The Sun.
London, England, 1841-11-30 00:00:00

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LONDON:
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 30, 1841.

The Duke of WELLINGTON seems half ashamed
of his associates in the Cabinet, and has rather
pointedly taken an opportunity of informing the
world that he is not answerable for the acts of
the Administration. Whether the PEEL Minis-
try will be honoured the more for being com-
posed of STANLEY and GRAHAM, KNATCHBULL
and BITCKINCHAM, and for not .numbering in its
ranks the Duke of WELLINGTON, WC must leave
the public and time to decide. The circumstance
On which our remarks are finided, is a letter of
die Duke's to the Deputation from Paisley—gen-
tlemen Aillom his Grace seems to have treated
with almost as much contempt as he treats his
colleagues. The following-, is from the Glasgow
Saturday 1-o;

t.

Alniost immediately on the arriv.-I of the Deputation
in Loudon. the Rev. Dr. Burns, and the 11ev. Mr. Baird,
addressed' note to the Duke of Wellington stating the
object of their mission, the urgent nature of the sufer-
ing:: of ti'e people there, which had induced them to
leave their charge for the purpose of soliciting the means
of keeping them in life. The note at the same time
most respectfully solicited an interview with his Grace,
for the purpose of laying the condition of the people of
Paisley before him. To this request the Deputation re-
ceived the following laconic reply :--
" Walmer Castle, October 26, 1841.
"F. M. The Duke of Wellington presents his compli-
ments to 1)r. Robert Burns. He is much concerned that,
being out of town, it is impossible for him to find time
to receive the Deputation.
" The Rev. Dr Burns,
" No. 21, A.lonchester-buildirigs, Westminster."
Two days after receipt of the above mite, through the
medium of the public Papers, as well as from the stir

about Ap3ley House, the Deputation were made aware
of the Duke of Wellington having returned to London,
when they lost no time in forwarding the fotowing note
to his Grace :

"The Members of the Deputation from Paisley and the
neighbouring places in Renfrewshire, most respectfully
solicit an interview with his Grace the Duke of Wel-
lington, now that he has returned to London, for the
purpose of submitting their subscription sheet to his con-
sideration, and for the purpose of affording his Grace
some important information regarding the condition of
that unfortunate portion of her Majesty's subjects, whom
the Deputation are sorry thus to represent.
" 21, Manchester-buildings, Oct. 29, 1841."
To the above note the Duke of Wellington forwarded
the following curious reply, which, take it all in all, we are
sere will be read with astonishment over the whole
country:— " London; October 30, 1841.

" F.-MI. The Duke of Wellington presentS his com-
pliments to the Members of the Deputation from Paisley.
" It is true that the Duke returned to town the night
before last, in order to attend at Buckingham House
when her Majesty will be confined.
" The Duke's time has been and will be much occu-
pied while he will be in London, and he must again de-
cline to receive the visit of the Deputation from Paisley.
" He pays every attention it is in his power to give to
the distresses at Paisley, as well as elsewhere.
"•A meeting to discuss them is not necessary, in order
to draw his attention to these distresses; and his other
occupations render it necessary that he should decline
to receive the Deputation.
" He begs the Deputation to observe that he is not in
the Queen's political service—that he does not fill any
political office, and exercises no power or authority.
" The Members of the Deputation from Paisley."
His Grace, therefore, is equally anxious to dis-
claim all responsibility, and to avoid being,
troubled about the people's distress. The Depu-
tation very needlessly again addressed his Grace,
stating that the " Deputation, and the whole
country, consider your Grace one of the most
influential of her MAJESTY'S advisers, and one of
the principal heads of the Government. We
feel justified in entertaining this opinion, from
the public declaration lately made by your
Grace from your place in the House of Peers,
tthat 'you would take on yourself the responsi-
bility of advising her MAJESTY to prorogue
Parliament.' " But the Duke silently refused to
take on himself the power the Deputation
wished to thrust on him, and took no notice
of the communication. He would do nothing
for the sufferers of Paisley, and the solicita-
tion of the Deputation remained unanswered.
Honoured and rewarded as he has been, and is,
by the public, his conduct on this occasion, less
cautious, if more honest, than that of Sir ROBERT
PEEL, has not added to the reverence which the
people feel for him. No body ever gave him
much credit for huManity, but we have not
before heard him accused of MARLBOROUGH'S
vice. The Glasgow Post, of Saturday, however,
commenting on this transaction, says—

Much has been said and written about the Duke
of Wellington, but there is one remarkable trait in the
Duke's character which has never been noticed pub-
licly, out of deference, we presume, to his fame ; which
trait is, the strong desire of the Duke to get posses-
sion of as much money as passible, and his equally
strong desire not to part with what he has once got pos-
session of.

Much as the country has heard of the Duke re-
ceiving, in the way of public grants, high pay, liberal
pensions, and equally liberal sinecures, to use one of his
own favourite phrases nobody,' nobody has ever heard
of the Duke making himself famous by heading public
subscriptions.
Lik e the Glasgow Post, we have no recollection
that the Duke is ostentatious with his bounty ;
and if the Deputation wished to extract a large
donation from him we are not sorry they were
disappointed. We prefer his correspondence,
which is rich in instruction, to his gifts. Indeed
we thought the Paisley Deputation and the
Paisley sufferers might as well have spurned
the few crumbs which some great bread-taxers
returned to them after taking away their loaf.
The need of the people, however, was great, and
they were humbly thankful for the sort of
highwayman alms, which some landlords threw
them. Of all the sad and wasteful effects
of the Corn-laws, none are worse than their
mental effects on a high-minded people. To
accept a small portion of our rights as alms is
a terrible degradation. The Duke of WELLING-
TON, about whom there is no cajolery, makes
the matter quite plain, which ought to con-
vince the people that from the bread-taxers they
can expect nothing but what they cats extort.

We all know that the Duke Of WELLINGTON
leads the House of Peers, and that his authority
in that assembly is almost paramount. He,
therefore, is one of the main instruments in
causing the present terrible condition of the
people, and his answer to the Deputation sum-
marily is, I can do nothing—l will do nothing
—to redress the wrongs of which you complain,
but which I have a right to inflict. I will not
be troubled with you. His colleagues think
like the Duke, but they want his courage to
give a body to their thoughts.

Lord DENMAN has not a very ready access to
the press, and will scarcely demean himself to
defend his conduct on closing the term, in the
public journals. To the bar it is no degradation
to convey their sentiments to the public through
the medium of the newspapers. His conduct,
therefore, may perhaps not be represented in the
most favourable light; and whatever deficiency of
dignity and want of temper he displayed will
be thrust prominently forward to weaken the
rebuke he conveyedto the bar. Undoubtedly the
public was to be considered as well as the barris-
ters; and Lord DENMAN was not justified in in-
flicting the smallest injury on a single suitor.
The bar will take advantage of this weak point
in Lord DENMAN's•case, and will cover their re-
treat behind a great smoke, made in behalf of the
public. All would have been well, could the
suitors have fallen back on the barristers, in
whose hands their causes were placed, to recover
what they might lose by the barristers not
being in Court to take care of their clients' inte-
rests. It is unfortunate, too, that Lord DENMAN
gave liiinself and his brother Judges a holiday,
while lie exposed the barristers to public cen-
sure, and inflicted an injury on the neglected
suitors.

General WINFIELD SCOTT, Commander-in-
Chief of the United States' army, is among the
candidates for the Presidency [of the Republic.
In this'capacity he has addressed a letter to the
people of the United States, explanatory of his
opinions on the important questions of party
politics, the judiciary, the executive veto,
rotation in office, Presidential term of
office, agency of the President in legis-
lation, and secret societies. The Gallant
General sets out by stating that, when a mere
youth, he felt the liveliest joy in the ex-
piration of the Alien and Sedition laws, and
the triumph of Mr. JEFFERSON. That from
1806 he was old enough to oppose, by speech
and pen, the British Order in Council, the attack
on the Chesapeake, the impressment by British
ships of American seamen, the insults of the
French Directory, and NAPOLEON'S Berlin and
Milan decrees; that he supported the MADISON
and MurvaoE Administrations in everything but
the disma.sting of a
gun-boatpart. of the navy and the
systemolci-fashot
io'n d,
leave republican-democratic
politic
lie is an defence ; that, moreover,
Whig, as all his fameil e been. So much
General's politics.
deepest reverence for the
jfourdictihaery
Ghe enlel As respects the
Bench—State and Federal—and altogether con-
demns any appeal to Congress
or elsewhere
against the decision of the Supreme Court,
Ivhich ought, in all cases to be final; op-
position to the e fi
decisions of that Court he re-
gards as revolutionary. With regard
to the
PRESIDENT'S veto General SCOTT thinks it
be set aside by the vote of a simple majority of
Congress, ten days being allowed for reflection
after its exercise. Connected with the veto
power is that of patronage, and here we shall
quote the Gallant Candidate's
own words. We
regret that it is impossible
to question their
truth, coming as they do from so respectable a
quarter :
The President is, under the checks of the Constitution
and law, rightfully invested with the power of the sword,
and he has again and again had that of the purse also. The
House of Congress,it is true, lay taxes for imports, and regu-
late the sales of the public domain ; but it is he (through
his agents) who handles the proceeds. From 1833 to
1836 (to say nothing of the present) he alone nominated
and dismissed all the agents who kept, as well as those
who collected, distributed, and disbursed the public reve-
nue. The apothegm—make us your executor, we care
not who are your legislators—has a frightful application

to such small agents, and the immense treasure that an-
nually passes thrOugh their hands!
The rapid increase and spread of population ; the
growth of national wealth; the amount of revenue col-
lected and disbursed; the new relations (by the extension
of commerce) with foreign countries ; the additional ap-
pointments at home and abroad ; the number and va-
lue of contracts—all constantly and necessarily on the
increase ; a general decay in morals, perhaps as great
in Congress as elsewhere ; the habit that we have
seen prevail during, the several Presidential terms—
of filling public offices with but little or no regard to
moral standing—have, taken together, already opened to
goverindent elements of.power and corruption which it
was impossible for the framers and adopters of the Con-
stitution to foresee or to conceive. Who, at that distant
day, for example, ever dreamed of the spectacles which
have • recently disgusted every honest citizen : of post-
ma3ters, mail-contractors, mail-agents, and census-
takers covering the land with government .pamphlets,
hand-bills, and extra-olizettes, sufficient (if read) to sap
the morals, public and private, of an entire generation ?
Of the Custom-house mercenaries in the large cities,
on the public, neglecting every duty for party meetings
an-d
the polls, and rendering. to power the most bribe-
worthy services ? Of District Attorneys and Collec-
tors, rambling missionaries, defending every abuse of
office—their own the most indecent—or in order to
maintain power in the hands of their patron ? All who
have reflected on the foregoing facts must be ready to
affirm—that Executive patronage " has increased, is in-
creasing, and ought to diminished.".
I hope, then, by an early amendment of the Con-
stitution, to see a reduction of the President's veto
The regulation of patronage would naturally follow.

Removal from subordinate offices General
SCOTT would confine to proven dishonesty or in-
capacity. He considers that to perfor►u the
duties of subordinate offices well, long training
is required, and that continuance in office is but
the proper reward of merit. In the number of
officials not removable he includes Ambassadors,
Secretaries of Legation, Consuls, and Postmas-
ters, whose commissions do not exceed one thou-
sand dollars a-year. He is opposed to the re-
election of the President, and would support a
change in the Constitution to that effect. Re-
specting the leading measures of the late extra
session he says :
If I had had the honour of a vote on the occasion, it
would have been given in favour of the Land Distribu-
tion Bill ; the Bankrupt Bill and the second Bill for a
creating of a fiscal corporation—having long been under a
conviction that, in peace, as in war, something efficient,
in the nature of a Bank of the United States, is not only
"necessary and proper," but indispensable to the success-
ful operations of the Treasury, as well as to many of the
wants of our commerce and currency.

General SCOTT has not been in a Masonic
Lodge but once in the course of thirty years,
and belongs to no other secret society whatever;
that once was more than sixteen years ago. His
principles, he says, are convictions which he
could not abandon for the Presidency; but,
if elected to carry them out, he will accept
that office.

Such is the substance of General SCOTT'S ad-
dress, which is dated " Washington, October
'2sth." It is curious that in such a document
he should say no more about the widely-agitated
question of a National Bank than what we have
given in the short paragraph immediately pre-
ceding. For our own part we should gladly
see General SCOTT President of the United
States. His conduct during the rebellion in Ca-
nada was upright and impartial, and no effort
of his was wanting to maintain the most friendly
relations between England and the United
States. The Sympathisers met with neither
sympathy nor encouragement at his hands. He is
also well acquainted with the merits of the
Boundary question, and remarkably well dis-
posed to promote its speedy and pacific ad-
justment. In private life we have always
heard General WINFIELD SCOTT spoken
of as an intelligent, amiable, good man
whom no traveller encountered without
increased respect for the American character.
The world knows him to be a chivalrous, high-
minded soldier, and fame, even in Europe,
proclaims him a patriot, a gentleman, and a
Christian, in the true and exalted sense of that
much-abused word.

We have published in The. Sun this day a
short account of the entertainment given by
a numerous body of electors of Maryle-
bone to Mr. Kensett, who has long
taken an active part in the affairs of
that extensive borough, and has been of
some service to the .cause of Reform. He was
presented at the same time with a splendid ser-
vice of plate, a return for his valuable labours
alike honourable to him and the inhabitants who
conferred it.

MONEY-ORDER OFFICE.—The public are now
beginning to appreciate the advantages of the
money-order office system, from the safety and
facility of transmitting property, and settling
small transactions or debts without the inconve-
nience, expense, and delay hitherto experienced.
The system is daily ramifying into new channels,
and diffusing its benefits throughout the land.
The office in St. Martin's-le-Grand commenced
with three clerks : it now employs seventy, and
the average sum paid is about three thousand
pounds daily.
HER MAJESTY AND THE INFANT PRINCE.—
We have reason to believe that her Majesty has
expressed a disinclination to perform any act in
consequence of which the new-born heir to the
Throne would he addressed by a title similar to
that by which his Illustrious llither is designated
and addressed. It is also said that bot_i to the
Premier and the Lord Chancellor this feeling on
the part of her Majesty has been made the sub-
ject of a formal communication, for the purpose
of ascertaining how far, with due regard to es-
tablished precedent, it can be acted upon in set-
tling the style of the interesting subject of the in-
quiry. The Infant Prince" is the appellation
which is used throughout the Household, when
speaking of the Royal Intlint; and this title is
understood to be that for which her Majesty has
expressed a decided preference.
THE WEATHER.—During the whole of last
night the wind has blown a hurricane which
we fear will he attended with serious loss
to the shipping in the river, as well - as
along the coast. It was accompanied by heavy
showers of rain, which frequently came down in
torrents. Up to three o'clock the wind and rain
continue unabated, the river is in full flood, with
an uncommonly high tide, and there is every
reason to believe that all the low lands for miles
along the Surrey shore are laid under water.