The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-23 00:00:00

selves. What was the result ? Why, we opened the finest
collection of paintings of Europe, in Hampton Palace ; it
was opened daily from nine in the morning to five in the after-
noon, and every man, woman, and child might go through
that valuable collection without fear of interruption or im-
pediment : they were told " Here you may enjoy yourselves
and do what you please, avoiding injury to anything." And
the palace has been visited by from 200.000 t 0300,000
soot; and there, as in every other instance where we have
placed confidence in the people, they have well deserved it ;
indeed, I know no instance in which they have betrayed it.
—(Hear.) Then why, on this great question of equal re-
presentation, shell we not give confidence to them, and
ask them to join us ?—( Hear, hear. ) I will only say, that
as a sincere and, I will say, an old Radical Reformer,
when to be a Radical Reformer was to be considered out
of credit—( Hear, hear)—and I think it right to tell you
what I hol t a Radical Reformer to be—one who wishes to
keep an honest man at his post. I have been a Radical
Reformer ; I have traced the misgovernment and the
plunder of the poor in this State, and I have said, as a
Radical Reformer, I want to correct all those abu-es, and
to prevent any man from having the power of depriving me
of one farthing of the property I possess. It is only by
my legal representative or myself that I wish any man to
take my money. 1 call a Radical Reformer an honest
man, who does not wish to meddle with any man's pro-
perty. Radical Reformers have been charged with wish-
ing to meddle with the property of other people ; but no
such thing will take place, and it is merely alleged by those
who are anxious to throw discredit on them by giving
them a f:ad name, in order to prevent what
they well know will be the result. And this,
depend upon it, is the fact. I have found
through life that the man who 1143 acted dishonestly
about anything is the most senaitive man in the world
as to any inquiries about it. Upon that ground I have
been denounced as a " Radical," and a " dangeroua man
in society," merely because I have made myself active to
put an end to abuses connected with Government ; and I
have borne the reproaches which have been cast upon me,
conscious of doing what I could to benefit my country.—
( Applause.) Having again read the resolution, the [Jou.
Gentleman concluded by saying, in reference to its last
clause, " Such I hope may be the result," and sat down
amidst loud cheers, having spoken exactly an hour.
Mr. Mom; a deputy from the Chartists of Glasgow, rose
to second the resolution. He said—Mr. Chairman and
men of England, I now present myself before you as the
representative of a large portion of the working men of
Glasgow, and the advocate of the Charter in their behalf.
Men of England, I would have you to consider that the
demand the working people are making is net a demand
of yesterday. Without going indefinitely into the history
of this country, I will refer you to the time when Muir,
Palmer, Gerald, and other men, made the demand which
we are now making, forty-five years ago. Since that
time the demand has never been allowed to sleep in
the minds of the people. At a later period it was
mooted by Major Cartwright and his compeers.
More lately, great numbers of the people com-
bined to obtain that measure through the R
form Act of 1832. front which the working classes of the
people did expect to reap benefits which have nut been
realised. Men of England, what is the cause that all the
efforts of the people to obtain Reform in the Commons'
House of Parliament have hitherto failed ? Simt.iy be-
cause they did not take care at the beginning to insure this
in the making of the law. The people, substantially, have
not been yet represented, and therefore it is that all our
efforts have failed. Gentlemen, the people, profiting by
past experience, are determined on this occasion to begin
at the beginning of their grievances. They are deter-
mined to remove the cause of all their disaffection, the
exis.ing order of things, by making the demand, in a voice
of thunder, that they must be admitted within the pale of
the Constitution. It will not do to taunt the mass of the
people with ignorance. The persons who make this as-
sertion, lie ; they lie, I say. What is the proof I give
you ? Do not you find the Tories wheedling and coax
ing the operatives to form themselves into Operative
Conservative Associations ? Do not you find these
titled plunderers, whenever they get a few black-faced
labourers to shout for Constitution and Church—do you
not find them cry, " There is the elite of the working
men ; these are the men who understand what is best
for the good of their country ?" Of late a great effort
has been made by a large body of the people to
obtain a repeal of the Corn-laws. Do not these men
appeal to the people ? Do they call only on the 10/. house-
holders to assist them in their efforts ? Do they call upon
the householder alone to attend their meetings ? No ; I
emphatically say no. They call upon the people to come
forward in their might, the whole people, to bear testimony '
against the wrong done to all. Men of England, do not
suppose I say that we, the Chartists, form an exception to
this rule. We also have confidence in public opinion, and,
therefore, when we call our meetings, we do not call the
ten-pounders to attend them alone. We do not call on the
householders alone to attend these meetings. We also,
like other classes, call on all to attend, and bear testimony
against the misrule which prevails. But, apparently, we
are the only party who are sincere in making this demand
on the people. Not that we believe the people would
never do any improper thing. Not that we believe they
would never be misled. But we arc bound to ask our-
selves the question, has any party yet been found who
never do wrong ? Arc other classes never misled ? On the
contrary, have they not been grievously misled ? Da they
not persist in inflicting wrong, notwithstanding our pro.
testations ? Yes, they inflict grievous injury on us. Let
us see how we have been used since the passing of the
Reform Bill. You will recollect toot by it an cad was
expected to be put to the profligacy and extravaganey of
Toryism. To what extent has this been realised ? This
is an important question, my friends; and let me tell you
it is this year given out that the expenditure of the coun-
try will just be five millions sterling more than the first
session they commenced
at the way in which this Reform system has rubbed on.
You will recollect that Earl Grey, backed by the people,
terrified the aristocracy out of the Reform Bill. If you recol-
lect, he kept his place—a large portion of the people dis-
covering that it was his intention to give them the Bill,
the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill. Well, this dis-
covery was made, and Earl Grey was discovered to give
way to Lord Melbourne, who we ware all assured was a
more Radical sort of a fellow than his predecessor. And,
to be sure, Lord Melbourne was duly installed into office,
and kept rubbing en under the old state of things, until
it so happened that Earl Spencer died. On this, old
King William, who was never any thing of a Reformer,
made it a pretence for breaking up the Administration of
Lord Melbourne. He had no use for Reformers ; and
a courier was despatched to the Continent for Sir Re-
bert Peel, who woe ihund and brought back ; and he
was now duly installed into office by the Reform King
William. Welt, he was so bothered by t.;artiea in the
House, as well as out, that, in four or five months Le was
obliged to give up. Well, the old King now felt himself
under the humiliating necessity of sending again for the
very man he had dismissed, like an ill-behaved lackey,
Melbourne. And again Lord Melbourne accepted office
as a Reformer, and all his friends stated that it was im-
possible to believe that he could have again accepted office
without having received a guarantee from the King to
enable him to carry into effect the Reform Bill. All the
people believed this, but it was a mistake. The first Ses-
sion of this bright regime came, and it ended, but nothing ,
was done. His friends said it was a grevious thing that
nothing was executed. Have a little patience ; wait till
next Session, and then you will see what be done. The
next Session came, and it went ; and, as good luck would
have it, just about that time the old King kicked the
bucket—he happened to die in the course of events,
and then there was a loud shout in the country, " Give
them a fair trial now." Soon after, it was announced
by Lord John Russell that Victoria had placed her-
self in the hands of her Ministers. Now, everybody
said, Here they have a fair field ; we shall receive the
good things foster than we can consume them. But it
was all a mistake. The first day of the next Session came,
and Lord John Russell told the people that it was all a
mistake which they had been indulging in—that he had
no intention of extending the Suffrage or granting the
Ballot ; and as for the repeal of the Corn-laws, they were
mad who made such a demand. From this day
Chartivin took its rise. The people then discovered that
they had been deceived_cheated, and every day's experi-
ence has confirmed them in this belief. Do we not see
taxes increased yearly ? Was not the demand for the re-
peal of the Corn-laws met with more contempt than
tore ? Yes. On the first night when it was introduced,
a large majority of the aristocracy moved an adjournment
of the House, thus throwing the question on the floor.
On this the motion was again brough; forward, and the de-
bate waa listened to in the midst of the greatest interrup-
tion ; and in less than one (netting the tyrant majority re-
solved that the Corn-laws should not be repealed. 'These
arc things which have confirmed the people in their be-
lief that, until they are fully, fairly, and freely represented
in that House, it is in vain to expect any material altera-
tion in the system. I are the bearer of a resolution which
it is my duty to communicate to you, adeptcd at a public
meeting of the inhabitants of Glasgow, held on the
Sth of January inst., in wheels you will find tile opinions of
the Chartists of Glasgow ; and let me tell you, the Char_
tilts of Glasgow arc so ounierous, that neither Whigs nor
Terica, nor both of them uuited. car. (tall a public meeting
at any hour of the day or night witlksa shadow of chance
of success. There. is an important fact for you to hear in
mind when you think lightly of the Chartists. I can tell
you the Chartists of Scotland arc not an insignificant body
of men, for there is not a town of any consequence where
a public meeting may be called, where the Chartists can

tives assembled within the walls of Parliament, to protect
the rights, the liberties, and interests of the nation."
These were some of the benefits which the Reform Bill
was intended to carry out, and he said further, that the
HOtIS3 01 Commons so reformed, was to " consul's for the
interests of the people to consider their grievances, and
to attend to their desires." Now I have heard complaints
that we, the Reformers, supported an inefficient 13111 ; but
if the Bill had carried out those expectations and pro-
mises which were held out by Lord John Russell, and
which I, as a Reformer, was anxious to see realized ; and
having heard those promises held out, who could be blamed
for having consented to give it a fair trial how far it was
possible to realize them. Did Lord John Russell alone
give them these promises ? No ; he was also borne out
by Earl Grey. And this is very important ; that if any
gentleman goes with us, it is necessary fur him to under-
stand what was attempted to be done, and how the failure
took place, and in what we were wrong. Lord Grey, on
the 3d October, 1831, uttered these memorable words—
" I believe the present Bill to be a measure of conciliation.
I believe that on its acceptance or rejection depend, on the
one hand, tranquillity, prosperity, and concord ; on the
other a continuance of a state of political discontent. I
believe that a change is necessary to infuse new rigour
into the Constitution, and to unite the states of the realm
in the bonds of a sacred and happy union ; to make
the House of Commons that which it is intended to be,
and professes to be—a full, vigorous, and efficient repre-
sentative of the people of England."—( Hoar, hear.)
Now, had I stated these as the promises then made by the
authors of the Bill, I ask any man present whether be is
not prepared to assent to the first part of the proposition
contained in this resolution—that those magneticent pro.
spects then held out to us have altogether tailed : and that
we are warranted to proceed to the second part of the
proposition—how best we can carry out that agitation to
command and obtain those reforms which were promised
to us, but have failed. It is necessary here, that you should
bear in mind the story of the old man with his sons, whom
he told, •' If you take that bundle of sticks and break
them one by one, you will completely destroy their
strength. Be united and firm, and you will be able to
resist that which you could not otherwise oppose." The
people of England are new divided; there arc two classes
into which they are separated, instead of that conciliation
which was promised by the Reform Bill. Instead of unit-
ing the working classes hand in hand with the middle
classes, working for reform together, as in the union which
took place between them in 1831 and 1832, how do we
now find them ?—divided into two parties, by a line of de-
marcation more strong than was ever before exhibited
in this country—almost hating each other.—( Hear, hear.)
And is it surprising that with such feeliags existing be-
tween those two important branches of the country, we
should be in our present situation ? I know no more im-
portant branch than that upon which the whole of the in-
dustry and prosperity of the country depend, and I will
never listen for a moment to the suggestion, that the capi-
tal of the country alone should be employed, when I see
in the sinews of every man who is able to wield the ham-
mer or to throw a shuttle, the very means of erriployieg
that capital.—( Applause.) I ask every man in his own
station—l ask those gentlemen here (the Delegates, advo-
cates of Universal Suffrage), who, I am happy to say,
will have an opportunity of stating the opinions and senti-
ments of those bodies from whom they have come; I will
ask them to state their opinions ; I will state my opinion,
and give, to all of you the opportunity of judging how far we
differ irrthe great object which we all seek to effect. Gentl-
emen, the middle classes, or the represented classes, have
not acted with that cordiality towards the unrepresented
which they ought to have done.—( Cheers.) They have
neglected them, they have not put themselves at the head of
the great movement which is taking place ; and it is now for
us to sea how far we can, by a corcial union of our efforts,
by each party yielding in some degree that which may be
objected to by the other, and fix on some one common
ground by which to renew the agitation, and to prevent the
aristocracy from further oppressing us, which now wields
that great power by which our taxation goes on ; I will
not say with no check at all, but certainly with very slen-
der cheeky I assure you, from that House of Commons
which we have at the present moment. It is for us to see
whether we cannot again awaken that union of moral force
and influence by which we carried the Reform Bill, which
we then thought would be productive of all the blessings
promised and contemplated, but in which we were disap-
pointed. Why should we not, having one common object
in view, good government—try if by any means we can
again become friends and zealous advocates in the same
cause ? I have no hesitation in saying that I am one of
those who hail with pleasure the proceedings of this
association. I now hold in my hand the original resolu-
tion of last year.—( Mr. Roebuck—" Oh, don't read that.")
I bail this as a commencement of what:l trust will go on well.
I should not be one to lend myself to what I see hag been
called " a humbug association," to deceive the people.
I regret to sec a want of confidence between the re-
presented and the unrepresented. I am one of six mil-
lions of men of full growth, and of twenty one years
of age and upwards, and when I look at those who
hare the power of electing the men who are to sit in
Parliament and to pass laws affecting our liberties and
property—and when I find that these electors are not more
tnan one million out of six ; that there is not more than
one man in every six who has a voice in the election of the
represuiitatives of the people—.what is the conclusion I
come to? That we have given to the few a vast power.
I don't blame that few. I say it is the vicious but
the licces,ary result of their possessing this power ; for if
you trust to a few individuals unchecked power, you
make them dishonest. And, Gentlemen, I trust the time
ie fast coming when you will not trust any men without
keeping them under that check and control which is neces-
sary in all societies in every part of the world. For
which purpose I want to see why it is that we have so few
electors. It is because the middle classes are alarmed at
the idea of placing confidence and power in the hands of
the many.—( Hear.) I think that St Is one of the great-
est •.‘ccls prcicnt age, and especially of those who
call themselves that they have not placed con.
fidence in the people. I can only say, for my own part,
that I have had proof from experience, which enables me
to say that there is not a man who earns his daily bread,
upon whom I could not place as much confidence,
provided there be nothing to corrupt him or lead him
astray ; for, if he were under any sinister influence, he
might act contrary to the duty which he owes to the
country at large; but, bating that, I do say that I have
not found among that class of workmen—and for twelve
years I stood the representative of the trades of my own
native country—l never found any one of them but what
proved, beyond that of the higher elassee.—( Hear, hear.)
Let the middle classes ;Neigh well these facts. They are
suffering; they will suffer more ; for an irrespoas:bie Go-
vernineet is at this inenient carrying on war, and it must
be supported. and for this new taxes will be required.
Will they (the middle classes) get relief without the peo-
ple ? Not Let them, then, ask for that support by the
aid of which alone they con come with any chance of suc-
cess before the Legislature as at present constituted,—
( Hear, hear.) Again I say to the working men—" You
are suffering ; you want relief; will you get it alone?
No. You may get additional suffering by a continuance
of misgovernment ; but you cannot alone obtain redress.
If both parties should conic to that conclusion, that it is
only by union that you can obtain relief fur the suffering
of the country, is not that a ground—ought not that
to be a motive--for burying in oblivion all that is
p ist, arid let us meet each other as Reformers ?
The struggle is one between the aristocracy and the demo-
cracy of the country; and, unless the people are united,
those who have political power, and who arc unfortunately
in the possession of it (and every one knows what great
advantages a man in possession has over another who is
not in possession), will continue to opprees us, and it is on
that ground I !lope this meeting may be the prelude to
that good and proper understanding amongst Reformers.
Having said thus much, let me ask you whether any state
of the representation can be more absurd than that which
we hove at the present moment ? I have in my hand state-
ments in proof of this 1 but I will not trouble you with the
details, because I have elsewhere taken pains to place
them on record and before Parliament, with the view of
calling the attention of parties to it. But this I will tell
you, that instead of that equal distribution promised to us
by the Reform Bill—on my conscience I believe that the
present House of Commons is as much under influ.
es:ea, and is as much a nomination Parliament, and
as little in sympathy with the people, as the unrepre-
sentative Parliament was, which we put down in
1831. When I find that in one borough 152 voters
should elect two Members ; and in another 16,000 eke-
tors have only power to do the same ; if I find that in five
boroughs, 1,400 or 1.500 electors choose ten Members, and
that in the same number of boroughs I find fifty times the
number of electore only electing the same number of
:sleinbers—l ask, is it possible for any man to say that the
results expected from the Reform 13:11 have not completely
failed ? Again, I ask, is the representation of England,
Scotland, and Ireland on a footing to be borne ? Ought
we not, therefore, to see whether we cannot in Scotland,
England, and Ireland, bring together all souse who see
ti,e need of union, to demand from the Lagisiature that
change which is so essential, and which must take phiett
before we can obtain the required reforms ? I hope it is
not necessary for me to say more than that that ine-
quality is apparent to all. Then, doss the present House
of Commons attend to the requests arid Opinions of the
people any more than the former House did ? Nut one bit.
—( Hear.) They hear your complaints ; they may be laid
before them ; but as to considering them, or acting as the
representatives of the people, that is quite another matter.
I will not allude to the state of the Corn-laws, or other
laws, because that is shots n in the annual documents of
Government, in which you will find them. It is sufficient
to say that they exhibit a state of things that would not
exist with an equal vote and under a proper representaion
of the people. I am not here to support, for I can tell
you candidly that I am not satisfied with what is called
Household Suffrage; for I hold that Household Suffrage
would exclude a large portion of the men who are of the
first importance in the country ; it would exclude three-
fourths of the mechanics of the country.—( Hear,
hear.) But the question is to be considered as so the
mcde by which to apply ourselves to obtain that
change. We are not to look upon society as a machine
that may be wound up, to alter its course, according to
the will of coo mail. We ought to show to those %site
have the command of the public purse, that they are rich
enough, and that they ought to live under equal laws
with the meanest elan in th's or any other assembly.
There can be no reason why the rich man should have
laws made to favour him. I hope and trust that from this
hour the strenuous Household Suffrage man, and every
man of whatever denomination, will come forward to dis-

not carry their own views. This is an extraordinary state
of things; but when we look at the circumstances preced-
ing it, we see that the people have been deceived for at
least half a century. You will therefore agree with me
that it is not wonderful they should have come to this reso-
lution at last. The resolution is in these words; and it is
important for you to recollect, while you desire to go to a
more limited extension of the franchise than we wish to
do, that you cannot ask the public to assist you. If you
do, the Chartists will be there ; and I need not tell you
that without the public—without the spirit of the whole
public—the aristocracy will treat you with as little cere-
mony as they have been treating the advocates of a repeal of
the Corn-laws. We must be united, and I am glad that
:ur once we are prevent at a meeting which is likely
to at no very cii.-tant day, to a cordial and hea to
combination of the middle and working classes. My opi-
nion is, that the interests of the middle classes and of the
working people arc one. I speak not of that class of the

community who riot on the people, I !weak not of the
fellows who receive large sums of money for doing nothing
—I speak not of the myriads of idlers who are fluttering
around Albert and Victoria, supporting the dignity of the
throne ; for, as sure as there is a God in heaven and com-
mon sense among mankind, if ever Universal Suffrage
shall be obtained, the affairs of Government must be car-
ried on in a way more in accordance with the common sense

cui.s these matters, and to assign the reason %%by each
prefers these which he is advocating. Those indi-
.

viduals who have power seem alarmed. Now I
want to dissipate that alarm ; and I am con.

vinced that the welfare of the State depends on having
the whole country united ; and I will just give those
gentlemen a proof of the manner in which the mass of the
people may be united ; and not only that, but may conduct
themselves in the way that their friends would desire. I
am old enough to remember—indeed it is but a few years
since—when the mass of the people were excluded from
all public exhibitions, collections of paintings, and other
places ; and we were told that if we let in the people we
should be sure to have these valuable things destroyed;
that the people could not cor.duct, control, or manage them.

of mankind. They will not be told to keep the system as
it is, as necessary for the dignity of the Crown. They
will look across the Atlantic, and see the President of a

flouthbing republic there performing the duties of his si-
tuation for 6,0001. a year. Why, her Majesty and Prince
Albert have more in a week ! A great many people of the
country cannot understand this disparity. They have never
been able to discover why two human beings should have
allowed them thirteen hundred pounds per day for their
comfortable rnaintanance, while the same class have the

effrontery, on hearing the voices of the working people,
to express their wonderment that they arc not content to
receive, for their toil from morn to night, some halCa-
c-own a day. Theee things must be altered, but they will
not be altered until we have Universal Suffrage. I agree
with the opinion expressed by Mr. Hume, that no portion
szo the community can be trusted by themselves. Were
the Chartists to be put in the position which Whigs and
Tories have occupied, I believe they would turn out as
profligate as either. But, Gentlemen of England, do not
misunderstand me. As a Chartist, I do not ask you to
deifranchise the Whigs and Tories, in order that the
Chartists may riot on the spoil uf the system; I only want
you to admit them to a share of the management, and to
keep yourselves in such a position as to be able to control
them effectually. This is all our desirs, ad lam satisfied
that the result of it would be found to be grenatly advantage-
ous to the community. The resolution which was adopted
at the meeting at Glasgow is as follows, and it has been come
to for the reasons which I have endeavoured to lay before
you : " That it is the opinion of this meeting that all the
efforts of the people to obtain substantial reforms in the
representation of the national affairs have hitherto failed,
in consequence of the people not being fully, freely, and
fairly represented in the Commons' House of Parliament;
and furthermore, that this meeting is of opinion that every
man has a just and equal right to every political privi.
lege, and deems it its duty to express its determination not
only not to countenance, but to oppose any public convoca.
tion for any extension of the suffrage, if the suffrage is
short of that commonly called Universal Suffrage."
This is Ihe resolution of the men of Glasgow, and I have
told you that they are all-powerful in public opinion. And
we will not believe it is too soon now. As it is forty-five
years since this demand was made in this country, am Ito
wait other forty-five years before it is obtained ? If that
be so, why I must submit to injustice as long as I live.
The people de not live a thousand years ; if they did, we
could wait forty or fifty years till our efforts were accom-
plished. The time is now come ; and our great object
must be obtained, or else there will be no peace in Eng-
land or Scotland. We do not desire to divide property as
Mr. Hume has remaiked. We only wish to keep the hands
of the spoilers out of our pockets. We only wish to have a
voice in the laying on of those taxes we are compelled to
pay. If the Parliament returned under the ten-pound Re-
formers had reduced the taxes twen y millions, you would
not have heard about Universal Suffrage lam one of
the unlettered people. Ida not come here pretending to
be gifted iu the learning of the Greeks and Romani. I
air one of the working classes, just by chance a shop-
keeper, and. I trust, although my pronunciation is not so
very polished, yet it will be borne with for the sake of the
order to which I belong. There is great difficulty in under-
standing where the interest of taxation is to come from ;
and, is ithout it is defieed, Government must go on borrow-
ing without the means of paying it. For the reasons 1
stated, we, the men of Glasgow, are perfectly convinced,
and will act on that conviction, that till we are fully, fairly,
and freely represeeted in the Commons' House of Parlia-
ment, it is in vain to waste our time in asking administra-
tive reforms. Look at the way in which public opinion
is treated in that House, and ask yourselves if the time has
not come now, when the people should be admitted within
the pale of the Constitution. The cry of " Keep out the
Tories" will not serve any longer. With these observa-
tions, Mr. Chairman and Men of England, I beg leave,
very cordially to second the resolution which has been so
ably proposed by Mr. Hume.
Sir G. STRICKLLND, Bart., was next introduced to the
meeting, and was well received. He said—Mr. Chair-
man, Gentleman, Friends, and Brother Reformers, I take
this occasion to express my utter abhorrence and my great
contempt for that Tory doctrine falsely called Conserva-
tism—l mean the stand-still or do-nothing principle.—
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") If I were to be
asked to what party in the State I belong, my answer
must be, that I belonged to that party who, instead of
withholding from the people all that they dare, would
give to the people all they can.--( Hear, hear, and
cheers ) I belong to that party in the State who,
having felt the evils of exclusive and aristocratic govern-
ment, would give to the people an exteniion of pri-
vileges in proportion as their intelligence expands.—
( Hisses, groans, and other interruptions from the
Chartists.) M friends, my principle—( Renewed in.
terruption)—my principle you must perceive is the
principle that would lead me, in is great degree, if not
entirely, to coincide with the views expressed by Mr.
Hume this evening.—( Hear, hear.) It is this principle
which induced me very early in life to become a decided
and uncompromising, Reformer. I confess to you, if that
be a fault, that I was a decided supporter of the Reform
Bill as it was carved ; and I believe that I do not feel all
that disappointment about it which some of you expressed,
because, perhaps, I never expected getting so much front
it as some of you. —( Hear, hear.) But, Gentlemen,
will tell you now how far my principles did go, long be-
fore the passing of the Reform Bill. Isu reau the
British Constitution, that I long since maintained, and I
hold this opinioa up to the present time, that the true
spirit and meaning of that Coustitntion will never he en_
tirely developed till we have at least Household Suffrage.
—( Cheers. ) This is no new opinion of mine. I have
expressed it before the public ten and fifteen years ago.
And, Gentlemen, I for one, think that the Reform Bill
was a great, important, and valuable measure; for by the
passing of that Act of Parliament. I contend that this day
we stand on better ground in asking for all that we want.
and cheers, and a voice from the far corner, " Nay, not
half so good.") And there ;s one measure passed by the
reformed House of Commons for which, above all others,
I feel grateful. All my labours to carry that measure
(the Reform Bill) have been repaid by that one measure
by which Parliament abolished the horrors of slavery in
every part of the British dominions.—(A cry of " twenty
millions.") My friend cries out twenty millions. "We
paid dearly for it, 1 know." I, for one, voted against that
rut as vr, --as* not ettrry the rneeenea
without it, I was glad even to pay that amount in order to
get rid of the horrid system.—( Cheers.) Now, Gentle-
men, we are sometimes told that we ought not to ask for
more, but that we ought to look to Committees of the
House of Commons to do the rest in putting down corrup.
tion and intimidation at our elections. Look to the Coin-
mittees of the House of Commons to put down corrup-
tion and intimidation I How have they acted in their pro.
ceedings? I will give you but one example. Is there any
man who hears me, who does not consider that the Reform
Bill, by placing polling places within a short distance of
every man's residence ; by enacting that in boroughs no
man should be a voter who resides beyond a certain dis-
tance—it was the intention of that Bill, that no man
should have any expenses paid, that no man should be
bribed, but that he should go to the poll and give his
firmest vote according to the dictates of his conscience.—
(Hear, hear.) But I ask you, what is the decision of the
Committee of the House of Commons on this subject ?
Why, they say if a man, who usually resides within a li-
mited distance, and he at the time of election be one
hundred miles from home, he may have the expense of his
journey paid/ and himself handsomely maintained during
the election. Now, this is a portion of that species of
corruption against which we have been contending for a
great number of years. That great and unflinching Re-
former—who do you think I mean ?—Sir Robert Peel,
has got his Bill carried through the House of Com-
mons, by which it is said he has effected a great improve-
ment. I, for one, deny that such is the case, and for
this reason. Under the old system the election Committees
were chosen by a ballot, and there was a chance, once at
least in twenty times, that a Committee might be so ounsti-
tuted that they would consider what would be the law of
Parliament and of the British Constitution, and defend the
rights and liberties of the people. But what is the new
measure ? Why, the Committees are to be appointed by
selection. Now, I will ask you only one question ; which
of you would like to be tried for libel by a jury appointed
by selection.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) This, Gentle-
men, is one of the symptoms of the times in w hich we live.
But there is another to which I will now allude. You
have heard of Lord Stanley's Bill for the disfranchiserneet
of Ireland. Here in England we determine that a system
of registration should be maintained. I, for one, am of
opinion that any man, who has once been placed upon
the register, ought not to have the misfortunes and vicissi-
tudes of his life raked up in order to strike his name from
the list. I think, in short, that once a voter, a man ought
to be a voter for life. But what is intended by Lord Stan-
ley's Bill ? Why, the poor voter is to undergo a system
of annual revision. Nay, more, if he would defend his vote,
he must do so at the expense of an assize trial.---( Hear,
hear, and cries of " Shame, shame.") I hear some one
cry out that it is a shame. I think that it is an insult.
But. I now pass over this subject to ask one question. Did
not that Bill which you consider so great an insult to the
people of Ireland, pass the House of Commons within a
few votes?_( Hear.) lam afraid, Gentlemen, lam tres-
passing too long upon your time.--(" Go on, go on ! '')
I ant sorry to detain you, but, if you will allow me, I will
advert to one topic, I mean the odious, the hateful, the
unjust Corn.lews.—( Hear, hear, hear.) lam myself a
landed proprietor; tnreepting from land I never can pos-
sess a single shilling in the world.—( Hear, hear, hear.)
But ever since I had breath to speak I have often spoken
against the Carn-laws —( Cheers and " Brave I") I see
by sorne arguments advaheed, that it has been attempted
to be proved, that if we establish Household Suffrage, we
should make things worse, by confirming for ever
these odious Corn-laws ; because, lay so doing,
we should get rat of the power and influence of
the members returned by towns. Now, Gentlemen,
I think this is totally and entirely a mistake ; and
any person who writes thus cannet be acquainted with
the state of feeling in the agricultural districts ; for I will
maintain that in all small towns, in every village in Eng-
land, the people are at this time crying out for cheaper
bread, and to abolish the Corn-laws... (Hear, hear.) But
then I am asked, how is it that this does not appear
more fully in the votes which these people give at our
county elections ? My answer is obvious. They are
under intimidation, and dare not vote according to their
consciences.—( Hear, hear.) And, I ask you, is this ewe
of things to continue ?—( No.) I have told you lan in
favour of Household Suffrage. I think that is the drat
thing which can be carried. I think it is a practical and
wholesome measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think
this is all we can obtain now ; and, in the present state of
the Adrniaistration, to unite, as Mr. Hume has recorn-
rnendt d, to unanimously call for vote by Ballot, The
Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers.
Mr. COLLINS, Chartist delegate from Birmingham,
said—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, the gentleman who
has just sat down made an observation or two, which I
will endeavour with all respect to reply to.—( Hear.)
That gentleman stated that he was an advocate for the
extension of the suffrage to such as arc intelligent ; and
that he was of opinion such ought to possess it. But an
important question would arise out of that assertion,
namely, who was to be the judge of the intelligence ?._.
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") And then the gen-
tleman sat down with recommending Household Suf-
frage. Arc all householders intelligent, then ?—( No, no.)
Or, are there no intelligent men among the classes who are
not householders ?—( Hear, hear.) Does the Legislative
Assembly of this country consent to tax only intelligent
men ? If so, why then only intelligent men would he en-
titled to vote ; for I maintain that there who pay taxes are
entitled to vote in the putting on of these taxes, and also
in the appropriation of them. Are only intelligent men
bound to obey the laws—are we not all bound—and it was

right we should be EQ--and that be the case, rs it not

rid ht that we should all have a voice in the making of these
laws which we are bound to obey ?—( Hear.) The me
..nt7 bound to obey lass 'which they h;ive not a . 2
are disgraced, he might say they were sirs.
ai.,. the men who made these laws were tyrants.—(Loud
applause.) My friends, I was exceedingly anxious to de-
fend the classes to which I belong from the various as-
persions that have been cast upon them during avery
great period. We have been charged with immorality—
we have been accused of depravity—and we have been
accused of a desire to destroy property, and a variety of
other things. You have heard from one of the speakers
thin evening, and, if my memory does not fail me,
Neu also heard from a second, that we had no such
iiesires.—( Hear, hear.) But I believe that there are
many individuals who make these assertions, who actually
believe that what they assert is true ; and really and sin-
cerely believe that the working classes of this country are
immoral, depraved, and ignorant, and consequently that
!liev are unlit to be trusted with the franchise.—( Hear.)
But it is perhsps necessary for us to inquire, " Hew do
ycu arrive at this conclusion?" It is in my opinion a mat.
ter ot very considerable importance that we should arrive
at a right understanding. Many of those individuals who
sincerely entertain this opinion do not mix with the work-
ing- classes at all, they arc placed in a very different post-
tiun of society, and consequently have but little intercourse
with them. Those gentlemen are accustomed to be
amused from day to day with the great quantity of light
reeding that is constantly appearing in the literary world.
And who are the individuals that produce the maga-
z,tiss and other periodicals of that description at the
present day? Why, either persons belonging to the
middle classes, or those who are paid by them, and who
consequently write in a manner suitable to the tastes of
the parties by whom they arc engaged. In such periodi-
cals the workiieg men are not sufficiently repreaented.
They are spoken of in a manner merely suitable to the
feeling of the aristocracy.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Justice
has never yet been done to the real feelings, to the
wants, to the habits, and to the circumstances of the
class to which I belong. They read the proceedings be-
fore the various courts of justice—they read the proceed-
ings before the Magistrates and those before the Courts
of Assize, and they discover that there are a greater
number of labourers committed in the manufacturing than
in the agricultural districts ; and then they come to the
conclusion that the working classes are the very worst men
of soeiety._(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But, my friends,
they are not all members of the working classes who are
tried at the assizes—if they were to deduct from the list
of assize those vs ho never bed any residence at all, those
who had been born perhaps under hedges, and in the
camps of the gipsies, and go from fair to fair to make a
living—take these, and such like people from the list of
assize, I deny that these are the working classee, or
belong to the class that I belong to. And I thought
it necessary to express myself thus in order to free
myself from the imputation ; deduct these which
I have mentioned from the list of prisoners tried
in courts of justice, and you will find that the list com-
prises as many of the other classes as of the working
classes. Well, then, this being the case, my inference is,
it is not right to charge on the working classes all those
crimes.—( Loud cries of tt Hear, hear.") Any individual
who believed in the charge made against us, of being im-
moral and depraved, would see that it could not be sup-
ported if he would take the trouble to look at one of the
principles laid down in the Charter, namely, that any one
convicted of crime shall not be admitted to the franchise.
—( Hear, hear.) Is this a proof of our immorality ?—is
this a proof of want of honesty ?—is this a proof that we
want to take property and divide it? No, no, my friends.
—( Great applause ) Again, my friends, the gentleman
who preceded me speaks of the emancipation of the black
slave. lam exceedingly glad that he did so, for it re-
minds me of an idea that I have some time had by
me I recollect very well that the individuals who
were in favour of keeping the black man in bandage,
cute' twined and expressed an idea that if they should
emancipate the black slaves, the consequence would be
that they would rise en masse against the owners of
the land in our colonies, and that eventually we should
lose our colonies. They thought this—they said this—
and urged this as a reason why they should not grant eman-
cipation to the black slave. Emancipation Caine, and the
doubts and fears of its opponents were not realised, but if
they had been realised, I deny that it would have been the
effect of emancipation. If I bind a man hand and foot,
use bins ill, and keep him in bondage months and years,
and if on some particular cceasion I should feel a dispose
riot' to take off his chains and set him at liberty, and it,
as soon as he could do so, the man knocked me down, it
would never enter into my head that he knocked me down,
because I bad set hian free, but because I bound him
(Loud cheers.) The gentleman who moved the resolution
which is now before us, advanced many, many very tx-
ceilent sentiments, to which I entirely and heartily
responded. He stated a very important truth too, my
fee gds. He stated that those who possessed the fran-
chise—those to whom the Reform Bill gave the franchise
—had not acted as they ought to have dose toweids those
who did not possess the franchise.—( Cheers.) We ate
at issue with those gentlemen who advocate household
suff,eige. My friends, I have long felt the disadvantages
and evils of being among the non-represented class. How
could I look a man in the face who was not a householder,
but who was equally virtuous, who was equally intelligent,
and equally industrious as myself, and perhaps more so—
how could I look on such a man, and say, " Because you
do cot live in a house, you have nut the franchise ?" How
could I say so, or how could I ask a right for myself and
w:thhold it from my brother ?—(Hear, and loud cheers.)
How could I lay claim to the title of Christian if I did
such a thing as that ? No, no, my friends, I could not lay
claim either to the title of a Christian, or of a Briton, or a
patriot. Gentlemen, you have heard read the resolu-
tion passed by the men of Glasgow 'l:i,<•,e ,eaa emu a
, reseneese paws, at a large public meeting held at liir-
niingham, when they appointed me to attend as dele-
gate to the Leeds meeting, as the representative of their
opinions, which resolution I will not read to you, as it will
be read by Mr. O'Neil, from Birmingham, in the course of
the evening. when he addresses you, and when also he will
, have occasion to notice an address from the men of Bir-
mingham to you. But the principle of the resolution was
expressive of a determination, after due consideration, to
adept the Charter. They entreat that you will not ac-
cept anything less than the Charter, or be gulled by any-
; thing on the ground of expedieucy ; they would not be
, content with any principle short of the principle contained
in the Charter. My friends, we take our stand upon
principles. Gentlemen may use the term expediency if
they please, and say, if we cannot get all we want, we
, must take all we can get But would any elan of com-
mon sense ask a debtor for less than the full amount he
owed him, more especially when he knew the debtor was
solvent ? Would any man who understands the principle of
right, who is an honest man, wish to take his stand
against his principles ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) I hold there
, is no real expediency but that which is right, that to do
that which is right is the best expediency that can be
• adopted. lam sorry that there should be some of the
middle classes who do not see that their interests are iden•
tical with the working classes. This being the case, the
best way is to act upon the spirit of brotherly love—
( Hear, hear)—and, as patriots, to be willing to extend to
others the rights which we claim for ourselves.—( Ap-
plause.) This was one of the principal reasons why the
men of Birmingham had adopted the Charter as the ex-
, pression of their opinions. It is now going something like
three or four years since their attention was first called to the
condition in which they found themselves, and that led to
the present movement, which is called a movement of the
Chartist body. From a firm conviction of the pro-
priety of the principles contained in the Charter, we en-
tered into a union, and pledged ourselves to support
them, and assert them throughout the length and the
breadth of the land; that we would nut he diverted
from our object by any means to set aside the princi-
ples we advanced.--( Hear, hear, hear.) They would not
be diverted by a proposition to repeal the Cont_ laws—brit
there is not a man in the country who does not feel the
• evil of the Corn-law, and the Chartists would be desirous
to take off that law as soon as possible. But the Corn-
law was not the only evil they laboured under, and the'.
were wishing but to have them all removed. It is as
working men the Cnartists have adopted this pledge, and
I have full confidence in them that they will keep it.__
(Loud applause, and hear.) And yet, though they are so
different, it is not because they have no respect for the
gentlemen who have stood aloof from then), or who may
have cast vituperations upon them.--(Hear, hear.) They
have felt it was necessary to calm their feelings so far as
to forget the parties who have slandered them ; but then
theirprinciple; were advocated, and the time, they hoped,
would yet come, when they would be advocated by every
right-thinking man of the cominunity.—( Hear, hear,
hear.) Gentlemen, to see the result of giving the
franchise to the working classes, should look to America.
America, during the last fifty years, has hail the po-
pulation increased by those aho have violated the law
in various parts in Europe. America has had its popu.
lation increased by persons of other nations, who had gone
tnither for the purpose of repairing their fortunes, which
had been reduced at home—haviag only left so much as
was able to transplant them on the other side of the Atlan-
tic. And the fact is, that those who have been so trans-
planted to America have been admitted to the right of
citizenship after a residence of six months in the land.
And I would ask what country in the world has selected
wiser men for her rulers than America ?—(Cheers.)
What better statesmanship had been shown in the same
age in any country, than what they had exhibited, either
in peace or war ?—( Cheers.) Look at the democratic
spirit at any period, and we shall see its beneficial effects.
The democratic principles, for the prevalence of which we
contend, are all towards the democratic spirit of ancient
Greece and Route; but the pyramids of Egypt and the
Pillar of Pompey arc crumbling into dust. —(Cheers.)
My friends, I will not trespass longer on your time or at-
tentiore—(" Go on, go on.") lam desirous of going on,
but a sense of justice tells me to desist, as there is a great
Lumber of other gentlemen who have to express their sen-
timents.—( Cheers.) As you are Britons—as you love
your country—as you love your children and your wives,
I beseech you—l entreat you to unite in an unanimous
effort, not for a portion of the community, but fur the
whole people who are enthralled —( Loud cheers.)
Jesus AhTUUR Ror.lit.;cx, Esq., was received with re-
pelted cheering, and said—Mr. Chairman and Gentle-
men : As I would solicit you to hear me, I would entreat
you to be silent. Fancy for a moment you are on a so.
Lenin occasion ; not listening to me, perhaps little worthy
of your attention, but to one speaking on a great subject--
fancy yourselves within walls that are sacred—you will
them, be silent an hear, and I do not think you will do
yourselves ally harm by being silent.—( Heim, hear.) A
resolution is moved, commencing a preamble stating that
there has been a failure in the attempts hitherto made to
restore the constitution of this country.—( Hear, hear.)
We assume that as a thing proved—we are all agreed
on that point—( near, hear)—we therefore see that fur-
ther reform is necessary ; so far we are all agreed, and
there can be no difficulty. Now' conies the next proposi-
tion. Let us so continue to advance, to enlarge the fran-
eiliae, until we make the interest of die representative co-
incident and identical with the interests of the whole cons_
moons. But when I ask the question how we are to do
this, I find difficulties arise, because differences arise.
One man says—my friend, if he will permit me to call him
so—Mr. Collins and Mr. Moir also say, you cannot do

EVENING EDITION

this but by making the franchise extend, not to Universal
Suffrage, bet to the Suffrage of the 'nue is
-itien. I see here a proposition called House-
iroi • .....o g•• That is another preiposition. ther
man says, Ido not go quite so far as that ; I ant for the
Tcn Pound Suffrage. Here, therefore, differences arise.
And for what purpose are we met here ? Why, for this
great purpose, this great end, a new and great era opens
upon us now, and the middle and working classes meet
here to discuss the question.—( Loud cheers.) And I say
that we are not prepared at once to determine what is
right and what is wrong.—( fleer.) We are come here
to throw nor ceinions inids, this great. sea let theist be,
tossed :.bout, the ship will fine hsr heven ; truth i- her
cargo; let God direct her.—( Loud cheering.) But while
we watch her battling with the waves, let rio one say I
will assume the helm and put all other men under my feet.
—( Cheers.) Let no one say I am infallible ; to me
listen as to a god.—( Hear, and cheers.) No one, my
friends, no one here is of that opinion. We torte here to
bear with one another. I came here to bear with them that
speak for household suffrage, although I myself am for the
suff-age of the Charter.—(Cheers.) I am not bold
enough to say that I alone am right. I wauld. therefore,
impress on you, above all things, one grand duty. Recol-
lect you have to listen to all opinions—that you have all
the interests that sra identical, all the interests to come
to a right conclusion, and, for God's sake, be to one
another as brethren, and not as quarrelsome disputants,
quarreling for victory.—( Loud 'cheers.) Now, then, I
have told you, I am not for household suffrage ; I have
come to cast my opinions amongst you ; take them for
what they are worth, for nothing more, weigh the argu-
ments by which I shall surround them,—( Cheers. ) If
they be worthless, cast them away ; but if right, grapple
to them.—(Cheere.) Coming to this amicable field of
controversy, I say I am for carrying the suffrage, the fran-
chise, so far as that the interests of the representative shall
become identical with those of the whole community.—
( Cheers.) Why ? Because I find if I have a man en-
dowed with power for which he is not responsible--and on
this principle we are all agreed—it would be in nature
that he should be led to abuse it. How can we be
made responsible ? To whom ? To a part of the com-
munity—say the Household Suffrage men. I ask, what
is the result ? Judge by the present. We have a part
of the community electing a House of Commons, and the
House of Commons are responsible to that part of the
community. Do they consult the interests of the coin..
munity ? Your preamble to the resolution says no ;
therefore, the question is answered by yourselves.—
(Cheers.) Wby do they not ? Because the persons to
weorn they are responsible are so small a number, it may
be for their interest to gratify that small number at the
expense of the whole community.—(Hear. bear, hear-)
Well, then, increasing the basis, I only increase the diffi
culty of the representative ; but I
cannot make him
responsible to all the community, unless I give the
power to elect him to all. Ah ! but lam not out
of my difficulty. That would give the elective franchise
to men, women, and children. And here I would answer
a proposition by a friend of mine. He said, every man
having to submit to the laws ought to have a voice in the
making of those laws. I differ from that principle. I say
that is not the case. Suppose a foreigner comes into the
country, is he not to submit to the law ? Yes ; but is he
to have a word in the makirg of that law ? The Charter
says a man must not have a word in the making of the
law till he is twenty-one years of age; but is he not to
submit to the law before that age ?—Cheers.) The prin-
ciple is, if I can get a community so large that their in-
terests are coincident with those of the whole community,
I may fairly trust the franchise in their hands..--( Loud
applause. Here some person in the meeting made a sort
of whistle.) Do not whistle (said Mr. Roebuck) no
honest man can come here to whistle.—( Loud cheers.)
It is a great, a solemn occasion ; and I appeal to you as
men brought here together for a great business, to protect
me while I address you.—(Cheers.) I havejust said, the
reel to melte us safe is to have so large a community voting
that their interests shall he identical with the interests of
the whole. Now I will answer the question as to the women.
Why are they to be excluded from the franchise ?
Why ? I cannot tell why.! Philosophers may say their inte-
rests are identical with those of their parents and husbands.
As to children, their interests are identical with
these of their perents, and they are not required to vote.
Beyond that I cannot go; uo principle telt. nie further;
and I ask, why should I go runner ? Excluding all
touched by crime, all under twenty. one years, and ail not
registered, 1 cannot answer why all the rest ought nut to
have votes.— Loud cheers.) I ask, is that the right
way to proceed ? I am riot going to proceed much
longer.—(.',ties of "Go on, go on.") I want to know,
thee, whether that is coming to the conclusion. I feel
myself at a stand, and humbled, when I conic to act
practically. It is here that I find others disagree with me.
I find I cannot get all at once. I find I must convince
other men as well as myself, and therefore it is that
bear with those men. I say to ti,e Household Suffrage
men, I am willing to converse with you as to your
opinions—I do not put mine out as infallible.—( Cheers.)
Talk about them. You may attain your object before
I can possibly attain mine ; I will go as far as you go,
and when you cease to advance I will go on.—(Loud
cheers.) Therefore, I labour with every labourer—l
row the boat with every man—l do not stop be-
cause some are tired, I row while the stream is against
nee, till at length I attain the goal.--( Loud cheers.) Let
some fail, let some faint, row on I will ; and I will be bound
the good ship arrives in safety. (Loud cheers.) This
seems to me prudence, expediency ; for as Mr. Collins has
said, expediency is right, and right is expediency.—( Loud
cheers.) I know not what right means, but the happiness
of the community.—(Loud cheers.) If it is expedient
we should advance, it is right we should advance; it' it is
the interest cf the community that we should advance
inue:her. it is Pvilpdiont_ana_r;..ri,.. ••••• auu ia -a...._--
together._( Loud cheers.) If not, neither is it expe-
dient, neither is it right.--( Bravo, bravo, and loud cheers.)
Where, then, is the philosophy of attempting to catch
men by the words expediency or right, when expediency,
properly understood, signifies right, and right is only
another word for expediency ?—( Loud cheers.) Welt,
then, I will take the word of my friend Mr. Collins : is it
expedient that the middling and working classes should
advance together? and here, I will have a word about the
middle classes. Ile calls himself a working man—my
friend from Glasgow also calls himself a working man. I
ask, if in that position, that of en honest and honourable
tradesman, whether or not, is he more a working man
than lam ?—( Loud cheers and some hisses.) Mr. Col-
lins is a working man—so am I.—( Hear.) I gain my •
bread by my own labour.--(Hear, and loud cheering.)
And I would ask all who do the same, to follow in cur I
track, to battle down the enemies of the people, namely,
the great Ccrn-lavv Lords of the country: —(Cheers.)
Let the middle and working met, join hand in hand ; their
interests are identical ; they both live by industry ; let us
see if we cannot identify our interests, and beat the com-
mon enemy.—( Bravo I and loud cheers.) We ought to be
friends—we have a common enemy. God knows, the
working men have not been well treated. I have seen
during the last year, the poor working men, who may
have been misled, chased through all the meshes of the
law with an eagerness and cruelty that I have felt to be
somewhat disgraceful to my countrymen, and in the bitter-
ness of my spirit I have said, " Put up a game cock, and
say he had crowed Chartism, and he would by a Magis-
trate be given two years' imprisonment." I lay the mis-
chief to the middle class man's door. He has wonted the
sympathy he ought to have had.—( Cheers.) I do hail
this great occasion as the breaking down of the barrier be-
twixt the classes ; Ido hail it as the first great meeting of
both classes of the community, as a symptom that the
middle class man has come to his senses, that he feels his
interests identical with those of the working man, that he
feels for the working man as a man living uy his industry,
and that he does the same, that he has learned to sympat-
hize with him.—( Cheers.) From this evening, we will
date the era in which we begin to act ie. one bond of sym-
pathy for the great end ote &great, entire, efficient reform
of Parliament, which can alone 'se obtained, in my heart I
do believe, by that which shall give to every man whose
interest is really concerned in the good gevernment of the
c- entry, a voice in the constituency.—(Loud and repeated
cheerieg.)
Mr. O'Neil., from Birmingham, began by reading the
following address :
" Birmingham Christian Chartist Church,
Jan. 19, 1841.
"THE ADDRESS OF THE MEN OF BIRMINGHAM TO THE
LEEDS PARLIAMENTARY REFORM ASSOCIATION.
" Gentlemen,—We, the men of Birmingham, in public
meeting assembled, take this opportunity of addressing you
on the political principles held by us.
"We have observed with feelings of deep interest the Associa-
tion you have formed on the subject of Parliamentary Reform.
We have bitterly felt the evils of increasing poverty. We
know, from long experience, that, in the language of the na-
tional petition, capital brings no profit, labour no reward.
Urged by the same cause that has at length stimulated you,
namely, growing necessity, we have ins estigated the causes
that are producing it.
" It is from our firm conviction that only by the universa-
lity of the suffrage can prosperity and happiness he restored ;
that. we view with great interest the gradually awakening at-
tention excited in the minds of the British manufacturers on
that subject. We believe that no single class could wield suf-
ficient power to secure any important measure of Reform, and
knowing that the interests of the manufacturer and the workmen
are commercially and politically the same, we are certain that
did a proper understanding exist between them, it would pro-
duce such an immediate union of their powers against the com-
mon
enemy as would secure that which, in opposition, they
should in vain attempt to obtain.
" Upon the terms of union, therefore, does the question rest.
We have expressed our terms in the following resolution, passed
unanimously by us :—"That this meeting views with intense
interest the approaching meetings to he held at Leeds, and
being fully sensible of the great importance of a perfect mid, r-
standing among the various classes to be there assembled, on
the principles and intentions of each, declare that having, after
mature consideration, adopted as the object of their political
struggles, principles contained in the document entitled the
People's Charter,' they will neither countenance nor assist
any body that shah, through expediency, seek any enactment
short of the full measure of rights therein contained.'
" Gentlemen, we desire that you will not start at names ;
we are Chartists. As such, we cannot join you upon your
present limited position ; we detest a property nomination ;
fear that so long a term as three years would endanger a
thorough representation. We cannot hide from ourselves the
glaring injustice we should commit, were we to exclude our
fellaev omen front their rights, merely because they have not be-
come householders : we could not hear our brother upbraiding
us for having branded hint practically with the mark of slavery.
We will not follow expediency, nor traffic with our birthright;
the groundless fears of one man shall Oct with us be the standard
wherewith to measure the rights of another.
"We abhor the truckling expediency which has too often
marred the otherwise noble struggles of politicians ; and
knce,ving that mutual confidence and respect form the best
ties wherewith to bind men who fight together in any cause,
we should feel that to descend from the high position of uni-
versal right, and rresent ourselves as your supporters, would
degrade us in our own estimation, and must also do so in
yours.

Ai
... (' ..,
,
" Years have rolled over—years of increasir, adversity, friendly to us. I impress then upon you the necessity thA
since we were convinced, that in the irreslmsioilitY of our ! whateverbe the movement made by you, ityrill be one adm-itting
legislators rested the main calse. With feelings of indigoa.. ! the whole of the population within the bounds of the Constitu-
tion we saw that none of the community were represented, a i tion.—(Cheers and hisses.) What am Ito learn from this?
few only possessing even the power of nominating once in seven 11. will not mince matters with you.—( Hisses.) If it is war
years the individuals in whose hands rested the power of ren- ' you want, you shall have it. If it is opposition you desire, you
dering them happy or miserable. shall have it also.--(Hisses.) When I see mon ylu-
"At length, in the document entitled the ' People's Char- ming themselves upon their station in society, and acting
ter,' we recognised principles and laws, the operation of which 1 in this way, I want to lams and understand what it meant.
I

,
I will completely obviate the evils ; and we forthwith deterniine,)
e 3 ns., Aver.,_ceestitutieeel reaani to brine 1-Itir preaiica. ..; •
~1
iitiples. In vale e ere e,. -.; fel "upon io aetele.. .1 .
fur a .p, r, of tile Corn-lews, assured that no permanent neer.
' sure of good could be reasonably expected from an uncontrolled •,-
Government. We refused to give our supeort to any measure
short of that which, by placing control in hie hands of the
whole people, should enable thm to secure to all just and '
equitable lan s.
" We would hail your co-operation as a powerful boon ; we
arc persuaded that this feeling would be mutual ; but we could
not, were we in your situation, desire the co-operation of melt
who would, for the sake of enlisting however large a number.
of however powerful friends, retrograde from the point they hail
ipi eviou,ly attained. No, we cannot think you would feel that
; respect that you must feel in the holding of our present olli-
i nioes ; we rejoice that we can at least claim from you the et-
pression ' If they are not wise—they are at least honest.'
" Here, then, is our position, as inflexible as our prinee-
pies arc eternal ; Britain will bless the day when all the all"
pressed classes shall unite on this basis; for united, no power
can successfully oppose them ; civil and religious liberty:
commercial prosperity, and happiness would speedily daWfl
upon our unhappy country ; but an union upon unjust an':
exclusive principles will not, cannot triumph ; thousands °'
the best and bravest of Britain's sons of tail would rise up
in indignation against the attempt to exclude them froth
their riehts ; and thousands who might obtain the suffrage•
even upon your principles, would indignantly refuse to AO
that for themselves which thee denied to others equally vir-
tuous and intelligent. We tell you you cannot succeed; that
it lou valise the power that is able to save you along with 10,
you will engage on your behalf the millions, who, by working
for their own as well as for your advantage, will bring
to your
aid a tenfold more efficient power than that which could be
wielded by men who, though they agitated with you, felt the
degrading thought that the rights sought could not be shared
by them. Choose, as wise men, which course you will pursue-
, That in which you shall be as you now are, alone, and a hand"
ful ; or that in which the voice of the millions shall rise up
with you--1 voice which, combined with you, no tyrant can
resist.
" We invite you to join in our noble struggles ; we ardent));
request you to ascend still further in the path of justice and
mercy ; let no cold and fearful expediency mar your own bar
piness and the destinies of millions."
He said that the question of expediency required to be un-
derstood. He believed that expediency was not alwaYg
right—he meant the expediency of their enemies'
Ha had read of an occurrence when democratic
principles prevailed in Athens, and when it "flea
stated to the Athenians that a measure of great
importance might ba accomplished. Aristides was de'
puled to ascertain the secret, and he reported that
the plan was; expedient, but it was not just, and there.
fore the peoile at once abandoned it. That plan was to burn
the Lacedatnionian fleet in the night. It was right to obtain the
franchise for every male adult, and it was not expedient to take
from any man his just rights. The people not only asked,
was
the measure expedient? but was it right
and just ? He should
like to have the meaning of the word expediency righted. la
one meaning right was always expedient., for honesty was always
the best policy. But, in the world's sense of the term, exile'
' diency was not always right. He now presented the address t 5 •
the Chairman, as contaMing the principles of the men of sir- ,
mingham. The suffrage they demanded was not of the Cm
stitution—the glorious Constitution whicita had been so much
lauded. The law was, that every man paying his scot ane
bearing his lot should have a vote. Every raan but the insane an
the criminal ought to have a vote. He knave no reason the helve,:
, holder only should have it. Why should he himself and thousann;
of lodgers be deprived of it? Therefore he could not support
Household Suffrage, and, said he, I cannot conceive tl!
you can get it without us. I am expecting you o'g
come te us yet. This is only a step to a further advancer
and we are determined that we will, by all the means in e.„
power, render ourselves worthy of your co-operation, by i'r ,
creasing our intelligence, by ennobling and purifying nu, .
morals. But we will never depart from the high position ho
have maintained in the Charter. I call upon you as men w e
desire commeicial prosperity to join us. I know you alt
starving, because others are starving in India and Ireland. 5
you don't want to be mere well-led slay, es. You desire Your
rights. You desire to cultivate the noble faculties of yeor ,
minds, to place man in the proper positi( in he ought to fill is
'.
creation, that he might not be merely an. animal, but a nZo,
and intellectual being. Join us in the -noble struggle. a
thing can be done unless you immediatel y join us, and go ban
in hand for the lull measure of justice.—(Hear, hear.
1 , Ale SHARMAN CRAWFORD spoke throughout amid
Eel
disturbance, which rendered him inaudi'ale excepting witina„e
very limited circle. He begged the attention of the mesas",
for a faw moments. He appeared in the cause of the rights
of the people as an Irishman. He contended that the satllg
should be extended so as to take in all the -working classes, al.,
that no suffrage could be satisfactory that, did not give te eV,
honest, imlustrious, working man the right of voting iip,
Members of Parliament. It was trot his duty to Pet,
' out to Englishmen the course they slatuld pursue to
.a,t
tarn that object. But if Household Suffrage were adopted,heo
should be in such a nay as to include every working man to
was a lodger, as well as every occupant of a house. Anot%,
important point was a new distribution of the'electoral botne
They could not have just representatima unless the electoral
districts were so apportioned as that no one part of the king`ihis
should have an undue weigh; beyond any other part. 'l4 torg
iaod
question he claimed their particular :sttention. Enbteat
wanted redistribution as well as Ireland. Was it just
re-
Ripon, with 5,733 inhabitants should h ave as many reP.,,
.
! sentatives as Leeds, with 123,000? He, therefore, Lod
tended, that England herself needed redistribution,
e,
that without it justice could not be ceae. It was als.,°,„,ne!
cessary that voters should be protected from undue inn% of
and, therefore, he recommended the Ballot: for the aafee'oeld
electors. He contended that the middle classes neve!. the
have security themselves, but by asking the franchise forie
working classes. He demanded equality for Ireland—that tli:s. 4,1
improvement we demanded in our own institutions we should
to
ask also for her. Let them then, go forwa rd in endeavuoldtir ~,
tb tl:'-'9
aollitathineytheempiledopgleet's. rigih3tust.
howThweyerwe-ertehetye,ldtotlgiz-shanoy
mass
By moral power—by the voice of the peel Is. The ma-
i isla"
thus only would they have the power to influence the reels
the community must be combined with the middle daces, a""
en,
1 a tiNuirre. to
Lgorwanitti,t,ll
"'AB,/ that
-Fellow
zednd.f—elio(liC.heeerrsire
for it is to you I come to speak—if ever there was a " 4,,,..)
—e improvementFelloN-
-1.- a right Lo b. 1... d or, this is the day.—(Hear,".e all
This is a day that I have longed for—it is a day that no_king
have wished for—it is a (lay in which the: middle and w 1-thee
risen could meet and could discuss their grievances, and
_4 a
see which had been in error.—(Hear.) I stand here
,'...,d
working man; I stand here as a Chartist;_ -as a man brett,n;
born in the lap of poverty ; as a man who .claims nought 11.
tha
his riches, but from his existence as a ma a, who scorns
the
agitation which refers men back to musty parchments far 'hi,
rights of the people. I stand here as ama n who says that
_ the
rights of citizenship are written in Heaves e and not ir;,en,
Courts 0; Kin„es and of Parliaments. (Cleeers.) Now, uti.,,
tlemen, what do 1, and all who are a my bias, say to yotho
I use no menace to you ; but I say it to you as a fact,
„1,0
' you and I must sink together, and if we
.sink, you sink a
along with us.—( Hear, hear.) I have wished for the day
31111,
which you would come to discuss grievances• with us, and awe 1
for a remedy. I know you will tell me that,. as Chartists,
st
hare been violent, that we have uttered language that no Wet,.
man could assent to—but, middle men, 1 ask you, have feu
ever stepped into the huts of poverty ? Have you e?
seen your wives in tags, and your childr en without fonn.
If you have not, then I ask
ti y keep
to bear in mind the can',,
. 1 why those of whom ye complain have bee n violent, to
dation to its bitterest dregs; and for them I ask you, in the elle
city of human nature, to allow them to gi‘. c expression to thel'
agony. —( Hear.) I pass from that, and I come to the question
before the meeting—namely, what is the extent of repreaen-
twice' that will truly represent the people, aad secure to theli
their rights ? I say no representation du ort of that which :e
admits every man arrived at a mature age to a vote—that riff
Universal Suffrage. Why talk to us about expediency ?
anY'
expediency is right, then Universal Suffrage is right ; and Y
thing short of Universal Suffrage is not expeuient. We ai
...
remember before now to have heard of expectience._( Hear- 3 e.ge!
There was a man who ought to be here to-night, who talked °f 104
expediency .—( Cries of" Hear, and shame.") I say shame tiPti ,
that man.—( Cheers from the Chartists, anct loud groans from .j,
others in the meeting.) I cry cowardice upon that man fa:i. t
4'4 ..
not being here.—( Renewed cheers from the Chartists, andlon .1!.,
I
groans and hisses for the speaker, from others in the hall.) If,
expected that it was argument 1 was to hear--I expected gen" -:`'sri
thenen would iisten to reason. I expected that the classes
who are clad so bravely would have listened to me; but
am sorry that I have been mistaken in them. But I say' a.
where is your security, it you enter into the traffic of e'''
pediency, that you will not be sacrificed? It was found
expedient to sacrifice the 40s. freeholders.—(Hisses and li
cheers. ) It was found expedient to give up the now; ' -•
eiples of civil,and religious liberty. —(Hisses and' cheers'
Arid what is this of which we are 'complaining ? are we ?
1:ot here to complain of Lord Melbourne's Government •
Are you Whigs satisfied with it, or are you not 2 Why
seek for further Reform if you are satisfied with it ?-;"
(Hisses and cheers.) NOW, once for all, I say that '''
will stand here until morning but I shall be heard.
(Cheers from the Chartists.) I have a right to he
heard, and I have a right to address to
you these
sentiments, and to discuss such sentiments, and to give ex-
pression to such opinions. The Whigs are men of expedient:ft
and they have ruined their own cause by it. If they had been
honest, •we never should have complained of them. They have
taught us a lesson, and we know from them that he who trusts
to expediency trusts to a broken stick.—( Hear. ) Then what
suffrage should we have ? Should it be an individual's rights
or should it be property ? That is the question which vve
have met to discuss. The individual right is the only test
for the suffrage of the people. Every man amenable to the
law has a right to be a maker of the law. When you
get get Universal Suffrage, you get all the intelligence of 'the
nation; and by Household Suffrage you shut out a large portion
of the intelligence of the people. Middle men, I put to
you a question—it is a solemn one. You cannot deny
our right to the suffrage. It never has been denied
even by the most rabid Tory. They have alwa3l
said you have the right, but you are not wise enough
to exercise it. Now I ask you—have you not admitted
in your churches and chapels young persons of fifteen years of .
age to choose their own ministers and their own communions?
Why? It is because they are old enough; and then if they
are wise enough to choose their oven religion, surely they are
wise enough to choose their own Members of Parliament.--
(Cheers from the Chartists, followed by cries of " Oh, oh.")
I am sorry for this class feeling, and te see dislike so strongly
marked ; and as a Chartist, I tell the Chartists if they are
afraid to hear the arguments of their opponents—if they seek
te cloak these arguments by burgling and clamour ; then I say
that I sin ashamed of them, and I wash my hands of them. 1
would give every man a fair hearing. I claim the Suffrage for
myself, fur my fellow-workmen, and for the aristocracy them-
selves. I say for the aristocracy, because I know they have
stoud our friends, as well as other classes, and that good
men are to be found amongst them. When, then, I say the
people, I mean the whole classes of the empire. It is strange
—it is passing strange, that men who till the land, who ply the
loom, who build your cities, who fight your battles, who have
borne the British standard across the waters, and chastised
every tyrant but their own ; it is strange that you will not give
them the privileges that they require.—( Hear, hear.) Is it to
be right and 'night, and which is to be prepared to exclude its
neighbour? Then those who are prepared to act on their
might, must also be prepared to come in collision with their
fellow-countrymen. This is the feeling that has roused up so-
cieties. This it is which has made them angry ; for a man
who will bear poverty patiently, wiil not bear insult—if lie is a
man, lie will not do so.—(Hear,) And the man who is not pri-
vileged is insulted, and he is a renegade to human nature, it he
does not attempt to remove it. Are you then, I ask, pre-
pared for the centinuaoce of agitation in this country?--to
have that state of feeling in this country—to see it dropping
into ruin, while faction hinders a 1 classes from coming together.
I expect that this night will be the foundation of good feeling
for the redemption of our common country.—( Hear, hear.) I
expect that those who hitherto stood aloof will now join us ;
and those as ho were supposed to be opposed to us, will now be

7'