The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-17 00:00:00

AMEN T

it had been, and the Hon. Gentleman who counted out the
House said that no Cabinet Minister was present at that
time. He (Lord John Russell) considered that no one
was so great a loser by that step as her Majesty's Go-
vernment.—(Hear, hear.) He thought an attentive
perusal of the papers and of the speeches made during
the continuance of the debate would make it apparent
that the division which must have ensued at
lcntda oneoosnbdtnt sa itttobdheh:e.
there
debate.—(Hear,
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the termination of it would have given a
that the opponents of the motion were very great losers
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by the motion, he was at a loss to understand the accuse-
interposition as that which had taken place—resembling
as it did none of those mythological interferences of anti-
quity in which the goddesses were represented to carry
away a hero in a cloud, whence he got into a difficulty
from which he could not escape—(Laughter)— although
nothing of a similar nature was recorded in their own
time, he could not but believe that the circumstance
might be accounted for without ascribing it to
a previous arrangement.—(Hear, hear.) The Honour-
able Gentleman said that he would not bring on
his motion again, and in this he acts rightly, as in that
case he will save himself from the reply of his Noble
Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs and from the
division which would ensue. With regard to the charge
of the absence of the Cabinet Ministers, he wished to
observe that his Noble Friend the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs had only left the House
for a short time—(A Voice—" No, he was in the
House")—and, for his own part, he and his Hon. Friend
the Chancellor of the Exchequer had, after the speech
of the Right lion. Baronet the Member for Tamworth,
gone to the House of Lords to see what was going on
there—(" Hear, hear," and laughter)—and, from the pre-
sent construction of the Houses, there was not
time to be back before the House was counted
out. The Noble Lord defended the conduct of Colonel
Wylde in Portugal, and said there was no justification
for the charges which were made against that officer.
He was appointed to the office in consequence of his
knowledge of Spain and of the great services he had
performed there when Espartero was in power, to whom
he had given the most efficient and useful advice.
No man was more anxious for freedom and constitutional
rights than be was. He was desirous several times to
be recalled, and it was only at the instance of her Ma-
jesty's Government that he consented to remain in the
difficult position in which he was then placed.—(Hear.)
Sir JAMES GRAHAM defended the Right Hon.
Gentleman the Member for Tamworth from the accusa-
tions which had been made against him by the
Honourable Gentleman the Member for Montrose.
And lint, with regard to the charge of absur-
dity, he would leave Europe and the world to
decide whether that charge more properly attached
to his speech or to the resolution of the Hon. Gentleman
himself—(Hear, hear)—and to those by whose interpo-
sition the debate was abruptly brought to a close.—
(Hear, hear.) With regard to the charge of mis-
statement, if the Honourable Gentleman the Member
for Montrose would renew his motion he would have
an opportunity of knowing that the facts referred to by
the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth,
were not less accurate than they were perspicuously
stated.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he had to
observe, with all deference to the Hon. Member for Bolton
(Dr. Bowring), that ho preferred to go to dinner rather
than listen to his speech.—(Laughter.)
After a few words from Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN,
Mr. NEWDEGATE said that the Right lion. Gen-
tleman had given them good reason to understand that
his appetite, if not his will, was in collusion with those
who terminated the debate.—(Laughter.)
Mr. HUDSON said, that although he was absent at
the time the House was counted, he was not aware of
any such intention being in existence. He thought that
it was merely an individual act, and therefore blame
should not be cast upon a whole party. If the House
did not wish to be thus adjourned, care should be taken
that when a question of this importance was in agitation
a sufficient number of Members should be present.
TENANTS (IRELAND) BILL.
On the order of the day being read for resuming the
adjourned debate upon the second reading of the
Tenants (Ireland) Bill,
Mr. S. CRAWFORD said that he hoped in the
few words which he had to say upon this subject he
should be able to show that a most disorganised system
between landlord and tenant existed in Ireland, and that
the condition of the tenantry was such as to claim and
demand from that House a due consideration of their
state. It was impossible that either landlord or tenant
could be placed in a just and proper relative position until
many of the abuses which had crept into the system
were removed by the intervention of the House. The
landlords said that their rights had not been sufficiently
protected. He (Mr. S. Crawford) said that
not only had their rights been sufficiently pro-
tected, but that they had had too much pro-
tection, and that powers had been entrusted to them
which they ought never to have had, and which they
had used to the utmost extent, so as to be productive of
mischief to themselves and their tenantry also. lie
could inform the House, also, that not only had these
legal powers been used to their farthest limits, but that
they had been exceeded in the most fearless manner,
for in many instances tenants had been ejected without
even the warrant which was required by the law which
then existed. The system of subdivision of land had
been for a great many years promoted and forced by the
law, and that subdivision was at present in a great mea-
sure the cause of the unsatisfactory position both of the
landlords and tenants of Ireland. The landlords had
themselves encouraged the system. and they, therefore,
ought not to be the parties who should
be the first to complain when the conse-
quences of their own acts reflected upon themselves.
The lion. Member then cited a number of instances
from the Parliamentary reports, and proceeded to say
that here there was a plain inference that there ought to
be a legal enactment on the subject. There had been
meetings in different parts of the country, all of which
had come to resolutions which acknowledged the
tenant nights, and asserted that the rights of those
tenants ought to be respected. But he had another and a
stronger resolution to place before the House. It was a
resolution passed at a large meeting of landowners at
Dublin, the Marquis of Ormond in the chair, and the
gentlemen then present had been unanimous in support-
ing the principle which he advocated. He had first in-
troduced this principle in the shape of a Bill in 1835.
He had again brought it before Parliament
in 1840, next in 1842, and then again in 1845 ;
and he had trusted that her Majesty's Government
as now constituted, would have taken up the subject,
and settled the principle which he desired to be adopted.
But if the Government did not interfere it was the duty
of the House to regulate the matter, and the preamble
of the Bill sufficiently showed the anxiety of the
promoters to improve the condition of the tenant in
Ireland. The chief object was to secure to
the tenant the value of the improvements which
he had made on the property which he occupied.
This was provided for in the sixth clause, but the
eleventh clause went further, and was intended to ad-
vance the principle which had been previously stated ;
for although it was framed so as to secure the
rights of the tenant, it also respected the rights
of the landlord, for it provided that if the tenant
was to be entitled to the value of his im-
provements it was only under the consideration
that they had been made with the consent of the land-
lords. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the
reports which had been made to Parliament on the agri-
cultural condition of Ireland, and he proved from them
that the farms are so divided in Ireland, that there is
an utter impossibility of the occupiers achieving in-
dependence, the farms in the county of Cork
not averaging more than fifteen acres, and those
in Tipperary not more than twenty-four acres each.
If they wanted to increase the prosperity and productive-
ness of Ireland, they must adopt the Bill which he had
proposed, because it would enable tenants to derive a fair
profit from the land assigned to them. Besides this, they
should instruct the people in the arts of,agriculture, and
if they did so they would have a happy and prosperous,
instead of a wretched and poverty-stricken people. The
poor of Ireland had been called idle, ignorant, and
brutal ; but this did not come from their own choice—it
arose from the tenants feeling little interest in the
land which they held—from the nature of the
relations subsisting between them and their landlords;
and if the landlords understood their interest they
would do all in their power to emulate their tenants
to cultivate the soil, and to make it yield all that Pro-
vidence had designed it to yield. He trusted, therefore,
that the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would
consent to the second reading; but, at the same time,
he wished it to be distinctly understood that he would
accept and support any measure which had the same
object in view as he had. Certainly, if they wished to
do justice to Ireland, they would lose no time in passing
a law to place the tenants of Ireland in a better
condition than at present. He had made private arrange-
ments with his tenants in accordance with the terms of
the Bill; he simply mentioned this to show that he was
willing to comply with all its provisions—(Hear)—and
he trusted that the example he had set would be followed
by the other landlords of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.)
It appeared to him that a more important subject thast
that of tenant-right could not come before the House.
He begged to move that the Bill be read a second time.
Mr. MONAHAN (the Solicitor-General for Ireland)
rose to oppose the motion. He thought that at this
late period of the session no good could arise from assent-
ing to the motion, because the subject was surrounded
with great difficulties. He hoped, however, that at some
future time the nature of the relations between land-
lords and tenants might come under the review of the
House ; but at the same time he could not avoid stating
that he anticipated that far more good would come from
voluntary and private arrangements between the par-
ties than could be effected in accordance with any Bill
which the Legislature might pass. (Hear, hear.)
Under these circumstances, fiend should feel it
thhie
s
duty to move, as an amment, that
Bill be read a second time that day six months.
There were objectionable provisions in the Bill, because
a tenant might take an undue advantage of his landlord.
For instance, a tenant for one, two, or three years might
make improvements which the landlord might be ill able
to pay for, and which the land itself was not in a con-
dition to allow. The arrangement of the amount of
compensation was also open to great objections
would involve both parties in great expense, becaus,e,
in the cases of arbitration which had come under .his
, and,
experience, the parties h
expense,een andnvolv heed
feared theiderabl same
litigation and g
result would occur in this case.
ad b i in cense
Mr. B. ESCOTT said the principle of the Bill Wa:
exceedingly important—perhaps the most iniportan t
measure with respect to Ireland that had come b 4 3fore tLe
attention of the House this session; but he believed ti IDA
at that late period of the session it could not b© pass, 9d
into a law, still the Hon. and Learned Gentlemar,,
peered to bile to have not stated sufficient reaFious 6:

opposing the Bill. It would be within the recollection f the land in Ireland had changed hands in the last few
of the House that this was the second measure, I years, and if the improvements made by a tenant were to
with respect to the rights of tenants which constitute a permanent charge upon the rent, the new
had come before the House during the present session; proprietors would be saddled with charges of which they
and he did not choose to have the second Bill, which he knew nothing, and which it would be unfair to call upon
I
believed to have been brought forward from the most them to pay. The moment there was a demand for labour
sincere motives, treated in the same way as the Bill of the tenant-right would vanish. In Armagh, Meath, and in
Hon. Gentleman the Member for Berkshire (Mr. Pusey). some other counties, tenant-right did not exist. No one in
He, therefore, wished to have some pledge from the England ever heard of a landlord being called upon to
Government, if this Bill were withdrawn, that the erect cottages and to plant trees every four or
subject would receive their early attention in the ensu- five acres. Why, no amount of capital would
ing session. He trusted that the House would say that effect this. Ile believed, therefore, that the Bill
it was better to read this Bill a second time, and con- was based upon fallacious principles, and that it would
cider the objections to it in Committee. do injury instead of good. The Hon. Gentleman the
Sir JOHN WALSH said that he dissented altogether Member for Rochdale had laid great stress upon the
from the opinion expressed by the Hon. Member ejectments which continually took place in Ireland, but
who had just addressed the House. He considered that he did not enter into the circumstances under which
it would be a dangerous principle for the House to pledge they were made. Persons were proceeded against
themselves to the abstract justice of a measure which by ejectment in Ireland, not really for the purpose of
could not be carried this session. The Bill contained a ejecting them from their holdings, but for the purpose of
sweeping indictment against the landed proprietary of compelling them to make some arrangement for
Ireland ; and if they believed the assertions that the payment of their rent, because many of them
were made they must arrive at the conclu- are in arrears from nine to eighteen months
sion that what were called the rights of the in fact, the arrears of rent were so great
landlords, were in reality a usurpation. So far that the amount would scarcely be credited in England.
was this from being the case, he asserted that He believed that the landlords of Ireland were desirous
the facts would show that the landed pro- of doing their duty, that had been amply shown during
prietors of Ireland had made greater saeritises the present session ; still he was prepared to admit that
for the prosperity of their tenantry than the land- the landlords of Ireland, especially the absentee, had
lords in this country. He denied that the landlords neglected the duty.—(Hear, hear.)
of Ireland were the cause of what he admitted to be a Mr. LEFROY said he thought her Majesty's Govern-
great evil in Ireland, namely, the minute subdivision of meat had taken a most;proper course ; and he thought,
the land in that country. The people of Ireland were in opposing them, they would not be deiag any benefit to
obliged to look to the land as the only means of sub- Ireland. If any measure could be introduced that would
sistence. There were many prudent farmers in Ireland, have the effect of improving the relations between landlord
and it was not unusual for them to give portions to their and tenant in Ireland it would be very desirable, but
daughters. The son of a farmer might marra'a female who he thought by adopting the course recommended by
got one of these portions, and would induce his father some Hon. Members they would be holding out hopes
to give him a part of his farm, and there was a subdi- to the tenants in Ireland which they might sub-
vision of land, without the knowledge of the landlord, sequently not realise. lie himself had joined what
and with which he could not interfere. In England the was called the Irish Party, but without any factious
landlord provided buildings for his tenants, but that was views, and he had supported measures which he consi-
not the case in Ireland, though it was highly desirable dered to be of benefit to the country, without reference
that it should become so. It would have the effect of to party. He thought the Government were right in
benefiting both the landlord and the tenant. The former the course they had adopted, and he would therefore give
would derive great advantage from such a practice, as them his support.
it would give him greater security for the improvement Mr. ROSS said he did not think it was right
of his land, while the benefit to the tenant was that this Bill should go through its second
quite evident. He could not conclude without ex- reading, and he thought those who censured the
pressing his satisfaction that the Government had Government fur not carrying their Bill this
postponed a measure of such importance to Ireland session were guilty of great injustice. The persona
until every information on the subject could be ob- whom he would wish to compensate in Ireland were
tained. those who were tenants-at-will, which would have ;.he
Mr. LABOUCHERE said that, if the question before effect of inducing these tenants to make improvemansa,
the House was whether or not they were to consider which they would not otherwise be induced to do.
of some expedient to improve the relation between Mr. M'CARTHY said that every gentleman who had
landlord and tenant in Ireland, he would not refuse spoken on this question had admitted that something
his assent to a motion for some legislative enact- ought to be done for the improvement of the relation
ment by which these relations should be ad- between landlord and :tenant in Ireland. The next
justed.—(Hear, hear.) A contrary course would be objection of the Solicitor-General was that the
inconsistent with the opinions which he had already ex- compensation was not to be given till the termination of
pressed. It had been stated that it was intended by the tenancy. He would ask, was not that the proper
Government to bring before the House a Bill on the time for the compensation? A further objection of the
subject.—(Hear, hear.) It had been only by that un- Learned Solicitor was that the arbitration would be ex-
fortunate event which deprived Ireland and the country pensive, but he (Mr. McCarthy) did not think that
of the services of the Earl of Besborough, and the this would be the case if lawyers were not employed.
great pressure of Irish business on the Government, He would not detain the House further, as it seemed
that they had been obliged reluctantly to give up impatient for the division, but would record his vote in
the intention of submitting such a measure to the House. favour of the measure of the Hon. Memher for Rothe
He could not agree with those who said that no measure dale.
on this question could be devised which would produce Mr. P. SCROPE thought this a most important cnaes-
beneficial effects. He thought that, looking at the state tion, and the sooner a different system of tenure was
of the relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland, established in Ireland than that which at present ex-
looking to the jealousies that existed between isted the better would it be for the peace and
two classes whose interests were identical, that a welfare of tkat country. Many might refrain
measure might be framed which would meet from supporting this measure from an apprehension
the exigencies of the circumstances, and restore that a similar measure would be brought forward
and perpetuate harmony between the landlord and the for England, but he did not think the circumstances of
tenant. He was prepared at all times to enter upon the two countries were analogous, and that a different
the consideration of this question with reference course of legislation would be necessary for Ireland.—
not only to general principles, but also with (Cries of " Divide, divide.")
respect to the special circumstances of Ireland. The House then divided, when the numbers were—
But he submitted that that was not the question before For the second reading 25
the House. A Bill had been submitted to the House by Against it
the Hon. Member for Rochdale. He never looked with Majority against the Bill
prejudice upon any Bill submitted by that Hon. Member, POOR REMOVAL ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
with all his experience and good-will as an Irish land- Mr. BANKES rose to move the second reading of
lord—(Hear)—but, after considering this'Bill with great the Bill which proposed to amend the first clause of
attention, he was prepared to say that though it should the General Act of the 9th and 10th of Victoria. It
pass the second reading and go into Committee, that the did not propose to affect more than part of
Government could not, without great modifica- that Act, because no more than part had
tion, even save any part of it which they could excited universal discontent. When the original
advise the House to pass. It would give rise measure was itself introduced he entertained con-
to great misconstruction in Ireland, and originate siderable doubts about the beneficial working of what
much confusion, and perhaps a little dispute on details was termed irremovability instead of settlement,
affected by the provisions of the Bill. It was not out of which he considered much too great a change
any feeling of opposition to the Hon. Gentleman that he to be introduced so suddenly. He voted for it, seeing
disapproved the second reading of the Bill, or to the many of the representatives of the towns supporting it,
good objects which it was his intention to effect, for, like but he now saw that it was oppressive, not only to
him, he (Mr. Labouchere) did not despair of seeing the country, but to the poor ratepayers of the town,
ultimately a Bill which would effect these good objects in proof of which, he said, the Honourable Member
without exciting the animosity, the lawsuits, and the read a letter from the clergyman of Blandford, who
disputes which would arise out of the present Bill. stated that, in consequence of the Poor Removal Act,
Mr. B. ROCHE considered the question affecting the the rate of that town had been doubled to lOs.
relation between landlord and tenant of such paramount a year instead of ss. The Hon. Gentleman then re-
importance, that he was surprised that the only part minded the House that in giving notice of this
taken by the Government, when the only Member Bill he had brought before them general complaints
of the House that had moved upon the subject from the guardians of the city of London and of the
had submitted a practical measure upon it, was to throw metropolitan unions, that the rates had been exceedingly
impediments in the way. He complained that the far- increased. Be must say he was not prepared to hear
mers of Ireland had been deluded by the Government, it in the Committee of which he was a member from a
who had promised to discuss the relation between land- Poor-law Commissioner, that the guardians of the City
lord and tenant upon a substantive measure early this of London approved of the Act which he proposed to
session, but now, at the end of it, refused to hear or amend, and he must say he did not think such was the
say anything now that the question was pressed upon case. The Honourable Member then read a letter
them by another. They were deluded, too, by what had from a Mr. Foster, in the city of York,
been called the Irish party- -Irish, he supposed, because stating that unless this law was repealed the rentals
they had promised much and done nothing.—(Laughter.) would be increased from 25 to 50 per cent.
That party consisted of the old nobility, the modern The increase in the rates of seven parishes in York, for
aristocracy, and the gentry of Ireland. They met, and a quarter of this year, amounted to 7,0701., showing
their promises were great at Dublin, but their perform- the additional burden cast upon the rate-payers.
ante nothing at Westminster. They distinguished them- He thought an alteration in the law exceedingly
selves by eloquence on the banks of the Liffey-, but they desirable, and feeling convinced that the Govern-
were silent on the banks of the Thames. So then by merit would not effect an alteration either in the present
both these parties were the farmers and the or in the ensuing sessions he had, therefore, brought;
people of Ireland deluded and deceived, not a step forward this measure, and trusted it would receive the,
having been taken to redeem their promises to Ireland. approval of the House. The Poor Removal Bill had
One good result which the vote to-day would have on failed.—(Hear). He had sat on the Committee
Ireland would be,. that no matter what they promised which had reference to it, and was in a position to say
in that House, there was but one hope for them, and that it had not accomplished the good for which it was
that was a domestic legislature. An Honourable propounded. It pressed heavily upon the rate-payers,
Member near him wished they had it. He would and did not afford all the advantage it should to the
give him an opportunity of proving the sincerity of poor. It prevented parishes from allowing a widow
that wish next session, and he hoped he would 2s. or 3s. a week, upon which, with the aid of her
then give him his vote when he brought forward friends, she might subsist. It put a stop to this
a motion to repeal the union. The people of Ireland altogether—(Hear)—and he' could quote many other
had been deceived by the present Government, and no instances of its oppressive working; for instance, cases
promises which had been made to them had been kept ; in which poor widows were living with their friends and
and it was his honest conviction, as well as that of the receiving a small weekly stipend from the parish, who
Irish people, that it was to a domestic legislature alone had had their relief stopped, and who had been
they had to look for a redress of the grievances under driven from one parish to another to seek
which Ireland laboured. aid. The whole of South Wales was in a similar
Mr. SHAW approved of the course which the Go- condition with respect to rates as York. In
vernment adopted with regard to the Bill. the parish of East Lew, in Cornwall, for instance,
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL thought that the Right before the passing of the Poor Removal Bill, the agri-
Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland had exhibited cultural population in the neighbourhood were in the
very great caution with regard to this measure. He habit of coming into the town to sleep ; of this
thought, after the principle of compensation was ac- the rate-payers did not complain until the Bill was
knowledged by all parties, that her Majesty's Govern- passed ; but since they found that these persona
ment should have come to some other conclusion than in the period of distress became charge-
that they did not despair that something able to them—and other places had equally
might yet be done to compensate tenants. He reason to complain of the operation of the Bill.
did not know whether the result of the late Lord If Poor-law:commissioners were to be set against each
Besborough's inquiries upon the subject were in the pos- other, he would take the evidence of Mr. Coppock, wha
session of the Government; if they were, he thought was the king of the Poor-law clerks, on this matter,
that that attention and consideration ought to be given who said that the sooner the law of settlement
to them which had been accorded by all other parties was repealed the better. He pressed this matter
conversant with the subject. lie hoped that the Go- forward, because he thought that the present law was a
vernment would not allow a fortnight of another session failure. He had evidence from Leeds and other places
to pass without bringing forward some more per. as to the working of this law, showing clearly its injurious
feet system of legislation upon this subject. He operation. On this day week he would bring on this
hoped that no distinction of party or religion question, and he would conclude by moving that the
would be permitted to interfere indirectly in this Bill be read a second time that day week.
question, but that it should be a comprehensive The motion was agreed to, and the House adjourned
scheme which would completely remedy the existing at Six o'clock.
state of things. Under the present system the abuses
which existed, so far from growing better, gravitated AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.
from bad to worse ; and it was quite time that a check
The following is a fuller report of the speech of Si
should be given to these growing evils. With regard to
Robert Peel on this interesting subject, than we were
the present measure before the House, there were some
difficulties with respect to the details, but he hoped that enabled to give in our impression of yesterday:—
it would be applicable with some degree of benefit to Sir R. PEEL rose with several Hon. Members on dif-
Ireland, and in that hope he should support the second ferent sides of the House, but the other Hon. Gentlemen
reading of the Bill. II
giving way, the Right Hon. Baronet proceeded to ad-
Mr. TRELAWNY said that, in his opinion this Bill
was a palpable delusion to the people of Ireland, and dress the House; he said,—Sir, as this debate has lasted
contained promises which could never be realised. In two nights, and as I think the practice that has grown
the first instance two of the assertions it contained were up of confining the more important part of the debate to
quite incorrect. One of these allegations was that two or three hours at the close of the evening—(Hear,
the tenant was unjustly liable to ejection without any hear)—is prejudicial to the public service, because it
compensation being given for any improvements he might
have made in the land. They made their bargain with leads to an unnecessary consumption of the public time
their eyes open ;so that under any other system they —(Hear, hear)—l intend, as far as my humble au-
would be liable to the sameinconvenience. If the principal thority will go, to enter a practical protest against it,
ground upon which the Bill was introduced was false, of by delivering the few observations I have to make at
what use would the Bill be ? It would not, he believed, this, to a speaker, unpopular hour of the evening.—
be productive of harm, but it would not lead to any
(Hear, hear.) Sir, I perfectly concur in an
good, and would thus create a strong feeling of die- _ebse drve..
appointment; and he, therefore, gave his strongest oppo- tion made in the course of this debate, that the
ein-
sition to the second reading of the Bill. sion to which the house should come ought to be a
Sir H. W. BARRON said that, in his opinion, a measure decision on the abstract merits of the question. 1
of this description had long been called for by the con- agree that no consideration of the position of her
dition of Ireland, and by the condition of the poor Majesty's Government, or of the pendency of a genera]
agricultural classes, who were unable properly to defend
-
lelection, or of the embarrassment that might arise from
, their rights. It would have the effect of stimu
listing them to improve their land, by giving them a sudden change of a Ministry, ought to induce the
proper security that they would be enabled to Heout, seotrovNgiitvbehiotlsdsiatnscatisosneetto
ftrhoempotbliecymoof
motion
ne
that Gover-
n, enjoy those improvements which they had created. robe
e
It was all very well to come down there and make elec. en made, if this House does really believe that the
tioneering speeches on the eve of a new Parliament ; object of the recent intervention has beentosupport aboi
but it was no answer to the responsibilities which they solute power in
Portugal, or that the Consequence
had to fulfil to meet this Bill without being pledged to persevering in that intervention will be to endanger the
its details, to negative its principle altogether. It was all public tranquillity in Portugal, or involve this country in
very fine to make such speeches in order to suit par- imminent peril of war. There are many motions of light
titular purposes, and it might do very well for the news- importance in respect to which the decision may, I
papers to make such statements as those to which they think, be fairly influenced by extrinsic considerations;
had lately listened to. And it must be recollected that fine but this is not one of them. This question is of too
promises in the county of Cork were but badly re- much importance to be treated or decided upon any other
deemed by small performances on the banks of the grounds than its own intrinsic merits; upon that prin-
Thames—(Laughter)—and if these promises were made ciple alone I shall give my vote upon it. Sir, we are
with a view to prospective advantage, he could called on by the motion to affirm that, in the opinion of
assure the Hon. Members who bad opposed the this House, an armed interference between poliical par-
second reading that that line of conduct would not ' ties in Portugal is unwarrantable in principle, and
an swer their purpose. Yet, in giving his assent to the likely to be attended with serious and mischievous
se bond reading of this Bill, he did not intend to pledge consequences. That vote will be a vote of censure, if not
h;,mself to the whole of its details. He had nut direct, yet implied, upon the Government ; and the con-
b een a Member of that House for sixteen years sequence of it will be practically, in my opinion, the re-
' without being conscious that by giving his adhesion versal of the policy on which the Government has en-
to a Bill, he was in no way prevented from totally alter- tered. An adverse expression of opinion on the part of
ing its character by a change of the details. To many this House will completely paralyze the hands which
of the details of this Bill he had great and serious ob- direct it. And the question is, whether I am justified,
jections, but to the principle he was entirely friendly. on considerations of justice and public policy, in affirm-
That principle he would support to the utmost of his ing A proposition which implies not only a censure on
power, but at the same time he would not disguise his the Government, but an abandonment of the policy
desire that it should be greatly modified in Committee. which is at thi
to exercise this moment
a
in the course of execution l!Mr.
Mr. YOUNG thought that the objections which had Sir, I am about privilegewhich
is
itmosi
been urged against the Bill bad all been founded in agreeable
to me; I am about to givemy
opinion
who
which necesarillt
y
misapprehension, and were likely to work a great mis- any of that circumspection and reserve
chief. He believed that the sixth as well as eleventh fetter the members of an administration and the leaders
clause had been totally misunderstood. He considereds of a party. I am going to state the opinion which,
that tenants should receive fair compensation for the after an attentive perusal of
dividuall these papers and after litl•
improvements which they had effected. Nine-tenths of toning to this debate, I iny bole I FM& U 0