The Sun.
London, England, 1840-06-13 00:00:00

motion that the HOLIEC should resolve itself into a Corn.
mittee on the Irish Registration Bill, move that it be an
instruction to the Committee to define the right of voting.

BUENOS AYRES.
Mr. MACLEAN wished to put a question to the
Noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
He wished to know if the Noble. Lord could state, with-
out injury to the public service, what was the condition of
the negotiations between France and Buenos Ayres re-
lative to the blockade of ,11 latter place.
Lord PALMERSTON said, that the negotiations
with France were these, that some time ago Admiral

Dupotet—set out from France to take the command of a
squadron. He proceeded to Buenos Ayres, and, on his
arrival there, a communication took place between the
authorities there and the French Admiral upon the Buenos

...-
Ayres Government; certain propositions were made
with a view to an arrangement between France
and Buenos Ayres. Another interview took place be-
tween Mr. Mandeville and the French Admiral, the result

of which was that the French Admiral returned, stating
that he had no authority to accede to the proposition.
Upon this Mr. Mandeville considered it to be his duty to
refer the matters to the French Government. They had

been referred, but the result of the determination Of the
French Government was not vet known.
TREATY WITH NAPLES.
Colonel BAILEY wished to know when there would
be any report presented to the House from Mr. M'Grcgor,
who six months ago had been sent to negotiate a commer-
cial treaty with the Neapolitan Government.
Lord PALNIERSTON said there was no report.
There had been a negotiation between the English and
Neapolitan Governments as to a commercial treaty, and
Mr. M'Gregor had been sent out to examine the tariff
with the Neapolitan authorities, and endeavour to effect
certain modifications and arrangements. to be afterwards
submitted to the two Governments. Those negotiations
were broken off by the sulphur monopoly.
RUSSIA AND CIRCASSIA.
Mr. M'LEAN asked if the Government had received
accounts authenticating the fact of the late victory of the
Circassians over Russia.
Mr. PALMERSTON replied that from our consular
agents on the shores of the Black Sea such accounts had
been received.
POOR LAW ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE asked if the Noble Lord the
Colonial Secr:tary coil state:wl:ol Bill would come

on.
Lord J. RUSSELL—No, I cannot name a day at

present.
CANADA GOVERNMENT BILL.

Len J. RUSSELL moved the Order of the Day for
the third reading of this Bill.
Mr. E. ELLICE said—He wished to have known
when two Bills, now for the 16th time on the
orders,—the Parliamentary Boroughs and the Royal
Boroughs ( Scotland) Bill—would come on, but neither
the Lord Advocate nor the Hon. Under-Secretary for the
Home Department, the originators of the measures, were
present.—( A laugh.)
Mr. HUME said in the present situation of the Canadair,
though he felt the great defects of the BM, he was so con-
vinced of the necessity of effecting some change in the
arbitrary Government now in force in those Colonies,
that he was disposed to think the only chance of effect-
ing this was by the union of the Provinces, therefore he
would not oppose the Bill.
Sir G. SINCLAIR said he believed there were wise
and statesmanlike reasons against the Union now, as there
had been in 1793, and that the measure could only lead
to the separation from the mother country.—( Hear, hear. )
It had been said by some that what was wanted in Canada
was a cheap Government. The word "cheap" might
have different meanings, according to the quarter in which
it was used. By others it had been stated that what was
wanted was a responsible Government. What was meant
by that was, responsible to themselves, but not
amenable to the British Parliament or the British
Crown.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Ho regretted the course
the Noble Lord had pursued in intimidating the
people of Canada from meeting to express their opinions.
He thought that that measure would very soon lead to a
separation bete cell the colony and the mother country.
He, therefore, moved that the Bill be read a third time
that day six months.
Mr. PAK INGTON seconded the motion.
There being loud cries of " Divide, divide," strangers
were ordered to withdraw ; no division however, took place,
and when we returned to the gallery we found
Sir R. PEEL addressing the House. He said he could
not allow a division to take place, without stating
his reasons for voting against the proposition of
his Honourable Friend, and in favour of the motion of
the Noble Lord. He considered that it was absolutely
necessary that something decisive should be done with
respect to the Government of Canada. After all that
had taken place in that country, after all the commissions
and enquiries, unless they were prepared to take same
decisive course, either by the adoption of the Bill pro-
posed by the Government, or had some suggestion
of an alternative to make—if they merely remitted the
question to Canada, they would take a course more calcu-
lated to undermine the British authority, and bring into dis-
respect the authority of the British Parliament, than any
other which could be pursued.—( Hear hear, hear.) If
they did not adopt the Bill of the Noble Lord, what
other course were they to pursue ? They had now
arrived at a period of the discussion which rendered it
necessary that they should either agree to the Bill before
the House, or suggest some remedy. He knew no other
plan than either to unite the Canadas, or maintain an ar-
bitrary form of Government in the Lower Province, while
the Upper Province- ad the benefit of popular Govern
ment. True, a third plan was proposed, to divide the two
Provinces into three, and appoint a popular, representative
form of government in each. Now with respect to the
latter, although they preserved the principle of popular and
representative government, yet they had no means of
judging of the feelings of the people of Canada upon it,
nor could they judge of what would be the effect of carving
out a full province from Upper Canada, and adding
it to a similar portion from the Lower Province.
How far that would be consonant with the feelings of the
Canadians he had not the slightest means of judging.
There was no authority whatever for the proposal—there
were no local means of judging whether it would tend to the
purposes of good Government to multiply those legislative
assemblies ; and whether it would lead to the peace and
tranquillity of that province and facilitate the ends
of good government was a matter which seemed to
him the subject of very great doubt. Then there
was another proposition to leave Upper Canada
on its present footing, and to continue the present.
Government in Lower Canada—namely, a Governor and
Special Council. For what period would they con-
tinue that Government ?—( Hear, hear.) If they meant
to restore a representative Government in Lower
Canada, it appeared to him that there was no time that
could be more satisfactory than the present.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) If they postponed the restoration of
that representative Government for six or seven fears,
what would be the state of Upper Canada during that pe-
riod ? What would be done with Montreal in the meantime ?
Would they deprive Upper Canada during that period of
the facilities of intercourse which the St. Lawrence afforded?
If they continued a despotic Government they would be act-
ing contrary to the principles which, immediately after an
open rebellion, were adopted in the preamble of an Act
requiring the suspension of a Constitutional Government.
While giving his assent to the present measure he
could riot help viewing it with great apprehension.
He wished the House was aware of the great importance
of the question, for he believed that the situation in which
they stood with respect to Canada involved considerations
far more important than any with respect to any other
country. If he had any doubt upon the subject
as to the preference he should give to the va-
rious alternatives that had been proposed, lie
should doubt whether any preference could be suggested ;
but if he was called upon to state which he should adopt,
he should prefer the attempt at union ; and what decided
his mind upon that question wrs, the preponderance of
of local authority. If he had heard from Upper Canada
strong objections stated ; if it had said to the British Go-
vernment, don't relieve yourselves from the task of governing
Lower Canada, for we object to the union of the two Pro
winces; if that had been the language of Upper Canada,
he for one would never have consented to that union.
The House could hardly reject the weight of testi-
mony in favour of the union of the Provinces. It was
upon that testimony that he deferred to the judgment
ot those who were upon the spot, and who knew the local
circumstances of the colonies—he must presume them to
be the best judges ot their own interests, and he found
in the official records, be which alone he could be
bound, decisive preponderating evidence in favour of
union over every other alternative —( Hear, hear.) Ho
took the opinion of the people of the Canadas, of the
authorities of the Canadas, and of the Governor. With
respect to the opinions of the people of the Canadas, they
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were distinguished from the constituted authorities ; and
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pulotion that the union of the provinces should not
be delayed, and that the French Canadians who
had been opposed to it last year, were not so adverse
to the measure now. Speaking of the Upper Province,
he stated, " In the Upper Province public opinion is
much divided on the subject, but I am persuaded
most of the districts are looking forward to the union as
a measure that would relieve them from their embarrass-
ments, and prevent any interruption in their commercial
intercourse." That was the expression of Lord Seaton,
then Sir J Colborne. In Lower Canada there was only one
constituted authority, the Special Council, and the Special
Council came to the resolution that in order to provide
for the tranquility and good and efficient governmento
the Upper and Lower provinces of Canada, the re-uni,
of the provinces under one legislation had in the opinion
the Council become of indispensible and urgent necessity.
In favour of that resolution, out of fifteen of the Special
Council appointed by Sir J. Colborne in Lower Canada,
twelve members voted, and three only objected to it. So
much for the constituted authorities in Lower Canada. In
Upper Canada the same course was pursued.-4 Hear.
The Legislative Council of Upper Canada, in a resolution
forwarded to Lord Ponsonby, stated that they had applied
their consideration to the subject of the union of
the two province's, and expressed their gratitude
to her Majesty's Government for having sanctioned
that measure which they believed to he essential to the
future peace and welfare, and good government, of the
provinces. That resolution was affirmed by a majority of
13 to 2. There only remained the Legislative Assembly
and it
of Upper Canada, and in that the proposition was carried
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majorityutterly
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appeared a
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it
in by
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was
impossible to resist the evidence which it afforded, that
f
the inhabitants of the Canadas, and the constituted autho-
rities of the Canadas, were all in favour of the measure of
the Union. Last session he refused his assent to that
House affirming the principle of union, unless they were
then prepared to carry the plan into immediate effect.
The only opinions ever delivered by him upon the ques-
tion were delivered by him in that House; therefore it
was impossible that. Mr. Thompson could have minscpre,