The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.)
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
The Times complains that "scarcely a word is ut-
tered by the Press of Europe, and more especially by
the Press of England, that, if not breathing fulsome
adulation of France, is considered aught better than
an insult to her, or a menace." Our Contemporary is
determined that this morbid sensibility shall not want
excitement. Between the armaments of France and
the fortification of Paris there is a manifest distinction,
one, we think, which should be respected by foreigners,
whether speaking through their Governments or their
newspapers. The raisin'' and maintaining the army of
France to a war complement is a direct menace to
Europe. It obliges every Continental Power to follow
the inconvenient and dangerous example, rendering the
preservation of peace impossible. Masses of men,
raised, organised, and drilled under the excitement of
hostilities, will be apt to cut out work for themselves
even its opposition to the wishes of their masters.
These armaments directly concern Foreign Powers,
whose duty it becomes to take precautions against
them, if not 'discontinued or reduced. Bat
with the fortification of Paris what concern have
the people of this country to justify the inconside-
rate violence with which the project is assailed ? It
may be " a farce," but we are not called upon to,
enact it or to pay for it. If it he ''a base hypocrisy,
not we, but the hypocrites themselves, are the dupes
of
it. In some shape or other the fortification of Pales is
called for by men of all parties. The " war party" and
and the " peace party" equally desire it, apparently
from very different motives, however. Surely this wish
may be realised without Englishmen lashing themselves
into rage, and. bellowing fool, knave, end hypocrite, in
the faces of those who entertain it. The fortification
of Parie will he felt in
„France long before it is felt in
any 'other part of Europe. Frenchmen will be
call ea upon to defend their pockets long before
s'eey are called upon to defend their capital. And
if they should choose to persevere, and carry
their project to its completion, might not their mi-
litary enthusiasm find a less dangerous outlet ?
But what we deprecate is the tone adopted by a
portion of our own press in discussing this- question.
We isuow that those who use it to France would be
the last to tolerate it themselves. Every person who
has watched the progress of this quesion knows
that it is much more the project of M. Thiers and his
party than of Louis Poiiipps. Yet is the whole Liberal
party represented as the eupes of the Royal hypocrite,
who is represented " laughing in his R. ayal sleeve at
the green credulity" with which the project was swal-
lowed. The detached forts which are sail to he pccu
li irly the p-ojeet of the K;nst, " are meant for nothing,"
ire are told, but the utter prostration -of all French
liberty, er, all which forms the substance of represea-
tative -eiovernment, by the cannons and bayonets of
the Parisan garrison." Again, we have it described
w‘" a plot ag dust the liberties of the people, a cluster
of fearful fortresses, armed and garrisoned, and equipped
and commanded b 3 the Crown, for crushing all attempts
at popular resistance to the most odious and lawless abuse
of power by its servants." It this were a correct descrip-
tion of the object of the detached forts, the project would
scarcely be denounced from such a quarter. But in
another column of the very s tune journal we fled the
population,
to control a hom these forts are said to be
destined, described as " the most savage populace in the
universe:' It is deuuneiations of this kind that are
calcul Ite,l to keep alive and feed asperities and ill-ft cl-
ing between the two nations. There is no real cause
of estrangement ; since every impartial man in France
must now see that, however opposed in our eastern
policy, it was at least a groundless jealousy which at-
tributed to us any selfish or unjust object. Such views
of France, in connection with the final settlement of
the Eastern question, as are not inconsistent with the
general interests of Europe can be as well attained now
as they could twelve months ago. None of the Powers,
parties to the Treaty of July, have taken advantage of
the voluntary isolation of France. She has no demand
to make for restitution of territe:y or abandonment of
dangerous and exclusive rights—the fruits of a policy
to which she was opposed. When, therefore, there
are no real obstacles to a better understanding, we trust
that those which exist in the still uncalmed irritation
of public feelings may not be aggravated by writings
which fad no echo amongst the people of this country.
(From the Morning Post.)
_Since the advent of M. Guizot there has been a very
visible change in the tone and language of the Ministe-
rial portion of the French press. There is a little of
that official boasting, there are none of those Ministe-
rialfanieres, those coups de theatre, with which the
people of France were so often gratified during the Ad-
'illustration of M. Thiers. The organs that arc in the
habit of supporting the general conduct of M. Guizot
allude rarely, and with a studied reserve, to the foreign
policy of the new Cabinet. They merely register such
events as occur, without seeking to twist them into a
kind of apparent harmony with the views and acts of the
cinvernauent. We have reason to believe that M.
Guizot has himself prescribed this new system of con-
duct, nor is it difficult to guess at his motives for so do-
ing. France has recently made one of those experiments
which, however soon forgotten by the herd of vulgar
reasoners, live long in the memory of statesmen. The
Cabinet of the Ist of March (that of M. Thiers) em-
barked in a political campaign with the journals for
its allies. It took no step without consulting these
eccentric councillors, without setting them to expatiate
on its nature, bearings, and consequences. Hardly did
M. 'riders write a single despatch but the journalists,
bbttle-holders, were there trumpet forth its contents
with the tone of men who were equally satisfied with
their prompter and themselves. The Cabinets of
Europe must have been often edifi id with the saga-
city with which their secrets were dived into and
discussed by these mushroom politicians. Had the
journalists only stuck to their official theme, the evil,
though great, might have been remedied. Unfortu-
nately, this was quite impossible, however great their
deference for M. Thiers. Each journalist had his
own little group of readers, his little monde, to whose
eccentric notions it was necessary to pander. The
measures of the Ministry, even when reasonable, were
exaggerated in their consequences or misinterpreted
in their general spirit. M. Thiers was often
decked with the badges of a hero when as pacific,
Heaven knows, as a lamb. The impetus of the jour-
nalists became, at length, as violent as it was mis-
placed. To retain their support it became necessary
for the Government to exaggerate' facts and incidents,
to hold in its communications with them a language
diametrically opposed to that which it held in its offi-
cial despatches. Even this slender line of demarca-
tion disappeared at length. The journals gained
ground so fast that they soon commanded instead of
obeying—gave the impulsion instead of receiving it ; in
a word, instead of remaining the humble satellites of
M. Thiers, they stood forth his lords and masters. The
einsequences of such a state of things require not to
he dwelt upon. An Administration of only a few
months sufficed to bring the affairs of the country to
so serious a crisis, that, had nit M. Guizot stepped
forth and seized the reins with a firm hand, France
would have found herself embarked in a struggle
against combined Europe abroad, and plunged
in all the horrors of anarchy at home. But
it was in her foreign relations that France
felt the soonest the lamentable effects of the system of
M. Thiers. The Cabinets of Europe could not see the
growing violence of journals that were known to be in
direct communication with M. Thiers without gradually
losing all confidence in the pacific assurances of that
statesman. Thi y knew not what to think of a Cabinet
that insulted and denounced them through its Press,
while it affected to hold the most soothina
language
in
its official communications. Honesty anti frankness
are
no less indispensable in public than in private transac
tions ; nor can a state of things be imagined more detri-
mental to the interests of a country than one in which
the most distinct and emphatic declarations on the part
of its Government are received with doubt or mis-
trust. M. Guizot has wisely resolved to steer clear
of a system so pregnant with mischief, so menacing
for the repose of Europe. He saw at once the ex-
pediency of drawing a broad line of demarcation not
only between the policy but between the every-day
coaduct of the Cabinet of which he is a member and
that of the late Cabinet. The reserve which the
.N.liiiisterial organs have maintained, and still maintain,
by his ogler, proceeds from no other cause. It must
require, indeed, a strong evidence of the evils that flow
from a contrary system to prevent M. Guizot from
replying to those accusations with which he is hourly
assailed. Never were stronger temptations than those
that prompt him to raise his voice. The results which
leave
been obtained and we say this advisedly, enable
the Cabinet to grapple with their adversaries, foreign
and domestic, and defeat them.
Nothing would too, on all points.
be easier for M. Guizot than to show
that the assertions of the opposition papers arc utterly
groundless—their affecretve asions so many calum-
nies. Were M. Gaizot but to open his lips the whole
web of sophistry and misrepresentation which the Op-
positeon papers have been so busily
would
irbo armaments,
instantly
to the isolated position of France,wo weaving, in reference
those
i?tioo
of the German Powers, asa.
asunder. Were M. Guizot a man
of
ofrnvgreat
vain-glorious
pride
the
torn
to
temperament he might allude with a le
ta
the friendly dispositions which seyewrairrld s France ot
Powers have recently manifested to
the p rlpable, the emphatic influence which these dispo-
sitions have already exercised over such of their acts as
have a connection with the interests of France. By
merely allowing one or two despatches, one or two
notes, to transpire, M. Guizot could show that, without
ceasing even for one moment to act or speak in a way
calculated to satisfy the most earnest cravings of na-
tinisaLlignity, the sternest exigencies of national pride,
hta linne much, a great deal, towards the re-esta-
--. h'ishiees, of friendly relations with Europe. It requires,
we repeat, great strength offor a Minister so
assailed as M. Guizot . purpose
is to withstand that impatience
wheels .one so eircurtnsotagencedmust naturally feel to
roveitleto the public h
selves, and enjoy that internal
facts
satisfactionas th ey
which unfold t
wouldthem-
selves, -
result from the nation seeing and admitting that their af-