, that is, in ad-
vance of the mass of men.
Now that the Reform Bill has thus yielded a Conser-
vative majority, it is impossible to avoid addressing to
the Conservative party the inquiry. Is this the result
that you expected from the Bill ? The failure of the
Tory predictions as to the effect of that measure, began
with their utterance, and has been unintermitted. Tice
diatribes in which it was opposed are unparalleled re-
cords of political miscalculation. Nor can this reproach
be fairly retorted, at least not on the Bill's most rational
supporters. The existence of Conservatism in consider-
able strength under the Bill, was foreseen by them, nay
was an essential element in the considerations that led
them to hazard so great a change as the Bill involved.
The occurrence indeed of such tranference of power as
is now impending, could not seem very improbable
or remote, even when the fortunes of Conserva-
tism had sunk to the lowest ebb. To reflecting
observers of the progreis of events this occasion presents
little that is unaccountable, or that was not long ago
more or less anticipated. The change is not in public
sentiment, but in the measures that are the test of party
distinctions,—and respecting which the nation, in ele-
vating one party and depressing another, gives judgment.
It is easy, indeed, to contrast the Whig majority of ten
years ago with the Conservative majority of the present
day, and thence to infer a re-action against, Reform.
But are the questions respecting which a Whig majo-
rity once existed, the same as those that the country now
decides against the Whigs? By no means. On Parlia-
mentary and Corporation Reform, on the Emancipation
of the Slaves, and the Opening of the. China 'Trade,
there was a large majority. Is that majority reversed ?
On the contrary, it has become a unanimity of practical
approbation. All the great questions respecting which
the Whigs ever had a majority are affirmatively settled.
Questions respecting which there never was a Whig ma-
jority, or so large a majority is is now arrayed in their
support, have become the first in practical urgency. Thus
only it is, that there is presented to superficial observers
a fallacious appearance of re-action against the cause of
liberality; when, in reality, that cause is steadily advan-
cing, every advance it has,inade being quietly Maintained,
and new advances being auspiciOusly attempted, though
necessarily without immediate success.

Is it thin to be regretted that the Whig leaders have
occupied ground on a hich they are not nationally sup-
ported, by making an approach, at least, to free trade—
the chief of the present distinguishing principles of their
party ? Far from it. Even with respect to party inte-
rests, the promulgation of the Budget was a wise and sa-
lutary stp.
Can the cause that is identified with commercial free-
dom be desperate ? On the contrary, though, even be-
cause of this association, it may now be checked, yet is
its safety and ultimate triumph assured. Little appre-
hension can he have of the doctrine of free traite, in
all its truth and simplicity, who doubts that it must at
length recommend itself to universal belief and practice.
Men cannot be much longer deluded by the ridiculous
fallacies that combine with rapacity in retaining the ex-
isting fetters of industry. Those liberal commercial prin-
ciples, in defence of which the present Government are
about to fall, are resolvable into axioms, the truth and jus-
tice of which are plain as the sun at noon-day, and are cor-
roborated by all experience. Their sum and substance
is, that every man. in the exercise of his calling, has a
right to protection from fraud and violence, but not from
fair competition, from whatever quarter, whether do-
mestic or foreign, it may come. Whoever wishes pro-
tection from competition wishes not fair play, but more
—that is, unfair favour. Protection, the watchword of
monopolists, in the sense of protection from com-
petition, is . a barbarism that • should be abolished,
not only in law, but even in language and In idea. A
better cause cannot be conceived or wished, than that of
unmixed and resolute hostility to this abuse of protec-
tion. It is the cause of the nation against special inter-
cats—of self-evident right against the most flagrant
wrong—of sense against nonsense. To suppose that the
monstrous system of protection from competition will not
give way before further discussion, deliberation, and ex-
perience, would be a satire on the nation and age, and
little less than an imputation on ProVidence. The
balance of trade-was hardly a grosser absurdity, and not
nearly so mischievous as this protection. If there is not
an extraordinary interruption in the march of intelli-
gence, the day cannot be distant when this preposterous
folly will be consigned to the limbo of exploded fallacies
—the more abhorred and despised from the extent to
which it had injured the interests, and imposed on the
understandings of men. Those who resume political as-
cendancy as defenders of this erroneous and pernicious
• system, occupy ground that is constantly being swept
away. A loss of power through an attack on this scandal
of the national policy, must be temporary, if there is any
reliance to be placed on the progressive enlightenment of
the public mind.
Reformers will become more discriminatinm—abandon-
ing some proposals that have been hastily adopted, but
which would, in truth, not advance civilization, but cause
it to retrograde. Their views will be developed and
rationalized. They will learn to supply the serious de-
ficiencies in the approaches to justice, which alone they
have yet ventured. Civil and religions freedom haveyet
to be vindicated as much as commercial. National self-
government must be more distinctly established, The
very name of Protestant ascendancy, either political or
ecclesiastical, must cease to be heard in connexion with
Ireland.—Scotsman.

SOME OF THE ADVANTAGES OF

TRADE.

The influence of commerce upon national wealth is
only indirect. Those engaged in commercial undertak-
ings make no change in the articles they buy and sell.
They merely barter one sort of produce for another ;
and, generally speaking, what is given is the exact equi-
valent of what is got. The advantage of the exchange
—and it is not easy to overrate its importance—consists
in its enabling those who produce the commodities or
articles that form the subject matter of commerce, to
carry on their business without interruption. The in-
tervention of merchants and dealers gives a continuous
motion to the plough and the-loom. They collect and
distribute all sorts of commodities ; they buy of the
farmers and manufacturers the things they have to sell ;
and bringing together every variety of useful and desirable
articles in shops and warehouses, individuals are able,
without difficulty or loss of time, to supply themselves
with whatever they want. Were the class of dealers an-
nihilated, that division of labour in agriculture and manu-
factures, to which they are indebted for most part of their
progress, would be wholly destroyed. The moment an
individual had produced a quantity of wheat, of cloth,
or of shoes, he would be obliged to leave his peculiar
occupation, and to endeavour first to dispose of his
produce, and next to find out the various individuals
possessed of, and willing to part with, the different
•articles required for his consumption. Under such cir-
cumstances it would not be possible to confine ourselves
to one employment ; and every family would be obliged
to undertake the manufacture of most things required
for its support. All the advantage of co-operation and
combination would -be lost, society would be thrown
back into primeval barbarism, and would not possess a
tenth part of the accommodations that are now enjoyed.
But this is not all. Besides enabling individuals to
addict themselves in preference to such employments as
suit their tastes or capacities, and to prosecute them
without interruption, commerce gives birth to a territo-
'rial division of labour. Different countries, and different
provinces of the same country, different situation, soil,
climate, and production ; some are admirably fitted for
the produce of corn and wool, but are without wine and
silk ; some have rich mines, while their cultivated lands
are poor and scanty ; some are overrun by forests, while
others can hardly boast of a solitary tree ; nor is there,
in point of fact, a single country, however rich in native
products, that would not, if' confined to its own re-
sources, be destitte of many articles indispensable to a
comfortable existence. But by the establishment of a free
commercial intercourse, what is deficent in one district is
balanced by what is superfluous in another; and an in-
dustrious nation enjoys whatever is useful, rare or valu-
able in all the countries and climates of the world. As
soon as a commercial intercourse grows up each people
endeavours to avail itself of a peculiar means of produc-
tion. Capital and industry are diverted in preference to
those employments iu which the physical circumstances
of,particular countries or the genius of their inhabitants
esp,'cially fit them to excel; while, by exchanging such
portions of their peculiar produce as exceed their own
consumptitin for the peculiar articles raised by others,
each is suppliCl with all that is elsewhere obtainable;_ at
the same time the Productive powers are stimulated to
the utmost, and thils she wealth of the world is immea-
surably increased. It is e.'us that by distributing the
various articles suitable for the comfort and accommoda-
tion of man in different and distant regions, Providenc.?
has provided for their mutual dependence, and made the
selfish pursuits of individuals and nations su!)servient to
the general good.—A Statistical Account of the .oritisl3
Empire.
[We have thought it right to reproduce these renues
for the benefit of some of our Contemporaries, who Weal,
by their daily lucubrations, never to have read a line of
any work on political economy, and to be as ignorant of as
of Chaldee. For example, they see nothing in trade
than the mere exchange of our cottons for the wheat
of Prussia ; and all the secondary consequences of trade,
such as extended division of labour, the stimulus it gives
to extend the new wants it creates and satisfies, the
friendly relations it establishes between people politi-
cally different and politically hostile, are wholly over-
looked. For the benefit of these ignorant but public
instructors, some political economy " readings" shall, as
on this occasion, be from time to time inserted.]

THE HALIFAX MAIL STEAMER, LIVEW-
rooL, THUBSDAY.-At one o'clock yesterday, the noble
steamer, Colombia, Captain Judkins, left our port with
upwards of one hundred passengers, carrying her Ma-
jesty's royal mail-bags for Canada and the United States,
under the care of Lieut. Jones, R.N.
LATENT VEGETATION.—Some ground turned
up in Bushy-park in winter, which had probably not
been disturbed since the time of Charles the First, was
covered in the following summer with the mignionette,
pansies, and wild raspberries, none of which grow in the
ncighbOurhood.

MORNING SUN.