The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-25 00:00:00

with Ohich the people discussed tliaTkiestion, and the refit-sir
which they evinced to. make- themselves the tools of a party.
The country had been enlightened on
_the subject by nothing
more than by the course which the Government had' takei -in
proposing its adoption. If there had been any legitimate ob-
ject in view in making that proposal; it might have been a' -
tended with successful effect. 'But the sive-di:ions of the people
were excited from the manner in which the estsbjeet was
brought before them. The result was, that the' people hid
looked at the question, and saw that there was snelethine to be
said on the other side, and that they were not to take all that
was advanced by the advocates of the proposition of the Go-
vernment. In the year 1840, the Noble Lord the Secretary
for the Colonies was of opinion, that unless there was a gene-
ral wish for an alteration in the Corn-laws, inch as would en-
able the Government to step in and frame the machinery of
that measure, any meddling with the question would do no
more than excite the animosity of party discussion, which
would not promote hut retard the ameliorations of the question.
Notwithstandinefshat view of the subject, the Noble Lord came
down to the House in 1841, and proposed a measure of the
very description to which he had adverted. The course which
her Majesty's Government had thought fit to pursue on the
subject of the-Corn-laws, was one which he (Mr. Wortley)
thought had done more to cause them to forfeit the confidence
of the people of this country than any other measure which
they proposed. They all recollected that Lord Melbourne de-
clared, in the House of Lords, that the repeal of the Corn-laws
was one of the maddest schemes which ever entered into the
heart of man to conceive ; and in the year 1840 that Noble
Lord renewed his announcement, that it was not the intention
of Government to propose any change in those laws. Further,
the Noble Lord at the head of the Government had declared,
that any attempt to introduce the subject ,of a fixed duty en,
corn would sever the frame work of society to its foundation
and he would not be the man to attempt any such course ; yet,
in the year 1841, although the arguments upon the subject
were not different from those of 1841—although there was dis-
tress in the year 1840—although there was a deficiency for
)ears past in 1840—although the objects which they stated as
those which justified the proposal of the measure in 1841 were
in existence in 1810—notwithstanding, in 1841, they did not
scruple to come down to the House, and say, as the Noble laird
• the Secretary for the Colonies had told them, that it was a
question between the profit of the few and the interest of the
many—if, on all these subjects, they could see that the affairs
of the country had been so conducted as to have led to cheer-
ing results, why, then, they might consent to give the Govern-
ment some credit, not withstanding all those grievances. But
what appeared in the stare of the country ? They were told in
her Majesty's Speech that she received friendly assurances from
the various Powers of Europe, that the question of the Otto-
man empire was almost settled. Why, there were . dis-
turbances in Syria and in Candia, and yet they were
told that that state of things was a satisfactory settle-
ment of the question. Let theist look to India, and they
would see we were engaged in a war which it was difficult to
say in what manner it could be brought to a satisfactory ter-
mination. In China we were engaged in a war the object of
which it was difficult to understand. He was not disposed to
doubt that the conduct and valour of the British forces in that
country were likely to accomplish all that could be accom-
plished by any troops, but at the present moment he could not
think that the Government was justified in saying that there
was a distinct prospect of that war being brought to a satisfac-
tory conclusion. He thought they might look to that, among
other points, to ascertain how far Ministers were able to bring
the affair of that country to a satisfactory conclusion. And,
whilst on this subject, he would venture to express his asto-
nishment that there was not a syllable mentioned about our
affairs in another quarter of the globe, which it was impossible
to deny at the present moment wore a somewhat threatening
aspect. He did not suppose that the house or the country
would expect any explicit information from the Noble Lord on
that subject. But where there was a subject of foreign policy
which excited more attention, it was strange that neither in
the Address nor in her Majesty's Speech was there a syllable
about the relations of this country with the United States.
'Be had no reason to believe that in our relations with that
country the national honour would be compwamised. Still
no change was made in the circumstances which presented
that threatening aspect. We had no reason, as it
appeared to him, to congratulate ourselves on the foreign rela-
tions of the country; and if they turned their view home-
ward they would see a general stagnation of trade, from what-
ever cause it may have arisen, which was so disheartening, and
which the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, in ad-
dressing his constituents at London, told them justified
the Government in agitating the country for the purpose of
carrying those great questions.—(c` No, no," from Lord John
Russell.) If the Noble Lord referred to one of the earliest
'speeches which he pronounced on the occasion of the late elec-
tion, he would see that he said that he (Lord John Russell)
had been accused of agitating on the subject of the Corn-laws,
but in some questions agitation was justified—that the Habeas
Corpus Act was obtained by agitation, and that for the same
reason he was justified in the course he had adopted.
—Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.)
Here, then, they had a Cabinet Minister giving the weight of
his authority to agitation—( Hear, hear)—and the Government
itself was in close alliattee with those who, in one breath, sullied
the name of Sovereign with the grossest and most fawning
adulation, and in the next breath gloated over the prospect of
foreign war, in the hopes of receiving armed assistance from
our enemies.—( Loud cheering.) He thought he had said
enough to show, that before discussing any of the great ques-
tions affecting the interests of the country, they ought to de-
cide if a Government lying under all these imputations was fit
to be trusted with the adjustment of any of these questions.—
(Cheers.) He felt convinced otherwise.--(Cheers.) The
late returns showed that her Majesty's Ministers did not re-
ceive that support from the country which for some years past
they had enjoyed. The result of those returns had been, ac-
cording to the confession of the Noble Lord himself, to show
that the Government was in a minority in that House, and
therefore it was their duty to assure her Majesty, in unison
with the opinion of their constituents, and in accordance with
theresponaibility imposed upon them by the fact of their being
returned to that House, that neither the House nor the country
' had any confidence in her Majesty's Government.—(Loud
Opposition cheers.) Their constituents had sent them there
to express those opinions.—(Cheers.)The country expected,
to use the words of the Right lion. Baronet, that a new phy-
sician would be called in.—(Hear, hear.) The Ministers, by
' the course they had pursued, hail forfeited the confidence of
the nation, and they must give way to those whose senti-
ments and position were more in unison with the sense of the
majority of the country.—(Cheers.) On these grounds, he
called upon the House to adopt a different course from that
whielthad been recommended by the Hon. Gentleman who
had preceded him, and to return such an answer to her Majesty's
Speech as would be consistent with their responsibilities to
those who had sent them there, and to record on their Journals
that they had come to a decision in unison with the opinions
of those from whom they derived those powers.—(Loud cheers.)
The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving, as an amendment,
" To leave out all the words after last Parliament, and to insert
words to the following effect:—We beg humbly to represent to
her Majesty that we have observed with great concern that the
public expenditure has of late, for several successive years, ex-
ceeded the annual incline, and that we are deeply impressed
with the necessity of adopting measures for remedying those
evils ; that we are deeply sensible of the importance of all I
measures affecting the revenue and commerce of the country,
and of deciding on the course to be pursued which should be ,
most in accordance with the interest and welfare of all classes
of her Majesty's subjects, but that we consider it essential to
the satisfactory result of those deliberations, that her Majesty's
Government should possess the confidence of the House and
the country, and that we respectfully submit to her Majesty
that that confidence is not reposed in the present advisers of
her Majesty—(Cheers)—that we join in the expression of
deep sympathy expressed by her Majesty with those of her
subjects whit are now suffeeing from distress and want of em-
ployment, and that, in the expression of that sympathy we re-
cognize an additional proof of the tenderness with which her !
Majesty regards all classes of her subjects, and that we join 1
her Majesty in an earnest prayer that our deliberations may lie
guided by wisdom, and may conduce to the happiness of her ,
Majesty's beloved people.—(Loud cheers.)
Lord BRUCE, in seconding the amendment, said it was
with extreme reluctance that lie trespassed upon the House, 1
and that nothing but his duty to his constituents, as the repro-
sentative
of a large and increasing commercial town, could have
overcome that teluctance, and he could assure the Hon. Mover
of that amendment, that however wide might. be the differences
in the local connections, interests, and
_position of his (Lord
Bruce's) constituents and those of the Hon. Gentleman, yet
they all cordially concurred in the sentiments of the amend-
ment:—(Cheers.) Another reason for his trespassing on the
House was, that as the amendment expressed the sympathy
between the present and the late House of Commons, and was. I
in fret, an expression of a concurrence- in a resolution which I
had passed that House, it was unbecoming in him, as a new
Member, to second it—( Cheers)—and he thought that, in the
present peculiar posture of public affairs, sit would be
inconsistent wish the dignity of the House, if they were to
discuss any specific propositions whatever until they had ascer-
tained what had been the effect of the late dissolution.—
(Cheers.) He felt that the Government had already given
sufficient reasons for a vote of want of confidence in the Go-
vernment • and, if he wanted any additional reasons, he found
them in the address of the Noble Lord to his constituents. From
the style of that document,—from the manner in which it had
been given to the world, and from the mariner in which it had
been received by the supporters of the Government. it was
evident that that document was intended to be no ephemeral
production ; and in that addreis he found a full admission that
by. the dissolution of Parliament they had failed in obtaining a
verdict for the Government.--(Cheeri:) In ordinary cases,
success was no criterion of merit; but if ever there was a
ease in which failuse might be considered to argue incapacity
and recklessness; it was one in which a Minister of the Crown
having lost the confidence of one House of Commons, should
re,lrvereisia,ssme h 4 they
a tdisaolution, and find the verdict of the House con-
ed by the country.—( Renewed cheering.) It was to
had tendered that advice, in the pro-
speet a 1 getting this verdict of the House reversed by the
countryes but when the result of that advice had been an utter
failure, then the tentlerin such advice must be considered an
additional proof of incapacity.—(Hear, hear.) He %A as free
to admit that, until the Noble Lord had issued that. address, he
had a fair right to say that he haul had no means of constitu-
' tionally knowing the opinion of the new House of Commons ;
but the Noble Lord had disdained that subterfuge, and with
the courage and manliness for which he (Lord Bruce) gave
him credit, boldly avowed that the majority was against the
Governmeet. But after that admission lie was surprised to
learn that the end of Government influence had not been
(t
ch
i from the
which
Treasury; e
theasu ryN;
silortenett, and the stream of honours, dignities, and emolu-
obhiaed
Lcaorndti continued
he
s had
merits rolling forth
ever
.repented of the advice he had tenderest? 150 he say
that he regretted having stirred up society to its foundations,
and raised a conflict `of class interest? Uid he say lie regretted
that time sufferings of the poor operatives of Holton should
have been aggravated by the general stagnation of trade conse-
quent upon the continued discussion of these abortive mea-
sures?—(Cheers ) Did he resign his trust into the hands of
his Sovereign, and advise her to give it into the hands of those
who possessed the confidence and support of the House of
Common;? Did he ever, having lost the reality of power, refuse
to retain the semblance of it, and to exercise those functions
of it which are not imperatively required by ti
he necessities of
the State. The Gazette had every day given the lie to sueli
supposition. —•( Loud cheering.) With a free and undauwed
of one House of
0
front the Noble Lord, bearing the censure
Commons, braved the indignation of a second.—( Cheers. )
There were only one or two points in the amendment to
with regard to the expenditure. He did not believe that that
which be would draw the attention of the [louse; and first,
increase had been °cc isioned wholly by foreign expeditions
necessary to defend the honour of the nation. Ile believed
that by inconsideration and reckless expenditure at home, the
evil had been aggravated; and, as a proof of this, lie would
refer to the enormous increase in the miscellaneous estimates.
—(" Hear, hear," from Col. Sibthorp, and a laugh.) He
could not consent to the deficiency in the revenue being
made a stepping-stone for important changes in our commer-
cial system, urecsa he were convinced of the merit
of those changes.—( Hear, hear.) The object of the
Government in proposing them seemed to he to pre-
vent criticism on their own misconduct by representing
all those who criticised these measures as opponents of free
trade. Many persons at the last election had voted against the
Government becana s they did not believe they were sincere in
bringing forward these measures; and others, most intelligent
men, had opposed them because they did not believe that the
measures of the Government and those of the free trade policy
were convertible terms, whether they regarded free trade as it
had been regarded by Mr. Huskisson, or by those whom he
might denominate the ultra free traders. For himself he did not
consider that he was at all compromising his free trade opi-
nions by seconding the amendment, and had always been an