The Sun.
London, England, 1847-03-02 00:00:00

Cbtrti IZZlittton

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock

ANNEXATION OF CRACOW.

GREAT PUBLIC MEETING.—(THIS DAY.)
A public meeting was held in the Freemasons' Hall, Great
Queen-street, this day, at one o'clock, for the purpose of
" petitioning the Crown with respect to the annexation of
the free city of Cracow to the Austrian empire, in violation
of the treaty of Vienna." There was a numerous attendance.
A number of
ladies occupied seats immediately below the
platform. Amongst those present we observed the Marquis
of Northampton, Earl Fitzwilliam,
Earl Rosebery, Viscount
Bandon, Lord Beaumont, Lord Ilatherton, Lord Arundel and
Surrey, Lord Wharncliffe, Lord Dudley Stuart, Sir W. Clay,
M.P.,- Sir C. Napier, M.P., Mr. Williams, M.P., Mr. if.
Milnes, M.P., Mr. J. S. Buckingham, and a number of
other gentlemen interested in the cause of Poland.
The Marquis of Northampton was voted to the chair on
the motion of Lord Dudley Stuart. He was supported on
his right by Earl Fitzwilliam, and on his left by Lord
Wharncliffe.
The CRATE:MAN called upon Lord Dudley Stuart to read
several letters which he had received from various noblemen
and gentlemen with respect to the question which the meet-
ing had been called to consider, and explanatory of their
reasons for not attending the meeting.
Lord DUDLEY STUART said he had received a number of
letters from different gentlemen regretting that they would
be prevented by circumstances over which they had no con-
trol from being present, but expressing their cordial con-
currence in the object for which it had been called. Amongst
them were letters from the Duke of Bedford, the Duke of
Sutherland, Earl Lovelace, Lord Ashley, Sir Edward Bulwer
Lytton, Mr. Hume, M.P., Mr. \Vyse, M.P., Mr.
Denision, M.P., Colonel Angerstein, the author
of " The Revelations of Russia," Mr. T. Hankey,
and a number of others. As it would consume too much
time to read the whole of them, he would merely refer to two
or three, which he thought the meeting would be glad to
hear. One from the Duke of Bedford, dated Woburn
Abbey, Feb. 28, stated that it would have given his Grace
pleasure to have aided by his presence so good a cause, but
that he had for some time, owing to ill-health, given up
attending public meetings. Lord Ashley did not conceive
that it was a judicious course to hold such a meeting, but lie
added that " no else could regret the annexation of Cracow
more deeply than he did, and that he considered it as one of
the blackest deeds in modern history."—(Cheers.)
The CILURMAN, who was received with loud applause,
then addressed the meeting as follows :—Ladies and Gentle-
men,—ln taking the chair on the present occasion, I have
departed from a rule which I have, in a great measure, laid
down for my guidance with respect to public meetings. The
rule which I have adopted is similar to the one alluded to by
the Duke of Bedford, in the letter which has just been read
to you, as the state of my health does not generally allow
me to attend public assemblies of this kind, at least they ge-
nerally interfere with my health for some time after ; but there is
another reason why I have adopted such a rule, namely, that
1 bold the office of President of the Royal Society, to which
I was elected by men of science in England; and, therefore,
I feel it right that I should abs'ain from party feeling as far
as possible—as far as my duty will enable me to do—as I
think that that abstinence enables me more effectually to
perform duties of another kind.—(Cheers.) But, gentlemen,
there are occasions of a peculiar nature, and I think this is
one, on which no man in England—undoubtedly no states-
man in England—who considers that the maintenance of public
faith and public treaties are the great mainstays of universal
peace in the world, and the true promotion of intellectual pur-
suits, (for peace could never besecured,and can never continue
if breaches of faith take place between nations), should hesitate
to express his opinion. The expression of public feeling in
England will have a great effect upon the Continent, and
have a great effect in preventing the repetition of similar
events to the one we have this day to deplore. It is on
these ground, therefore, that I have consented to take the
chair. I will not, however, address you at any length,
as there are several gentlemen to address yon.
I can only say that it is of the gseat est
importance that we should be, as for aspessible, unanimous in
the expression of our sentiments; that we should not push
them to violent lengths, in which all cannot concur; but
that we should all combine together for one common object;
that we should be temperate and moderate, but at the same
time firm in our purpose,—(Loud cheers.)
Earl EiTeivii LIAM then proposed the first resolution. Jr.
doing so lie said—Ever duce the present state of Europe had
existed, ever since the expiration of that period
which they generally row called the "middle ages"—
when the various families of European civilization had
assumed their present form—it Lad been held that that
was a law of nations, which had the effect of binding toge-
ther the separate civilised families into which the world was
divided, by receiving an understanding between all. It had
been held that those nations which suffered from an infrac-
tion of the common understanding created between all should
be entitled to call upon those who had committed the viola-
tions from whit's they suffered to act justly, and
that, if they refused to do so, they must be contented
to meet with the condemnation of the other nations of the
world.—(Loud cheers.) Now, it undoubtedly appeared to
him that if there ever was a violation of the public law of
Europe, and not merely of the public law, but of an acknow-
ledged, an existing treaty, the suppression of the free state
of Cracow certainly came under that definition, and afforded
a glaring example of a violation of the law of nations to
which he had referred—(Cheere)—for let it be borne in mind
that they had not merely that written law to which the
chairman hail alluded, but they hail a clear, a distinct re-
•grution, of the freedom and independence of that state in
that last settlement of Europe, which was enacted at the
Congress of Vienna, in which it was most distinctly affirmed
that without " restriction or proviso Cracow should not be
occupied by a military force on any pretext whatsoever;
and should for ever remain a free and independent city."
He had thought it necessary to call, in the first instance,
the attentien of the meeting to the expressions in the
resolution, bre:Luse they were probably not unaware that ex-
pressions had been made, with the view of making out a
case, for the three aggressing Powers arising, as it was
stated, from this circumstance—that though there was a
etipu'atton that Cracow should continue an independent
state, nevertheless, that stipulation did not form a
part of that Congressional Act, by which the public
ear of Europe was thenceforward to be regulated ;
but, instead of that, it most clearly appeared that
that stipulation did form a part of the Act of the
Congress, and that, therefore, time suppression of the state of
Cracow was not merely an act of violence against that state,
but a breach of faith with all the other Powers of Europe.—
( Hear, hear.) It was necessary, in the first instance, to
draw attention to this, because they were probably as well
aware as himself that expressions had been made, and pro-
bably might hereafter be made, to show that however much
Cracow had reason to complain, the other Powers of
Europe had none ; but he thought the words he had read
were sufficient to satisfy them that the suppression of Cracow
was not merely a violation of the treaty with respect to
Cracow, but a breach of faiths with all the other Powers of
Europe.—(Applause.) Another question would probably be
asked—what good could be done by a few hundred gentle-
men meeting in Freemasons' Hall to express their opinions
OH the subject? It would be said that the act was done--
that it could not be rectified—c'est un fait accompli. It
might be asked if they expected to get that meeting to annuli
the suppression of Cracow ? He meant no such thing,
but he knew that the opinions—the serious and deliberate
opinions of the IN 'plc of England, were powerful ; and he
trusted that meeting was a sample of those opinions, and that
it would fearlessly express its opinion with respect to the
conduct of the most despotic Governments of the Continent;
for even the most despotic Governments respected public
opinion, and no public feeling was so powerful as that of
England.—(Hear.) Therefore, he thought that the expres-
sion of their opinions on the transaction would riot be with-
out utility. Let it also borne in mind that Cracow was not the
only weak state in the empire.—(Hear, hear.) There were
other feeble:states with powerful neighbours; and it was,
perhaps, as much for the sake of defending and throwing the
shield over those weak nations, as well as for the pprpose of
expressing his opinion on this particular transaction, that lie
agreed to be present, to join them in giving expression to
their opinions. He would not detain them further, but pro-
,at once to the resolution which lie was to propose. It
was to the following effect:—
" That in the opinion of this meeting, the military occu-
pation of the town and territory of Cracow, and their an-
nexation to the empire of Austria, are manifest and flagrant
violations of the general act of congress or treaty of Vienna,
concluded between England, France, Austria, Russia, Prussia,
and other Powers, by which it was stipulated, without re-
striction or proviso, That Cracow should not be occupied by
a military force on any pretext whatever, and should for ever
remain a free and independent city.' "—( Loud cheers.)
—He would ask them if, after that stipulation, Cracow was
no longer to remain a free and independent state, what
security was there for the safety of Geneva from ag-
gression ?—of Frankfort ?—of Hamhargh? These were
all small feeble states. But he would go fur-
ther, and he would ask what security was there
that a similar proceeding might not be adopted with respect
to Wirtemberg and Saxony ? What security was there ft tr
the safety of the small states into which Germany was di-
vided, if Cracow was to be thus destroyed? He thought,
therefore, that they would agree with him that they would
adopt a wise step in giving expression to the sentiments of
the resolution which he had proposed for their acceptance.
Lord WIIAANCLIFFE, on rising to second the resolution,
was received with great cheering. He said it was his inten-
tion only to say a few words, as his Noble Friend had already
so well discussed the subject. The feelings of the people of
England, he was sure, as well as the feelings and sympathies
of the present assembly, were with them on the question of
the suppression of Cracow.—(Hear.) And the sentiment
was one confined to no party or body of men, but pervaded
all.—(Cheers.) It would not be necessary for him to enter
at large into the subject; but he would confine himself to
the plain and simple eircunistmces of the case—the violation
of the treaty of Vienna—which he pronounced to be a wanton
' violation of the holiest engagements. Ile should not, in
expressing himself upon this point, go into the great field
of argument and declamation about the wrongs of Poland.
He knew the feelings of the people of this country on this
subject, and tie could testify to the sympathy and feeling
which they had everywhere excited. But with regard to
the question more immediately before the ,meeting, the Act
referred to, it had received no defence from those by whom
the act of aggression had been induced. But no defence
would be admitted. There had been no provocation for the
Suppression of Cracow, or it there had that was not the course
Which the three Powers should have taken. The course
which they ought to have taken was clear. They ought to
have appealed to the other Powers who had been parties to
the treaty of Vienna, and asked their sanction to the course
they were disposed to take. INo defence, no explanation
could excuse the act they had done, and it was right that
theyshould meet Here, and to pronounce their opinion that
the suppression of Cracow, as a violation of a treaty, was
one of the most flagrant recorded in the pages of history.
They might truly say, in the words of a more exalted person
in another place, that if this treaty was to be violated with
impunity, such engagements would be found not more sacred
on the banks of the Rhine and this
ePotlian ou the banks of
the Vistula.—(Hear, bear.
Noble
Friend, as he
befbre observed,
had so well alluded to the facts of the
question that he (Lord Wharncliffe) would not detain them
longer, than but to remark, that it such a meeting as the
present was deemed necessary, it was desirable that it should
not be a failure, but express, as he believed it would, the
strong of
feeling of the people _ this country respecting the
suppression of Cracow; that thereby the speech of her Gra-
cious Majesty, hi opening the present session of Parliament
on this head,
might Iliad a response in the breasts of Eng_
Noble
eerss)
The
lishman.—(Ch
lrud cheers, by seconding the resolutLord sat down, midiion.
The CHAtrtmArt then put the resolution, which was carried
unanimously.
who on
srisingawas e greatlych
but'
Lord DUDLEY STUART,
eletrad, said he did not get up to
to read a letter which he had received from
world roi
eminent person, and well known to the oarldillofosrt
the interest he had taken in the affairs of Poland—
he alluded to Sir Stratford Canning—(Cheers)--who
was her )4esty's representative at the Ottoman Porte. The
Noble,f,O read the letter, which condemned in very decided
the suppression of Cracow as an act, which, he be-
CI s