The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 6. 1841.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS oF YESTERDAY.
From the Globe.)
By the a•r:val of tie North America, we are furnished
with intelligence from the United States three days
later than was brought by the Halifax. The general
tendet.cy of the contents of the letters and papers
(the substance of which will be Hurd in another co-
wain) confirms the impres!i in already produced, that
lease bctwt en the two countries will sustain no interrup-

Lion by the more recent affair of the Caroline, or by the
dispu as which had arisen upon the Boundary question.
The financial difficulies of the union occupy the
special atteati in ot the new Administration, The Pre-
sident his, in 'consequence, ?lisped a proclamation, esti-
vening the Congress for an extra ardinary Session, to
take i,,to its spec:al consideration "sundry important and
weightymatters ptiticipaygrowing out - f the conditmnofthe
revenue and finances of the country." The cause of this ex-
tra session of the Congress is, doubtless, thus ex-
plicitly state.% in crier to preveat any misconstruc-
tion of the proceeding, as th ugh there were anythng
in the position of the Government with respect to
the negotiations with this country, which ren-
dered necessary an appeal to the assembled repre-
sentatives. Si l compelled to wait—though with inereas-
ing cmfidence in a sat:sfaotary result —f n• the intelligence
which will remove any latent fears of war Letween the.
two countries, we may. avail ourselves of the interval
for the purpose of glancing at the opposite views v hich
have been taken ot General Harrison's icaugural address,
and also of the more gmeral question arising out of the
treatment and detention of Mr. APLece, by :patties in this
country. Those wee regard the United States only when
their GoSernment affects war home politics or trade, will
be little ins 1 net to peruse with ca e the inaugural speech
of the new President. Yet to all who refit ct sithout preju-
eltee or violent party feeling on the posi.i )II occupied by the
United States, and the inflaence they exert on the general
destinies of the human race, this document—considered as
a critique on the American Constitution by the,man who :s
called on to fill its highest office—will be read with deep
interest. We consider General Harrison's address a tem-
perate and manly document, allowing for the unavoidable
fl ittery of his audience, comprising the representatives of
the ruling Majority. It is rare for Englishmen to Isaok
with candour and moderation on the Government of the
United States; it would rather seem to furnish distorted
parallels to our extreme parties—the one see isg, in this
tension of democracy. a regime applicable to ourselves;
the eth.-r a beacon of revolution, by whose warning light.
our State vessel should be guided into the• harbour of
passive Toryism.
(From the Standard.)
Whoever has paid attention to the late proceedings
of thet House of Commons must see that it i 3 now
far the first time that that assembly is approaching
to a condition of intelligence to legislate for the
poor. The new law has furnished that instruction
which an experiment always fureishe2, and the in-
struction has been forced upon the House, however
reluctant, by the benevolent importunity of the public.
Already the harsher provisions of the law are ei h2r ex-
plained away or formally condemned ; and the process of
amsltoration in this respect must proceed, if the
country persevere is its humane exertions, L f
vell'eh we have no doubt. Already the Comrni-i-
-sioners have had some sharp rebukes to hata-
ble their arrogance and mitigate their tyranny. Al-
ready their hours are counted, and they hue been
apprised that even the respite with vilacla they are
indulged is to be dependent upon a cunsiderab!e
amendment in their conduct. With the termination
of the Commission, however, will expire that principle of
centralisation, and the principle of central control once ex-
tinguished, it demands little foresight to anticipate with per-
t; et. certainty that the management of the poor will return to
its old kindly charnel. The unions wall he dissolved inevery
case in which they shall not be found beneficial to
the poor—the vi'e clauses, exposing weak young women
to the arts of seducers encouraged by a Ltgal
irresponsibility, will be repealed. We have already
aid that the cruelties of detail will cease when we have
,aid that the management of the poor will return
to the old channel. What, then, of the law may
be expected to remain ? the provisions against
expensive lit gation—the provisions against paying wages
from the poor•rates, and, as a consequence of this, a more
equitable scale of rating—a beneficial remnant beyond
question. The experiment has been tried , let us take
from it all the profit it affords; we have just mentioned a
part of this profit, but a far greater good remains—
the moral lesson The old Poor-laws were unpopular
with many besides the prating coxcombs who made a cha-
racter by railing at them in speeches, pamphlets, and re.
views. The new Pool-law has demonstrated that this un-
popularity was unjust, that if the old law was not fault-
less, it stood in the way of another law, which has been
liLtle better than a mass of blunders and cruelties.
(From the Courier.)

The present pause in the question of the Scotch Kirk
is the prelude to events that will no doubt prove critical.
The Non-intrusionists are takii.g advantage of it to in-
struct his Grace of Argyll to play the part assigned to
him in the drama ; and under the drilling of a certain
learned Sheriff and a certsin Advocate of pamphleteering
notoriety now in town, the Noble Duke is expec ed to
be perlect in his lesson by the time Parliament meets
after the Easter recess. What is then to be brought
forth time will show ; at present we only know nega-
tively that " the abolition of patronage " is not the
" mouse " with which the " mountain " is in labour.
Scotland has been agitated from Berwick to John
O'Groat'a by Mr. Mecg 11 Chrichton, "el hoc genus,"
itinerant crazy.hrained orator', to obtain the expulsion of
this cursed " Achan " from the camp ; but the cun-
ning and canny leaders are quite ready to perpe-
tuate the " sin," if on. no other cmdi,inn they can
avert the calamity that now stares them in tke lie:, the
renunciation of their stipends, glebes, and manses. The
intended Bill 9f the Duke of Argyll is ex[ectcd to accom-
plish the objcc'. In the me intime the Strath-
bogie ministers, awara of what awaits them at the next
Assembly, coma of patronage what may, and knowing we'll
that his GI ace of Argyll will not be permitted to introduce
any clause for their salvation, are beginning to look about
for a plank in the storm ; and thus they are again turning
their eyes to Parliament and to her Maje_te. We verily
believe that it is in the lacer harbour that they will
ultimately find refuge. They cannot be legally deposed
by the Assembly, should the Sovereign refuse to counte-
nance the dced, through her representative in that vene:-
able body ; and they will appeal to the Throne that
they and their families may not be cast upon the wide
world houseless and pennyles', for no other crime than
obeying her Majesty's laws, and payieg due respect to the
decrees of her Majesty's Judges. This is literally the
offence with which they stand cuarged, and which has been
found relevant to infer the penalties and deprivation of
their offices as ministers of the Established Church of Scot-
land.

THE PRESIDENT STEAM-SHIP.

The non-arrival of this vessel, which left New Yerk or
the 11th ult., with twenty-five passengers and some freigl:t,
begins to cxc to serious apprehensions for her fate.
These apprehensions arise from the fasts that not
less than three sailing vessels, which b.ft that city
after her, have arrived, and that two of them encoun-
tered severe starms. The fist vessel was the Orpheus,
Capt. Cole, which sailed on the 11! h, two hours after
the. President, and whim encountend, on the 12th
and 13th, a storm from the north-east during which
she was hove-to. On the 14th the itarm abated, and
the wind chopped round to the southward. The royal
mail steams- Columbia, which had artived at EI ilifax, en-
countered the same storm, and lost foresail, jibboom, and
one of her quarter boats. Now there cannot be a
doubt, that the President was caught in the same
norm, although, from her steam-power she would be much
nearer the banks of Newfoundland than the Orpheus.
She was very deep, drawing, when she left New York, not
*cgs than 18 feet. Supposing that she was not, during the
storm, damaged either in her bull, rigging, or machinery,
at least not seriously ; if she put back to New York,
she would, we think, reach that port before the evening of
the 19th ult., hut we know that she had not reached it up
to that time ; if, her feel being exhausted, she were working
her way to the eastward, under canvass, she ought, seeing the
quick passages made by the Virginian and the North A merica,
to have made her appearance off the coa:A long before now :
'ait, if she had to run to the southward, and had made fir
the Western Isles, for the purpose of replenishing her coal,
she is nut yet due ; the Liverpool, steam ship, when an
the winter of 1539 compelled to run to the same
islands, to replenish her coal, having been 27 days on
the passage from New York to Liverpool, via Fatal.
The prevalent opinion is, that the Presiceat must have
run to the Western Isles, and that she may to expected
to arrive in a few days. Indeed, there was yesterday a
rumour afloat that the Lynx, which had arrived, in the
morning, in seven data from St. Michael's, had seen the
steamer making for Fayal ; but subsequent inquiry satis-
fied us that the rumour was an idle one.—Liverpool Albion.

conceit, who allows himself to be put forward, who really
fc his po,iian. _ .

In the meantime, we call attention the fact, that a
princ'pal leader ( Nightengale) of that incorruptibly pure
body; gave his patriotic ail to the attempt to put another
r vet in the " statviton kw," by means of the Walsall
election, for hire

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 5.

Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
A messenger from the House of Commons brought
up the Houghing of Cattle (Ireland) Bill, the Durham
Railway Bill, and the Manchester and Salford Water-
works Bill.

The Archbishop of CANTERBURY brought in a
Bill to amend the Ecclesiastical Revenues Bill, which
was read a first time.

On the motion of the Marquis of NORMANBY
,he Commons' amendments to the Houghing of Cattle
Ireland) Bill were agreed to, and the Bill was read a
,hird time.

The Earl of ROSEBERY presented a petition
from Honiton in favour of the Jews' Declaration 8.11.
Lord STRAFFORD presented petitions from
Donegal and other places in Ireland against Church
patronage in Scotland.
The Marquis of BREADALBANE presented
112 petitions from likes in Scotland for the
abolition of lay patronage in the Church of Scotland.
As a Presbyterian, he felt it his duty, in presenting
those petitions, to express his entire concurrence in the
prayer. He contended that the present state of the
law was not only unsatisfactory to the people of Scot-
land, but inconsistent with the fundamental principles
of their Church, which required that no minister should
be- appointed to a parish contrary to the wishes of the
people. The Bill of his Noble Friend (the Earl of
Aberdeen), who was too good a Presbyterian to propose
any thing which he did not think advantageous to
the Church—had been far from allaying the discon•
tentment of the people upon this question. Its effects
would be to place the Church under the chariot wheels
of the civil power. The Noble Marquis referred to the
opinions of Lords Monboddo and Kaimes, in order to
show that, in spiritual matters, the Church was all-
powerful. He entreated the House to take the subject
into its most serious consideration, bearing in mind that
the Non-intrusion principle was the fundamental prin-
ciple of the Church of Scotland. The people of Scot-
land took the liveliest interest in the preseat ques-
tion, and greatly as they valued the privileges conferred
by the Reform Bill, they valued their spiritual
privileges st,ll more highly, than any political rights that
had been conferred upon them.
The Earl of ABERDEEN wished to know whether
the petitioners were in favour of non-intrusion, or the
abolition of patronage ; and also whether he sup-
ported the abolition of Church patronage or not?
The Marquis of BREADALBANE said the people
of Scotland were deeply interested in the question, but
they, he had reason to believe, would be satisfied with
a much less stringent measure than the abolition of
Church patronage. With respect to his own opinions
he was in favour of a veto, with such modifications as
would prevent intrusion.
The petitions were then laid on the table.
The Population Bill was read a third time and passed.
The Chelsea Poor Bill was read a second time.

The Earl of MOU NTCASHEL presented several
petitions from Presbyterian bodies in Ireland against
Church Intrusion in Scotland.
The NOBLE EARL then moved for a return of
the number of workhouses contracted for by the Poor-
law Commissioners in Ireland, the unions in which they
were to be erected, the sum which it would cost for the
completion of each contract, the quantity of land
attached to each, and the number of paupers which
each would accommodate.--Ordered.

The Earl of FALMOUTH gave notice that early
after the holidays he would present a petition from
from inhabitants of Cornwall respecting the removal of
the packets from Falmouth to Dartmouth.
Lord FITZGERALD presented a petition from
Westminster for the abation of tolls on the metropo-
litan bridges.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE laid on the table
returns relating to the population and commerce of
Great Britain, its colonies, and dependencies.
The NOBLE MARQUIS gave notice, that after Easter
he would, move that the state of the law respectmg
promissory notes should be referred to a Select Com-
mittee=(Hear, hear.)

STATE OF CRIME IN IRELAND.

The Earl of CHARLEVILLE rose to move for
a copy of the criminal calendar, at the Lent Assizes,
1841, in the King's County, and a copy of the rule of
the Court thereon. He felt great reluctance in making
this motion, but his duty to the loyal part of
the population of Ireland required him to call the atten-
tion of the House to this subject, and to take this occa•
sion of pointing to the consequences of the course which
the Government had of late pursued in Ireland, in not
exercising the prerogative of the Crown in setting aside
improper persons upon the list of Jurors. In the King's
County crime had greatly increased of late years.
Several murders had been committed, and many
attempts at murder in the open air, and in the pre-
sence of many of the people, who refused to give any
assistance to prevent the crime, or to arrest the perpe-
trators, and the large rewards that had been offered
in the unfortunate cases of Lord Norbury and
Mr. Frazer had failed to obtain any information as
to the offenders. The Noble Earl read extracts
from :correspondence between the Magistrates of that
county and the Executive on the subject of these
murders, and the extraordinary sympathy with the mur-
derers evinced by the people. In the case of Colgan and
Dogherty, who were tried for attempting to murder Mr.
Biddulph, the sheriff gav ein a panel of fifty names. Eleven
of the persons on the list were absent, twenty-seven were
challenged by the prisoners, and the remaining twelve
were sworn as a jury. He must here admit that up
to this time the Executive had done everything to
assist the Magistrates, and deserved their thanks. But
if ever there was a time when the Government ought
to have taken the greatest precautions to prevent im-
proper persons being put upon the jury, the period he
alluded to was that time. No doubt the Noble Marquis
(Normanby) would call this an agrarian outrage— s he
termed every other atrocious outrage ; but the Noble
Marquis could not plead ignorance oil' the character of
the persons who were placed upon that Jury. The
names of the persons most known in the county as con-
nected wieh the Ribbon Society had bcea privately corn-
Inueicated to the Government before the trial, and not-
withstanding that knowleege, three of those persons, who
might have been challenged and set aside by the Crown,
were allowed to be sworn on the Jury.—( Hear, hear.)
The consequence way, that notwithstanding the Evidence,
the Jury could not agree to a verdict, and the prisoners
were discharged. So in the case of the murder of Mr.
Bo3le, eleven of the Jury were agreed upon the verdict of
guilty, but the twelfth man stood out, having been known
to declare before he went into the box that no evidence
would induce hi n to find Collins guilty. The Jury was
discharged, and the prisoner escaped from punishment.
On th's occasion also the Government might have exer-
cised the privilege, and prevented so improper a person
from being sworn. There were several other cases of a
similar nature, in which jus ice had been defeated by the
determination of the Government to abstain from chal-
lenging on the part of the Crown. By this conduct
they diseeuraged gentlemen from risking their lives
for the purpose of bringing assassins to justice. The
Noble Earl then read extracts from a placard, posted on
the walla of a chapel, and bearing the signatures of eight
of the jurors who sat upon the trial of Colgan and Do-
herty, repudiating, in ve.ry strong language, th•u impute-
tioes that had been cast on them for not finding those per-
sons guilty. He called on the House to observe the accu-
sations which these persons insinuated against the Solici-
tor-General and their brother jurors of thirsting for the
blood of Irishmen. What he had to complain of was, that
the Executive did not supprrt the Magistrates in their
exertions to vindicate the laws. He concluded by moving
for the returns.
The Marquis of NORMA NB Y said that there were
generally two grounds taken for refusing the production of
papers ; first, that such production might be detrimental to
the public service ; and, secondly, that it was not in the
province of the House to investigate the subject. He
should not resist the motion on either of these grounds, if
the Noble Lord should press it; but he wished the Noble
Lord had given the subject more consideration be-
fore bringing forward the motion. Their Lot dships
should recollect that, by this motion, they were
called upon to prejudge criminal cases which would
be tried at the next assizes. The Noble Lord had omitted
to state that when the Jury was empanelled the list was
read over name by name to Mr. Biddulph himself, who
bad stated that a more fair Jury could not be empanelled.
Much of the Noble Lord's information was derived from
sources on which he could not place reliance. There were
123 names called oven-, and Mr. Biddulph stated that if
50 of those were struck out there would be a sufficient
number left to form an independent Jury. Mr. Biddulph
only objected to one, and the only reason he could give
for his objection was, that be did not like the man. He
(Lord N.) was sure that no man would do his duty
more impartially than Mr. Moore, and among the
most pleasing recollections of his Government of Ireland
was the fact, that Mr. Moore had said that he
was convinced that the then mode of conducting the
government of Ireland was a proper one, and that
notwithstanding his previous connections he should give
the Government his support. In the Noble Lord's letter
to Lord Ebrington it was stated that among that Jury was
a person who was master in a Ribbon Society—that was
also stated in a Dublin paper, and the name of the Juror
was then stated to be Egan. Now there was no person of
hit name on the Jury. The Crown Solicitor stated that
never had a Jury been formed more in accordance with the
directions of the Attorney-General, or more approved of
by the prosecutor himself. Mr. Biddulph stated his
opinion that it was a very fair Jury. It would bay
been useful if the Noble Lord had followed the example of
the Crown Solicitor, and abstainesi from giving any opinion
as to the guilt of the prisoners. With regard to the case
of the murder of Hughes at Armagh, and the trial of Mr.
Gray at Baltiby, he had information from the! Crown
solicitor that the same course was pursued at Ar-
magh as had been pursued at Monaghan, There
were five persons from Baltiby, and who had been pat
aside by the Crown Solicitor, because they had been ob-
jected to by Mr. Gray on a previous occasion. Mr.
Samuel Gray was rather a well-known character to th-i •
Lordships. There were four other Jurors set aside be•
cause they were known boon companions of Mr. Gray.
In the Noble Lord's last letter to Lord Ebtington he
designated the trial as a solemn mockery cf justice. Now
he must say he thought the Noble Earl was not justified
in making use of such an expression. The charge brought
by the Noble Earl was that the Jury, who had not re-
turned a verdict, bad defeated the ends of justice. Now
he thought it but justice to state, that the Jury was ap-
proved of by the prosecutor, and it was admitted that
the evidence brought before them justified a affluence of

opinion. There was a further passage of the letter, in
which the Noble Earl said, that in authorizing the
prosecution of those attacking Mr. Bilduiph, the
conduct of Lord Ebrington contrasted most favour-
ably with that of himself (the Marquis of N rrmanby)
in the case of the murjer of Lord Norbury. Now he
should have recollected the exertions he had made at that
time, and the answer he had g'ven to the Noble Earl in
that House. The Noble Eel' had had a Committee of
that House sitting for three months to investigate the state
of crime in Ireland. He bad had an opportunity of fully
investigating the subject, and only once incidentally had
that case been alluded to before the Committee. Now
after that the Noble Earl was not justified in making such
insinuations against him, when, having bad-every opportu-
nity of bringing forward his case, be bad not thought pro-
'per to do so. The Noble Earl on that occasion had relied
on the information of a person whose testimony was not
worthy of credit, and who had deceived the Noble Lord,
as the Noble Earl himself had since discovered.
The Noble Earl had alluded to a case at Longford, in
which Mr. Fox, the sheriff, had sel:cted a Jury of " strong
men." Why, the meaning of strong men was, that they
were strong party men, and their Lordships would not be
surprised to learn that they had come to a different con-
clusion from a previous Jury. He admitted that the prin-
ciple of setting persons aside by the Crown on account of
their religious opinions, originated during his (the Mar-
quis of Normanby's) administration. That had been dote
with the approval of Sir Michael O'Loghlin, the then
Attorney_ General ; and he contended that it was the
sound and proper principle upon which Juries ought to be
selected. When the law no longer made any distinction
between Catholics and Protestants, he did not think it
judicious to keep up these distinctions in the Jury box.
He regretted that so much intemperance of language had
been used towards the members of that religion and their
pastors, by persons whose rank and station ought to have
taught therm better. When it was said that the Catholics
of Leland were worse than Turks or Hindoos, he was not
surprised that there should be dissension and excitement
still kept up. He believed the people of Ireland were
easily led by kindness and concilivion, but they would
not be coerced or dragged by the chains of despotism or.
tyranny. He trusted their Lordships would not sanction
the produc ion of those papers under the present circum-
stances, and while these men were still untried; and he
hoped the Noble Earl would sea the propriety of.with-
drawing his motion. Their Lordships would be gratified
to learn, notwithstanding the statements of the Noble Earl,
that crimes of a serious nature were considerably reduced
in number, and that the tranquillity of the country was
much increased.

The Earl of GLENGALL was rc aiy to admit that,
owing to the efficiency of the pdice, there hid been some
diminution of crime. He regretted to say, however, that
crime was not punished to the exter,t it ought to be, so as
to operate as a warning to others. There was the greatest
difficulty in procuring .witnesses to give evidence or Juries
to find verdicts, and out of 1,446 rewards of-
fered by the Government and the police for se-
rious offences since 1827, only forty-seven had
been claimed, showing a very large amount of crime still
unpunished and undiscovered. If the system was adopted
of s:nding the Crown solicitor down to the assizes two or
three weeks befire they commenced, it would prevent im-
proper persons getting upon the Jury, which frequently
arose from the local ignorance of the Crown solicitor and
the parties acting on behalf of the prosecution.
The Marquis of NORM ANBY begged, in addition, to
read the letter which the Lord Lieutenant addressed t.)
the Noble Earl on the subject of the tri si of the men for
the attempted murder of Mr. Biddulph. The letter
stated that the inquiries the Lord Lieutenant had made
from the Crown solicitor and other parties, bad enabled
him to ascertain that the Jury in that case bad been fairly
and impartially selected,—that the prosecutor had expressed
his satisfaction as to the persons of whom it was composed
—and that ho did not think there was any reason to sup-
pose that any person connected with the ribbon system
had been upon the Jury.

The Earl of CHA RI EVILL E replied. With regard
to the correspondence that bad taken place between him-
self and the Lord Lieutenant he had certainly looked upon
it as, in some respects, private and confidential, and had
not felt himself justified in referring to it. The Noble
Marquis had complained that the Earl of Rosse and himself
had been in the habit of referring, in very improper terms,
to the conduct of the Roman Cathol c clergy, but be cer-
tainly denied that he had ever so expressed himself of that
body. With respect to the case of Mr. Biddulph, after
the communications he had made to theGovernmee the was
surprised to sec the names of persons returned whom he
had represeeted, from his knowledge of the county, to be
unfit. In consequence of the Noble Marquis having de-
clared that he had cautioned his Noble Friend ( Lord
Ebrington) to look watchfully to his ( Lord Charleville's)
conduct in the county, he made up his mind that he
would not interfere in any case in which he
could not be certain that he would have the
support of the Government in the execution of his
duty as a person bearing her Majesty's Commission cf the
Peace. But, notwithstanding that determination, he did
everything in his power to assist the Government in dis-
covering the persons concerned in the attempt to murder
Mr. Biddulph. The conduct of which he complained was
the improper, unjust, and unconstitutional interference to
which he was subjected, when, in conjunction with other
Magistrates, he committed a man to prison upon a charge
of robbery and attempt to murder. The officers sent
down by the Government liberated the man, without bea--
ing the evidence upon which he had been committed.
That conduct gave rise to a feeling that the Government
were nut disposed to support the Magistrates in the pro-
tection of property and the punishment of crime. The
communications made by him to the Irish Government
were of a confidential nature, and be had not expected
that use to be made of them which it had pleased the N.,ble
Ma•quis to make ; and he thought that the Noble Marquis
bad :received communications from Catholic gentlemen
which might have prevented him (the Marquis of Norman-
by) from holding him up as a firebrand in his own cnanty.
He lived in peace and kindness with the people on his own
property, and he defied the Noble Marquis to state a single
instance in which he had behaved unkindly to a single in-
dividual, because that individual wan a Roman Catholic.
He thought it right to vindicate his Noble Friend the Earl
of Rosse from the attacks of the Noble Marquis. On the
occasion of the attempt to murder Mr. Sim, an amiable,
but eccentric gentleman, who divided his property with all
who chose to come and live in a community which he had
formed, the Earl of Rosse, being Lord Lieutenant of the
county, stated in a letter to that gentleman, that there
could be no doubt that the many attempts upon that
gealeman's life were occasioned by a supposition that bin
proceedings were likely to draw proselytes from the Romish
Church, and that it was an opinion amongst Roman
Catholics that murder in such a case was not a crime. It
was true that on the Sunday following the Roman Catholic
priest did from the char address his congregation to in-
culcate a very opposite doctrine, namely, that every person
who concealed from the Government any information cal-
culated to tring a murderer to justice, was as guilty of the
crime as the ;meal perpetrator. But there had been much
to justify the opinion of his Noble Friend, and the attacks
made by the Noble Marquis were totally unwarranted.
The Noble Marquis had boasted of the increase of crime
i❑ Ireland ; but ho would refer him to the numerous meet-
kg; a.f Magistrates which had recently taken place, at
one of srnich it was shown th at twenty-six crimes which
occurred in one night were set down in the returns as ore.
After a few words from the Marquis NORMA NBY,
the motion was withdrawn.

Their Lordships then adjourned at a Quarter to Nir,e
o'Clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Amur. 5.

TLC SPEAKER took the Chair shortly beforeyour
o'Clock.

Mr. Campbell, from the East India House, presented
an account of the compensation given to the retired
officers of the Company.
Mr. CHALMERS app ared at the Bar, and brought up
the evidence given before the Committees on the Can-
terbury and Walsall Election Committees.—Ordered
to lie on the table.
POLLOC AND GOVAN RAILWAY.
Mr. JONES moved, pursuant to notice, that the
Committee to which the Polloc and Govan Railway
was r, feiled, should have leave to sit and proceed with
the investigation on Tuesday (to-morrow) at twelve
o'clock. •

Ater
a short discussion strangers were ordered to
withdraw, and the House divided, when the numbers
were—

For the motion 42
Against
38
Majority

On the -motion of Colonel G. LANGTON, the
Portbury Pier Bill was read a second time and ordered
to be committ-d.

On the motion of NIr.ORD, the Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Improvement Bill was read a second time, and ordered
to be committed.
On the motion of Mr. BOWES,
The We:t Durham Railway Bill was read a third
time and passed.
On the motion of Mr. LOCKHART,
The Monkland Canal Bill was read a second time,
and oraered to be committed.

MANCHESTER AND SALFORD WATER-
WORKS BILL.

On the motion of Mr. BROTHERTON the Lords'
Amendments to this Bill were agreed to.