The Sun.
London, England, 1824-09-08 00:00:00

SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

MESSAGE OF HIS MAJESTY THE ZING OF SWEDEN AND
NORWAY TO TIIE STORTHING OF NORWAY.
The absolute veto of the King forms an ele-
ment so essentially connected with the stability and equilibrium
of a representative government, that objections founded upon
local considerations cannot invalidate the evidence of principles
and of facts. If, however, a doubt could exist upon this point,
the events of our days have demonstrated, the annals of every
country indicate, the same consequences as originating in the
same faults. Several nations have been the theatre of a bloody
struggle, the main origin of which was the refusal of an abso-
lute veto ; and this fatal mistrust, inciting minds to excesses,
the consequences of which were not foreseen, arming against it
the dignity of the throne and the real wants of the people, has
issued in giving Sovereigns .more power than they had at first
required. These lessons ought to have a decisive influence with
a loyal anti faithful people, who cherish towards their Sovereign
the same attachment that they entertain for the guarantees
which insure their rights.
The King has seen with pleasure that the Storthing of the
kingdom of Norway has, in the Important question of the veto,
recognised in principle, what, under existing circumstances,
and on account of the reasons they have alleged, they have not
considered they could recognize in reality; but, by this mode
of viewing the question, the Storthing insulates Norway as much
from Governments constitutionally absolute, as from Govern-
ments constitutionally representative.
If it be incontestable that the Constitution of a State, ought
to be adapted to the wants and habits of the people, and even
to its geographical position, it would be a fatal error to wish
to subject to the same fortes, nations whose characters almost
always differ; but it is evident that Norway, accustomed ,for
upwards of a century and a half, to be governed by the sole
will of the monarch, sees with displeasure that the new form
deprives her of a suppoit, and of a powerful defender against
the encroachments of the Legislature. The little part which
the Norwegian:people took in the administration, previously
to the form of the present Government, removed her citizens
from the Management of public affairs. The consequence re-
sulting from thii is, necessarily, that the class of the persons
filling state offices were those who would 'naturally obtain the
most influence in the Legislative Assemblies. The possibility
that these functional ies might abuse this influence cannot be
denied, the more so, as the King does not possess the consti.
tutional right of dismissing them ; and the King, not having
the absolute veto, cannot arrest the effect of revolutions framed,
possibly, with the sole desire.of diminishing the controul of
the Monarch over those filling state offices. The King is di-
vested of sufficient authority to operate what the welfare of the
State demands, when the laws are to be decided by those who
are to'put them in execution.
The Storthhig having expressed in their very humble ad-
dress the desire that the 17th Section might undergo revision,
before the 79th Section was abolished, his Majesty, in admitting
in part the reasons which the Storthing allege in 4ustification
thereof, does not hesitate to declare, that he will with pleasure
accede to every desire on the part of the Storthing, on occasions
when he can do so without injury to the prerogatives of the
Sovereign, the power of which is as necessary to the liberty ;of
the people, as is that of the rights of their Representatives.
His Majesty, however, conceives, that he ought to fix the uteri..
tion of the National Representation on the evident and sensible
difference which exists between the results of the stipulations
of Section 79 of the Constitution, and: those of Section 17. The
King can by this latter Section give and.abolish, in the interval
between the meetings of the Storthing, provisional Ordinances
respecting Commerce, the Customs, Industry, and the regula-
tion of the Police; bat it is, at the same time, enacted, that
these provisional Ordinances must not contain any thing con.
trary to the constitution or to the laws athipted by the Storthing,
and especially to those which, 'in virtue of Section 79, are
independent of the Royal sanction. Now the examination
of this text, and the inductions which may be derived from
It, destroy the fear that the said provisional Ordinances, though
abrogated by the Storthing, may be reproduced under another
form, and that thus a partial Legislation, solely reserved to
the Sovereign, joined to the absolute veto, would render almost
illusory the legislative participation of the Storthing. These
Ordinances, all provisional, submitted to the revision of each
Storthing, and not acquiring the force of law until they have
been adopted by that body, cannot, therefore, be compared
with laws, becoming such in virtue of the above-cited Section,
by the single authority of a branch of the Legislative Power;
for there is an immeasurable distance between an Ordinance
which may be annulled every time that it is produced, and a
law which, rejected three times, preserves by right, the cha-
racter and permanence of a law ; even in this case, if the con.
science of the King induced him to refuse iris sanction to laws
of this nature, who could promulgate them without declaring
himself in open rebellion with the 3d Section of the Constitii-
thm, which declares that " tire executive power is vested. in the
person of the King."
In the existing order of things, equilibrium is not even esta-
blished. To effect it, the King ought to possess the right,' at the
third presentee*, of imposing upon the Storthing the projects
of law which he would have caused to have been proposed ; but
Iris Majesty is far from aspiring to such a right ; he only men-
tions It to shrew how far theories may become dangerous, by
establishing, in principle, the germ of discord and mistrust be.
tween two Powers which never can maintain the national inde-
pendence until they are completely united.
In order to bring about, in the most safe manner, this equili-
brim'', the object of the constant wishes of the King, anti which
ought to be that of the desires and mature deliberations of
the Storthing, his Majesty proposes that the 79th Section of the
Constitution, and all that is connected with the rights therein
stipulated, be repealed in concurrence with the present text of
Section 17.
To give, besides, a new proof of the paternal sentiments of the
King, his Majesty consents that the following shall be addial
to the 80th Section :
" The King, on refusing his sanction to a project of law, will
make known the reasons which have induced his refusal."
The Storthing having already recognized the principle that
no foreigner can be naturalized a Norwegian citizen without the
approbation of the King, his Majesty considers it necessary, on
this occasion, to communicate the projects of alterations in that
portion of the fundamental law which relates to this sub,ject.
The King observes to the Storthing, that Norway, to flourish,
lifts need to preserve her Patriarchal Government. The masses
which inhabit the valleys and the summits of the mountains,
after having addressed their prayers to Heaven to obtain protec-
tion, implore the All-Powerful to endow their King with the
power, the courage, and the will, to protect and defend them.
These people do not imagine that their Protector can experi-
ence obstacles in the good which he intends to do individuals,
nor in the prosperity which he wishes to introduce Into the
country. These people, in fact, and his Majesty Iss the certi-
hide that it is so, desire that the balance fhould be equal—
They wish that the King would propose, and that the Assem-
bly would accept or refuse, and that the King would accept or
refuse, according to the interests of the State. This is their
way of viewing these matters; their feelings arc sufficiently
known, and their hopes are directed towards us. Let us have
no other interest titan their welfare, and Norway, in preserving
her independence, will present the spectacle of a happy nation
under her laws, and under her Constitutional King, enlightened
by a wise and consistent representation.
On these motives his Majesty judges expedient to propose,
conformably to the 112th Section of the fundamental law, that
the Storthing should resolve that Sections 17, 78, 79, HO, 81,
02' and 92, of the Constitution, should be henceforth in tenor
as follows :

SBCTiOti 17.
The King can enact and abolish ordinances, which concern
commerce, the customs, industry, and the police; they must
not, however, be contrary to the Ckmstitution, nor to the laws
established by the. Storthing (conformably to Sections 77 and
78, hereinafter cited). They shall have, provisionally, The force
of law, until the next Storthing. If therare not adopted by
the Storthing, they cannot be renewed, and ,the former laws
concerning the object in question, shall be again in vigour.
SEctrox__7l3.._

If the King approve the resolutiOn, he shall affix thereto his
signature, and thenceforward it shall have the,force of bps,.
SECTION 79.
If 'the King do not approve the resolution or the Storthing,
it cannot again, without having previously undergone a modi.
fication, be again sqbmitted to the King during the sitting of
the Storthing then assembled.
Sthrtorr flo._

---.7-
The Storthing shall continue assembled so long as that body
judge it necessary ;.not, however, longer, than three months
without the periiiiision ()FIN King.
When, after having finished their labours, or after having
been assembled during the space of time fixed, it is dissolved

by the King, his Majesty will give his resolution on the pro.
positions not then decided, either by adopting or rejecting them.
In the latter case, the King will set forth the reasons which
induced him to refuse his sanction to the project of law pre.
sentcd. •