The Sun.
London, England, 1840-04-23 00:00:00

7:14 141: SEIN,I4()NDON, 1111URS1AY. APRIL 23, 1840.

THE VOLUNTARY QUESTION.

(Abridged from a Report prepared for the Leeds Times.
GREAT NIEETINO LEEDS, FOR THE SE-
PARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE—
THE ABOLITION OF CHURCH-RATES—
THE RELIEF OF JOHN THOROGOOD—
THE ABOLITION OF ECCLESIASTICAL
COURT'S, &d.
A most important demonstratiOn in favour of the vo-
lt:Mary principle, and against the repeated compulsory
ekqetions levied on the community in behalf of the Es-
tablished Church, took place in the Court-house of this
town on Monday. In the course of last week, a most
resrcctablo :sad numerously signed requisi6m was pre-
settod to the Mayor, to call a public meeting for the
• purpose of considering the propriety ofpetitioning Par-,
liament for the Separation of Church and State, and
other objects therein stated. Conscientious scruples
prevented the Mayor from acceding to the wishes of the
requisitors ; who accordingly proceeded forthwith to call
a public meeting on their own responsibility, the use of
the Court-house having been courteously granted them
for the occasion, The hour of meeting was twelve
o'clock, and shortly after the business had commenced,
tile Court-house became densely crowded by an atten-
tive and orderly audience, who remained, with few ex- r
ceptions, to the close of the proceedings, which lasted for
nearly four hours.
Mr. Councillor BtirrtitY was moved to the Chair !
amid general acclamation._

HAMER STAN3FELD, Esq., one of the magistrates
for the borough, came forward to move the first resolu-
tion, and was received with loud applause. He said,
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,—ln taking part in the
proceedings of this day, I trust that I am not animated
by any sectarian feelings.—(Hear, hear.) If Ido not
deceive myself, I have no hostility towards the Esta-
blished Church, or to any other Church, but only to
the abuses which arc apt to creep into them, and
which, we shall find, will creep in in proportion to the
degree in which they rely on earth and not on heaven
for support.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The fault lies
in the frailty of our nature. The moderate and liberal

Churchman, under the conviction that his. own faith
would be much more popular and powerful, it-left to
the support of its own inherent 'strength and the subli-
mity of its services, must be as disgusted as any Dissen-
ter can be at the extravagances committed by some of
the heads of that Church.—(Hear, hear.) Such there
are who join with me in the opinion that the connection
between Church and State, is anti-Christian in its
nature, and un-Christian in its effects, and not only
clergymen, not only laymen, but even dignitaries of the
Church have owned these sentiments, and in proof of
that, I will give you the opinions of Bishop Hoadley,
delivered by him in the celebrated sermon preached be.
fore George the First, and which sermon it would be
well for every one of you, in these days of the arrogance
of the Church, to study. The text selected by his Lord-
ship, on that occasion, was—" And Jesus answered, my
kingdom is not of this world."---(Hear, hear.) He then
proceeded to say—
" As the Church of Christ is the kingdom of Christ,
he himself is king : and in this it is implied that he is
himself the sole lawgiver to his subjects, and himself
the sole judge of their behaviour, in the affairs of con-
science and eternal salvation. And in this sense, there-
fore, his kingdom is not of this world, that he bath in
those points left behind him no visible human authority,
no vicegerents, who can be said properly to supply his
place ; no interpreters, upon whom his subjects are ab-
solutely to depend ; no judges over the consciences or
religion of his people. For if this were so, that any
such absolute vicegerent authority, either for the
making new laws, or interpreting old ones, or judging
his subjects in religious matters, were lodged in any
me❑ upon earth,—the consequence would be, that what
still retains the name of the Church of Christ, would not
be the kingdom of Christ, but the kingdom of those
men vested with such authority." .

Alfl now let us look, Gentlemen, let us look at some of
the anti-Christian effects necessarily arising from this
anti-Christian connection denounced by Bishop Hoedley.
It was only the other day that I was in London, and
made my way to the House of Lords. Great excite-
ment prevailed. I ascertained that the cause of it was
a Bishop—a minister of religion. I remembered the
words contained in the inspired volume—" Blessed are
the meek in spirit, blessed are the peace-makers ;"
and I was anxious to see who was the cause of all the
excitement and party spirit in their Lordships' house.
I found it was the Bishop of Exeter.—(Hear, hear.)
He was endeavouring to overturn the Clergy Reserves
question in Canada, on the settlement of which the
peace and prosperity of that province so much de-
pends. Now, that you may have some idea of the im-
portance of that question, the Governor of the Colony,
in writing to the Secretary of State for the Colonial
Department, says :—" It has been, for many years,
the source of all the troubles in the province ; the
never-failing watchword at the hustings ;. the perpetual
spring of discord, strife, and hatred. So universally is
the proof of this proposition admitted, that I have
scarcely met with one man of any party or of any
opinion with regard to the mode of settlement, who
has not declared to me, that it would be far better that
these reserves should be altogether taken away from the
province, than that they should remain an object for
contending parties to dispute about." The proposal
was, that this property should be sold, one-half of it to
be given to the Established Church, and the other
half to be distributed between the different religious
communities. All parties in Canada agreed as to the
desirableness of the proposal being carried into effect.
A Bill for that purpose was framed and passed the
Legislature there,_ and was sent to England for the
sanction of the Home Government. But no. The
measure must pass that bourne from whence no good
thing e'er returns.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The
bench of Bishops stand in the way of peace—religious
peace, to our Canadian brethren.—(Share, shame.)
And in what manner did the Bishop of Exeter conduct
himself? Lord Melbourne told him that his con-
duct was unbecoming the solemn station he held,
the place in which he stood, aro his station as a Peer
of the realm.—(Hear, hear.) You have some idea of
the fact, when I tell you that on leaving the House of
Lords with a friend. of mine, who is a Member of
the House of Commons, he said, " You have just
come in for a regular set-to between Philpotts and the
Premier—a sparring-match between a minister of peace
—(Laughter)—and a Minister of the Crown." Is not
this anti-Christian ?—(" Yes, yes.") But let us look
further into the anti-Christian conduct of these dignita-
ries of the Church. Is it becoming them in the charac-
ter of Christian ministers to pass laws which sanction
the incarceration of men for conscience sake ?—(" No.")
Is it becoming in them as ministers of religion, to pass
laws which limit the supply of food to the people, and
thus mock the daily prayer they utter ?—(Loud cries of
" Hear.") Is it becoming in them to pass laws to take
money from every sect to support their own, and to
take my money to build their places of worship, in
which, on stated days, it is publicly promulgated that,
because I do not believe with them—because I cannot
conscientiously do so, I shall everlastingly perish ?
(Hear, hear, hear.) Do you call that Christianity?—
(" No, no.") I defy the ingenuity of man to devise
anything more un:Christian.--(Cheers.) And what,
after all, Gentlemen, is the religion which has been es-
tablished and now sought to be extended ? Is it the
religion of those who say they exist by Divine appoint-
ment and Apostolical Succession ?—(Hear, hear.) Ifit.
is, I say their pretensions are false, and I know many
clergymen of the Established Church who have said
that such an assertion is a most impudent falsehood.—
(Hear, hear.) Then, are we to build churches to en-
able the clergy to wrangle against their dissenting bre-
thren? I say that in justice to ourselves and out of
regard to the interests of religion itself, we are bound to
resist the unrighteous demand which is now made upon us.
And what are the times in which this proposition is
brought forward? Is it not when the country is dis-
tracted by internal commotions? when the working
classes arc disaffected towards the Government, and in
open enmity with the other classes ; and almost abso-
lute starvation prevails throughout the kingdom?—
(Hear, hear.) I would refer those'who advocate the
granting of large sums of the public money for the pur-
pose of Church Extension, to a letter recently published
by a most worthy minister of religion, Dr. Arnold, of
Rugby, who, after describing the present state of things,
says—
" Greater ignorance might have existed elsewhere,
and greater distress in perhaps greater numbers, but
never with such a power of organization—never with
such a keen consciousness of evil suffered—never in
such exasperating contrast to wealth and knowledge
did there exist within memory's history—and I repeat
it advisedly, such an alarming disaffection in any coun-
try, towards the whole actual frame of society, as that
which we have now around us in England."

Let those, then, who are advocates for Church Exten-
sion, by such means as I have mentioned, take care
how they inflame the feelings or trifle with the con-
sciences of suffering people.—(Loud cheers.) The
resolution which I shall have the honour of proposing
to you is this. [Mr. Stansfeld here read the resolution,
which, as well as the subsequent ones, will be found in
our advertising columns.] I doubt not, Gentlemen, it
will be said, that in moving this resolution, I am act,
in;; in contradiction of the declaration which I have
made as a Magistrate.,—(Not no.). I am anxious to
meet that charge. I was anxious, indeed, by ray pre-
sence here, to show that the Magistrates of this bo-
rough are not unanimous, at least, in thinking that
they have not a right to join their fellow townsmen
in petitioning for a removal oF clerical abuses.--
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") What is the
declaration I have taken ? The words nre—" I will
never exercise any power, authority, or influence, which
I may possess by virtue of my office of Justice of the
r Peace, to injure or weaken the Protestant Church as !
by law established, or to disturb the Bishops of the said
Church in the enjoyment of any rights or privileges to
which they are or may be by law entitled." This is the
declaration 1 made when I took upon myself the office
of Magistrate, and I should like to ask whether I urn
now exercising. any " authority, power, or influence"
which I did not possess before ?—(Cries of " No, no.")
Had I not before the privilege of a citizen—the right

which every Englishman feels to be inherent in his
birth, namely the right to express his opinions is the
freest !Danner which the law will admit.—(Loud
cheers.) Have a forfeited that right? Have I sold
my liberty and my conscience ?—(Hear.) Have I
consented henceforward and for ever to incarcerate my
triad'? No, never.--(Cheers.) I would not under-
value the honour of being in the Commission of the
Peace, but I hold a still higher commission, and so do
you, one arid all—a commission from above—a corn-
mission from our Father and common Parent in Heaven,
to set that his law is duly administered to all the chil
dren of his family, to whose government we are all
alike subject, and I say that no set of men, be they who
they may—whether clerical, aristocratical, or deinoc-a-
tical—have any right to assume to themselves an undue
portion of his bounty, but rather to obey that Divine
injunction—" Whatever ye would that men should do
unto you, do ye also even unto them, for this is the law
and the prophets."—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") With
these views, Gentlemen, I will move the resolution which
I have react, let the consequences be what they may.—
(Loud and prolonged cheering.)
Mr. JOSEPH MIDDLETON seconded the resolution.
He was loudly cheered on corning forward. He con-
tended that it was unjust to persecute any man for his
religious belief.--(Hear, hear.) Religion was a ques-
tion not between man and the authorities of the State ;
it was a question between the creature and the Creator.
—( Hear, hear, hear.) Man was not responsible to the
head of the State for his religious opinions. No! thank
Heaven;:he was responsible to a higher, a nobler, and a
more merciful Being,—(Cheers.) It seemed to him
that the State had always been guilty of this great fault.
It was not. just to punish a man for his religious belief.
And it was equally unjust to compel him to support a
creed in which he does not believe.—(Hear, hear, and
cheers.) But there was another reason why he objected
to the connection of the Church with the State. It
was unscriptural. Could any of the ministers of the
Established Church, who proclaimed, themselves the
only true successors of the
Apostles—(Hear, hear)._
show him one instance in which .these meek and holy
men made any claim to a connection with the State—
in which they desired any support from the State for
their religion ?—(Hear, bear.); No ! these Apostles
came humble in mein and lowly in heart—they provided
not themselves with gold and silver, hut they lived by
the voluntary contributions of all who worshipped at
their altar.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And would it
not be wise in their ministers to do likewise, and show
that they carry those principles into practice which they
but now so hypocritically preach.—(Cheers.) He
denied that any good had resulted to the State from its
connection with the Church, but, on the contrary, the
B:shops and Clergy had always arranged themselves on
the side of bigotry, intolerance, and oppression, as
proved by their opposition to Catholic Emancipation,
the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, and the
education of the people.
A working man of the name of Granger interrupted
Mr. Middleton, and in a very singular strain exhorted
him to read the Bible, and he would be of a different

opinion.
Several Chartists followed, hut moved no amend-
ment, and the resolution was carried with only one dis-
sentient, the said Granger.
Mr. RICHARDSON, solicitor, came forward to move
the second resolution, and was loudly cheered. He
said—We live, Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, in most
eventful times—in a most extraordinary period of public
opinion and feeling. This meeting is called for the
purpose of considering a question, on which, some
years ago, as you are all well aware, such a meriting in
Leeds could not have been convened for such an ob-
ject, and therefore I congratulate you, my friends, on
having arrived at that period of our history, when the
subject is not to be put down, but when the question
can be fairly debated, both on one side and on the other
—ls the union of Church and State beneficial or disad-
vantageous ? We find that a most enormous exaction
is to be made, or at least to be attempted to be made,
upon our purses, for the purpose of supporting that of
which many of us most conscientiously disapprove, and
therefore it is at least but fair that we should discuss
the question, whether this proposed extension is likely
to be beneficial or not.—(Hear, hear.) What is the
extension which our friends of the Established Church
ask us to support ? They say they have already
6 000,0001. or 8,000,000/. per annum, but that is not
enough. Then, how much more do you want ? They
reply that they want as much money as will build
churches, and propagate their views of Christianity to
the whole population of the empire, which consist's .of
150,000,000 men.—(Laughter.) Now, I would first
ask you the simple question—what will be the sum of
money required to accomplish this object ? According
to my calculation, it would not be less than 50,000,0001.
a-year.----( Hear, hear.) If you are prepared to grant
such a sum of money, of course support Church Exten-
sion by all the powers you possess ; but if you are de-
termined to oppose it, do so with all the energy in your
power.—( We will.) What did the Vicar; in his in-
augural address to his parishioners, put forth? He
made a promise which he will pardon me for saying
(and I make the assertion thus publicly, because it is
the only manner in which I can do so with propriety)
he has not yet fulfilled, namely, that he would prove
Apostolical succession.—(Laughter.) I think the Rev.
Doctor took upon himself a task which he is not able
to accomplish ; for in all the productions he has sent
forth, and I have read a great many of them, I have not
been able to discover one single atom of proof in favour
of such a doctrine.—(Hear, hear.) Now I say, Gen-
tlemen, that if Dr. Hook can prove Apostolic Succes-
sion—if he can prove. that all other Dissenting divines
have no commission from God (for that is what is
contended)--sif he can prove that Mr. Scales, Mr.
Giles, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Ely, Mr. Jukes, Mr. Wick-
steed, and all our Wesleyan friends, have no autho-
rity whatever to minister in spiritual things—
that their administration of the ordinances of Chris-
tianity are vain and void, and that they have not the
promised blessing of the Eternal God alone—l say, if
Dr. Hook can prove all this, then he is- fairly entitled,
along with the other Puseyite Clergymen of Leeds, to
call upon every one of us to support them.—(Hear,
hear, and No, no.) I say, if they can prove the Apos-
tolical succession, and that they alone are the successors
of the Apostles, they have a right to call upon all of
us to support their views.—(No, no.) But let us
hear. I put our worthy Puseyite Clergy to the proof.
They tell us that they are descended from St. Peter
and St. Paul. Now, I tell them that they fail in the
very first link of the chain. They say that the Apostle
Peter was the first Bishop of Rome. They not only
cannot prove that he was the first Bishop, but they
cannot prove that there is the slighest historical testi-
mony to show that he was ever in the City of Rome in
the whole course of his life.—( Loud cheers and laugh-
ter.) Thus the first link of the chain is gone, and I
need not tell you that the chain is gone when I take
away the first link.—(Hear, hear.) But further, I
say tiley fail in the second link, for they cannot tell me
who was the second Bishop of Rome ; they fail in the
third, for they cannot tell who was the third Bishop ;
and they fail in the fourth, for they cannot tell who was
the fourth Bishop.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Then,
I say, there is no evidence whatever to prove this
Apostolical Succession, and the claim falls to the
ground altogether. But they not only tell us the rea-
son why we should submit to them because they are of
the Apostolical Succession, but they go much further,
and they claim a power far more important than that
which is involved in their first assumption. A man
may get up and say that he knows so much—that
he is more under the influence of "right sentiments and
right feelings—that he preaches nothing but truth—
that he publishes no error—that he knows well he
shall say nothing but what is in strict accordance with
Scripture and with truth—a man who should say this,
no doubt would be a proud and a vain man, and per..
haps you would not be disposed to attach much impor-
tance to such declarations.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
But such assumptions, bold and arrogant as they would
be, are nothing in _comparison to those put forth by the
Puseyite clergy. They tell you that, when they preach
error, it shall not prove injurious—when they utter
these doctrines, they shall be beneficial—when they pro-
pagate opinions bad as poison, they shall produce good.
If these Puseyite clergymen can establish their claim to
apostolical succession, and if they can convert falsehood
into truth, and doctrines bad as poison into wholesome
fruit, they have a right to call upon you for support.
But we do not believe any such nonsense. And now,
gentlemen, first let me call your attention to the period
at which these extraordinary doctrines originated. They
originated in that very pure place called Oxford, in 1833.
Observe the time. The question of a reform in the
Church had arisen in all its might, and power, and dignity,
was going forward at that time, and calculated to sweep
away many of the evils under which the country is la-
housing. I was not admitted to the councils at Ox-
ford, but we may imagine what the clergymen there as-
sembled would talk about. They would doubtless say,
that if these things went on, their six millions or eight
millions would be gone.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.)
They must do something to keep it. What was it to
be ? They put forth a body of tracts, attempting to
prove their Apostolical succession, but they did not
circulate amongst the people in the first instance. They
introduced them gradually into the ranks of the clergy,
and having persuaded several into this absurd belief,
these opinions were to go forth to influence the feeling
and literature of the country. This is the origin of
Puscyism, and if you will listen to their doctrines and
believe their stories, they will prevail upon you, as you
ought, to give them your money. But if you believe
their Apostolical succession is falsehood—if you believe
it to be nonsense and humbug—if you believe it has no
foundation in Scripture, and no foundation in historical
truth, then you will be of opinion that these gentlemen
have no right to tax you for the purpose of supporting
and extending their mischievous and absurd doctrines,
Now, Gentlemen, let us look for a moment in what man-
ner the Church of England has influenced the present
condition of Ireland. There the Established Church,
for a considerable number of years, had undivided sway,
and full power to carry out all its views in that country.
Did it promote the peace, the happiness, and the wel-
fare of the people ? What was one of the first laws
that this Church enacted against the Irish ?—(Hear,

hear, hear.) If an Irishman wished to build ti house,
or purchase a piece of land, the Church said," No, you
are a Roman Catholic, and we can't allow you to je
so."'—(Shame, shame.) When a man obtains a little
money, the first question he asks himself is—how he can
invest it in a profitable manner. He is generally anxious
to purchase the house in which he lives, or the "garden
he occupies, but in Ireland, at the period of which he
was speaking, the Church said that, because a man be-
longed to a different sect, he should not be allowed to
possess either.—(Shame, shame.) What was the con-
sequence of such a state of things ? The seeds of prospe-
rity were crushed. A man obtained money, but he could
not avail himself of the ordinary purposes to which to
apply it. Such a system of injustice and oppression na-
turally destroyed the independent feeling of the peas
santry. Some gave up the endeavour to possess them-
selves of money, and those who had any lost it for want
of a proper investment. It was this law which made
Ireland what I am afraid she is with too much truth de-
signated—a nation of paupers.—(Loud cries of Hear,
hear.) That law was happily abolished about the year
1780, but the effects of it remain to this day. You are
now called upon to say whether or not you will give
power to a Church which exercised its power, when it
posSessed any, in this tyrannical manner, and whether
you ;sill confer additional power on an ecclesiastical
body which has ever refused, as far as they could, the
smallest amount of justice to that part. of the empire of
which I have been speaking.—( Hear, bear.) I deny the
assertion that the poverty of Ireland is produced by the
Roman Catholic religion.—(Hear, hear.) I believe that
poverty is produced by wicked Acts of Parliament.—
( Hear, hear.) It was produced by Acts of Parliament
which sent forth ministers of strife amongst the people
instead of those who ,would preach the doctrines of peace
and good ,will.—(Hear, hear.) How did it happen that,
when the Qiieen of England was to be degraded and se-
parated frani her husband, the Bishops, with only
one exception, were all on one side of the question, and
not only the Bishops but the clergy throughout the coun-
try ? I will tell You the reason, Gentlemen. The State was
paying theist their 6,000,000/. or 8,000,0001. a year,
and they knew they must support the State, although it
was at the expense of opposing the poor Queen of Eng-
land.—(Hear, hear) The fact reminds me of an old
story of a gentleman, who wrote the word " God" on
his finger nail, and then said to his neighbour—" Can
you read it ?" " Yes," said the other, "it is God."
The gentleman then put a guinea over it, and said,
" Now can you read it ?" " No, I can't," was the reply.
It was iu this way that the clergy of the Church of
Christ, if by that designation we are to call it, influenced
by the hope of gain which the connection between
Church and State held out to them, were blind to
the cause of a persecuted woman, and were led to sup-
port her husband, the head of the Church, illustrious,
great, and moral as he was.—(Hear, hear, and laugh-
ter.) And now, gentlemen, let me, conclusion, call
your attention to one point which should never he for-
gotten. What are the means to be employed for the
attainment of our objects ? Are we to use violence ?
(No.) Are we to use any efforts except those which
Christianity dictates ?—(No.) No. The weapons of
our warfare on this occasion are not carnal, but they are
mighty to the pulling down of the strongholds of ini-
quity.We will use the sword of truth—we will avail
ourselves of every constitutional means, and we will use
no other.

Mr. Councillor CLIFF seconded the motion, and it
was carried as the first.

The Rev. JOIIN EUSTACE Glees (Baptist Minister)
was loudly cheered on coming forward to move the next
Resolution. The Rev. Gentleman having read the Re-
solution, said—Gentlemen, I wish this Resolution had
been placed in better hands.—(No, no.) On Mondays,
after the labours of the Sabbath, I generally find my
nerves, and the powers both of body and mind, very
much like damp fiddle-strings—out of tune.—( A laugh.)
But I can assure you that, notwithstanding this feeling,
I consider it a great honour to have this resolution en-
trusted to my care. I have come here to-day from
the very motives that in so very many instances keep
away Dissenting Ministers from meetings of this kind.
As I happen to be almost the only Dissenting Minister
present, and as there has been such misconception in
sonic places, and misrepresentation in others, with re•
spect to the case of John Thorogood—(Hear, hear)—I
shall endeavour briefly to explain it to yonthis morning,
if you will favour me with your attention.—(Hear, hear.)
An attempt has been made to represent John Thoro-
good as actuated by feelings similar to men who have
been engaged ,in acts-. of sedition and treason against
their country.. I wish the country were filled with such
traitors as John -Thorogood.—( Hear, hear, and loud
cheers.) He has violated no civil law—he has opposed
nocivil court—he has refused- obedience to no civil au-
thority. And John Thorogood is a victim at this mo-
ment, not to a civil, but to an ecclesiastical court—
(Loud cries of " Hear")—not to the authority of a civil
magistrate, but to a lord spiritual, who presides over that
Court, and who has thrown him into a dungeon and bonds.
If John Thorogood had been a robber he might have
been released before now.—(Hear, hear.) If he had
been guilty of murder the Queen could have pardoned
him. An Archbishop might have refused to pay. The
Irish have refused to pay cess, and they have been re-
leased from the obligation of paying.—( Hear, hear.)
And we find that great men may defy the law_ and yet
escape. The Sheriffs of London have defied the whole
power of the House of Commons, and they have been
set at liberty.—(Hear, hear.) But John Thorogood,
because be defied, not the power of the House of Com-
mons—because he rebelled, not against the civil power
of the Constitution—not against any civil law or any
civil authority whatever, has been doomed to en-
dure the punishment of a felon. Not of a felon ? No?
• a felon may be liberated, but John 'rhorogood cannot.
—( Hear, hear.) And there at this moment, whilst
we are assembled here, and whilst the Bishop of Lon-
don, who presides over that Court, has gone in his car-
riage to St. Paul's, perhaps, to make broad his phylac-
teries and to say long prayers.—(Loud cheers.) This
is neither more nor less than an attempt to rob John
Thorngood.—(Hear, hear.) I care not that law is
associated with the practice of demanding Church-rates
—I care not what human law may sanction it ; if it be
not sanctioned by God, it is robbery.--(Hear, hear.)
They determined to rob him of ss. 6d. first, awl then
because he would not submit to that exaction, they
cited him before the Ecclesiastical Court, where they
could insult him in the name of justice, and rob him of
his property, and now they are seeking to rob him of
his character ; for, even in the House of Commons,
there are those who can stand up with the thick walls
of Chelmsford gaol between them and their victim, and
say that Dissenters are ashamed of their martyr. They
are not ashamed of their martyr.--( Hear, hear, and
cries of " No, no.") But all this we might expect from
the enemies of civil liberty, from the foes of the people.
But are we to expect Dissenters to be ashamed of him ?
Will they desert their own friend ?—will they abandon
their own martyr ?—(Loud cries of " No, no.") Yes,
there are some men in the country—some cold-blooded
Dissenters—hard-hearted wretches—(Loud cheering,
which prevented the speaker from proceeding.) I'll not
rasp off a single filing from that expression. 1 say there
are such cold-blooded, hard-hearted wretches—men with
brains of mud, and hearts of stone, and faces of brass,
who will dare to say that John Thorogood is suffering
only what he deserves.—(Renewed and prolonged
cheering.) Oh ! but they say, it is the law of the land.
The law of nonsense !—(Laughter.) The law of hy-
pocrisy !—(Hear, hear.) The law of oppression ! The
law of cruelty !—(Hear, hear.) And if John Thoro-
good dies under their hands, the law of murder !—(Loud
and repeated cries of " Hear, hear.") Murder shall be
called murder, and oppression shall be called oppres-
Bien, for it is high time things -should be called by their
right names.—( Hear, hear, and loud applause.) Gen-
tlemen, it has been said we shall damage a great politi-
cal party if we act in this way. This is held up to us
as a kind of bugbear—as a kind of mumbo jumbo from
the woods to correct our political wanderings and
aberrations. But if there are such men, who only just
in proportion as they are cuffed and cudgelled—just in
proportion as those who pretend to support them turn
round and frown upon them, fall down submissive at
their feet—if there are men who are willing to give up
the Bible in order to follow the creeds of political par-
ties—men who prefer the support of party to the ex-
clusion of great principles, and who forget their own
principles in order that they may be_ dragged at the tail
of a political party through opium wars, and I know
not what. beside—l say if there be such parties I am
not amongst that number.—(Hear, bear.), I never will
sacrifice a friend.—(Cheers.) I never will sacrifice a
great man—and Thorogood is a great man—for the pur-
pose of pleasing any political party whatever.—(Cheers.)
I am a man—l am a citizen—l am an Englishman ;
and it is in this character I make this appeal to you on
behalf of John Thorogood, and I would urge you and
the inhabitants of this borough to do all you can in
making a subscription to show you sympathise with him
in his sufferings and in his cause. The Reverend Gen-
tleman resumed his seat amidst loud and prolonged
plaudits.
Mr. JOHN HEAPS congratulated the meeting on the
change which had taken place in the town since his birth
in it. He remembered the Church and King mob in
Leeds as well as at Birmingham ; and if the language
had been uttered fifty years ago which had been spoken
that day, they would all have been as John 'Thorogood
is at present.—( Hear, hear.) The schoolmaster had
been abroad, and he found that information had not only
been spread abroad and the understanding enlightened,
but the best feelings of the heart had been aroused.—
( Hear.) Before he came to the meeting he put down
what he thought he should,. like, and what he hoped
would soon he obtained. lney sought to obtain a se-
paration of Church and State, that they might enjoy—
first, entire freedom in faith and worship ; second,
li-
berty to choose their own teachers ; and, he hoped the
time would come when the Members of the Church
of England would be able to do that—(Hear, hear)—
third, the repeal of all laws• which com pomel involuntary
pa payments in support of religion ; and fourth, the
prohibition of ministers of religion f
legislative office. It w!ts a very strange thing to him'
and a strange anomaly in the State Church, that, once
in holy orders, no man could go into the House of
Commons, but, however deeply dipped and dyed in

holy _orders ho rttiiht be i,4 bi3l;op could go and sit in
the House of Loral.--(liear, hear.) Why it was like
the rest of the mystery, iirid the greater the mys..
ter' the greater was the faith required to believe it.
Mr. J. ILLll:itii+ciwriffa Chartist) then proposed as
an amendment that the ineetirksbnald petition for the
liberation not only of John Thorogotid, but of John
Frost, Zephaniah Williams, Jones, and all other political
prisoners. This amendment, he thought, would Ise in
strict accordance with the object of the meeting.
BENJAMIN KNOWLES seconded the amendment.
The CHAIRMAN said, individually, be had no objec-
tion to put the amendment, but as the meetinr, was
called for ecclesiastical purposes only, he should take
the sense of the meeting first as to its relevancy. A
very large majority decided that the amendment was
foreign to the objects of the meeting, and could not be
put.
j The rest of the resolutions were carried unanimously.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, APRIL 22.
( Sittings in Banco.)
DAVEY AND ANOTHER U. HILLERY.

The plaintiffs in this action sued the defendant for
coals supplied by them to the " United Kingdom Beet.
root Association," of which they alleged he was a Director.
The trial was had before Lord Abinger at the late
Assizes held at Kingston, when a verdict was found for
the defendant.
Mr. TGESIGES now moved for a rule nisi for a new trial,
on t.l:e ground of the improper rejection of evidence, and
mitdteeetion. The Learned Gentleman said he proved at
the trial, ,`bat upen the 17th of March, 1837, the defend.
ant, a Mr. Davis, and Sir Francis Desanges, were present
at the officee of the Company as a Board of Directors.
They had talcaet premises from Mr. Cubitt, who bad a
claim of 300/. for rent and work done. Upon
that day the anceney of Mr. Cubitt attended and
received a bill accepted by Davis and the de-
fendant, which was attorwards paid. Messrs Williams
and Co. had a claim agaitzet the Company of 200/ , for
brass and cooper work done for them. A bill for that sum
was also given, and Messrs. Wil:iams and Co. were obliged
to sue aeon it, and the bill and oasts were paid by Mr.
Babb, the defendant's attorney. The Assizes opened upon
the 23d March, the trial came on on the 27th. It was
almost the same as a London cause, because: the attorney
and witnesses came to town every night. .Notice was
served upon Mr. Beble upon the 2teth, to prodtece that bill
which he so paid. It was called for at the trial, but was
refused; and his Lordship refused to allow soeondary
evidence.
Lord MANGER—The circumstances were these :..—The
defendant resided in Cumberland; it was impossible to
communicate with the defendant in two days. Even if i
the attorney had the bill, be could not produce the dreeu.
meet without consent; but there was no proof of his hay-
ing seen it lot' four years.
Mr. THESIGER—It was to be presumed that it was in hie
hands, as eie present action was the same, as nearly as
possible, DS the former one upon the bill of exchange.
The Coteer decided that the notice was too short, there-
fore secondary evidence of the contents of the Bill was
properly rejected.,
Mr. MEAGER contended then that there was evidence
to show that the defendant was a Director; be was present
at a Board of Directors, where be signed a bill for the
uses of the Company.'
His tonne appeared in the pre.
ipectus which was sent to the pia:ilia; by the Clerk of the
Company.
Lord ABINGER —There was no evidence that the defendant
had ever seen the prospectus.
Mr. ,TIIKSIGER contended that all the factedeaken to-
gether showed hen acting as one of the Directors.
Mr. Baron ALDERSON—What shares did he hold in the
Company ?
Mr. TuEstoas said that did oat appear, or rather it appeared
that he held none, but he bad acted as aDirector ; yet hie
Lordship adopted the argument used by Mr. Platt, that
the defendant acted only as a friend of Sir H. Desanges,
as a security for whom he lent his name, and, most respect-
fully he thought, put that case too strongly to the July.
The COURT said the question was entirely one for a 1
Jury to consider, and did not think the verdict ought to be
disturbed.—Rule refused.