The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-25 00:00:00

TEE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, JANUARY 25, 1841.

OSEPIT HI NE Esq., M. P., then rose amidst great
cheering. The trumpet having sounded to order, the
Honourable Gentleman thus commenced :—Gentlemen—
(Noiee)—it is quite impossible that I can express to you
any of those opinions that 1 entertain, if this is to be the
manner in which I am received—(Cheers and hisses, and
Lome confusion.)
Mr. PITKETHLEY, of Huddersfield, then came forward
and said :--Gentlemen, I entreat the meeting to hear Mr.
Hume, and when he has spoken, then to hear one on the
opposite side of the question. (This speaker was also in-
, terrupted by cheers, groans, catcalls, booting, and various
diseerdent noises. )
Mr. COLLINS, of Birmingham, next came forward and
exclaim-7d :—Are ye men ? I ask the question, are ye
men ? If so, prove it by your conduct.—( Hear, hear.)
Listsn attentively. It is one of the most important sub-
jects that ever could bring you together. Hear every
speaker.—( Cheers.) 13y so doing you will afford the best
proof that your are true patriots and lovers of your country.
—( Applause, followed by comparative silence.)
Mr. Hume resumed—l hope, Gentlemen, that the ap-
peal which has been made to you will be successful. I
assure ycu that I appear here an old and a tried Reformer
(Hear and applause,succeeded by groans and hootings from
the Chartists)—one who would not have appeared at this
meeting if I had not a hope of seeing all classes of Re-
formers united in furtherance of the great object of Parlia-
mentary Reform. I have, therefore, been anxious that
every man, whatever opinions he may entertain on this im-
portant question should be fairly and fully heard--( Hear)
—for which purpose I have been instrumental in asking
those gentlemen (advocates of universal suffrage) here to
attend, in order that we might have the benefit of their
opinions; in order that we might express our opinions; and
thus sec whether there is not one common general subject
on which we can agree, in order to obtain for the people
of this country that great and important elective franchise,
on which the best of our liberties must ultimately depend.
—( Applause.) Gentlemen, we have one common object
in view—good government. We want equal laws and equal
justice to all classes of the community. Up to this hour,
WO have not enjoyed, we do not enjoy, these. We
are met to-day for this object; and I am pleased,
beyond measure, to find that so important a Com-
munity as that of Leeds should set the example of
calling together Reformers of all classes to see whether
there is not one common ground on which we can meet,
and proceed together, until we shall obtain that which
shall give us, 1 should say, that increased suffrage, so that
every mar, who pays taxes in this country should be repre-
sented, and should himself vote for his representatives.—
( Applause.) Gentlemen, I have come here for no other
purpose than in the hope that I may be able to assist in
promoting that union amongst Reformers, without which
We must continue to be trampled under foot by the aria.
tocracy who now prey upon us and the people at large.--
( Noise to the Chairman's right, in one corner of the
meeting.) lam extremely sorry that my friends in that
corner do not observe the extreme hoarseness under which
I labour, and that I can hardly raise my voice sufficiently
to be beard ; and unless they do me the favour of being as
quiet as possible, it will he utterly out of my power to ex-
press my sentiments as lem desirous to do. The Chair-
man has placed in my hands a resolution to lay before you.
To that resolution I hope to find the unanimous concur.
rence of this meeting ; and I am quite satisfied that
there is not one here, the foremost friend of freedom
amongst you, who is more desirous than myself
to go on rapidly, provided that we go on se-
curely, and provided we can obtain the great and im-
portant object which we are this day met to promote.--'
(Great applause). I consider the step which the Leeds
Association has taken as one of immense importance,
as a beginning—for it is only a beginning.--( Chartist ap-
plause.) It is as such we meet.—( Considerable sensation.)
I come, Gentlemen, to call your;attention to the circum-
stances under which we meet. Those who have, watched
and who have attended to my proceedingie for the last thirty
years, know that I have never turned my back to the
people's rights ; but that I have invariably stood forward
to demand for the millions that which they have not the
opportunity by themselves to demand or obtain.—(Ap-
plause and noise.) I shall indeed be obliged to the gen-
tlemen if they will only listen to me. I will be as brief us
possible ; but I can assure you I am anxious that' we should
now meet in this immense assembly to consider these mat-
ters ; and I tell you that the eyes of the whole of this
kingdom are upon your proceedings to day, to see if you
should conduct yourselves (as has been properly stated by
Mr. Collins), so as to prove yourselves to be men worthy
of the suffrage.—(Applause.) No man can be ignorant
of what is unfortunately every minute before our eyes—the
state of difficulty, distress, privation, and want, that covers
the land almost at all quarters. Is it not therefore a tit and
proper question to discuss, while so many men arc suffering
when others are at ease ?--(App!auic.) But let us all, be we
at ease or be we suffering--let us see if we cannot unite to
go to obtain those advantages and that relief which must
result from good government to the millions who are now
suffering by what I pronounce to be bad and imperfect
government.—( Cheers.) Such being the case, Gentle-
men, what is it that we have to consider? We have to
consider under what circumstances, living under a repre-
sentative government, we arc placed. Are we represented ?
Are the millions represented ? I say no.--( Cheers.) Who
dare deny this ? Who can put his hand to his heart and
say that the millions are represented—that they have a
voice in the assembly called the Commons House of Par-
liament ? Is it, therefore, too much to ask you to listen
for a few moments to one who has now devoted a large
portion of his life to forward those great and mighty ob.
jects ?—( Applause and confusion.) Gentlemen. I repeat
we have but one object—those of U 3 who are sincere Re.
formers have but one object in view ; and there is not one
man in this assembly—there is not one upon that bench
(the one assigned to the advocates of Universal Suf-
frage) beside me here—ardent, however, as they
are of freedom—whom I can allow to have an
opinion more favourable to the mass of the eom-
munity than I myself have.—(Hear, hear, and applause.)
I will now read the resolution which has been put into my
hands, and then I will point out, if you will allow me, the
mode by which we ought to arrive at the results which this
resolution points to. The resolution is—" That the great
experiment made by means of the Reform Bill, to improve
the condition of the country, had failed to attain the end
desired by the people; and a further reform having, there-
fore, become necessary, it is the opinion of this meeting
that the united efforts of all Reformers ought to be
directed to obtain such a farther enlargement of the fran-
chise as should make the interests of the representatives
identical with those of the whole country, and by this means
secure a just government for all classes of the people." Is
there one man in this assembly who looks forward to au
honest exercise of the power of the representative, who can
wish more than that those men who are sent to Parliament
to represent the people in the House of Commons should
act on feelings identical with the people ; that they should
consider their wishes, wants, and interests, and make the
measures to which they consent the means of carrying out
those great objects which we are striving for? This is the
resolution which I now am requested to propose. Gen-
tlemen, we have ample means of discussion here ;
I am not afraid of discussion; from discussion the
truth must be elicited,and if there is one question upon which
I place more reliance than another, it is in the justice
of the cause. The people demand that they shall cot
hive their pockets picked by persons not authorised by
themselves to take money from them ; but on the other
hand they are willing to consent to all taxation deemed
necessary by men ersioying their confidence and esteem.
That is the object for which we are now met. fled 1
taken, I ell! say, not an inactive part in pubic affiirs, per-
lisps there is no mar preseet—l will scarcely make an ex•
ception of any man—who has had such an opportunity of fer-
etting cut and exposing the misconduct ofpast Governments,
and showing the manner in which the public have hereto-
fore been plundered.—( Lod applause.) No man has
endeavoured to do this mere that, myself (standing singly,
Gentlemen, for I belong to no party, or, if there is any
party to which I belong, it is the party of the people) ;
seekinpiejustice for the weak, who cannot command it for
themsellee; while, unfortunately, the rich protect them-
selyes ; ars! I trust you will give me credence that,
throughout, my motives have been such—( Hear, hear)
--and my conduct to the end of my days will show
that I have no other object in view. I think it is
of importance that we should understand the grounds on
which we go. lam one of those who have supported a
Liberal Government, because I expected that they would
dell liberally towards the people ; I was one of those who
hailed the Reform Bill, when all classes of Reformers
joined, and, by a mighty effort, consummated that reform.
Why did Ido so? Because, having acted with men who
professed to be the friends of freedom, 1 had every reason
to expect that they would exercise the power which they
had obtained by the union of Reformers of every grade, so
as to exert it fur the benefit of those who had placed them
in power. I regret to say that I have been disappointed ;
and I am quite prepared to concur with the meeting here,
that the results expected from the Reform Bill have alto-
gether been fruitless.—( Hear, hear.) That good must
be done no man will deny; but that all the good we arc
entitled to has beat done, few will be bold enough to say,
or in this respect beat
differ from what the resolution states.
—( Hear, hear.) I wish you would allow me to state what
the Reform Bill promised. Few people are aware what
it really did promise, And what did those who brought
in the Bill state that it should do ? lam one of those

tives assembled within the walls of Parliament, to protect
the rights, the liberties, and interests of the nation."
These were some of the benefits which the Reform Bill
was intended In carry out, and he said further, that the
House of Cmemoris so reformed, was to " consult fur the
interests of the people to consider their grievances, and
to attend to their desires." Now I have heard complaints
that we, the Reformers, supported an inefficient Bill ; but
if the Bill had carried out those expectations and pro-
mises which were held out by Lord John Russell, and
which I, as a Reformer, was anxious to see realized ; and
having heard those promises held out, who could be blamed
for having consented to give it a fair trial how far it was
possible to realize them. Did Lord John Russell alone
give them these promises? No ; he was also borne out
by Earl Grey. And this is very important ; that if any
gentleman goes with us, it is necessary for him to under-
stand what was attempted to be done, and how the failure
took place, and in what we were wrong. Lord Grey, on
the 3d October, 1831, uttered these memorable words—
" I believe the present Bill to be a measure of conciliation.
I believe that on its acceptance or rejection depend, on the
one hand, tranquillity, prosperity, and concord ; on the
other a continuance of a state of political discontent. I
believe that a change is necessary to infuse new vigour
into the Constitution, and to unite the states of the realm
in the bonds of a sacred and happy union make
the
; to mae
the House of Commons that which it is intended to be,
and professes to br—a full, vigorous, and efficient repre-
sentative of the people of Englaod."—( Hear, hear.)
Now, had I stated these as the promises then made by the
authors of the Bill, I ask any man present whether be is
not prepared to assent to the first part of the proposition
contained in this resolution—that those magnificent pro-
spects then held out to us have altogether failed : and that
we arc warranted to proceed to the second part of the
proposition—how best we can carry out that agitation to
command and obtain those reforms which were promised
to us, but have failed. It is necessary here, that you should
bear in mind the story of the old man with his sons, whom
he told, "If you take that bundle of sticks and break
them one by one, you will completely destroy their
strength. Be united and firm, and you will be able to
resist that which you could not otherwise oppose." The
people of England are new divided ; there arc two classes
into which they are separated, instead of that conciliation
which was promised by the Reform Bill. Instead of unit-
ing the working classes hand in hand with the middle
classes, working for reform together, as in the union which
took place between them in 1831 and 1832, how do we
now find them ?—divided into two parties, by a line of de-
marcation more strong than was ever before exhibited
in this country—almost hating each other.—( Hear, hear.)
And is it surprising that with such feelings existing be-
tween those two important branches of the country, we
should be in our present situation ? I know no more im-
portant branch than that upon which the whole of the in-
dustry and prosperity of the country depend, and I will
never listen for a moment to the suggestion, that the capi-
tal 2f the country alone should be employed, when I see
in the sinews of every man who is able to wield the ham-
mer or to throw a shuttle, the very means of employing
that capital.—(Applause.) I ask every man in his own
station—l ask those gentlemen here (the Delegates, advo-
cates of Universal Suffrage), who, I am happy to say,
will have an opportunity of stating the opinions and senti-
ments of those bodies from whom they have come; I will
ask them to state their opinions; I will state my opinion,
and give.eo &fief you the opportunity of judging how far we
differ in the great object which we all seek to effect. Gentl-
emen, the middle classes, or the represented classes, have
not acted with that cordiality towards the unrepresented
which they ought to have done.—( Cheers.) They have
neglected them, they have not put themselves at the head of
the great movement which is taking place ; and it is now for
us to see how far we can, by a cordial union of our efforts,
by each party yielding in some degree that which may be
objected to by the other, and fix on some one common
ground by which to renew the agitation, and to prevent the
aristocracy from further oppressing us, which now wields
that great power by which our taxation goes on ; I will
not say with no check at all, but certai illy with very slen-
der check, I assure you, from that 11 else of Commons
which we have at the present moment. It is for us to see
whether we cannot again awaken that union of moral force
and influence by which we carried the Reform Bill, which
we then thought would be productive of all the blessings
promised and contemplated, but in which we were disap-
pointed. Why should we not, having one common object
in view, good government—try if by any means we can
again become friends and zealous advocates in the same
cause ? I have no hesitation in saying that I am one of
those who hail with pleasure the proceedings of this
association. I now hold in my hand the original resolu-
tion of last year.--( Mr. Roebuck—.." Oh, don't read that.")
I hail this as a commencement of what:l trust will go on well.
I should not be one to lend inyaelf to what I see has been
called " a humbug association," to deceive the people.
I regret to see a want of confidence between the re-
presented and the unrepresented. I am one of six mil-
lions of men of full growth, and of twenty-one years
of age and upwards, and when I look at those who
have the power of electing the men who arc to sit in
Parliament and to pass laws affecting our liberties and
property—and when I find that these electors are not more
than one million out of six; that there is not more than
one man in every six who has a voice in the election of the
representatives of the people--what is the conclusion I
come to? That we have given to the few a vast power.
I don't blame that few. I say it is the vicious but
the necessary result of their possessing this power ; for if
you trust to a few individuals unchecked power, you
make them dishonest. And, Gentlemen, I trust the time
is fast coming when you will not trust any men without
keeping them under that check and control which is tweet-
sary in all societies in every part of the world. For
which purpose I want to see why it is that we have so few
electors. It is because the middle classes are alarmed at
the idea of placing confidence and power in the hands of
the many.—( Hear.) I think that it• is one of the great-
est vices of the present age, and especially of those who
call themselves Liberals, that they have not placed con-
fidence in the people. I can only say, for my own part,
that I have had proof from experience, which enables me
to say that there is not a man who earns his daily bread,
upon whom I could not place as much confidence,
provided there be nothing to corrupt him or lead him
astray; for, if he were under any sinister influence, he
might act contrary to the duty which he owes to the
country at large; but, bating that, I do say that I have
not found among that class of workmen--and for twelve
years I stood the representative of the trades of my own
native country—l never found any one of them but what
proved, beyond that of the higher claseF.—(}fear, hear.)
Let the middle classes weigh well these facts. They arc
suffering; they will suffer more ; for an irresponsible Go-
vernment is at this moment carrying on war, and it must
be supported, and for this new taxes will be required.
Will they (the middle classes) get relief without the peo-
ple ? No I Let them, then, ask for that support by the
aid of which alone they can come with any chance of suc-
cess before the Legislature as at present constituted—
( Hear, hear.) Again I say to the working men—" You
are suffering ; you went relief; will you get it alone?
No. You may get additional suffering by a continuance
of misgovernment; but you cannot alone obtain redress.
If both parties should come to that conclusion, that it is
only by union that you can obtain relief for tho suffering
of the country, is not that a ground—ought not that
to be a mative—for burying in oblivion all that is
past, and let us meet each other as Reformers ?
The struggle is one between the aristocracy and the demo-
cracy of the country; and, unless the people are united,
those who have political power, and who are unfortunately
in the possession cf it (and every one knows w hat great
advantages a man in possession has over another who is
not in possession), will continue to oppreis us, and it is on
that ground I hope this meeting may be the prelude to
that good and proper understanding amongst Reformers.
Having said thus much, let me ask you whether any state
of the representation can be more absurd than that which
we have at the present moment? I have in my hand state-
ments in proof of this I but I will not trouble you with the
details, because I have elsewhere taken pains to place
them on record and before Parliament, with the view of
calling the attention of parties to it. But this I will tell
you, that instead of that equal distribution promised to us
by the Reform Bill—on my conscience I believe that the
present House of Commons is as much under influ.
enee, and is as much a nomination Parliament, and
as little in sympathy with the people, as the unrepre-
sentative Parliament was, which we put down in
1831. When I find that in one borough 152 voters
should elect two Members ; and in another 16,000 elec-
tors hare only power to do the same ; if I find that in five
boroughs, 1,400 or 1,500 electors choose ten Members, and
that in the same number of boroughs I find fifty times the
number of electors only electing the same number of
Members—l ask, is it possible for any man to say that the
results expected front tiro Reform Bill have not completely
failed ? Again. I ask, is the representation of England,
Scotland, and Ireland on a footing to be borne ? Ought
we not, therefore, to see whether we cannot in Scotland,
England, and Ireland, bring together all those who see
the need of union, to demand from the Legislature that
change which is so essential, and which must take place
before we can obtain the required reforms ? I hope it is
not necessary for me to say more than that that ine
quality is apparent to all. Then, does the present House
of Commons attend to the requests and opinions of the
people any more than the former House did ? Not one bit.
—( Hear.) They hear your complaints ; they may be laid
before them ; but as to considering them, or acting as the
representatives of the people, that is quite another matter.
I will not allude to the state of the Corn-laws, or other
laws, because that is shown in the annual documents of
Government, in which you will find them. It is sufficient
to say that they exhibit a state of things that would not
exist with an equal vote and under a proper representation
of the people. I am not here to support, for I can tell
you candidly that I am not satisfied with what is called
Household Suffrage; for I hold that Household Suffrage
would exclude a large portion of the men who arc of the
first importance in the country ; it would exclude three-
fourths of the mechanics of the country.—(Hear,
hear.) But the question is to be considered as to the
mode by which to apply ourselves to obtain that
change. We are not to look upon society es a machine
that may be wound up, to alter its course, according to
the will of one man. We ought to show to. those who

who heard the whole proceedings, who attended the House
throughout those proceedings, and who were glad to
support this measure of reform, but who only took that
which was then given as a portion of that which we were
entitled to receive ; declaring, as I did on the instant, in
my place in the House of Commons, that while I acceded
to ti 030 reforms which ware proposed to ba carried out by
that Bill, if it did not answer the purpose of
giving good
government to the people, I should consider myself war-
ranted to move again for such further reformations as the
wants and wishes of the people required.—(llear, hear.)
I shall not trouble you with many extracts, but there are
two observations of two men amongst the authors of the
Rciorm Bill, that I think I am untitled to state to you, in
order that you may see whether the events and results pre-
dicted and promised. by them have been obtained ; and if
not, may then consider whether the whole country is t
called upon to join us in our efforts, and to continue to aid and
promote those efforts, till those benefits which were then pro-
mised them shall be obtained Lord J. Russell, on asking for
leave to introduce the Reform Bill io the !louse of Com-
mons, what was his statement? Ile says—" The ancient
constitution of cur country declares that no man shall bv
taxed for the support of the State who has not consented,
by himself or his representative, to the imposition of taxes ?"
Is there any man here who denies that proposition ? No;
none. When he brought in the Bill, what was his state-
ment ?—( A voice, " Speak up.") If Gentlemen will be
silent, I will do my best to be heard, and I can do no
more. On the 34th of June, 1831, Lord John Russell,
in introducing the Reform Bill, said, I propose a Re-
form in Parliament, to put an ead to the nomination of
the representatives ef the people. I propose that they
should send into this House their real representatives;
they shall have in fact that which at present exists only in
theory ; I promise you that laws shall no longer be passed
for the benefit of governments, classes, or interests."
Gentlemen, what more would the most ardent Reformer
wish? He further promised—" We will identify this
House with the people ef the 'three kingdoms. and that
we will extend to this great, powerful, and enlightened
people, the right of having their legitimate representa•

havo the command of the public purse, that they are rich
enough, and that they ought to live under equal laws
with the meanest man in this or any other assembly.
There can be no reason why the rich man should have
laws made to favour him. I hope and trust that from this
hour the strenuous Household Suffrage man, and every
man of whatever denomination, will come forward to dis-

cars these matters, and to assign the reason why each
prefers these which he is advocating. Those indi-
viduals who hare power seem alarmed. Now I
want to dissipate that alarm ; and I am con.
vinced that the welfare of the State depends on having
the whole country united ; and I will just give those
gentlemen a proof of the manner in which the mass of the
people may be united ; and not only that, but may conduct
themselves in the way that their friends would desire. I
am old enough to remember—indeed it is but a few years
since—when the mass of the people were excluded from
all public exhibitions, collections of paintings, and other
places; and we were told that if we let in the people we
should be sure to have these valuable things destroyed;
that the people could not conduct, control, or manage them.

selves, What was the result? Why, we opened the finest
coalsleocptr.ionnedofdapialyinftrionmgsnoinf,Einurto4 nie, in Hammon Palace ; it
w orriss to five in toe otter-
noon, and every man, woman, and chile might go through
that valueble eolb esion we',reit fear ei iete rie,ption or im-
pediment : they were told " Hereyou may enjoy yourselves
and do what you please, avoidinglnjury to anything." And
the palace has been visited by from 200 000 to 300,000 per-
sons; and there, as to every other instance where we have
placed confidence in the people, they have well deserved it ;
indeed, I know no instance in which they have betrayed it.
--( Hear.) Then why, on this great question of equal re-
presentation, shell we not give confidence to And
ask them to join us ?—( Hear, bear.) I will only say, that
as a sincere and, I will say, an old Radical Reformer,
when to be a Radical Reformer was to be considered out
of credit—( Hear, hear)—and I think it right to tell you
what I hold a Radical Reformer to be--one who wishes to
keep an honest man at his post. I have been a Radical
Reformer ; I have traced the misgorernment and the
plunder of the poor in this State, and I have said, as a
Radical Reformer, I want to correct all those abuses, and
to prevent any man from having the power of depriving me
of one farthing of the property I possess. It is oely by
my legal representative or myself that I wish any man to
Like my money. I call a Radical Reformer an honest
man, who dues not wish to meddle with any man's pro-
perty. R idical Reformers have been charged with wish-
ing to meddle with the property of other People ; but no
such thing will take place, and it is merely alleged by those
who are anxious to throw discredit on them by giving
them a bad name, in order to prevent what
they well know will be the result. And this,
depend upon it, is the fact. I have found
through life that the man who has acted dishonestly
about anything is the most sensitive man in the world
as to any inquiries about it. Upon that ground I have
been denounced as a " Radical," and a " dangerous man
in society," merely because I have made myself active to
put an end to abuses connected with Government ; and I
have borne the reproaches which have been east upon me,
conscious of doing what I could to benefit my country.—
( Applause.) Having again read the resolution, the Hon.
Gentleman concluded by saying, in reference to its last
clause, " Such I hope may be the result," and sat down
amidst loud cheers, having spoken exactly an hour.
Mr. Mom, a deputy from the Chartists of Glasgow, rose
to second the resolution. He said—Mr. Chairman and
men of England, I now present myself before you as the
representative of a large portion of the working men of
Glasgow, and the advocate of the Charter in their behalf.
Men of England, I would have you to consider that the
demand the working people are making is not a demand
of yesterday. Without going indefinitely into the history
of this country, I will refer you to the time when Muir,
Palmer, Gerald, and other men, made the demand which
we arc now making, forty-five years ago. Since that
time the demand has never been allowed to sleep in
the minds of the people. At a later period it was
mooted by Major Cartwright and his compeers.
More lately, great numbers of the people com-
bined to obtain that measure through the Re-
form Act of 1832, from which the working classes of the
people did expect to reap benefits which have not been
realised. Men of England, what is the cause that all the
efforts of the people to obtain Reform in the Commons'
House of Parliament have hitherto failed ? Simi ly be-
cause they did not take care at the beginning to Insure this
in the making of the law. The people, substantially, have
not been yet represented, and therefore it is that all our
efforts have failed. Gentlemen, the people, profiting by
past experience, are determined on this occasion to begin
at the beginning of their grievances. They are deter-
mined to remove the cause of all their disaffection, the
existing order of things, by making the demand, in a voice
of thunder, that they must be admitted within the pale of
the Constitution. It will not do to taunt the mass of the
people with ignorance. The persons who make this as-
sertion, lie ; they lie, I say. What is the proof I give
you? Do not you find the Tories wheedling and cosx•
ing the operatives to form themselves into Operative
Conservative Associations ? Do not you find these
titled plunderers, whenever they get a few black-faced
labourers to sh ut for Constitution and Church--du you
not find them cry, " There is the elite of the workiug
men ; these are the men who understand what is b st
for the good of their country ?" Of late a great effort
has been made by a large body of the people to
obtain a repeal of the Corn-laws. Do not these men
appeal to the people? Do they call only on the 101. house-
! holders to assist them in their efforts ? Do they call upon
the householder alone to attend their meetings ? No ; I
emphatically say no. They call upon this people to come
forward in their might, the whole people, to bear testimony
against the wrong done to all. Men of England, do not
suppose I say that we, the Chartists, form an exception to
this rule. We also have confidence in public opinion, and,
therefore, when we call our meetings, we do not call the
tee-pounders to attend them alone. We do not call on the
householders alone to attend these meetings. We also,
like other classes, call on all to attend, and bear testimony
against the misrule which prevails. But, apparently, we
are the only party who are sincere in making this demand
on the people. Not that we believe the people would
never do any improper thing. Not that we believe they
would never be misled. But we are bound to ask our-
selves the question, has any party yet been found who
never do wrong ? Are other classes never misled ? On the
contrary, have they not been grievously misled ? Da they
not persist in inflicting wrong, notwithstanding our pro.
testations ? Yes, they inflict grievous injury on us. Let
us see how we have been used since the passing of the
Reform Bill. You will recollect that by it an cud was
expected to be put to the profligacy and extravaganey of
Toryism. To what extent has this been realised? This
is an important question, my friends ; and let me tell you
it is this year given out that the expenditure of the coun-
try will just be five millions sterling more than the first
session they commenced their course. Let us take a look
at the way in which this Reform system has rubbed on.
You will recollect that Earl Grey, backed by the people,
terrified the aristocracy out of the Reform Bill. If you recol-
lect, be kept his place—a large portion of the people dis-
covering that it was his intention to give them the Bill,
the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill. Well, this dis-
covery was made, and Earl Grey was discovered to give
way to Lord Melbourne, who we were all assured was a
more Radical sort of a fellow that, his predecessor. And,
to be sure, Lord Melbourne was duly installed into office,
and kept rubbing on under the old state of things, until
it so happened that Earl Spencer died. On this, old
King William, who was never any thing of a Reformer,
made it a pretence for breaking up the Administration of
Lord Melbourne. He had no use for Reformers ; and
a courier was despatched to the Continent for Sir Ro-
bert Peel, who was found and brought back ; and he
was now duly installed into office by the Reform King
William. Well, he was so bothered by parties in the
House, as well as out, that, in four or five months lie was
obliged to give up. Well, the old King now felt himself
under the humiliating necessity of sending again for the
very man he had dismissed, like an ill-behaved lackey,
Melbourne. And again Lord Melbourne accepted office
as a Reformer, end all his friends stated that it was im-
possible to believe that he could have again accepted office
without having received a guarantee from the King to
enable him to carry into effect the Reform Bill. All the
people believed this, but it was a mistake. The first Sea.
sion of this bright regime came, and it ended, but nothing
was done. His friends said it was a grevious thing that
nothing was executed. Have a little patience ; gait till
next Session, and then you will see what be done. The
next Session Caine, and it went ; and, as good luck would
have it, just about that time the old King kicked the
bucket—lie happened to die in the course of events,
and then there was a loud shout in the country, " Give
them a fair trial now." Soon efter, it was announced
by Lord John Russell that Victoria had placed her-
self in the hands of her Ministers. Now, everybody
said, Here they have a fair field ; we shall receive the
good things Later than we can consume them. But it
was all a mistake. The first day of the next Session came,
and Lord John Russell told the people that it was all a
mistake which they had been indulging in—that he had
no intention of extending the Suffrage or granting the
Ballot ; and as for the repeal of the Corn-laws, they were
mad who made such a demand. From this day
Chartism took its rise. The people then discovered that
they had been deceived—cheated, and every day's experi-
ence has confirmed them in this beiief. Do we not see
texts increased yearly ? \Vas not the demand for the re-
peal of the Corn-laws met with more contempt than be-
fore ? Yes. On the first night when it was introduced,
a large majority of the aristocracy moved an adjournment
of the House, thus throwing the question on the floor.
On this the motion was again brought forward, and the de-
bate was listened to in the midst of the greatest interrup-
tion; and in less than one evening the tyrant majority re-
solved that the Corn-laws should not be repealed. These
arc things which have confirmed the people in their be-
lief that, until they are fully, fairly, and freely represented
in that House, it is in vain to expect any material altera-
tion in the system. lam the bearer of a resolution which
it is my duty to communicate to you, adopted at a public
meeting of the inhabitants of Glasgow, held on the
eth of January inst., ir, which you will find the opinions of
the Chartists of Glasgow; and, let me tell you, the Char-
tists of Glasgow are so numerous, that neither Wings nor
Tories, nor both of them uuitcd, car, grill a public meeting
at any hour of the day or night with et shadow of chance
of success. There is an important fact fie- you to bear in
mind when you think lightly of the Chartists. I can tell
you the Chartists of Scotland are not an insignificant body
of men, for there is not a town of any consequence where
a public meeting may be called, where the Chartists can-
not carry their own views. This is an extraordinary state
of things; but when we look at the circumstances preced-
ing it, we see that the people have been deceived for at
least half a century. You will therefore agree with me
that it is not wonderful they should have come to this reso-
lution at last. The resolution is in these words; and it is
important for you to recollect, while you desire to go to a
more limited extension of the franchise than we wish to
do, that you cannot ask the public to assist you. If you
do, the Chartists will be there ; and I need not tell you
that without the public—without the spirit of the whole
public—the aristocracy will treat you with as little cere-
mony as they have been treating the advocates of a repeal of
the Corn-laws. We must be unit, d, and I am glad that
to Iced, at no very distant day, to a cordial for once we are present at a riveting which is likely
e
community
combination ttpitlocanot I
spot,
people
oetah.
rri middlejoeotrne oesn.t
ssaaestlae ksca notanan:9d 000 fff hearts
tthhh
ey .sot
huifaaemdsnt
sphsdpeeooeaffokmpm workingoed
idlersn people.
e oey
of
,cfc.otslhl ;rap,: s
doingaers e.
flunAt°ltyethr°iinnPil
pdeaAkibneortt aonfdtiVeictoria, supporting the dignity of the
fellows who receive larmg
g
ta—areoulunnse ; for, as sure as there isi a God its heaven and com-
mon sense among mankind, if ever Universal Suffrage
shall be obtained, the affairs of Government must be car.
tied on it, a way more in aecoi dance with the common sense
of mankind. They will not be toad to keep the system as
it is, as necessary for the dignity of the Crown. They
sail look across the Atlantic, and. see the President of a
flourishing republic there performitig the duties of his si-
tuation for 6,0004 a year. Why, her Majesty and Prince
Albert have more in a week 1 A great many people of the
country cannot understand this disparity. They have never
been anle to discover why two hurtle!) beings should have
allowed them thirteen hundred pounds per day for their
eotavrt-Ale maintanance, while the fame class have the

effrontery, on hearing the voices of the working people.
to express their wonderment that they qr not cent, nt to
ressaive, f'se thcis toil froer seoru eiget, some,
crown a c.v. These things must be altered, but the}'
ieet be ait ‘r. i a .ti; we have Universel Suffrage. I agree
wins the (+pluton expressed by Mr. Hume. that no portion
of the community can be trusted by themselves. Were
the Chartists to be put in the position which Whigs and
Tories have occupied, I believe they would turn out as
profligate as either. But, Gentlemen of England, do not
misunderstand me. As a Chartist, Ido not ask you to
disfranchise the Whigs and Tories, in order that eel
Chartists may riot oe the spell of the system; I only want
you to admit them to a share of the management, and to
keep yourselves in such a position as to be able to control
them effectually. This is all our desire, and lam satisfied
that ts'e result of it would be found to be greatly advantage-
ous to the community. The resolution which was adopted
at the meeting at Glasgow is as follows, and it has been come
to for the reasons which I have endeavoured to lay before
you : " That it is the opinion of this meeting that all the
efforts of the people to obtain substantial reforms in the
representation of the national affairs have hitherto failed,
in consequence of the people not being fully, freely, and
fairly represented in the Commons' House of Parliament;
and furthermore, that this meeting is of opinion that every
man has n just and equal right to every political privi.
lege, and deems it its duty to express its determination not
only not to countenance, but to oppose any public convoca-
tion for any extension of the suffrage, if the suffrage is
short of that commonly called Universal Suffrage."
This is the resolution of the men of Glasgow, and I have
told you that they are all-powerful in public opinion. And
we will not believe it is too soon now. As it is forty-five
years since this demand was made in this country, am Ito
wait other forty-five years before it is obtained ? If that
be so, why I must submit to injustice as long as I live.
The people de not live a thousand years ; if they did, we
could wait forty or fifty years till our efforts were accom-
plished. The time is now come; and our great object
must be obtained, or else there will be no peace in Eng-
land or Scotland. We do not desire to divide property as
Mr. Hurne has remarked. We only wish to keep the hands
of the spoilers out of our pockets. We only wish to have a
voice in the laying on of those taxes we are compelled to
pay. If the Parliament returned under the ten-pound Re-
formers had reduced the taxes twee y millions, you would
not have heard about Universal Suffrage I ant one of
the unlettered people. Ide not come here pretending to
be gifted in the learning of the Greeks and Romans. I
am one of the working classes, just by chance a shop.
keeper, and. I trust, although my pronunciation is not so
very polished, yet it will be borne with for the sake of the
order to which I belong. There is great difficulty in under-
standing where the interest of taxation is to come frost ;
and, without it is defiled, Government must go on borrow-
ing without the means of paying it. For the reasons I
stated, we, the men of Glasgow, are perfectly convinced,
and will act on that conviction, that till we are fully, fairly,
and freely represented in the Commons' House of Parlia-
ment, it is in vain to waste our time in asking administras
tive reforms. Look at the way in which public opinion
is treated in that House, and ask yourselves if the time has
not come now, when the people should be admitted within
the pale of the Constitution. The cry of " Keep out the
Tories" will not serve any longer. With these observa-
tions, Mr. Chairman and Men of England, I beg leave,
very cordially to second the resolution which has been so
ably proposed by Mr. flume.
Sir G. STRICKLAND, Bart., was next introduced to the
meeting, and was well received. He said—Mr. Chair-
man, Gentleman, Friends, ant Brother Reformers, I take
this occasion to express my utter abhorrence and my great
contempt for that Tory doctrine falsely called Conserva-
tism—l meats the stand-still or do•nothing principle.--
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") If I were to be
asked to what party in the State I belong, my answer
must be, that I belonged to that party who, instead of
withholding from the people all that they dare, would
dive to the people all they can.—( Hear, hear, and
cheers ) I belong to that party in the State who,
having felt the evils of exclusive and aristocratic govern-
ment, would give to the people an extension of pri-
vih•ges in proportion as their intelligence expands.—
( Hisses, groans, and other interruptions from the
Chartists,) My friends, my principle—( Renewed in-
terruption)—my principle you must perceive is the
principle that would lead me, in a great degree, if not
entirely, to coincide with the views expressed by Mr.
Hume this evening.—( Hear, hear.) It is this principle
which induced me very early in I,fe to becoma a decided
and uticompromisitig Reformer. I confess to you, if that
be a fault, that I was a decided supporter of the Reform
Bill as it was carried ; and I believe that I do not feel all
that disappointment about it which some of you expressed,
because, perhaps, I never expected getting so much from
it as some of you.---( Hear, hear.) But, Gentlemen, I
will tell you now how far my principles did go, long be-
fore the passing of the Reform Bill. Iso read the
British Constitution, that I long since maintained, and I
bold this opinion up to the present time, that the true
spirit and meaning of that Constitntioa will never be en.
tirely developed till we have at least Household Suffrage.
—(Cheers.) This is no new opinion of mine. I have
expressed it before the public ten and fifteen years ago.
Awl, Gentlemen, I for one, think that the Reform Bill
was a great, important, and valuable measure, for by the
passing of that Act of Parliament, I contend that this day
we stand on better ground in asking for all that we want.
and cheers, and a voice from the far corner, " Nay, not
half so good.") And there is one measure passed by the
reformed House of Commons for which, above all others,
I feel grateful. All my labours to carry that measure
(the Reform Bill) have been repaid by that one measure
by which Parliament abolished the horrors of slavery in
every part of the British dominions.—(A cry of " twenty
millions.") My friend cries out twenty millions. "We
paid dearly for it, I know." I, for one, voted against that
twenty millions, kit as we could not carry the measure
without it, I was glad even to pay that amount in order to
get rid of the horrid system.—(Cheers.) Now, Gentle-
men, we are sometimes told that we ought not to ask for
more, but that we ought to look to Committees of the
House of Commons to do the rest in putting down corrup-
tion and intimidation at our elections. Look to the Com-
mittees of the House of Commons to put down corrup-
tion and intimidation t How have they acted in their pro-
ceedings ? I will give you but one example. Is there any
man who hears me, who does not consider that the Reform
g polling places within a short distance of
Bill, by placing
every man's residence ; by enacting that in boroughs no
man should be a voter who resides beyond a certain dis-
tance—it was the intention of that Bill, that no man
should have any expenses paid, that no man should be
bribed, but that he should go to the poll and give his
honest vote according to the dictates of his conscience.—
( Hear, hear.) But I ask you, what is the decision of the
Committee of the House of Commons on this subject ?
Why, they say if a man, who usually resides within a li-
mited distance, and he at the time of election be one
hendred miles from home, he may have the expense of his
journey paid, and himself handsomely maintained during
the election. Now, this is a portion of that species of
corruption against which we base been contending for a
great number re years. That great and unflinching Re-
former—who do you think I mean ?—Sir Robert Peel,
has got his Bill carried throussh the House of Com-
mons, by which it is said he has effected a great improve.
merit. I, for one, deny that such is the case, and for
this reason. Under the old system the election Committees
were chosen by a ballot, and there was a chance; once at
least in twenty times, that a Committee might be so consti-
tuted that they would consider what would be the law of
Parliament and of the British C erstitution, and dsfend the
rights and liberties of the people. But what is the new
measure ? Why, the Committees are to be appointed by
selection. Now, I will ask you only one qui stien ; which
of you eould like to be tried for libt I by a jury appointed
by selection.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) This, Gentle-
men, is one of the symptoms of the times in which we live.
But there is another to which I will now allude. You
have heard of Lord Stanley's Bill for the disfranchisement
of Ireland. Here in England we determine that a system
of registration should be maintained. I, for one, am of
opinion that any man, who has once been placed upon
the register, ought not to have the misfortunes and vicissi-
tudes of his life raked up in order to strike his name from
the list. I think, in short, that once a votsr, a man ought
to be a voter for life. But what is intended by Lord Stan-
ley's Bill ? Why, the poor voter is to undergo a system
of annual revision. Nay, more, it he would delend his vote,
he must do so at the expense of an assize trial.—( Hear,
hear, and cries of " Shame, shame.") I hear some one
cry out that it is a shame. I thick that it is an insult.
Bui I now pass over this subject to ask one question. Did
not that Bill which you consider so great an insult to the
people of Ireland, pass the House of Commons within a
few votes?—(Hear.) I am afraid, Gentlemen, I am tres-
passing too long upon your time.---(" Go on, go on ! ")
I am sorry to detain you, but, if you will allots, me, I will
advert to ono topic, I mean the odious, the hateful, the
unjust Corn.laws.—( Hear, hear, hear.) lam myself a
landed proprietor; excepting from land I never can pos-
sess a single shilling in the world.--( Hear, hear, hear.)
But ever since I had breath to speak I have often spoken
against the Corn-laws.—(Cheers and " Bravo 1") I see
by some arguments advanced, that it has been attempted
to be proved, that if we establish Household Suffrage, we
should make things worse, by confirming fur ever
these odious Corn-laws ; because, by so doing,
we should get rid of the newer and influence of
the members returned by towns. Now, Geetlemen,
I think this is totally and entirely a mistake ; and
any person who writes thus cannot be acquainted with
the state of feeling in the agricultural districts ; for I will
maintain that in all small towns, in every village in Eng-
land, the people are at this time crying out for cheaper
bread, and to abolish the Curn-laws.—( Hear, hear.) But
then I am asked, how is it that this does not a
appearour
more fully in the votes which these Donnie give

county elections ? My answa- Is obvious. They are
under intimidation, and dare not vote according to their

consciences.—( Hear, hear.) And, I ask you, is this state
of things to continue ?—( No.) I have told yon lam in
favour of 11,.;usehulci Suffrage. I think that is the first
thing wi.ich can he carried. I think it is a practical and
wholesome measure.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think
tnis is all we can obtain now ; and, in the present state of
the Administration, to unite, as Mr. Hutne has recom-
mended, to unanimously call for vote by Ballot. The
Hon. Baronet sat down amidst loud cheers.
Mr. COLLINS, Chartist delegate hem Birmingham,
said—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, the gentleman who
has just sat down made an observation or two, which I
will endeavour with all reapeet to reply to.—( Hear.)
That gentleman stated that he was an advocate for the

extension of the suffrage to such as arc intelligent ; and
that he was of opinion such ought to possess it. But all
important question would arise out of that as-,ertion,
namely, who was to be the judge of the intedigenc.-p ?
(Loud cries of " Hear, hear, !war.") Anti then the gen-
tleman sat down with recommending Household Suf.
frage. Are all hou.,!holdets int.llii4cnt, then ?—( No, no.)
Or, are there nu intelligent men among the classes who are
tiot householders: ?—( FLar, hear.) ll,!es the Lt-,gislative
Assemble of this c6utitry coos...nt to tax only intelligent
int n ? If so, why then only intelligent men would he en.
titled to vote ; for I maintain that those who pay taxes are
entitled to vote in the putting on of the taxes, and also
in the appropriation of them. Are only intelligent men
bound to obey the laws—arc we not all bouud—and it Wits
righ; We thouid be .443—and if that, be the case, is it not

r ri7ht that we should all have a voice in the making of theqc
which .^.1"o, 1.4

bound to obey 1;1;73 wirch they

30 li

ave nut a voice

eking, are disgraced. he noght say they were slaves,
as the men who tneen :tisse laea were tyrants.—(Loud
e
applause.) My friends I was e xcred
inglyanxious to ee-
fend the classes to which I belong from the various as-
persions that have been cast upon them during a very
great period. We have been charged with immorality—.
AC have been accused of depravity—and we have been
accused of a desire to destroy property, and a variety of
other things. You hare heard from one of the speakers
this evening, and, if my memo does not Nil tno,
you also heard from a second, that we had no such
hear.) Bat I believe that there are
mane individuals ,ho make these assertions, who actually
believe that what they assert is true ; end really and sin-
cerely believe that the working classes of this country are
immoral, depraved, and ignorant, and consequently that
they are unfit to be trusted with the franchise.—( Hear.)
But it is perhaps necessary far us to inquire, " How do
vou arrive at this conclusion?" It is in my opinion a mat.
ter of very considerable importance that weo should arrive
at a right understanding. Many of those individuals who
aincerely entertain this opinion do not mix with the work-
ing classes at all, they are placed in a very different posi-
tien of society, and consequently have but little intercourse
with them. Those gentl- men are accustomed to be
amused from day to day with the great quantity of light
reeding that is constantly appearing in the literary world.
Aad who are the individuals that produce the maga-
zines and other periodicals of that description at the
present day? Why, either persons belonging to the
middle classes, or those who are paid by them, and who
consequently write in a manner suitable to the tastes of
the parties by whom they are engaged. In such periodi-
cals the working men are not sufficiently represented.
They are spoken of in a manner merely suitable to the
feeling of the aristocracy..—( Hear, hear, hear.) Justice
has never yet been done to the real feelings, to the
wants, to the habits, and to the circumstances of the
class to which I belong. They read the proceedings be-
fore the various courts of justice—they rend the proceed-
ings before the Magistrates and those before the Courts
of Assize, and they discover that there are a greater
number of labourers committed in the manufacturing than
in the agricultural districts ; and then they come to the
conclusion that the working classes are the very worst men
of society.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But, my friends,
they are not all members of the working classes who are
tried at the assizes—if they were to deduct from the list
of assize those who never had any residence at all, those
who had been born pet haps under hedges, and in the
camps of the gipsies, and go from fair to fair to melte a
living—take these, and such like people from the list of
assize, I deny that these are the working classes, or
belong to the class that I belong to. And I thought
it necessary to express myself thus in order to free
myself from the imputation ; deduct these which
I have mentioned from the list of prisoners tried
in courts of justice, and you will find that the list com-
prises as many of the other classes as of the working
classes. Well, then, this being the case, my inference is,
it is not right to charge on the working classes all those
crimes.—( Loud cries of •‘ Hear, hear.") Any individual
who believed in the charge made against us, of being im-
moral and depraved, would see that it could not be sup-
ported if he would take the trouble to look at one of the
principles laid down in the Charter, namely, that any one
convicted of cr me shall not be admitted to the franchise.
—( Hear, hear.) Is this a proof of our immorality ?—is
this a plea of want of honesty ?—is this a proof that we
want to take property and divide it? No, no, my friends.
—( Great applause ) Again, my friends, the gentleman
who preceded me speaks of the emancipation of the black
sieve. lam exceedingly glad that he did so, for it re-
minds me of an idea that I have sonic time had by
me I recollect very well that the individuals who
were in favour of keeping the black man in bundege,
eatertained and expressed ass Wee that if they shoeld
emancipate the bleek sleves, the consequence would be
that they would rise en masse against the o users of
the lend in our colonies, and that eventually we should
lose our colonies. They thought thes—they said this—
and urged this as a reason why they should not grant einem-
cipaoon to the black slave. Emancipation came, and the
doubts and fears of its opponents were not realised, but if
they had been realised, I deny that it would have been the
etThct of emancipation. If I bind a mats hand and foot,
use him ill, and keep hint in bondage mouths and years,
and if 00 some pairticuler occasion I should feel a disposi-
tion to take off his chains and set him at liberty, and if,
as soon as he could do so, the man knocked me down, it
would never enter into my head that he knocked me doers
because I had set him free, hut because I bound him.--
( Loud cheers.) The gentleman who moved the resolution
which is now before us, advanced many, many very ex-
cellent sentiments, to which I entirely and heartily
responded. He stated a very important truth too, my
friends. He stated that those who possessed the fran-
chise—those to whom the Reform Bill gave the franchise
—bad not acted as they ought to have done to:curds those
who did not possess the franchise.—(Cheers.) We are
et issue with those gentlemen who advocate household
suffrage. My friends, I have long felt the disadvantages
and evils of being among the non-represented class. How
could I look a man in the face who was not a householder,
but who was equally virtuous, who was equally intelligent,
and equally industrious as myself, and perhaps more so—
how could I look on such a man, and say, " Because you
do not live in a house, you have not the franchise ?" How
could I say so, or how could I ask a right for myself and
withhold it from my brother ?—( Hear, and loud cheers.)
How could I lay claim to the title of Christian if I did
such a thing as that ? No, no, my friends, I could not lay
claim either to the title of a Christian, or of a Briton, or a
patriot. Gentlemen, you have heard read the resolu-
tion passed by the men of Glasgow. There was also a
resolution passed at a large public meeting held at Bir-
mingham. when they appointed me to attend as dele-
gate to the Leeds meeting, as the representative of their
opinions, which resolution I will not read to you, as it will
be read by Mr. O'Neil, from Bismingham, in the course of
the evening. when he addresses you, and when also lie will
have occasion to notice an address from the men of Bir.
mingham to you. But the principle of the resolution was
expressive of a determination, after due consideration, to
adopt the Charter. They entreat that you will not ac-
cept anything less than the Charter, or be gulled by any-
thing on the ground of expedieucy ; they would not be
• content with any principle short of the principle contained
in the Charter. My friends, we take our stand upon
principles. Gentlemen may use the term expediency if
they please, and say, if we cannot get all we want, we
must take all we can get But would any man of com-
mon sense ask a debtor for less than the full amount he
owed him, more especially when he knew the debtor was
solvent ? Would any man who understands the principle of
right, who is an honest man, wish to take his stand
against his principles ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) I hold there
is no real expediency but that which is right, that to du
that which is right is the best expediency that can be
adopted. lam sorry that there should same of the
noodle classes who do not see that their interests are idene
tical with the working classes. This being the ease. the
best way is to act upon the spit ii of brotheily love—
(1-rear, hear)—and, as patriots, to be willing to extend to
others the rights which we claim for ourselves.—( Ap-
plause.) This was one of the principal reasons why the
men of Be norigham had adopted the Charter as the ex-
pression of their opinions. It is 110.47 going something like
terse or fuur years since their attention was first calico to the
condition in which they found theieselces, and that led to
the present movement, which is called a movement of tins
Chartist body. From a firm conviction of the pro-
priety of the principles contained io the Charter, we en.
tered into a union, and pledged ourselves to support
them, and assert them throughout the length and the
bretteth of the land; that we would not be diverted
front oer object by any means to set aside the princi-
ple* we advanced.—( Heir, hear, hear ) They would not
be diverted by a proposition to repeal the Corn-laws—hut
there is not a man in the country who does not feel the
evil of the Corn-law, and the Chartists would be desirous
to take off that law as soon as posaible. But the Corn-
law was not the only evil they laboured under, and they
were wishing but to have them all removed. It is as
winking then the Chartists have adopted this pledge, and
I have full confidence in them that they will keep it.--
( Loud applause, and hear.) And yet, though they are so
difiereni, it is not because they have no respect for the
gentlemen who have stood aloof from them, or who may
hive cast vituperations upon them.—.( Hear, hear.) They
have felt it was necessary to calm their feelings so far as
to forget the parties who have slandered them ; but then
their principles were advocated, and the time, they hoped,
WOUill yet come, when they would be advocated by every
right-thinking man of the community.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) Gentlemen, to see the result of giving the
franchise to the working classes, should look to America.
America, during the last fifty years, has had the po-
pulation increased by those who have violated the law
in various parts in Europe. America has had its popu.
lotion increased by persons of other nations, who had gone
thither for the purpose of repairing their fortunes, which
had been reduced at home—having only left so much as
was able to transplant them on the other side of the Atlan-
tic, And the fact is, that those who have been so trans-
planted to America have been admitted to the right of
citizenship after a residence of six months in the land.
And I would ask what country in the world has selected
wiser men for her rulers than America ?—( Cheers.)
What better statesmanship had been shown in the same
age in arty country, than what they had exhibited, either
in peace or war ?_(Cheers.) Look at the democratic
spirit at any period, and we shall see its beneficial effects.
The democratic principles, for the prevalence of which we
contend, are all towards the democratic sprit of ancient
Greece and Rome; but the pyramids of Egypt and the
Pillar of Pompey are crumbling into dust.—(Cheers.)
My friends, I will nut trespass longer on your time or at-
tention.—(" Go on, go on.") lam desirous of going on,
but a sense of justice tells me to desist, as there is a great
number of other gentlemen who have to express their sen-
timents.—( Cheers.) As you are Britons—as you love
your country—as you love your children and your wives,
I beseech you—l entreat you to unite in an unanimous
effort, not for a portion of the community, but for the
whole people who arc enthralled —( Loud cheers.)
JOHN Ar,Titott Roesucis, Esq., was received with re-
peated cheering, and said—Mr. Chairman and Gentle-
men : As I would solicit you to hear me, I would entreat
you to be silent. Fancy fur a moment ou are on a so. l
lenin occasion ; not listening to me, perhaps little worthy
of your attention, but to one speaking on a great subject—
feitcvy yourselves within walls that are sacred you will
then be silent an-i hear, and I do not thilik you will do
yourselves any harm by being silent—( Hear, hear.) A
resolution is moven, commencing a preamble stating that
thei e has been a failure in the ant septa hitherto made to
restore the constitution of this country.—( Hear, hear.)
We assume that as a thing proved—we_ are all agreed
on that point—( Hear, heal )—we therefore see that fur-
tiler return is necessary ; so far we are all agreed. and
there cats be no difficulty. Now conies the next teopoai-
tion. Let us so continue to advance, to enlarge the fren-
until we make the interest of tOe representative co-
incident and ideteical with the interests of the whole cons-
Tlllllli V. But when I ask the question how w's a'e to d''
this, I find difficulties arise, because d,fl rences arise..
We wart save—my friend, if he will permit me to call him
Collins and Mr, Moir also lioy, you cannot do

MORNING E_DITIOIkI

. a-
-- --- ' --- 1--
this but be meking the fsenebiess eetesea, net to ITetee-est will completely obviate the evils: and we foiitheas rts''''." e.
Siutteage, b,.• se the Suffreee ot tire Cher:era T's '• -•- ?sac every cimstentional means to bring into 1.-"'''''•-• •t i
their propoell ioa, I see here a prueositicti called lluose- , ratiett its princi
hold Suffriesse. That is another proposifloo. A1,01,,t,i. sar a repeal of ?lie Corn-laws, assured tile.: ire perreane. ~r,„A
sure of geed could be reasonabiy expected from an Ullet,la,,,'.',
scan says, Ido not go y:ite so far as that : lam for the ples. In vain were we called ueon teria4tat.
Government. 'sVe refused to give our support to,iaarniy.s
vf
tlie
Ten Pound Suffrage. Here, therefore, differences arise.
And for what purpose are we met here ? Why, for this shortv,hnie of thalte,whiclt2by placing control inurethetel
alld just sod
great purpose, this great end, a new and great era opens ishould enable them to sec
upon us now, and the .equitablepeloai%)vs.
middle and working classes meet .We would hail your co-operation as a powerful bison; we, here to discuss the question.—( Loud cheers.) And I say are persuaded that this feeling would be mutual ; but lie ,;t"'i
that we are not prepared at once to determine what is I not, were we in your situation, desire the co-opsration ofiSe,'t
right end whet is wrong.—( Hoar.) We ore come nere who world, for the sake of enlisting however large aet 5..,,i
to throw our oeitaims miils!. this e rest sea; let them be ;of however powerful friends, retrograde from the point theatiL,
tossed isbeest, the ship will find her haven ; truth is her P
cargo; let God direct her.—(Loud cheering.) But while previously attained. No, we cannot think you would feetl
osit
respect that you must feel in the holding of our preseeie y,'..
nioas ; we rejoice that we can at least claim from yvu t,l c
we watch her battling with the waves, let no one say I
pression ' If they are not wise—they are at least hoot.
r_,c,
will assume the helm and put all other men under my feet.
"here, then, is our position, as inflexible as 011ie
the
—(Cheers.) Let no one say I am infallible ; to me
listen as to a god.---( Hear, and cheers.) No one, my pireess.aerde eternalelasse sh;al
shall
unite
en
on
n-iftlh
ibsl essth
basise. day
for uwillietendal rte pOte
friends, no one here is of that opinion. We come here to !can successfully oppose them ; civil 'and religious libely
bear with one another. I came here to bear with them that commercial prosperity, and happiness would speedily (41
speak for household suffrage, although I myself am for the upon our unhappy country ; but an union upon unjust °st
suffrage of the Charter.—( Cheers.) I am not bold exclusive principles will not, cannot triumph ; theusetai%,
enough to say that I alone am right. I would, theretore, the best aed bravest of Britain's sons of toil would rissje
~:,
impress on you, above all things, one grand duty. Recol- in indignaticri against the attempt to exclude them
Irrisg'e.
lest you have to listen to all opinions—that you have all their rights; and thousands. who might obtain the 5,,,,,,ti
teven f upon your principles, would indignantly refuse
.t,_
vir,
the interests that are identical, all the interests to come
to a right conclusion, and, for God's sake, be to one t huloa tu 3 Oarn(tihienntleSlClli
"esnt"hieN
hvethteiyi denied to otherssuceceeeli,
.1 the
tyoausac‘aenn,oout
along awiti, us
another as brethren, and not as quarrelsome disputants, it sou value the gpower that is able to quarreling for victory.—( Loud cheers.) Now, then, I yen will engage on your behalf the mintage, who, by wt'rk„ll
have told you, lam not for household suffrage •; I have for their own as well as for your advantage, will bring to ~i'sbe
come to cast my opinions amongst you ; take them for aid a tenfold more efficient power than that which cool`{
what they are worth, for nothing more, weigh the argu- wielded by men who, though they agitated with you, felt
meets by which I shall surround them.—( Cheers.) If degrading thought. that the rights sought could not be aid,
they be worthless, cast them away ; but if right, grapple by them. Choose, as wise men, which course you will es:).
That in which you shall be as you now are, alone, and e::
to them.—(Cheera.) Coming to this amicable field of
ful ; or that in which the verse of the millions shall rise
ts;
controversy, I say I am for carrying the suffrage, the fran-
with you—a voice which, combined with you, no tyrant
chide, so far as tnat the interests of the representative shall
esist. become identical with those of the whole community.— r "We invite you to joie in our noble struggles ; we artien,tslii
(Cheers.) Why ? Because I find if I have a man en- request you to ascend still further in the path of justice:,
dovrcd with power for which he is not responsible—and Oh mercy ; let no cold and fearful expediency mar your owo '" this principle we are all agreed—it would be in nature piness and the destinies of millions."
that he should be led to abuse it. How can we be He said that the question of expediency required to be al;
made responsible? To whom ? To a part of the come derstood. He believed that expediency was not al`c.:
is 1,,
rn unity—say the Household Suffrage men. I ask, what right—he meant the expediency of their cnetn'ii,
the result ? Judge by the present. We have a part He had read of an occurrence when
democr46 lof the community electing a House of Commons, and the principles prevailed in Athens, and when it
"lo
House of Commons are responsible to that part of the stated to the Athenians that a measure of gifie,
community. Do they consult the interests of the com- importance might be accomplished. Aristides was be
munity ? Your preamble to the resolution says no ; puled to ascertain the secret, and he reported t
.„
(Chtherefore, the question is answered by yourselves.— the plan was expedient, but it was not just, and ther,',o
eers.) Why do they not ? Because the persons to fore the people at once abandoned it. That plan was to buil,
wiiom they are lesponsible ate so small a number, it may the Lacedwmonian flea in the night. It was right to obtain
be for their interest to gratify that small number at the franchise for every male adult, and it was not expedient t° aro
expense of the whole community.—( Hear• hear, hear.) from any man his just rights. The people not only asked, 'tel
the measure expedient ? but was it right and just ? He sh° Iv
Well, then, increasing the basis, I only increase the diffi
like to have the meaning of the word expediency righted' culty of the representative ; but I cannot make him
the
ee
bestmewnpaiilgni
coryti.galh: 1
3,
always
ast :
raiinl whtathy.es expedient, for
tfioser
ohonestyfedtht was
exec.
responsible to all the community, unless I give the
enow
principlespr es presented
the
m'en
of pair:
power to elect him to all. Ah I but lam not out
ehoteartditire" 1°
of my difficulty. That would give the elective franchise dienc
the Chairman, as co'reaSnging the
to men, women, and children. And here I would answer mingham. The: suffrage they demanded was not of the Ccs
1 a proposition by a friend of mine. He said, every man stitution—the glorious Constitution which had been so rod s
having to submit to the laws ought to have a voice in the lauded. The law was, that every man paying his seet.ol
making of those laws. I differ from that principle. I say bearing his lot should have a vote. Every man but the insane 0,
that is not the case. Suppose a foreigner comes into the the criminal ought to haves vote. He knew no reason the hosad
country, is he not to submit to the law ? Yes ; but is he
to have a word in the making of that law ? The Charter holder only should have it. Why should he himself and thoto.,oo
of ledgers be deprived of it ? Therefore he could not sul'lti,e says a man must nut have a word in the making of the
Household Suffrage, and, said he, I cannot conceive 0,1(
you e cant get it without us.i I am expecting y:,uvi„coef
submit to the law before that a
law till he is twenty-orie y ears of a ; but is he not to
on.eywailisthepy taoll athfuermthecarns stio ,lir,
age ?--ge
Cheer,) The prin. and
we •,arue
sdeyieetr.mined that ,a
cipte is, if I Cain get a communtty so large that their in- power, render ourselves wcrthy of your cc-operation, hi ciof
!elitists are couieident with those of the whole commuriiiy, creasing our intelligence, by ennobling and purifying -,0
I may fairly trust the franchiso in their hands.--( Louu morals. But we will never depart from the high positieeo applause. Here some person in the meeting made a sort have maintained in the Charter. I call upon you as men
;0
desire commercial prosperity to join us. I know at'w ea
of whistle.) Do not whistle (said Mr. Reebuck) no
hottest man can come here to whistle.—( Loud cheers.) starving, because others are starving in India and Irelano• of
I! is a great, a solemn you don't want to be mere well-fed slaves. You desire I
n occasion ; and I appeal to you as
rights. You desire to cultivate the noble faculties ofdttiO
inen brought here together ler a great business, to protect
rite white I address you.—( Cheers.) I have just said, the minds, to place man in the proper position he ought to
.0,90
g acir,7tiinotne,llteheatutahle miglt not be merely an animal, but. a 'ler:
w y to make us ask is to base so laige a community stoop
dim their interests; shall be identical with the interests cl thing can be done unre
being.s, Joinnu. us in the 1 noble struggle boa
,ire whole. Now I will answer the question as to the women. in hand for the lull measure
of
unnt
jeer: a e ycijtoamr
hear.) °
, tost
Why are they to be excluded from the franchise ? Mr. SIIARMAN CRAWFORD') :poke throughout mi. ehi I
Why? I cannot tell why. Pnilesophers may say their hoe. , disturbance, which rendered him inaudible excepting vc'trijt4
rests sic identical with those of their parents and husbands. : very limited circle. He begged the attention of the nie'i at
As to children, their interests are identical with t for a few moments. He appeared in the cause of the Vga
these of their psi-cuts, and they are not required to vote. of the people us an Irishman. ,He contended that the sn oil
should be extended so as to take in all the working classees•ory
Beyood that I cannot go; no principle takes me further;
thath no suffrage could be satisfactory that did not ,give tee for
and I eels, why should I go further ? Excluding all
touched by crime, all wider twenty. one years, and ail not Members ne honest,
ar l a
moe- working i ngltmaw"as thneot rhigihstd otfyY tO iit'f:,)
registered, I cannot answer why all the rest ought not to out to Englishmen the course they should pursueu t° ii
have votes.—( Loud cheers.) I ask, is that the right tain that object. But if Household Suffrage were adnre,`;',lll
way to proceed ? I am riot going to proceed much should be in such a way as to include every working alt3latett
longer.—( Cries of "Go on, go on.") I want to know, was a lodger, as well as every occupant of a house. An-erea
thou, whether that is coming to the conclusion. I feel important point was a new distribution of the'electoral boors!
They could not have just representation unless the elec„dost
myself at a stand, and humbled, when I come to act
practically. It is here that I find others disagree with me. districts were so apportioned as that no one part of the li,,jr2: thir
I find I cannot get all at once. I find I must convince should have an undue weight beyond any other part. e,io,,isral
redistribution
their particular attention.. ire'
other men as well as myself, and therefore it is that questionnted he
Ripon, with 5 ,7u3tsi oni
nahsahwiteuill
tassshlrnenliadndhavaWaass
Iniatni)nst"eprat:
I bear with those men. I say to the Household Suffrage
men, lam willing to converse with you as to your sentatives as Leed;, with 123,000? He, therefore, cae' 61 opinions—l do not put mine out as infallible.—( Cheers.) tended, that England herself needed redistribution,S, Dr
Talk about them. You may attain your object before that without it justice could not be done. It was nass'easer
I can possibly attain mine ; I will go as far as you go, cessary that voters should be protected from undue info of
of
and when you cease to advance I will go on. —( Loud and, therefore, he recommended the Ballot for the 55araeuld
cheers.) Therefore, I labour with every labourer—l electors. He conten.ied that the middle classes helm. the
row the boat with every man—l do not stop be. have security themselves, but by asking the franchi'eseesanos
working classes. Ile deinandedeguality for Ireland—thatcaa heel
cause some are tired, I row while the stream is against
me, till at length I attain the goal.—( Loud cheers,) Let
Thene, gwoeroe
ainsir
aolvsoemfoerntbewr we demanded athnededtihn our ownfr insrt,iitiuntioennsdessevoto
lies
some fail, let some faint, row on I will ; and I will be bound obtain the people's 'm
forward
they shoulj tio.;
the good ship arrives in safety.— (Loud cheers.) This all they could get. rights. But how werey they. to get anythteed
seems to me prudence, expediency ; for as Mr. Collins has By moral power—by the voice of the people. The mased
said, expediency is right, and right is expediency.—( Loud the community must be combined with the middle clasese.w.
cheers.) I know not what right means, but the happiness thus only would they have the power to influence the Leg,''
of the community.—(Loud cheers.) If it is expedient lature to grant the improvement they demand.—(Chee.3,)o,
we should advance, it is right we should advance; if it is Mr. LOWREY—FeIIow-countrymen and fellow-I'day that
the interest of the community that we should advance for it is to you I come to speak—if ever there was„, ar, hear. )
together, it is expedient and right that we should advance we have a right to be proud of, this is the day,—(Hear' we la
together.—( Loud cheers.) if not, neither is it cape- ili'ativies iws6ah,edaytortiraitt %haays longed. for--it is a day thatroMi
men could meet— and could discuss insie
tissysh itchhe
their
egrnirei elTdalneeaersi,da
and toil
dient, neither is it right.—( Bravo, bravo, and loud cheers.)
see which had been in error.—(Hear.) I stand here gel
Where, then, is the philosophy of attempting to catch
men by the words expediency or right, when expediency, working man; I stand here as a Chartist as a man brae ,
properly understood, signifies right, and right is only born iii the lap of poverty ; as a man who claims nought fruit
another word for expediency ?—(Loud cheers.) Welt, his riches, but from his existence as a man,
then, I will take the word of my friend Mr. Collins; is it agitation which refers men back to musty parchments P!, ea
expedient that the middling and working classes should rights of the people. 1 stand here as a man who says tTr tba
rights of citizenship are written in Heaven, and 'trot..., Gov
advance together? and here, I will have a word about the
Courts o; Kings and of Parliaments. (Cheers.) /Vt.! coaes
middle classes. lie calls himself a working man—my
tllemen, what do 1, and allb rtvhle are of my bias, saayftauct.:
,tbst
friend from Glasgow also calls himself a working man. I
ask, if in that position, that of an honest and honourable youseandolminennastcesitnokyotung;ether,
andsay it
weto o
ifls'inukaayou sink alto
1
tradesman, whether or not, is he more a working man along with us.—(Hear, hear.) I have wished for the d.,3Yalit than lam ?—( Loud cheers and some hisses.) Mr. Col. which you would come to discuss grievances with us, acid -030
lies is a working man—so am I.—( Hear.) I gain my for a remedy. I know you will tell me that, as Chartists,
.40 j
bread by my own labour.—( Hear, and loud cheering.) have been violent, that we have uttered language that nolWios ,
And I would ask all who do the same, to follow in our man could assent to—but, middle men, 1 ask you, lie'eeser
who scernsrotio
track, to battle down the enemies of the people, namely, ever stepped into the huts of poverty ? Have yi)ui.c4?
the great Corn-lavr Lords of the country.—(Cheers.) seen your wives in rags, and your children without
cuitioso
If you have not, then 1 ask you to bear in mind the_ led
Let the middle and working met, join hand in hand ; their
why !hot sehautf whhoein yhooucomplain have been violent,line r,o_,rs.,
interPsts are identical ; they both live by: industry ; let us
see if' we cannot idemify our interests, and beat the con,i- dnaltimonmt(otits bitterest dregs; have
ibeentt for
r violentthem I haveask
„ar
nra
_nil,. ler•ctis.;
) -i "tje Ole'
mon eneony.—( Bravo I and loud cheers.) We ought to De ray of human nature, t'Y'alloater them to give expression so
friends—we have a conitrion enemy. G. d knows, tlh, ag:aiy.—(ll,ar.) 1 pass from that, and I come to the qu"00,
eor k:ng men have riot been well treated. I nave seen before the meeting—naniely, what is the extent of rr e'oeset
(Luring the last year, the poor working men, who rainy n tenon that will truly represent the people, and secure to "eass
have been misled, eba•teci through aft the meshes of the their rights ? I say no representation short of that Wel'it,
law with an eagerriess and cruelty that I have felt to he admits every man arrived at a mature age to a vote—thtt .j
seniew het disgraceful to my ceuntrymen, and hi the bitier. Universal suffrage. Why talk to us about expediency:or
expeoieticy is right, then Universal Suffrage is right ; gird all
re.ss of my salsa I have; said, " Put up a game cock, arid
thing short tit' Universal Suffrage is not expedient. `, a)
say he bad rooted Chartism, and he would by a Ma xis,
iTenneterern,b,cars baentloarne
who ought
eton hhatv
tenhheearhderoef
tenxinieittriicitnew%-0
t(aliter,i s!
trate be giren two years' imprisonment." I lay the tors-
chief te the middle class m••n's floor. He has wi tired the expediency .—( Cries of" gflear, and shame.")6l s'av shame (tea
serepethy he ought to heve , .—( Cheer s.) Ido hair that man.—(theers from the Chartists, and loud groan' 'niter
this great occasion as the breaking down of the barrier be others in the meeting.) I cry cowardice upon that rne°, of
t mixt th. classes ;I do hail it as the first great meeting of not being here.—( Renewed cheers from the Chartists, andi''' I
both classes of the %soma-minty. as asy m pto In that the groans and hisses for the speaker, from others in the halt. /4.
peetedlagoo
middle class men has come to his seilees, that he feels his expected that it was argument I was to hear—l ex
interests identical with those of the wiirking Man, that he Hemel would listen to reason. I expected that the cisti, I
feels for the working Man as a man living by his industry, who are clad so bravely would have listened to me; ~"' op
am sorry that I have been mistaken in them. But ..ce,e•
and that he stow the same, that he has learned to sy tripe
-hie with him.—( Cheers.) From this evenitig we will whereai
eis your i
1 ifnoytobue enter
date tlei era in which we begin to act ir. one hood of soot- el xe e dai eel:, t' that
syaocuriff`ce the 40s. sacrificedfree holders. It was
°,l,
pathy for the great end of a great, entire, efficient reform cheers.) It was found expedient to give up the Pr!"-i
of Parliament, which can alone be obtained, in my heart I ciples of civil and religious liberty. —Misses aid eheer;;*
do believe, by that which shill give to every man whose Arid what is this of which we are 'complaining ? Are S I
interest is really concerned in the good government of the not hero to complain of Lord Meibourne's Governinevnif
Ibesaylleatri"l 11
country, a voice in the constituency.—(Loud and repeated Are you Whigs satisfied with it, or are you riot ? ~1.5.,
seekw(lill
will
s for
stand
i aid fartherhens cheers.)
u Reformntil
Now,mifo r ny
cheering.)
Mr. O'NEIL, from Birmingham, began by reading theionuogn caber forted sia t :ash] ila,el di
following address :
" Birmingham Christian Chartist Church, (Cheers from the Chartists.) I have a right t°,,,,se
Jan. 19, 1841. heard, and I have a right to address to yeti t""
es,
sentiments, and to discuss such sentiments, and to give -y,
"THE ADDRESS OF THE MEN OF BIRMINGHAM TO THE
pression to such opinions. The Whigs are men of expeateP 0
LEEDS PARLIAMENTAIt I REFORM ASSOCIATION.
d V°
" Gentlemen,—We, the men of Birmingham, in public and they have ruined their oven cause by it. If they had
1,0
meeting assembled, take this opportunity of addressing you honest, we never should have.complained of them. They' too
taught us a lesson, and we know from them that he who tr t
on the political principles held by us.
ohs •
with it' i
"We have observed with feelings of deep interest the Astoria- to expediency trusts to a broken stick.--( Hear.) Then
_tir,
suffrage should we have? Should it be ary individual'staaao,
lion you have formed on the subject of Parliamentary Reform.
We or should it be property? That is the question which wt
We have bitterly felt the evils of increasing poverty.
have met to discuss. 'The individual right is the on •I tba
know, from long experience, that, in the language of the na-
for the suffrage of the people. Every man amenable t
,05
tional petition, capital brings no profit, labour no reward.
law has a right to be a maker of the law. Wheo", Joe
Urged by the same cause that has at length stimulated you,
get Universal Suffrage, you get all the intelligence ,
namely, growing necessity, we have investigated the causes
that are producing it. rtea• •
nation; and by Household Suffrage you shut out a tare.; P° i
to
ut
of the intelligence of the people. Middle min, 71 1' ,4.,/
" It is from our firm conviction that only by the universa-
you a question—it is a solemn one. You cannot
_eiii`jol
lity of the suffrage can prosperity and happiness be restored ;
our right to the suffrage. It nover has been d,e 4,1 ,
that we view with great interest the gradually awakening at-
tention excited in the minds of the British manufacturers on even by the most rabid Tory. They have a''''' eal
~ it
that subject. We believe that no single class could wield suf- said you have the right, but you are not wise en°7;a ets
ficient power to secure any important measure of Reform, and to exercise it. Now I ask you—have you not aehnit, ff'
knowing that the interests of the manufacturer and the workmen in your churches and chapels young persons of fifteen year's°?' '
arc commercially and politically the same, we are certain that age to choose their ewn ministers and their own communion',
if tiles
did a proper understanding exist between them, it would pro- Why? I. is because they are old enough; and then
duce such an immediate union of their powers against the cone- are wise enough to choose their own religion, surely they a.sere • men enemy as would secure that which, iii oppssition, they wise enough to choose their own Members of Parliamenta,) should in vain attempt to obtain. (Cheers from the Chartists, followed by cries of "Oh, 010 ,
rgl)
" Upon the terms of union, therefore, does the question rest. lam sorry for this class feeling, and to
see dislike se sit•e,
re
We have expressed our terms in the following resolution, passed marked ; and as a Chartist, I tell the Chartists if they a
unanimously by- us :oat That this meeting views with intense afraid to hear the arguments of their opponents—if they see
i,
s,
interest the approaching meetings to be held at Leeds, and to cloak these arguments by brawling and clamour ; then 11
being fully sensible of the great importance of a perfect under.. that lam ashamed of them, and I wash my hands of them, so,
standing among the various classes to be there assembled, on would give every man a fair hearing. I claim the Suffrage
_O..
the principles and intentions of each, declare that having, after myself, for my fellow-workmen, and for the aristocracy the.l 0
mature consideration, adopted as the object of their political selves. I say for the aristocracy, because I know they hafd
struggles, principles contained in the document entitled the stood our friends, as well as other classes, and that rii°
' People's Charter,' they will neither countenance nor assist men are to be found amongst them. When, then, I say,
strange
any body that shall, through expediency, seek any enactment People, I mean the whole classes of the emp trire. It is strani
short of the full measure of rights therein contained.' —it is passing strange, that men who till the land, who ply vo
s
" Gentlemen, we desire that you will not start at names ; loom, who build your cities, who fight your battles, who lis
we are Chartists. As such, we cannot join you upon your borne the British standard across the waters, and chastisede
present limited position ;We detest a property nomination ; we every tyrant but their Own ; it is strange that you will not fto fear that so long a term as three years would endanger a them the privileges that they requirie.—( Hear, hear.) Is it thorough representation. We cannot hide from ourselves the be right and might, and which is to be prepared to exclude is,
glaring injustice we should commit, were we to exclude our neighbour? Then those who are prepared to act on their
fellowmen front their rights, merely because they have not be- might, must also be prepared to come in collision with the]come householders : we could not hear our brother upbraiding I fellow-countrymen. T his is the feeling that has roused up 0
so-
us for having branded lam practically with the mark of slavery. cieties. This it is which has made them angry ; for a lil
We will riot follow expediency, nor i raffle with our birthright; who will bear poverty patiently, wiil not bear insult—if lie ',
a
ri,s •
the groundless fears of one man shall nut with us be the standard man, he will not do so.—( Hear.) And the rnan who is not,fb
wherewith to measure the rights of another. vils'ged is insulted, and he is a renegade to human nature,
..e..,
"We abhor the truckling expediency which has too often ; does not attempt to remove it. Are you then, I askey'tc,
marred the otherwise noble struggles of politicians; and ! pared for the continuance of agitation in this country (
dropping
knowing that mutual confidence and respect form the best 1 hare that state of feeling in this country—to see it droPf;',er'a
wherewith to hied nier, oho fight tog-tiler in any cause, 1 into ruin, while faction hinders ail classes from coming toget.. .
ties.
1 a
we simuld feel that to iieseend 'role the legh position of uni- , I expect that this night will be the foundation of good fee st 3
vernal right, and ;;resent ourselves as your supporters, would ; for the re•lempt ion of our common country.—( Hear, beana.4 ;
degrade us in our own estimation, and must also do so in I expect that those who hitherto stood aloof' will now jolt' be
Yours.
and those who were supposed to be opposed to us, will ne
i.
_t
" Years have rolled over—years of incre4sina adversity, ' friendly 1" us. I ilia ress then upon you the necessity tt" ' • • ' ;ton%
since we Is ere convinced, that in the irresponsiail. ty of our whateverbe the movement made by you, iewill be one ado'
,tu,„
legislators r..sted the main eaise. •With feelings of indigna- , the whole of the population ant}, in tire bounds of the Consa,%, y
tam we saw that none of the community were represented, a i tion.—( Cheers and hisses.) What am Ito learn froin.,o,aar
few only possessing even the power of nominating once in seven I will not mince matters with sou.—( Hisses. ) If it i war
sears the nelividoals in whose hands rested the power of ren- ; you want, you shall havo it. If it is opeosition you taksirO, l'",,
dering them happy or miserable.
shall have it also.—( Hisses.) When I see meow I. ~
A ;tar , '
"At length, in the document entitled the ' People's Char- i nigh themselves upon their station in society, 1" ~,,,
ter,' we moguised principles, and laws, the operation of which !in this way, want to know and understand what it the
1

I

!frrin!t,'l

ticsi oPe'
t®

:on r
• rn
is of tbe,
just Itu

a.
oon ;
e 01.10

in I
meu
L ;
11'd
feel coat
srnt OPL"
u the

st

aci'
,eOO

to°
usts
tl3

0 to
vce

ed
of
5?

re

ROYALTHE WEATHER.
GALLERY OF SCIENCE, ADELAIDE-
ftse STREET.
ero...
11...ctiner ............ .. NOON JAN. 23.
............ 30'16 In.
er ........ ........... 57 Deg.
d ...
owest . : ...............
••••
• 368 2
1154 .•.......... .... ..... ..
39 Deg.
W,
'll44l,4tileret to state th A. Si irs 31.
died
at Leamirgtonat on Wedn)eesda; last.P. for

!~
~!

r

MORNING EDITION.

--(Biala.) Am Ito understand that we are to be pm-
amictl•—(Cries of " Oh, oh !") Now, I tell you, and all vrilo
call you respectable, that there is nothing in the cut of
your coat, nor in the quality of your cloth, to give you that
. title. The man who fulfils his political duties in his station,
and has done all he can to forward the happiness of the' com-
munity, I say
that man gives the best guarantee that he
,s fitter for citizenship. If you are prepared to scout such an
'doo, then the sooner we cease to conic together the better.
I
am afraid that prejudice prevails so far with you that you
.?•nnot forget and forgive; and I beg, therefore, of you not to
th
ink of me as one individual, but to think of our common
_country. I am willing to bear every insult ; but why do I
ear it? I hope you, too, will show your patience, and as you
dob
Phone yourselves on your superiority, I shall sit down ex-
pecting to hear your better wisdom.—( Cheers and hisses.)
Mr. WILLIAMS, M.P. for Coventry, was next called
kuPcn, and was received with deafening cheers. He said he
had accepted an invitation of the Committee to be present
°in that occasion, with the same degree of pleasure which lie
'wail felt on meeting with assemblages of the people
(Hear,
fr •) He was glad to have an opportunity of say-
Gni what he had perceived of the proceedings of the even-
, "l6i, there was no real difference of opinion among them.—
winh, it was
.'" ) This was not, however, owing to the Reorm Bill,
tile aa professed, was to settle the differences, and recon-
tk_ Party to the other.—( Hear, hear.) He was one of
those who Wee first in the field in the agitation of the Reform

and bin decided impression was, that that measure, at tha,
• .1
I`e, was the only one that was calculated to benefit the coun-
* He, however, was not the only person who was deceived.
T 4 ere were many towns in England which were entitled to
slnd Members to Parliament, which sent them not by any-
thing like a fair and equal distribution of votes, but by the
Ntz,loitrary arrangements of the Reform Bill.—( Hear, hear.)
oomtituency of Leeds, for instance, in 1839, was 6,182.
wu
I`,v• ° there were 01 towns with a constituency no larger,
eh returned not less than 37 Members to Parliament.
--(Hear, bear, and loud cries of " Shame, shame.") Then,
county would mention to them that the West Riding of ibis
returned two Members, and he would ask them
nether they would believe that there were 77 towns in
sa-„,,R4nd returning Members to Parliament with just the
• constituency. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The
110"` hiding of Yorkshire, in 1839, had 31,442 votes;
number of votes of 77 towns returning 21 Mem-
Ref: Was 30,129. (Hear, hear.) Now, so far from the
„ ``ar'n Bill giving anything like an equal distribution of
;°tes, it had done the very reverse. They appeared to be
ales' it
universally upon the principle of the Reform Bill ;
14„- they were also of opinion—and of that opinion there was
„_ doubt, that the Reform Bill had never been carried into
Zactical Operation to the extent which had been anticipated.
(Rear, hear, hear.) Now, whatever they might think of
fe4l, he would tell them, that since he had had the honour of a
at in Parliament, he had been one of those who had voted for
National Petition when it was presented to the House of
")ns•—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) Now, having shown
• ti_etn What they were in their own position, having also shown
themselves
what they had to rely upon if they depended simply upon
t`ltnselves without regard to the middle classes, having shown
4 the difficulties to contend with, he hoped he might
seelmupon them with something like earnestness, and with
m_
confidence, that they would proceed to demand with a
21Ce that was not to be misunderstood, a further extension of
the`no suffrage —(Cheers ) Why should they not have a_voiee in

making of the laws by which they were governed ? }low did

, ',comet o pass that so great a majoriiy oftli-Os
and mind, had n
ewhopaidtaxeso,
Who laboured with all their energy of body
ry 9 --( Hear, hear. )
*bare in the reprosentation__o
• • The question was not at all answer.f.dittllllceeualctrortiuoendtor.
en
z. to conceive how the. aristocracy . deiatvowuaresdeutoy
earry everything theirow•of
occasionthe
had intelligent
advocated ge n
.
et tlemen who hoDafil addressedn them way.
on Onethat
Universal Suffrage. He maintained, in corn-
, withttlinen propriety
tlle Cl artists, that every man who paid taxes had a
' Bright to give a voice in the making of a law by which he was
governed, and of sending a representative to the Housed Com-
mons. Mr. Aloir had told them that universal suffrage was not
anything of yesterday—that it was a question which had been
agitated for at leant forty-five years in this country.— ( Hear. )
S 0 it was; yea, it was more than that; for some of the ablest
and wisest of men that we could ever boast of had repre-
sented Universal Suffrage as the very basis of all that was
excellent in our institutions.— (Cheers.) Now, what had we
to say to this ? What prospect had we of obtaining that
tension of the suffrage which we looked to as the goal of
tlir ambition—as the one thing needful to produce that de-
g.r:e of prosperity and peace a nongst us for which we
so
-ruently sought ? It must be clear to every thinking man
that the House of Commons wanted reforming, and that
there
linless there were a further extension of the suffrage—unless
were such an assembly of the House of Commons as
Would form a complete rearesentation of public opinion, it
taas utterly impossible for them to expect anything beyond
e
ttiliejiresen't sluggish movements. The speaker then alluded to
' ' Alanehester Massacre," the party who were the chief
teams in that scene, and deprecated a Tory Government, as
g most likely to bring about a repetition of those disreputable '
rproceedings, for which their name was already so popular. The
aker then entered into a comparative view of the merits of
Pre se Nsehold and Universal Suffrage, and contended that, under
nt circumstances, all that was requisite was for the people
° unite in effecting Household Suffrage.—( Loud cheers. )
'ea II;11% MASON next addressed the meeting, in a short but ener-
s:tille speech. He said he had heard the arguments on both
„,e'''`', and felt convinced that the only way to decide a political
nerttion of this nature was by calm consideration, giving each
Y a fair hearing.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. It was
Unitedabout ten years since the middle and working classes
nii together for the purpose of carrying the Reform
thi_ At that time it was universally expected that some-
. coin l would have been done to alleviate the distress of the
tin „ was generally thought that the Reform
cos, ,-' the moist likely, and perhaps the only, measure to ac-
, push that ohject.—( Hear, hear.) How much they had
tt,aewnadritsappointd they themselves could feel.—( Hear, hear.)
t by rue
ithat the Refers* Bill was a great measure in itself;
little
restrictions and some manmuvring it had been rendered
attic better than a there nullity, and had brought into exist-
'rite a constit
repres,.. testy worth little more, so far as regarded tit,
tot
so exited undtit:e• the old b
vreaah ;•atien of the real interests of the country, than that
Ineasurne borough system.
eh lle complained
ZYlith°,:tniddle classes.—(Hear, hear.)
Reform Bill itself, as of the abuse of the
Colonel P.
the meeting I..i!olirsox next rose and very briefly addressed
eel, mean"lisi, , r.t,e, contended that Universal Suffrage was the
Ptlonle could) !stitch a fair representation of the opinions of the
aiit be against Ho
made la Parliament, although he should
he aia4:•tli
tot ttiousehold Suffrage if it could be obtained.
!leffect their r le Corn-lawsthe exertions he had made to 1
;anitY at 1 el*al'
and the good that would result to the com-
as o.i ag, from free trade in food. If there were any
asere;,,liet them in the accomplishment of any
'Which tafneY wished to attain, it was only in the manner in
S!nth oti'4:",,); set about it. If they were united in one view
t an they
and one purpose, there could be no question
'tear, an,,"`'Y could wish would be fully aceomplished.—( Hear,
Ns, 13ceiiLeers.)
tattle eorvrazr,,ANs the Chartist delegate for Sunderland, then
tame
disp,le.n He ,aid—_I rejoice most sincerely at the tone
og . Won which
,12 ,as It woi4id seem to have been adopted by this meet-
lied b seem to evince that all here assembled are ac-
htboye the
htbuestisentiment expressed in the motto" which we see
tie the, Chart. ngs—" Justice to one and to all. lam glad to
sty
e_
for s are willing to give to others the right which
11.441;7..0 themselves, of expressing freely their opinions,
o' c 0 that l_ok Mg that it should be in a meeting of Englishmen ;
t°,4 easiiiierivitolsl,ls occasion we have not departed from the line
ed on a recent occasion in a city unaccustomed
ta,,Zeoilfsen, tirinents—l mean in the city of Dur'ham, where so
F•teyetit
the and and magister,al influence has been used to
4t 4 r,e‘n__ people from avowing, their opinione.—( Hear, hear. )
tatl_ari,tro:.__
ceeting in that city a great number of the gentry
ltiely dis:orsa
34 coaree to listen to the working men, and we
la tists'Ltilni k that tulrie°tPiinin,l.oins together sowitpenat
olufror
rioenveanwc:ss
t?''''rtzlier),;,ter''d to.--(Cheers. )" The state of turmoil and
lig,,, ;
and which we have hitherto existed can continue no
t°e want ~, My brethren, we have suffered very much from
laleak, 01 unity in our opinions and proceedings, and by put,
tis' end to such a state of !hinge, we will, I trust, profit eery
es •• • I a
re b_Zit glad to See the frankness and henee" which
.
atd ....'" exhibited amongst us ; w 7 are not corn :e here to hiss
]foggy together'toes"wit but t
0 unite all our wisdom, 'mid experience, and
into one combined ma-
and try to effect some
ttib gllad betwee s,
Isle, will me that I h
Wes we! exhibit -0:1)0 the gentlemen of the ether
it, and ,int.s , tward% the Chartists the same ,4 be h,,, a'lty Which they expect from us, and that there
frank-
pro for „ :, a
icornmunity of feeling between us. We wish
Nigat Justice to one and to all,' anti whilst we are here to
I°rft ea ° °or own views, why should we prevent others
ne. 7-vocatin tl •
tstteer„
_e Atheir hope, however, that at the
I?eipie* 'I shall adhere faithfully and strictly to our own
,P!.e,,,
ow . and while we suffer others to discuss with us freely
ie_s...,,,(4fait.ons, we will not relinquish any of our prima-
:Lll•l`! sea by ", hear.) Our object here has been well ex-
taat
thtlie Honourable Gentleman, Mr. Hume, when he
'Y min that he looked for was the privilege of preventing
se " from . .
bears Pert putting his hands into the pocket of an-
that Yby
, a"
elle unjust and iniquitous taxation. ( Hear,
the 1 ers.) It is a fact that could not be denied,
te,tn abourin
s'_,4 in . _ A man is taxed more in proportion than the
q'tl,sd_ 'ration in our
”siabe , and if, with the grievances and iajustice under which
,_. vur before our eyes, we sometimes exceed the bounds of
language, I hope that the cause of the excite-
tt,''t will ba
(atieao as_ some extenuation for us with just and seta,liberal-
r;'et7";,--( Hear, hear.) I shall conclude by saying to the
, its,,.9.il(.cti s Yll
'butl have el power v.,•oe iu- to
complainme et
fenoimorpaltaeinleotf ?t•obuer
q 4i a languaep net calculated) to intimidate the timid, but in
tb „es beconies' Englishmen ; and let the principle for which
aliaaentend be ever before your eyes—" Justice to one and to
Ivi.;(Lond end long-contieuyd cheering. )
Th.ett Mr. Deegan concluded,
:1511" CerainetAN came forward and said he believed the
ttnti",4 of the evening had come to a close, and that no other
to d tioan
pushes!wi to adtlress them. He ha, therefore, no more
sara,:it.bat to the vote the reselutien which Mr. Hume had
P.e,ePi to their considelation at the commencement of their
till f `lings. He would read the resolution for them, and then
ah,°r,e_.shote of hands in favour of it.
klcasir. Illcatis was then called to the chair • when.
4 t•er,s presented himself, and said he never had greater
1l air'
his life than in proposing- a vote of thanks to Mr.
Itii'ini their chairman —( Cheers. )
l',tlieee itilvecapsressecotseled hY Mr. Mosit who said that he looked
i r ot,_. t present occasion as one of the most auspicious that
_tig ato'n red in England as it would tend to unite the work_
Nlir ''' the middle classes' in that hotel of union which would
cetk•tiritt‘Necete to the progress of civil rights, and the ultimate
Ta, "irlent of the Charter.
endst theresolution was then pu.t. snd tarried with acclamatian,
e,lii, greeting dispersed, having given three cheers for Re-
tll'hcre a,
artist
etal call far buteer for Fear us O'Connor and the
g
8 Yorkshire, it was very feebly responded to.
;teetieeAv
, Fait
.____..____________
Monatrese Nfri. O'Connell did not appear at the
I.,'tt.(lol,Y,esterday, a' n(l.—l
believe that it was fortunate he did
'iitlil,ek d"t+iglserr:o.nsei persons were apprehended by the police.
, 1,,, . . iii thei possession. This is a fact of which I
,it,'ave
Cry_reeason to rely. It was to oppose and shout him
a, 5 so, t.,1_1.1 Ckartists were organised in such numbers, and
ta'‘tles, ,};4_l(s.„,lenlrPose, too, they had supplied themselves with
k peroaer,„
Ileirn
tett of which they tirst tried upon the Chair-
s,. Dell r
.• ilime. and Mr. Roebuck, the last of whom
It tiitatiberas ebuked them. The meeting itself was as fns
le.kart a. 'ent, a very magnificent one, there being; preset
b• ' a
el'p tlia,l,,Elt thousand persons, and of these there were not
4,llieir4s,ioteein_ hundrel Chartists ; the remainder were Re-
set. t ten)._ ooe for Note by Ballot, •Household Suffrage and
li 3,
at,Jtion of the Electoral District,, Triennial Pa'rl•
n no Property Qualification for Members.
ja-
.
v1r.......--