The Sun.
London, England, 1847-11-24 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY

_ld: V .g_N IN G, NO VEMBE R, 24, 1847.

heard the speeches of the Kings of Belgium and
Holland, both of erehons congratulated their
country on their recovery from all their difficulties.
The French Minister, it was true, dwelt upon the
large sums which had been expended in the country,
but he did not talk of the country being reduced to
a state of bankruptcy ly that depression. On the
contrary, he congratulated his hearers upon the ge-
neral prosperity of the country. Look where they
would, they found nothirg but increasing prosperiiy
on the continent. Prussia was gradually progress-
ing, Si) was Bavaria. In both places trade had
increased to a great extent. The same might be said
of Russia, and thither tie famine extended itself to.
It was supposed, indeed, that it had so affected the
country that the Emperor would never be able to go
to war again, and yet ev:thin the last few months he
had been able to make large exportations of bul-
lion. W hat was it tlkn that had prevented this
country from recovering from the effects of the
famine? But it had recovered from the famine, and
now it was suffering Iron causes that did not exist
in the countries he had named. and he would tell
the House what those causes were. The countries
he had named protectre their own manufactories—
.their own agricultualists—their own shipping—and
gave them a decided preference over foreigners.
Here, however, they bad pursued a different po-
licy, and the misery they were now suffer-
ing was the result of free trade.—(—(Hear, hear.)
For eight years the stock of cotton had never been
so low as it was in Manchester and Liverpool at
the present moment. As many starved for cotton
as for corn. What a spectacle this city presented
from this ! The great importing city—the seat
of staple trade was now in a deplorable state. The
reason of all this was our restricted monetary system
—the Bank Charter Act. It caused cotton to be
sold 4/. less per big than formerly—sugar
six shillings or eight shillings less per cwt.,
in Cuba or Brazil, and for less than it cost the ex-
porters in Canton. These were the results of free-
trade doctrines.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") In
the presence of cotton merchants and millowners,
he said that the prepared fabrics they manufactured
were sold by them at less than their original cost.
Would this bring back the golden image worshipped
by the Right lion. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) ? Surely
not. The countries he had mentioned, instead of
throwing away their revenues, as we had done,
turned them to great advantage. America, for in-
stance, had not followed our ruinous example.
More than two thirds of the revenue of the United
States are raised out of the produce of British in-
dustry. The United States have drained us of our
gold to provide for the Mexican war. Her
Majesty, while alluding to Switzerland, was
ise and politic to abstain from allusion to
Mexico. The United States had said that Lord
Palmerston must be silent if they chose to annex
Mexico and Canada, because they had depended on
them for cotton and sugar. AVe had sacrificed India,
and given America to the monopoly of the cotton mar-
ket, which she had used so well that the cotton rater
-chants of Liverpool had, last yeas, lost to America
2,000,0001. at least. If this stoppage of our menu-
factures was owing to a deficient crop, how came it
that it did not operate on the manufactures of the
United States. While our cotton manufactures had
decreased, the cotton manufactures in the United
States had increased during the last year 10 per cent.
They present au increase of ten per cent. in their
manufactures, notwithstanding they are suffering
from the dearth of cotton also. While the Govern-
ment was passing the Bank Charter Acts to saturate
the country with gold as the Hon. Member for
Liverpool had informed the House last session, other
ntries were enlarging their curt ency. NeitheeFrance,
Bavaria, or Russia wore pursuing the same destruc-
tive policy as this country, which was now, on the
one hand, retracting its currency, and, upon the other
hand enlarging its currency. rThe consequence was,
that England, which, a few years since, was the pride
of the world: now presented a spectacle of brnk--
ruptcy, ruin, and shame at which the finger of
scorn was pointed by every civilised riation, from the
United States to the walls of Canton.
[LEFT SPEAKING.]

QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.
(Sittings in Banco.)

CRIMINAL INFORMATION.:-BRoCKMAN, M. 1., V. RIGDALE.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said he applied for a rule
to show cause why a Nitninal information should not be
filed against a person of the name of John Rigdale for
the publication of a di,gusling libel reflecting on
the character of defendant, who was a gentleman
of the highest respectability, and for many years had
held the office of recorder for Hythe and Folkstone.
He also represented these boroughs in Parliament.
up to the last election had lived in respectability and
repute in the neighbourhood, when, being a candidate to
represent the borough, he was shocked ace horrified to
hear that there was in current circulation among the
electors a report of the most disgusting and distressing
nature. The matters alleged to have been committed were
said to have taken place ten years ago. The prosecutor
commenced an active inquiry for the purpose of tracing
to their source these malicious slanders, and he was
enabled, by the affidavits of several gentlemen,
which he should produce, to !trace them to a person
of the name of Rigdale, who carried on the business of
a farrier, and was formorly a tenant of Mr. Brockman.
He, therefore, came to the Court on the present occasion,
solemnly pledging himself before their Lordships, upon
oath, against the correctness of the charges made against
hirn.—Mule granted.

BISHOP OF MANCHESTER,- THE QUEEN ON THE PROSE•

CUTION OF REV. JANES LEE V. CUTTERIDGE.

Mr. Gutteridge, the defendant in this case, showed
cause in person why the rule for a criminal informa-
tion which had been made against him, for a libel on
the Rev. Dr. Lee, the Bishop elect of Manchester, should
not be made abolute.

Mr. Gutteridge adverted minutely to the affidavits
put in on behalf of the pyosecutor, and said he avowed
the authorship of the various circulars which contained
the charges against the prosecutor, and was ready to
take all the responsibility which could morally and le-
gally belong to them.—Rule made absolute.

THE HEBREW CHAIR OF EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY.
—We learn that in consequence of the interlocutor which
has been pronounced by Lord Robertson, interdicting
Professor Macdouall from exercising the functions of Pro-
fessor of Hebrew in the University, notes have been pre-
sented to the Lord Ordinary by the agents for the magis-
trate and the professor, to prohibit the clerk of the bills
from issuing the certificate of the interdict and the passing of
the note; so that the case will in this way come immediately
before the inner House, where Lord Robertson's judgment
will be reviewed. We also understand that the reclaiming
note for the Presbytery will not be taken up till after these
notes are boxed, which in all likelihood will be the case in a
few day 3.—Caledonian Mercury.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
ROUSE OF LORDS, Nov. 23.
THE ADDRESS.
Lord STANLEY (in continuation from our Third
Edition) proceeded to say—I think her Majesty's Go-
verment ought to declare what are their intentions on
this point, for her Majesty's Speech leaves the matter
entirely in doubt.—(Cheers.) I noticed in the Address
some difference, some little variation, from the terms of
the Speech, though I was not able, from the hasty man-
ner in which the Noble Earl read the Address, to catch
the precise terms of that variation. When there is no
intention to call on Parliament for an expression of opi-
nion on any particular question, it has hitherto been
customary, as a matter of form, that the Address shall
be as close a copy as possible of the Speech from the
Throne. But the Speech proceeds to say that her
Majesty "has great satisfaction in being able to inform
us that the law has not been infringed ;" and,
therefore, if the Address be an exact transcript
of that, I cannot agree with it, because I believe
that the law has been infringed, though not by the
Bank.—(Cheers.) I will not now go into the merits
of the law, as to whether it is only fitted for fair weather
and incapable of standing a storm, or whether in certain
cases some modification of its restrictions were not neces-
sary, which being so was in itself a condemnation of the
law ; but the law prescribes that the Bank, except a cer-
tain amount, shall not issue notes unless she has the
bullion. In the present case the Bank was brought so
near that point that it was impossible to issue another
note ; and that whereas, under ordinary management,
the reserve ought to amount to 3,000,000/. or 4,000,0001.,
the actual amount of the reserve was only 1,300,0001. or
1,400,000/. At this time the commercial pressure was at
the greatest, and from the knowledge that under the ope-
ration of the Bank Charter Act it would be necessary
for the Bank to suspend its issues, and anticipating
that she would bo unable to give further ac-
commodation, the private banks and many large
houses hoarded up in their coffers a far greater
amount of bullion to meet the coming pressure than
would have been ordinarily required. Thus, in the
'
coffers of the private banks, and in other private hands
throughout England, there was a large amount of bul-
lion locked up by the indirect operation of the Bank
Charter Act, and the panic prevented any man from
bringing it out except for his own necessities. At the
same time gold was coming in; that is,
.the Bank had
reason to expect that gold would come in, And yet,
tnderunthabelestrtiongisesnutelanwoteosf, ItBh4o4ugh s , the Bank of England
was i
,000,000/. of gold
lay untouched in their coffers.—(Hear, hear.) These
were the circumstances under which her Majesty's Go-
vernment, wisely, and I give them credit for so doing,
interfered.—(Hear, hear.) In the first place, with
laudable intention to prevent undue issues and
lavish accommodation, and distrusting; the pru-
dence of the Bank, the Government, though it autho-
rised the Bank to increase the accommodation at the risk
of violating the law, imposed an invidious and un-
worthy condition. The Government, under their hand
and seal, under the signature, I believe, of the Prime
Minister and of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, au
thorised the Bank of England to violate the law on their
responsibility, by issuing a larger amount of notes than
they were able under the Bank Charter; at the same
time, imposing a condition, in the first place unconsti-
tutional, and in the next, of a character wholly un-
worthy of a great country, or of the Government of a
great country—(Cheers)—for the purpose of getting
usurious interest on all accommodation.—(Cheers.) This
was neutralising with one hand the boon you held out
with the other to the commercial sufferers from your
Bank Charter.—(Cheers.) This was unconstitutional,
because it was intended to raise money on the subject,
not only without the express consent of Parliament, but
in direct contradiction to the law. It was an wholly un-

worthy condition, namely, that the Government should
go halves in the profits, which, by fixing the minimum
rate so high, they calculated on wringing out of the ge-
neral distress.—(Cheers.) I say it is no answer that the
Beak did not exceed the lawful issue. The Government
authorised them to exceedit, andfor that the Government
must come to Parliament for indemnification—for the
sanction of Parliament ex post facto. It is no satisfac-
tion to me, if I exhort or authorise a murderer, that he
did not meet with his victim. I authorised the perpe-
tration of the crime, and morally and legally I ens as
respensible as though the crime had taken place.—
(Hear, hear.) If her Majesty's Government undertook
to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act without the consent
of Parliament, in order that they might be able to ar-
reef, without form of law, any persons under certain
expected circumstances, it would be no answer to us
that the circumstances did not arise, and that no man
had been subjected to unjust imprisonment.—(Cheers.)
The Minister issued that authority to the Bank, and they
are as liable to account for having done so as though the
Bank had committed au undoubted breach of the law.
—(Hear, hear.) But there is a much more important
question remaining behind, and one which will produce
the deepest anxiety in the minds of the reflecting people
of this country, and require at the hands of Parliament
the most careful investigation. The avowed object of
this law was to regulate the currency of the country, and
by applying the screw at the proper time, to check
undue speculation, and so prevent, or, in fact, to ren-
der impossible, those panics, of which we have seen
none more disastrous than the present. From 1844 to
1847 no pressure occurred in which the law was fairly
tried and brought to bear; all the circumstances of those
years coincided with the law. But at length the time
came, and now the test has been applied. The Govern-
ment, under the pressure of the times, feel it necessary
arbitrarily to interfere and alter that law, which was
found to be unequal to the emergency. Now, I ask the
Government what they mean to do with that law?—
(Loud cheers.) That, too, is a question which the coun-
try has a right to ask, and it is a question to which the
country will have an answer from those who are charged
with the responsibility of Ministers.—(Cheers.) If the
law was wise, and just, and expedient, and, above all,
practicable, how is it the Government is to be excused
for violating that law; and, in defiance of an Act of
Parliament, suspending its operation? If, on the other
hand, it be only applicable to fair weather, and not for
the adverse circumstances for which it was intended to
provide, then it is your duty, charged as you are with
the affairs of this great country, to say we do riot in-
teed to maintain that law in its integrity—(Cheers)—
and I ask you what are the amendments of that law
which you intend to propose?—(Cheers.) That is a
question which I have a right to ask ; and with that
question I will now dismiss tlfe subject altogether, re-
pt acing, at the same time, my belief that her Majesty's
Gel ernment acted, on the whole, with wisdom and dis-
cretion in suspending that law.—(Cheers.) Recurring
to the universal character of the present distress, I
have a right to ale the Noble Lord who
proposed the Address, and who must have found it a
ratter difficult topic to deal with—l have, I say, a right
to ask the queetion—whence is this commercial dis-
tress? There may be, and no doubt, is a part of this
commercial distress arisir.g from improvident invest-
ments in raiheays, but I stn inclined to think that is by
no means the largest part.—(Hear, hear.) Here we
have a Speech from the Throne, giving an account of
grist commercial distress; and a supporter of the pre-
Lenz Government, and the mover of the Address, attri-
bu•ing it also to the importation of 9,000,000 quarters of
foreign corn; but I recollect alien in the discua.ion on
the conelaws, two years ago, my statement met with
coete niptuous ridicule from the Noble Lord near me
—( Lord Brougham) —when I said that when there
was no extraordinary supply, and prices ruled mode-
rately, we might lot,k for an importation of 4,000,000
quarters annually—(Hear, hear)—the Noble Lord
laughed that statement to scorn; but what are the facts
of the case? I will take figures furnished by the Noble
Mover of the Address; and I recollect there was no
provision made by sowing a single additional acre of
corn, which was considered in Inv calculation of
4 000,000 quarters. According to the result of the
Noble Lord's figures, in nine or ten months 9,000,000
or 10,000,000 of quarters of foreign earn have been
brought in.—(Cheers.) And the Noble Lord, iu moving
the Address, attributes the commercial distress of the
country at this moment to the large sum which we have
had to pay for foreign corn.—(ltenewed cheers.) On
the part of a supporter of her Majesty's Government
and a free trader this is a valuable admission; and I
must sav, for myself and friends around me, the event
in a most remarkable manner has verified the an-
ticipations we ventured, in 1841, to prognosticate as
the result. How differently have the prophecies made
by our opponents been fulfilled! I have had sent
me, by this morning's past, the reprint of a
letter published by Mr. Cobden in March,
1841, addressed to the working men of Stockport.
He says, " You will eat bread, made from American
flour, at lid. per lb. ; you will then have full employ-
ment at advanced wages ; every spindle and every loom
will be set in motion ; every shopkeeper will be pros-
perous ; every house will be tenanted ; your numbers
a ill increase ; and new mills, new houses, new churches
and chapels, will be built, and everything will flourish ;
if the corn-laws be taken off directly, and a free impor-
tation of corn be allowed."—(Cheers.) Now, mark ;
they have now a free trade in corn, such as the most
sanguine supporter of free-trade doctrines could wish, or
indeed ever dreamt of—in nine months nine millions of
quarters !—(Hear, hear.) But it is not said that we
export more manufactures. The increased exports have
been, as we told them, exports only of bullion until the
time when it rises, and the price of all commodities fall
ruinously low at home. By dint of hard work, low
wages, poor fare, and stinted time, our manufacturers
have been forced into a glutted market, despite hostile
rivals. There has been an importation of foreign corn
large enough to satisfy the free- trade prophets, but
how different the result from their prognostics ! So far
fr -m the mills being crowded, never before were there so
many mills standing still, so many men upon short time,
so many families unemployed, or wages fallen so low.—
(Hear, hear.) The exports, it is true, hare fallen short
but not so short as to justify this great commercial de-
pression. The fact is, my Lords, it is the home market
which has failed ; proving, by experience, that ail
foreign markets are insignificant as weighed in the
balance with the greatest and best—the home market.—
(Cheers.) Ido not, however, attribute the whole of
our commercial distress to the repeal of the corn laws
or to free trade ; but I say the failure of the crop in
England has anticipated the result of the corn-laws,
and showed its inevitable tendency to cause large ex•
ports of bullion from the country, and great disturb-
ances of the currency. It has also shown the utter
fallacy of those predictions of prosperity, and that, in-
stead, it tends to the ruin of both farmer and manufac-
turer. Ido not hesitate to say that the period at which
many large undertakings were commenced, large returns
might have reasonably been expected ; and that the
effects of the Bank Charter produced much of that de-
pression and suffering to which, more than an actual
want of wealth, might be attributed the panic. The
want has bee n the want of some exchangeable medium
in which all parties could have confidence, and the
absence of which has caused the paralysation of trade
we have so recently witnessed—(Hear, hear)—a state of
things which has been, to a certain extent, remedied,
and which would be still further remedied if the Bank of
England, acting in co-operation with the Government,
would, on approved security, grant that temporary ac-
commodation which might be the means, as it were, of
oiling the wheels of commerce, and of preventing; so to
speak, its machinery ;rem standing still from the want
of some available medium of exchange.—(Hear, hear.)
My Lords, I will pass over without any particular com-
ment that passage of her Majesty's Speech in which it is
stated that " the abundant harvest with which this
country has been blessed has alleviated the evils which
always accompany a want of employment in the manu-
facturing districts," though I must confess I do not under-
stand the object of inserting that paragraph in the speech
from the Throne. Ido understand that every good har-
vest with which we are blessed is an increase of the
capital of the country, and that such increase of the capi-
tal of the country is naturally beneficial to its commercial
and manufacturing interests, a subject which the Go-
vernment will do well to bear in mind, inasmuch as there
is nothing that can compensate for that great deficiency
in the national capital which arises from any great di-
minution in the cereal produce of the country.—(Hear.)
My Lords, I turn now to the state of Ireland.—(Hear,
hear.) I believe, my Lords, that great exertions have
been made in Ireland to alleviate the sufferings of the
people, and to carry into effect, at great sacrifices, and
under great risks, the law which last year received the
sanction of Parliament for the relief of the poor in Ire-
land.—(Hear, hear.) The landed proprietors of Ireland
have, it is my belief, exerted themselves to the utmost of
their means—in many instances beyond their means—in
availing themselves of those tfacilities which had been
placed at their disposal by Parliament, and in endea-
vouring to mitigate the pressure upon the poor.—
(Hear, hear.) I do not wish [so we understood the
Noble Lord, whom we occasionally found it extremely
difficult to hear distinctly]—I do not wish to enter
upon the question as to how far it may be necessary
for the liberality of this country to extend itself to
Ireland. Burdens have been imposed upon the landlords
of Ireland, and those burdens, whether deserved or
undeserved, the landlords of Ireland must bear • but,
my Lords, you must not impose upon the landed' pro-
perty of Ireland that which the whole property of that
country is unable to bear. There are districts in Ire-
land, where if, at this moment, you were to take every
shilling of the rent—nay, even the fee simple of the
district itself—it would not be sufficient to maintain its
poor.—(Hear, hear.) And, my Lords, you must not
fail to remember, else, that there are places where those
very landlords on whom you so loudly call to maintain
the poor around them, to give work and employment to
the people, and even to borrow money to enable them to
effect these desirable objects, are themselves rendered
absolutely penniless by the prevalence of an organized
conspiracy to resist the payment of their rents.—(Hear,
hear, from all parts of the-douse.) My Lords, I am
not myself in a distressed—at least, comparatively—l
am not In a distressed part of Ireland ; and though I
believe I have as good a set of tenantry as most proprie•
tors in Ireland, and have been ready, when it has been
necessary to make abatement, the rents being generally
punctually and fairly paid, yet such was the expendi-
ture to which I was subjected by the state of Ireland,
that, during the last half year, I did not receive one
shilling from my property in that country.—(Hear.)
I am speaking now of a comparatively comfortable, and
of a well-disposed body of tenantry ; let me, then, ask
your Lordships what must be the state of those land-
lords whose sole resources consist of rent derived

from an impoverished tenantry ?—(Hear, hear)—.and
who are, nevertheless, called upon to perform all the
duties of property ?—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, it is a
sense of the duties that are demanded of them, and not

a feeling of self interest, that maintains such men at
thi it posts under circumstances such as these—(Cheers)
that maintains them at their posts though even at the

risk of their lives.—(Hear, bear.) When, then, my
Lords, I speak of the state of Ireland, I say that I am
justified in repeating that such a condition is worse than
a state of civil war.—(licar, hear.) Dreadful, as WI,
questionably it would be, to be enlisted in the ranks
against a nation of one's countrymen, still, such a contest
is an open struggle, and you meet your enemies—
though those enemies are your countrymen with
arms in your hands.—(Hear, hear.) But now the best
landlords—those who have expended both time, labour,
and wealth in certain parts of Ireland—those who have
sacrificed everythirg, and abandoned all the comforts of
civilised life, in order to do their duty by their tenantry
and dependents—these very men are now—nay, I could
name Members of this House who are in this position—
(Hear, hear)—prisoners in their own Louses—(Hear,
hear)—and driven to the necessity of fortifying their
houses and gardens—(Hear, hear)—with the knowledge
circulated through the whole surrounding country that
their-names are down upon a " black list," end that they
are mat ked out for assassination.—(Hear, hear.) And
yet, my Lords, they remain at their posts—they are not
deterred—(Cheers)—they still remain, and endeavour
to do their duty, whilst they enlist, I trust, the sympathy
of ycur Lordships mid of their country.—(Cheers.)
They see their neighbours cut of by the hand of the
assassin, and they wait till that slow but certain hand,
against which there is no protection, shall come upon
themselves when unguarded, unassisted, and unprotected,
or, if protected, protected by the daily presence and
espionage of the police—(Hear, hear)—and this, perhaps,
at, the very moment they are on their way to the board
of guardians, or engaged in some other duty connected
with the relief and assistance of their fellow-country-
men. One by one they fall victims to the assassin's blow
—a blow of which they have been publicly forewarned
—and this, tpo, in some cases, in the bosom of their
families, and, perhaps, as in a recent unhappy instance,
in the very arms of their wives, in the open day, and
with the full knowledge of the connivance of half the
county in which they live.—(Bear, hear.) Thus is it
that these mu are, to the disgrace of a civilised coun-
try, cut eff by the hand of th assassin; and this, my
Lords, is tt e state of things with which you have to
deal in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) This country (Eng-
land) has no doubt been disgraced by many and great
crimes; but here the sympathy of the whole countryi
ever in favour of the victim of assassination.—(Cheers.)
The whole country is awake to vindicate the law, and,
at all events, to bring the vengeance of the law to the
punishment of the perpetrators of such nefarious
actions. But one feeling prevails—a desire to vindicate
the law, and to secure the punishment and repression of
outrageous crime. But, my Lords, this is not the case
in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) There, throughout the
whole country—whether from timidity or some other
cause—no hand is raised to stay the assassin's blow—
(Hear, hear)—and, worse than that, after the blow is
struck, no voice is raised to denounce the assassin—
or, it' a voice be raised, it is at the peril of him
that shall dare to raise it —(hear, hear.) My Lords,
in Ireland it is safer to violate than to obey
the law.—(llear, hear.) But, my Lords, I now ap-
proach a far more painful and serious question than even
this. And here let me add that I hope I shall be for-
given for entering upon these painful details, forced
upon me as they are by the present lamentable circum-
stances of Ireland, and referred to, as those circumstances
are, in the Speech from the Throne, and particularly at a
period when I feel there is no subject that more impera-
tively demands the immediate attention of Parliament,
or a hich Parliament evould be more fully justified in
legislating upon.—(Hear, hear,) I speak, my Lords,
with all respect of the Roman Catholic clergy. I be-
lieve that it they are not all men of education, yet that
they are all pious and indefatigable in the discharge of
their religious duties, that they are devoted to their
flocks, and that they spare no pains, time, or trouble in
the performance of those duties the discharge of which
they believe to be incumbent upon them. But, my
Lords, whilst I say this, I must not conceal—it would
be a crime to do so—that however much the Roman Ca-
tholic clergy, as a body, are desirous of suppressing
offeneee, they do not, as a body, lend themselves to the
support of the law.—(Hear, hear.) I believe there is a
rivalry of authority, in regard to criminal offences in
Ireland, between the Roman Catholic clergy
and the law.—(Hear, hear.) I believe that the system
of confession to the elegy in Ireland, and the sacred.
ness in which that confession is held, is carried to a
degree that is dangerous to constitutional government
and to the peace of the country.—(Loud cheers.) The
secrets of the guilty man are confided to the Roman
Catholic clergy at confession. Now, I have heard many
denunciations of informers in Ireland, and informers in
Ireland are all men who are the means of bringing
offenders to justice in that country ; yet, though I have
heard these denunciations without end, I have never
heard of any recommendations having been either pub-
licly or privately given—either in pastoral letters, or in
private communications, or yet in the chapels of God—
of the duty of every member of the community not
only to abstain from crime himself, but also to de-
nounce to the authorities those he may know to have
been guilty of premeditated crime.—(Loud cheering.)
Among all the merits of the Roman Catholic clergy
—merits which I by no means deny—l do not find
that they recommend and c :force, as a solemn duty,
the denunciation of crime which they know to be pre-
meditated, and of those who may hale afterwards
perpetrated it.—(Hear, hear.) I must say that, in
the recent instances, accounts of which I have seen,
there have been addressed to a perhaps too excitable
peasantry such denunciations of individuals as could
hardly fail to stimulate the people to acts of violence—
(Hear)—and, in one recent and most melancholy case,
the assassination followed but two days after the priest
had asked, and from the altar, whether " such a man
deserved to live ?"—(Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Speech
holds out the expectation that some measures may be
asked for on the subject of crime in Ireland; and I will
say for myself; and I am sure I may say for my Noble
Friends near me, and in the name of England, of hu-
manity, and of civilisation, let those measures, what-
ever they may be, be effectual, and let them be prompt.
—(Cheers.) Do not let any fear of loss of support—
any apprehension of being taxed with inconsistency, or
being accused of acting in opposition to theories of con-
stitutional government—let not any such considerations
sway you against doing that which you may feel to
be your duty on this subject.—(Hear, hear.) Throw
yourselves upon the generosity of the country, and
the justice of Parliament, and believe that you will re-
ceive from us no unworthy or ungenerous taunts—no
hesitating or ambiguous support.—(Cheers.) You (the
Government) are responsible for the security of life and
property, and life and property are above all constitu-
tional theories; they are the foundation and basis of all
constitutional rights, and you are the Ministers that are
charged to maintain them.—(Hear.) Demand of the
Irish landlords what sacrifices you will—see that they
do their duty—compel them to do it, if you will; but, in
God's name, let them be protected, and their helpless
dependents.—(Loud cheers.) I well remember, my
Lords, that, many years ago, and in another place, I was
almost cried down for giving utterance to an opinion
which I entertain now as strongiy 'as I entertained
then, that " the law in Ireland must be feared before
it can be loved"—(Cheers)—it must be looked up to for
protection, and as a check to the designs and
ciirues of ill-disposed men.—(Cheers.) To you, then,
are the lives and properties of your fellow-countrymen
confided. I give the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland my
cordial meed of praise, and feel that he has done all that
he could do, and acted to the fullest extent that the law
allows him—that he has executed the law with vigour
and fidelity—(Hear, hear)—but the more fidelity and
vigour he has shown, the more manifest is the proof that
the present law is not sufficient—(Hear, hear)—that
further powers are required—(Hear, hear)—and it is
upon you, the Government, that the responsibility rests
of asking for those powers. And I will not believe, my
Lords, that this House or the other—that the represen-
tives of the people,whose prime object ought to be the pro-
tection of the people, the preservation of property from
destruction and life from assassination—l will not be-
lieve that either in this, or in the other House of Par-
liament, you will find any resistance against granting
you such further powers as, upon your own responsibi-
lity, you may come forward and prove to be necessary.
—(Loud cheers.) Lord Grey was as consistent a Whig
as any Noble Lord whom I see on the opposite side,
and he did not hesitate a moment to ask Parliament for
full and sufficient powers; and I trust, too, that you
will not fail to do the same, and that you will not
hesitate to ask for such measures as you feel to be
requisite to arrest this " reign of terror" in Ireland—
for such it is—(Hear)—and so to save the people of Ire-
land from a contingency I will not imagine possible to
arise.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, the subject on which
I have just been speaking is one of so great importance
that I hardly know how to refer to other and less impor-
tant topics of her Majesty's Speech. I confess that, on
the subject of our foreign relations, I thought that some
allusion would have been made to the war now carried
on in Mexico by the United States—(Hear, hear)—and,
with reference to interference in the internal affairs of
other countries, I advise her Majesty's Government to
interfere in such matters as little as possible. You did
interfere last year in the affairs of Portugal. I then
took occasion to remonstrate against that interference,
but that remonstrance was disregarded. You said that
the civil war in Portugal was at an end, and you un-
dertook to guarantee the performance of certain condi-
tions you then made with Portugal ; and I now as'
you if you have been able to fulfil those conditions ?
and whether the Sovereign of Portugal has implicitly
followed the advice of those by whom alone her throne
could he saved, or whether the result is not this, that
whereas you have undertaken the anomalous duty of
" Minister of the Interior" in Portugal, after a system
of intrigue, of violence, and corruption of the Cortes,
you now see the restoration to office, and that under
British influence, superintendence, and surveillance, of
that very Minister whose arbitrary conduct bad been the
cause of the late rebellion against the throne and Go-
vernment of Portugal ?—(Cheers.) I say nothing more
on this subject: if the Portuguese accept that Minister,
in God's name let him be Minister; but this I will say,
in respect of interference in the affairs of foreign coun-
tries, that I protest against this country undertaking
tasks that she cannot perform, and of which the results
must inevitably be such, as in the case I have referred
to they have been in Portugal. After a few words on
the subject of the civil war in Switzerland, which we
could not hear, the Noble Lord said—But, my Lords,
I hold the affairs in Switzerland to be of infinitely
less importance than that struggle between antago-
nistic principles now going on in Italy.--(Hear,
hear)es
—and at the head of which, on one side
enlightened sovereign, though one
religious matters—(Hear, and a laugh)—that
existence
revo-
lution in Italy, which nearly threatens the
most a arbitrary ary
of the balance of power in Europe. I know not what
is, that they are altogether
however, on the
the Government are doing on
bisstsatimbinecgt ;fraolml I
mhos).
dline• with it.—(Hear, hear.) I think,.
it might have been decorous
occasion of an extraordinary
taosseh
made
Psoamrl eiamree fnet:
there is no truth
rence to this matter; and I only hope
maybelineagado
in the report that a member_ef her Majesty's Govern-

men t and Cabinet (Lord Minto), now on a journey
of pleasure or business, has taken a part, either on
way or the oil': r, and I trust that he has not expressed
his own opinion, or said anything which can be cone
mind into the opinion of his Government in regard to
the independence of Italy. My Lords, it appears that
her Majesty has concluded with the Republic of the
Equator a treaty for the suppression of the slave trade
But, my Lords, I really was not aware that that Re-
public had any shipping or any port whatever.—
(Lsughter.) 1 doubt not, however, that the Noble Lord
in the other House of Parliament (Viscount Palmerston)
and that Noble Marquis in this, will lay this important
treaty on the table.—(A laugh.) This is not, at all
events, my Lords, what Parliament was called together
for. With respect to the suppression of the slave
trade, I do not say that the Acts which you have passed
for the importation of slave-grown sugar, and the en-
couragement you have thus given to the slave trade,
have not raised the price of slaves, and given a greater
stimulus to the traffic; and if I had to choose between
the restoration of the slave trade and the withdrawal of
all your squadron of cruisers from the coast of Africa on
the one hand, and on the other, the maintenance of your
eresent system of cruisers, and the encouragement you
have given to the importation of slave-grown sugar, I say
that the far more effective, and far more innocent of the
two, would be the withdrawal of your ships and the res-
toration of theslave trade.—(Hear, hear.) This brings me
to another topic, and a most important one, involving
one of the great causes of the distress alluded to in her
Majesty's Speech. That distress may have been aggra-
vated from imprudence on the part of certain persons,
and from undue speculation, but there is not one who
will get up and say that the last blow to the prosperity
of the great interests involved—the last blow which
brought down the great mercantile houses connected
with the colonial sugar trade—was that Act, not yet
wholly consummated, by which you placed upon 511
equality, with all other things different, your own
sugar-growing colonies with these countries which
appear as their rivals in the market, and whose pro-
duce is the result of sieve labour. (Cheers) I
read the other day, and I tell your Lordships I did so
with the greatest pain, the speech delivered by Sir
George Grey to the Legislative Chambers of Jamaica.
Speaking in the name of the Government whom he re-
presented, and speaking, too, I am persuaded, against
his own convictions, and with ruin staring in the face of
those who listened to him, he told the Chambers it
could not be expected that, when protection was with-
drawn from corn, it could be maintained for sugar.
Well, the next thing the West India interests say, and
they say it with some reason—l do not complain of it,
it is a link of the chain which has been forged in this
country—if, say they, we are to be protected by no ad-
vantage in the markets of England, if our produce is to
receive no favour, if no consideration is to be extended
to us for the difficulties and obstructions which have
been thrown in our way by the Imperial Legislatures
which do not exist in the way of our rivals, at all events
do not subject us to further difficulties and obstructions.
Let us send our produce in the cheapest ships, and at
the lowest rates. It has been said that because
protection was withdrawn from corn, therefore it ought
to be withdrawn from sugar. I entirely differ from this
view. It may be said, if protection is withdrawn from
one class—if, under the operation of free trade, the
sinidtetriaetdioenaareostt
nisattioonbaelpianrtaemreosutsnta,
principle of buying in the cheapest market and selling
so our
downward course, it be an object to reduce prices to the
nedashtionngouars—idief,all "a.
lowest pass, then protection ought to be withdrawn
from all other interests. I differ from such suicidal
policy in the ease of a country whose property is el
largely dependent upon its colonial possessions, and
a hose maritime commerce operates as a nursery for tt4
navy. If such policy is to be adopted, if we are to bow
before the levelling principle of free trade, then England
must submit to become an inferior and second-rate power
aongtnit to this, the nations of the world. If we are not prepara
to m
ule then, instead of extending the principle
which has proved so disastrous in its effects, let us pause
before it is too late; let us retrace our steps in the
dangerous path upon which we have entered. The,
deficiency of the means of meeting the expenditure en
the country, and the necessity of further expenditure
being provided for, owing to causes arising out of the
present state of things, has also been brought under the
notice of the House. (His Lordship here quoted thts
portion of the Speech which expressed her Majesty
hope that under the blessing of Providence prosper"
would soon be restored.) If it be desirable that industry
should again be prosperous, the course of policy caleir
lated to secure it must first be adopted. I have heard it
reported, but I trust that report will prove to be erre"
neous, that a desperate attempt will be made to egg"'
vete the pressure which at present exists in the country'
by increasing the amount of direct taxation. It IS
stated that the income-tax is to be increased. I hope
that such is not the intention of her Majesty's
G
meat, and that the attempt to impose any such additions!
burden at such a time as the present will be resisted. A
trust a sounder policy will be adopted to raise the
necessary revenue. I trust you will not think yourselv,e
wiser than all the rest of the world, and that if a deft-.
ciency in the means of meeting the exigencies of the
country has to be provided for—and God forbid that I
OTO111:
should be a party to advise the placing of any in3Pedi;
nsent in the way of this country meeting every demand
which may be made upon her for the maintenance of ber
credit, or any other legitimate purpose—the dangerone
principle of extending direct taxation will be avoided,
and that the sound, the sensible, the old, the universally
adoptedwi
revenuellbe
rbseyyssottrehtmeedloe of raising
legitimate
ntpegr preference. eec
reoennusscieod.fe_rda
nb(tlGei portioneraenapthe
nil imports
will of your
The Noble Lord concluded by stating that he did not
N
ish
wish on that occasion to adopt any course calculated 50
cnT;
disturb unanimity on the subject of the address to be
presented to her Majesty in reply to the address from
the Throne. He did not wish to disturb the unanimous
assurance that such measures as were submitted by beer
Majesty's Government should receive the dutiful and
respectful attention of the house. For himself he could
say that all measures which had for their object the
preservation of order and the restoration of prosperity
to the contr should reive as warm a support
him as though he had his s ceeat on the opposite side dale!
House. (His Lordship resumed his seat amidst loud and
long-continued cheering.) erotic.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, with reference
to the course which the Government had taken to avert
the evils consequent upon the monetary pressure, tits
Noble Lord seemed to think that a Bill of Indemnity
from
must, of necessity, be brought forward for the protectiott
of her Majesty's Ministers. But on what had he founded.
there
lation on the part of the Bank, and
neverthelesss Go-
his opinion? He had stated that there bad been a vie-
had been a violation on the part of her Majesty
rjo
ti
in fact.
rested on a word, which word had no foundationt
o order
vernment. The whole argument of the Noble rd
Her Majesty's Ministers claimed no authority
and direct the Bank, and the Bank took the._
the course had been taken in consequence of a
respon-
sibility upon itself. But the Noble Lord admitte.deathal
commercial distress, such as was without a parallel
say
(the Marquis of Lansdowne) was not prepared to
been
that, if the distress had not lasted—if it had only beet!
the cause of that inconvenience which must follow over'
speculation—that, in such a case, her Majesty's Ministers
would not have been justified in taking such a course,_e_
for lie need not tell them that the events of the last
_fry°
months had disclosed a state of insolvency for whichno_
Government could provide. The Noble Lord was.
quite right in his statement that the amount of gent of
the Bank had been reduced so low as the faun
~L,
1,300,0001. He could assure the Noble Lord that to'
was 1,600,0001.
lowest amount to which the reserve had been reduced
Lord ASHBURTON thought that it had been down
as low as 1,100,0001.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE believed the
went to be incorrect. Returning to the question of
the state'
Government's advice to the Bank, his Lordship gives
was a fact that from the instant that advice was glue':
the panic began to subside. A combination of cir?u
stances, which were never heard of before, had
the interests of the country in jeopardy, but had_ts=
removed by prompt and efficacious assistance. v_ri
regard to the distress in Ireland, his Lordship askeu,,..
the Noble Lord (Lord Stanley) knew that one of
objects of free trade in corn was to provide for the con:
tingency of a famine by encouraging the growth of e()111
in foreign countries? and as for the origin of that die'
tress, the Noble Lord must be aware that it was caused
by the destruction of the potato crop. This could only
be provided for by the increased importation of corn;
and he believed, under those circumstances, that no Per'
son could with justice support the continuance of pro-
hibitory law. His Lordship then referred to the obser'
'rations made by the Noble Lord who had preceded fetal_
upon the policy of Government interference in the affairs
of Portugal, believing that the Government bad taken
that course in order to prevent the military interference
of foreign powers, which would necessary lead tonge
calamity. His Lordship concluded by briefly, a,ett
to the subject of the treaty with the republic nien,
Equador for the suppression of the slave trade, wwe.
he conceived was only in accordance with the an"-
slavery principles which it was to the interest of evert
nation to adopt, and which should be equally
out in places of greater or less importance.
Lord ASHBURTON understood that one of the„
chief objects in calling Parliament together at t1f3.,1;',
period of the year was to pass a Bill of indensnitii
certain things which the Government had recommenueef
The Royal Speech stated that " the embarrassments
trade were at one period aggravated by so general.
feeling of distrust and alarm, that her Majesty, for t:13:
carrieu
purpose of restoring confidence, authorised her Bllelese
tars to recommend to the Bank of England a coursueru_s
proceeding suited to such an emergency. This c,?
might have led to an infringement of the love, i_.,d
however, appeared from the speech of his Noble Bill
that not only did the Government require no ,
• to ate"'
indemnity, but that it was not their intention et_
any way the Act of 1844—the Bank Charter set:
Now, if that Act had not been the cause of all thert";
tress which had existed, it had greatly aggve otherwise
and made that a serious calamity which
would have been attended with but little or no distre ,
—(Hear, hear.) It was well that the country shoal
—(Hear, that it was not the intention of the Gs° must
nsent to interfere at all with thatand lie the
say he hoped, if such intention was persevered in,
sense of Parliament would be taken on the subject,
other
cause he was sure that if one opinion more than 411
was general in the country, it was that of ascribing
ss.
•
the Bank Charter Act all the evils which the contleeie,
cial world had suffered.—(Hear, hear.) He did he
mean to apply any blame to Sir Robert Pee ae,
direct author of that Act, for it involved Prolog
which, when they came to be tested, the most sag7leear.)
might find they had been mistaken upon--aleartece of
It was a great experiment—a most complicated pi
machinery; but when that experiment had indeed,heelltr
and had most signally failed, it was blindness, that
nnot to see the result.—(Hear, hear.) He heliefh b the
ot former pressure bad been equal to that which e
country had experienced during the last four von

A

(sotild reckon nearly 100 commercial establishments
in London and Liverpool vahieh lied been affected by it.
They had been charged with overtradiug and imprudent
speculations. There certainly was one class whose
!peculatiena, although prudent at the time, had become
Imprudent from the acts of the Government—he meant
those persons aho had advanced their money on West
Indian property—(Hear, hear)—and who had by the
Present Government been deprived of labour at any
reasouable rate. He knew many instances in which
the agents had drawn on the proprietors at home,
If
the hills had not been taken up.—(Dear, hear.)
9 a man had a canital of 10,0001 or 20,000/. he might
legitimately be doing a business of three times that
amount by the aid of credit. All the manufactu!es, and
the whole trade of the country from one end cf it to the
(Oar, were carried on upon that plan—(Hear, hear)—
"d if they were to say that persons who acted on that
Principle were over-traders, and deserved no sympathy
or pity, they would destroy, as they had in fact already
destroyed, the great portion cf the commerce of this
country; for, as commerce must be carried on upon ca-
Pital and credit, the credit had been entirely withdrawn,
the rate of interest demanded amounting to a suspension
of credit altogether.—(.Hear, hear.) Wat had been the
experience of the country with reference to the Bank
Charter Act? At one period, he believed, the rate of
interest had been down as low as 3 or even 21 per cent., and
then all at once it had run up to a sum which had caused
a total exclusion of credit. If it was not the intention
of the Government to institute an inquiry into the
working of this Act—
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had not stated that
the Government did not wish such an inquiry.
Lord ASHBURTON maintained that if the Govern-
ment, did not intend to alter that Act they had called
rarliament together to encounter a greater amount of
"Popularity than any Ministry had ever yet had to
contend with. He considered it most unwise to force
the Bank to exact an interest of 8 per cent. If a high
rate of interest, amounting to 8 or 10 per cent. were
required, it a ould absorb all the profits of trade, and
destroy their manufacturing and commercial prosperity,
for manufactures and commerce would go to those coun-
tries where capital was cheaper. The Government re-
quired the Batik o get a minimum interest of 8 per cent.hn
when money could be got elsewhere at 5 per cent. 'I,
Noble Lord opposite praised, and very properly, the
Government fur issuing the order they did, but if they
had done so sooner a great deal of mischief and ruin
would have been avoided. That was proved from the
general confidence which ensued upon the relaxation of
the restriction. He apprehended that the corn-laws
had a great deal to do with the distress. There was
of course a necessity for importing corn to a large
lir"oot, and the balance of trade turned against
them, but nut to any serious extent. The whole
amount of bullion sent to America did not exceed
4,000,0001. or 5,000,000/., but the exchanges with the
eontinent were in their favour. What great matter was
illit that this amount was sent out of the country while
e
Bank had 15,000,0001. or 16,000,000/. in its coffers.
i
lie believed that, were it not for the Bank Restriction
"et, they would have gone on without any panic what-
soever. &me Noble Lords were constantly in the
baabit of r rookie ing the word free trade, and using it as
(LPa"-word fur everything vicious in legislation.—
aughter.) Thee also talked of the benefits of cheap-
lie". Bat if they made things cheap by legislation, and
the same time diminished the means of those who
bore to purcha.se these cheap articles, he did not see the
l?efit of it.—( f tear.)
BPOUC HAM could not blame the Government
a" or • *
, call( d Parliament together at this very early
spmost inconvenient period, seeing that they had
aced themselves in a position which made it possible,
a
"o probabie, that a Bill of indemnity might be ne-
ecu-rasarY• tho Government thought it right to apply
---nal'ich a Pill they would find no difficulty in getting it.
tl,„v:4,Par.) It was his own clear and deliberate opinion,
to the earlier part of autumn sufficient pressure
aitrted to require the interposition of the Government.
tri„ he saw the effects produced on the whole com-
itare of the country by the acts of the Bank itself, by
dentewering the rate of interest first, and afterwards sud-
rt7 raising it, when itought not to be so suddenly
%led , and then ultimately raising it so high as to
di:lnt to a refusal, and. at last also lately refusing to
es"ota and this at.a time when the pressure on the
aolakmerce of the country became insupportable, that he
alitl,ted Whether the existence of this great body, with
tholtyowers and its almost unbounded influence over
Ncommercial concerns of this empire, was not
o Y Purchased by this irregular and unsteady action.
Wre:tto more deeply felt than he how much of the
"carolled state of Ireland was owing to the impolicy of
much gone by; no man more readily confessed how
empire-ts due to that country from this and from the
beo.,et large; but, above all, one thing was clear and
repay"-nu doubt, that before any attempt could be made to
to 1,0 What they owed in what was called " justice," or
direet,ra• ec their steps—if steps had been taken in a wrong
ter,Thfilen—in her favour; before anything could be at-
thitr'ed, or thought of, or named in debate, the one
moat, needful was, that the preseet state of that country
that the force of the law, be 'altered. It was said
•
State , only in four or five counties that this
tiaoe ot things existed; but, if allowed to con-
eeant'. It would not long be confiaed to those
hPhiti,,,e3*--(klear, bear.) For what was the language
beeoi Y those wicked men, and by their still more wicked,
lay ore less less ignorant, leaders—(Hear, hear)—whether
tetilila4trfs,tarerocral, but they could not hops to put an end to
things till the law between landlord and
th, jot, was settled, and some compensation was made to
So r "t". What they wanted was, that there should be
tenant t, and that the relation between landlord and
ahould Lshould cease altogether, or else that the tenant
eeoome the landlord, and the landlord the tenant.
Woulers2 And, therefore, even it he saw a law which
ties is just the different relations between both par-
fettedhthe Most fair and equitable manner—as he con-
Yet he he Was not able to see his way to any such law—
train., should say the present is not the time for it. It
haeti 't he thought of or dreamt of until the law has
have bee fed, and murder and instigation to murder
Position Put down. Ireland stood at that hour in a
tleithb of shameful and hateful eminence. It was the
kid °l'r of the most civilized nations of the world,
la.o3'uat
itshiere was no country, including the most bar.
wsn where
savage, in which life was not more secure.
till tb-441 wait to express his opinions more fully
1144 is measures which her Majesty's Governmen
From contemplation were before the House.
'ear 0 Ile quarter of the House need they
pottePosition to any measures framed with a view of
exittj !n end to the frightful state of things which
the op i 0
Ireland. Let Rot Noble Lords opposite fear
to Ileeta°B!;tb'n of this or that knot of Members, or seek
oh laroaltarse their enmity. Let them throw themselves
their
Inv uence and the country ; let them depend on
receive "sure., and ho would answer for it they would
Whey w general support from both sides of the House.
ith,ut ld have the satisfaction of doing their duty
There -.Lug their authority or their tenure of office.
,7saa Part of the subject which it was almost
alltioeiJuncult to abstain from touching upon as to
altar hle-he meant denunciations of persons from the
some lb: SP of the people. He believed that
aCCo"44cae had already committed illegal acts, if the
riggt its of their ineite nts were not very much ex-
rettoritt,t,_'d ; but if the lawffie was not found sufficient to
state
°Tem, or if the execution of the law in the peculiar
tiori3 2:Society in these districts where these denuncia-
reua_"(ll• 11urders took place should be found to be sur-
a,,,lat.: with insurmountable difficulties, then let the
he made' which the Government was about to ask for,
sad
„so stringent as to reach them without doubt ;
alop'e,e "s sure there was no real friend of Ireland but
justi"ceo. sire to see her greatest criminals brought to
The
laod tad of RODEN had recently returned from Ire-
ef u; and wished to say a few words relative to the state
tordet,er
_ountry. Great as was the speech of the Noble
dew) kJ...ord Stanley), true as were its details, no
of
the
came up to the reality of the present state
„, rcount(Hear, hear.) It was not his lot
ho;',,Le,•!▪ n the districts in which these outrages occurred,
wh.,ue !clad near relatives and valued friends there, for
itip,"' fate he felt the deepest anxiety. In Limerick,
roLPaery, and Roscommon it was notorious that gentle-
% ouch
re placed enlists of victims to be murdered
eierree
The
as to the murderer might be conve-
-1410 rhe names of parties thus marked were well
1,41.W0• . To some of them it had been suggested to
re le the country, but he would give the House the
made by a Noble Lord, who was well known to
hhem, to a suggestion of that description. " I am placed,"
said, 4. in a high and important station here, and
Whether life or death be my portion, here I shall re-
tain."—(Cheers.) It was an appalling circumstance
to bear in mind in what this horrible state of things
ofginated It originated in a wicked press, which, day
4 .
er day, promulgated the- most sweeping calumnies,
I,?t against individuals, but against a vi hole class, hold-
,,ug them up, as had been done elsewhere, this year, as
(4..! only to be swept from the face of the earth."--
tc4r, hear.) Nor was it only by the press they were
st:ta branded. At public meetings similar calumnious
ate eille en" were made, and the consequences were such
lioltiel4s us they now almost daily, nay, hourly, heard of.
hen ?fled the Government would show themselves in ear-
distoin giving protection to life and property in those
he „"!• What measures they ought to, or would adopt,
that °111,3 not pretend to say ; he supposed, however,
linth(),lle of the first steps would be to disarm the people.
Peps, ;"giscould be more preposterous than to see labou-
Qehl "alVened at present in Ireland, come into the
eve: t,43 work with arms of all sorts, pistols, muskets, and
howevuluoderbusses, in their hands. An Arms Bill,
hot a er, would not be enough. They wanted a remedy
Op"iilinst an open, but also against a secret foe. An
betbet thee theY might meet, an open foe they might fight,
had to meet in Ireland a shot from a foe hicVen
th n a wall----(flear, hear.) They must deal with
this • "Pie, too, not as they would deal with them in
Wheo"litrY• In Ireland joy was openly expressed
rajo._4..murder was committed; the country was illu-
publice,ai bonfires, blazing from hill to hill, signified the
prebabiNoicing. and yet the man who had fallen was
Isar% • 7 " tyrant, hut a humane and liberal-minded
Th,,,)41. The Government, then, must be in earnest.
ittv
lonookt mind the opinione, of this or that man;
was,,eroo. Atraightforward, and do what was right
however Whatever their measures might be, there
ZokOir, that theyone subject of great congratulation,
would be carried out by one of the
St
PoB3ible Lord 2orldelti Lieutenants of Ireland. Lord Clo-
th,. shortetiindpneetuh peculiarly fitted for his purpose. During
man
attachment of all been in Ireland he had secured
wuuld rejoice classes, and every right•thinking
that it was by him that any e.
Carried leeasurts fur restoring tranquillity would be
1,7" I out
„ Art ar.,,e,
"'led I -`4"ILLIAM complained of the laaeuage
110 Last session with regard to the laddlords of Ir'eland.
c..iesnould be glad to known if Government had made any
ulatio„
to
e
etumber of persons for whose sus-
us to
ittutiattnee it wouldr. necessary to import food from Ire•
all hdttl'io the
year. It seemed to him, from
e could learn, that there would be at least two