The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-08 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION

the House will forgive me, as it is a subject that does not
come before the House in its ordinary course of business—
one on which no direct motion can be made, as it is going
on silently and without necessity for more legislation—per-
haps the House will permit me to make some statements
upon the subject. The first I wish to call the attention
of the House to is drawn up from the Reports of the
Stipendiary Magistrates and other authorities in the West
Indies. The first statement in, that the sugar crops are
unfavourable—that is fir 1839—they state that the crop
is below the average, but they went on to point out the
eagerness of the negroes to possess cottages and gardens.
I desired the Governor to give an account of the number
of negroes who have attained some property. His answer
was that the freeholders under forty acres in 1838 was
2,014; in 1840 the number amounted to 7,848, showing
an increase of 5,834.—(L0ud cheers.) That state-
ment is highly satisfactory, and as I wish to
encourage foreign nations to follow our example, I am
glad to make it, for nothing can be more encouraging than
to show that the people are not only sensible of the
blessing conferred upon them, but are doing their utmost
to show they appreciate it. The labourers are allowed
the use of a cottage, and a quarter of an acre of land, rent
free. They work under verbal arrangement, at one shilling
per day for eight hours. la Antigua there are various
independent villages created, as the hest mode in which
they can have a little independent property of their own,
and at the same time be induced to hire out their labour.
In British Guiana some very extraordinary measures have
taken place. No less than 20,000/. has been given for an
estate, by a number of negroes combined together for
that purpose. There have been other similar instances.
In a letter from a person of great respectability, named
Chandler, a member of the Society of Friends, it is stated
that in Jamaica the wages are Is. 6d. per day, that there
are 90,000 labourers working five days in the week at Is.,
and that one million and a quarter is paid annually in
wages to the labourers alone.—( Cheers.) He also stated
that the labourers do not work bard, they dress hand-
somely, and send their children to school, build chapels at
their own expense, support many poor, and do works of
mercy.—(Cheers.) Then making a statement with respect
to marriage, the number of marriages under slavery was
as 29 to 34; but marriage is now considered honour-
able, and in the island of Jamaica, during the last
ten years, the number of marriages has been
four times greater in proportion to the population than
in England. Such is the statement with regard to the
condition of the negroes in Jamaica ; and with regard to
other colonies, I have received from various persons the
most gratifying accounts. Now, with respect to the argu-
ments to be deduced from this condition, I would beg the
House to consider whether this condition of the negro does
depend, and is entirely depending, on the very high arid
excessive price of sugar? I have often asked gentlemen
who have complained to me of the want of labour, why
higher wages were not offered, and they have told me that
if higher wages were offered it would only give the men
at once the means of becoming independent, and 'elapse
into habits of idleness. Such are the cOeternents made by
those who wish to promote emigration, but with regard to
the condition of the negro, if you admit for ign sugar at a
duty of 365., is there any reason to suppose that the people
of Jamaica will not go on increasing in comfort, and ob-
taining sufficient wages for the labour they perform,
and that they will not continue to be as well off as any
population can possibly be ? Because, I must say, that
although I rejoice, as we all must rejoice, in this termi-
nation of slavery, and this comfort of our people in the
West Indie-, I do not think it is incumbent upon us thus
to influence the production of sugar, which, as far as it
appear.; to me, is not necessary to the comfort and well-
being of the people of Jamaica; while it exposes to severe
privation the people of this country. Having given
them freedom,—having enabled them to earn wages,—
baying given teem a good measure of justice,—we are not
justified in giving our attention exclusively to them, while
the people of this country are suffering the greatest priva-
tions.—( Hear, hear.) lam told of the condition of the
people of Jimaica,—of their extreme comfort, their en-
joyment of the comforts of life, and their comfortable dress.
I will now give you a statement made by a medical gen-
tleman with regard to the town of Bolton. (The Noble
Lord then read the statement. It stated that 195,0001.
less was pail for food last year than in the pre-
vious
years, and 130,0001. less was paid for wages; that
there were 1,125 houses untenanted ; that the shopkeepers
were almost ruined, and the people generally in the
greatest state of eistresa. In one case 17 persons were
crowded into one small direelliag. The out-door relief
paid last year amounted to nearly thy ee times the amount
paid in 1830.) Besides that account, Sir, there arc ac-
counts from Manchester and other manufacturing town.,
where the people can hardly obtain the wages necessary for
supporting themselves and their families—.( Hear, hear)--
and there are fears that the trade, at present languishing,
may be still further reduced.—( Hear, hear.) I ask you,
Gentlemen, as the representatives of the people of Eng-
land—( Cheers)—with all your humane feelings for the
people of the West Indies—(Cheers)—not to be so misled
by your feelings as to force the people of this country—
( Very great cheering)—as to force the people of this
country, I say, to refuse themselves the articles most es-
sential to their moderate and temperate diet.--(Much
cheering.) Do not force them to make such sacrifices for
the sake of the people of the West Indies with whom those
unfortunate men of Bolton and Manchester would willingly
change places.—( Loud cheers on both sides of the House.)
We are, Sir, I consider, in a great, in a very great crisis,
as regards manufactures.—(Cheers.) Whether it be
owing to the increase cf manufactures in Germany, in
Sweden, and in France—or whether it be owing to the
disposition of the Uni ed States to impose still greater re-
strictions upon the importation of our manufactures—or
whether it is owing to the approaching expiration of our
commercial to ;vies with foreign nations, 1 will not pre-
tend to say. I will not say which of all these may be
the greatest, or whether they may not be all of them in
some proportion combined.—( Hear, hea-.) Be it as it
may, Sir, there is at all events a great danger—l say a
very great danger—of a large portion, a very large por-
tion, of your population being reduced to a condition so
far from the enjoyment of crdtnary luxuries, that they may
be obliged in very great numbers to seek relief as paupers.
—( Cheers.) What I ask you is, that you will give to
them legitimate and praiseworthy means of maintaining
Shemselves.—( Renewed cheering.) We find every day
that the people of this country are deserting intemperate
babes, and resorting to the use of tea and coffee and sugar
as a wears of comfort.—( Hear, hear.) I say encourage
that feeling—.( Loud chers)—and do not tell again the
poor labourer that it shall be this year as it was the last,
that the poor man shall go into the grocer's shop, and
ask the price of sugar, and that having heard what that
price is, be shall turn away because he has not the
power of purchasing it.—( Cheers and counter chess.)
That has been the case, be it observed, under your present
law. You may tell me of the expectations and pro-
mises of merchants, and planters, and Colonial clubs-_
( Cheers and laughter)—but suppose these promises should
fail—( Haar, hear)—anParliament, on the faith of those
should retain these duti'ff, , in the course of next Autumn
you will have your labouring population suf-
fering the same privations to which they were
expteted during the last year, and forced Ito submit to the
want of the same necessary. But I am told that sup-
posing there should be no sufficient supply from the West
Indies, yet the East Indies are now engaged in a vast
manufacture of sugar, and !hit a large capital has been
sent out to the East Indies for that purpose. It is possible
if you choose to continue your system of restriction, that
the sugar planters in the West Indies may find themselves
defeated and ousted of their monopoly, not by a compe-
tition with the foreigner, with a duty of 365. but with the
East Indies with a duty of 245. That you may
perhaps find the case eventually, but then you
will have created an enormous monopoly, a, monopoly
not extending over a few islands, and conficed to
A certain number of planters in the West Indies, who
may be retained under the control of Parliament, but a
monopoly, backed by a distinct Government, and which
will be supported not only by all those mere immediately
concerned in the upholding it, but by the whole force of
the East India Company, and all those connected
with its Government.—( Cheers.) And depend upon, it
you will then have to consider another question, if sugar is,
to be entirely the production of a monopoly in t'ae East
Indies, not, certainly, a new question, but a question of
the greatest difficulty, and ono which I never bear men-
tioned without a feeling of apprehension on the subject.
You will have to consider the question as regards
the labouring population of the East. (Cheers.)
The labourers receive three half-pence a day each as wages,
and whets they were brought to Demerara you found they
were accustomed to be forced to labour by the Infliction
of corporal punishment. You will find in dealing with this
question that you will have to deal not with a mere simple
system of slavery, as you had in the West Indies, but with
the whole relations and complicate state of society hi the
East Indies. You will have it as a question how far yeu
are justified in giving the advantage as against free labour
in the West Indies. Therefore, whatever the immediate
advantage of it may
be, I fear that legislation which contem-
plates that the West Indies alone should furnish the whole, of
this production. The Noble Lord ( Sandon) has prop jsed,
ie stating his objectic ns to this measure, that this state-
meat be adopted--That it is not the wish of this
House to say that this country ought to ad Ana foreign
sugar. He does not say that slave-labour Ato he prohi-
bited, or that the productions o! it are nrhetr to be intro-
duced into this country ; but he says, " That, considering
the efforts and sacrifices which -P.P:rliament and the
country have made fur the abolition. 'of the slave trade and
slavery, with the earnest hope th et their exertion and ex-
empt. might lead to its I final extinction in
other countries, this house'
prospects
r
with the present 4 not prepared, especta
British possessions." ee the supply of sugar from the
well understand...ee, ..einisterial cheers.) Now, I could
feeling—l could .ugh I think it is a mistaken
science which . well understand that scruple of con-
slave-grown
induces a man, who has a horror of
grown .
articles, to say wi:l not consume slave-
4.
whew,
,agar—let it be for e let us,
Bus price,
take free-grown su
.er may be its ar•
ever pro
g
. the Noble Lord sat s no such
%nee, s.) He says, " With th thing.—(Ministerial
e Present prospect of the
supply of sugar from the British
.possessions
" this
4-lothe is not prepared to do—what? Why, toadopt the
;measure of her Majesty's Government.—(ceee„.) Now
'I can understand that perfectly well. The resolution
leaves the Noble Lord perfectly open to say,' With a dimi-
nithed prospect of supply—seeing my hopes are frustrated,
*nd that I was mistaken about that colonial supply, I now
propose Foflle measure which is not the measure of her
.1114je.ty'A Government. It is the measure of a Govern.
anent gone by, and which we repeatedly defeated upon
Abet question. Now that there is not such a good pros.
pert, we will admit slarr-grown sugar.--(Ministerial
cheers.) There is not a word in the resolution of
the 7th May, 1841, which would prevent our adopt-
ing this new measure, with other prospects more
favourable." The Noble Lord's resolution may be, indeed,
a right one for him to move, but a resolution prohibiting
the introduction of slave-grown sugar, would be a very dif-
ferent one. This resolution is one which, I say, Sir, is
totally unfit to ho proposed before you leave the chair, and
• which the House, with regard to the former part of the
resolution, that we are to Consider “- the efforts and saeri-
ices .which the . Pediment and the country made
fOr ti-e abolition of slavery, in the hope that
they might lead to the total extinction of those evils in