The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-28 00:00:00

I

MORNING SUN

sifters, giving an account of the state of manufacturing, ,dis-
,
tress in the year 1835 ; and if such things can exist—if such a
stimulus cin be elven to production as was the case--I fear the
inevitable consequence will be, that when a check arises—when
markets are encumbered with produce—when a war in Chinathe
—a war in Syria—and disturbances in Europe affect the state
of suppiies—then there must be a recurrence of that distress.
general and individual, which has been depicted in such forci-
ble terms in the course of the present debate. But this is the
account which Dr. Key, a gent'eman possessing the confidence
of her Majesty's Government, and holding, I believe, at present
an office of great influence, but who was employed on the Poor-
law Commission—this is the interesting and extraordinary ac-
, count which he gives of the state of manufacturing industry in
1835, and I recommend the whole document to the attention
of Hon. Members. He sass, " Within two years 7,507-horse
• . pow( r have been brought into operation." He says the ieldi-
tional outlay upon mills would amount to 3,754,0001. And in
viewing the universal demand for labour at the time, he asks,
from whence must the population required by manulactures be
derived? And what is the remedy which he suggeoe? Esta-
blished agents must, he says, be stationed at Manche, tut to
encourage emigration. Ho then makes this astounding
statement with respect to the increase of population in a single
• . township in 31anchester. In 1801 the population was 1,805,
' in 1811 the populotion was 1,806, in 1821 it was ;3,335, and
in 1831 it was 7,132. Dr. Key asks how is this to be ac-
counted for, and tells us that of the 7,000, • 5,600 must
be (migrants into that one township. In June, 1835,
Messrs. H. and C. Ashworth stated that it was calcu-
lated that nearly twenty thousand persons would be required
. fort one of our manufacturing cities alo e —Staley Bridge.
' See when yni have g, t this populaticn what takes place—a
• populaticn width you cannot prevent without drying
the n Along rest urces, and without interfering with
the invent on o' mach nor r. Who n you have thus got
five thousand new hands and a new population at
Staney Bride, and when agents at Manchester have called
this population into existence, extraordinary ingenuity devises
• some mode of curtailing labour, prices fail, and the cpnse-
quenee is extreme poverty and suffe ing. Now, is not that a
natural state of things? And may not such things occureven
1 ' &ter an alteration in the Corn -laws, or their total repeal ?
What I do deprecate is that extravagant view which you take
' of the remedies and advantages to be derived from a repeal of
' those laws. It had been said that there was no demand for
manufactures on account of the Corn-laws, and that our
trade could not prosper, inasmuch as we could not exchange
t our goods for foreign corn. But' during the four years
which had preceded that extraordinary development of
m nufactir ng pros' eri y, the whole amount of corn im-
,
1 ported into this country was merely 400,000 quarters. I must
' also observe, that I have no doubt but the unwise and impro-
vident exteosiou of credit was another source of the evil com-
plain. d of. You must bear in mind all these things, and look
upon the question in a philosophic point of view. You must
1 ' remember there are other causes besides the Corn-lags which
- , account for the pressor eon our manufactures ; and you must
not unwisely attribute this-evil to the existing Corn-laws.—
( Hear, hear. 1 I have entered at some length into this subject,
and I am s • r.. that its deep importance will justify me in the
eyes of the House.--t Cheers. ) But I shall no N pats to other
topics. I cannot, I must say, acquiesce in the Address moved
by her Majesty's Ministers. If I implied my approbation of
the specific measures involved in the Budget from which I had
form, ply expressed my dissent, 'should be implying ae. nfidenee
in Ministry which 1 do not feel.—(Opposition cheers.) I do not
think the Noble Lord can quarrel with me as to the proceeding
which I adopt. I think the Noble Lord will feel that it is far
I more fair and more just, after the appeal which had been
I ' made to the people, to come at once to the issue, whether her
Majesty's Government have or have not the confidence of the
country, than to permit the Noble Lord to remain in ignorance
upon that point, and take the ordinary course of thwarting him
in his future operation. An Hon. Gentleman who spoke last
night, the Hon. Member for Finsbury, who does some time
', seem to me affected with the most extraordinary and senti-
-1 mental oratory— (Laughter)—and who appears to suffer more
from a feeling of romant c and chivalrous loyalty than any
I . other Gentleman in this House—(Ronewed laughter)—but
be says that we are acting in opposition to the Queen's wishes,
and moving an amendment to the address.
,Strange doe-
' trine this on the part of a Whig or even of a Radical.—
• ' (Hear, hear, and laughter.) That we are to be pre-
vented from performing a duty in respectfully submitting
an opinion to the Sovereign, for fear of contravening her pri-
vate wishes ! The Hon. Gentleman contrasted the course
which I am now pursuing with that which was pursed by my
opponents in 1835. The Hon. Member has spoken of the
generous treatment which I then experienced—( Laughter on
the Opposition benches)—the forbearance which was mani-
fested towards me, and the earnest desire that was evinced to
permit me deliberately and fairly to lac before the House those
- measures for the public good which flied prepared ; and the
Hon. Gentleman added that all this ought to prevent me from
taking so indecent and so hostile a step as to declare a want
of confidence in Ministers upon the first day of the session.
But I cannot but remember the opposition I received en the
choice of a Speaker, and the declaration of the Right Hon.
, . Gentleman opposite (Sir J. C. Hobbouse) that having been
defeated on the question of the Speakership, I ought at
trice to have resigned.—(Loud cheers.) But there
I, was more in store on the succeeding day, for an
1 ' amendment was moved upon the Address, which censured me
in direct tenor:TEO t having advised the Crown to dissolve the
Parliament What affectation of the Hon. Gentleman now to
come forward and say, " True, there was an attempt to cen-
sure you, but no want of confidence was implied.—( Hear. )
That was but the abstract, dispassionate, and impartial view of
gnat patriots of the single measure of a dissolution, and you,
the unhappy object of their censure, are to continue in power,
not e3esideriny. the motion as an indication of the slightest
disgr -c ."--(Cheers and laughter.) Now, I can destroy that
1 il:u ion by t e authority of the Right Hon. Gentleman him-
self, b c use last year, speaking of this very question of a
watt of confidence, he made use of these words :—" He
i
(...( a. in; S r Robert Peel) advised the King to dissolve the
Parliament. I do not deny his right to give that advice;
but it was the right of the next Parliament
to give their opinion upon that advice. We
know what that opinion was —it condemned the
advice given by the Right Hon. Gentleman in that moat es-
sential p articular. The House of Commons, by a majority of
seven, pronounced a verdict against the Right Hon. Gentle-
- man •, a veriitt which amounted to a vote of want of confi-
--.,
dence—(C her rs: --as much as any vote could do." Now, 1 be-
lieve that WAS the right construction of the matter: it was meant
as a vote of want of confidence, and a perfectly legitimate n ode
it was ( f tr;ing the question.—(Cheers.) It was but a short.
trial, I must say. I sin proud, however, to say, that I retained
~. power until I found that the sense of the House was against
~, ...,,,,, me; hut, on the first great defeat I experienced I instantly
gave way. I fought the battle of the Speakership, and the
battles, and I did not think that, upon the first indication of
' dissent and distrurt upon the part of the House, a Minister
should resign office.—(Cheers.) No, he owes obliga-
tions to the Crown, which must be reconciled
with the obi gation he owes
,the House and the country. I
knew soon after that the fate of my Government. I was de.
termined, and I had always resolved upon the first obstruction
to my measures, to take inevitable course of resignation. At
the same rimes did not think it was unfit that I should con-
tinue in power as long I could entertain a hope of support from
the House. But, I must add, that my course was entirely
differs& from that lately pursued by her Majesty's Govern-
meat. It is now upwards of two years since the Government
declared their opinion that they did sufficiently possess the
• confidence of this House to enable them satisfactorily to dis-
charge the public duties.—( Hear, hear.) Ido believe that
their subsequent retention of power, in defiance of constitu-
tional principles, has weighed more with the constituent
body —(Oppos:tion cheers)—than any other misdeeds
!Ton the part of her Majesty's Government. The
Noble Lord at the head of the Government
declined that the worst Government was an inefficient. one,
and the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies had stated
that the interests of the country were exposed to hazard by a
Government attempting to continue in office after they had
the confidence of this House Those words made an impression
en the public mind and their conduct was in any opinion an
indication of that just constitutional principle, a principle
which every friend of popular Government, ind of the repre-
sentative system ought to hold in honour, namely,
that the favour and support of the Sovereign
ought not to maintain for a long and indefinite
period a Government in existence against the will of the repre-
sentatives of the people.—(Cheers.) .It does compromise the
prerogatives of monarchy so to retain a Ministry, because it
exhibits the prerogative of :the monarch without its just in-
fluence, when disregarded by the people, and it does exhibit
the House of Commons as wanting its just influence when it
can thwart the measures and obstruct the acts, but cannot de-
cide ou the fate of a Ministry.--( Cheers.) And When you
appealed to the constituency, to that constituency composed
. if the middling class, selected as being less liable to undue
influence. When you m ide your appeal to them,
. that in your opinion you were maintaining your
power at the hazard of great interests, when you found
their representatives declaring whether, right or wrong, that
lou did not possess their confidence. When you then appealed
to the people what did they ds? They vindicated they consti-
tutional principle, and confirmed the decision of the House of
Commons. Sir, that opinion I firmly believe is unfavourable
• to the Government. You say the opinion of the people is un-
stable and fastidious. Why these are unjust reflections, I must
consider, on public opinion, and those whom we consider as its
depositories. I cannot beleve these accounts of the consti-
tuency of England. I cannot believe they are so disqualified to
form a judgment on the conduct, character, and acts of
public men, but this is certain, that their judgment must be
decisive if you. mean to maintain the popular principle of Go-
vernment. Why might not I have said in 1835, I have pro-
posed no measures, it is very hard to condemn me without a
trial? What would have been your reply—" The people have
~.t decided against you, and in deference to the opinion of the
le, people you ought not to remain holding office and public trust.
' ‘ Submit to public opinion." That is the constitutional doctrine,
,
and it is in deference to that principle that I have moved this
amendment On the consequences that may be supposed to re-
sult from your resignation it is not for me to speculate. Others
• have speculated on it. I contemplate with calmness,
''. isithout anxiety, but with cenfidenee, whatever may be
that result. If power does not devolve on me I make
tea complaint. If power does devolve on me I shall ac-
.
'eept it,with the consciousness that I gained it by direct
and constitutional means.—(Loud cheers) But that I owe
. tto the voice of the people of this country, and to tt.e favour
of the Sovereign.—(Cheers.) I am told that in exercisng
that power 1 must be the instrument of maintaining opinions
. • I myself am supposed to consider as erroneous. tiir, with my
views of power, of the obligations
it entails, and ofit imposes, of the duties
the sacrifices it involves, I amlittle inclined
to add to those sacrifices by
,
submissions.—(Cheers.) I am told I must be the instrument
accepting with it discreditable.
of effecting in Ireland the ob'ects of certain parties, and
particularly of my friend, assojciate, and partizan, as he was
called, who was said to have offered insult to the religious
feelings of his fellow countrymen, by some appendix to a public
work. lam not afraid to express my opinions on an act life
that. I say there is no man in the House—that there is no
Roman Catholic in the House—who heard with deeper pain
that a gratuitous and unprovoked and unnecessary insult had
been offered to the religious feelings of a great body of my
countrymen. If I cannot retain power, and if I must forfeit
place by avowing such sentiments—if I cannot retain it except
by deferring to such feelings, I say at once that the clay on
which I relinquish power rather than defer to such feelings
will be a ten times prouder day than that oh my access'on to it.
—(Cheers.) If Ido accept office it shall be by no intrieue—
(Cheers)—by no unworthy concessions of constitutionalaprin-
-ples—(Cheers)—by no unnatural and factious combinations of
those men—honest men as I believe, but who entertain ex-
treme opinions from which I dissent.—(Cheers). If I accept
power it shall 1)6 by w.:lk ng in the open light and direct path
of the Constitution; if I exercise power it shall be on my oven
conception, perhaps imperfect, perhaps mistaken, hut my so,
sere anception of public duty.--(Cheers.) That power I will
not hold sinless I ran hod it consistently with the maintenance
of my own opinions and that power. I will relinquish the mo•
went I am satisfied that I am not supported by the confidence
of this House, and of the people of this country.—Cheers. )
Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, if I have to request the attention
of the House at this late hour, and after a late debate, I must beg
to say remember that it was not until a late hour in the fourth
night's debate that any leader of the party opposed to her Ma-
jesty's Government rose to justify a vote expressing want of
confidence in the Government.—( Cheers.) I complain not of
the motion made. I think that the very first opportunity, on
the meeting of a new Parliament, is the best opportunity for
deciding the question as to whether the party sow in pesiession
of power, or any other party, has the confidence of this
nouse.—( Hear, and continued cheers.) But I say, with re-
JP" to the n9use 0 c9mmone, kJ with regard to all