The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-15 00:00:00

THE, SUN, LONDON,_ FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 15, 1847.

and some cheers.) I am not at all surprised you
should cheer such a sentiment. The great financier of that
party, as you all know, is Lord George Bentinck ; and I •
apprehend, as soon as he becomes Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, he will propose this gieat scheme ; but until that
event I - must profess myself rather sceptical of the powers
of any body to propose a tax to the amount of five millions
of money, which will press less heavily generally upon the
various clesses than does the malt-tax. I think the ques-
tion of a reduction of the tea duties stands upon a different
footing. I know that great difference of opinion exists
among extremely well-informed mercantile and commercial
men with regard to the effect of a reduction of the tea
duties, some contending they might be reduced to Is. per
pound, without apy loss to the Exchequer, and others con-
tending that the whole amount of the reductions would be
an unmitigated loss. lam sure you will all forgive me,
having due regard to the public revenue, which I conceive
every Member of Parliament ought to consider, for not now
committing myself upon this question by any promise to
you. I shall be most anxious to hear what the Chancellor
of the Exchequer himself is prepared to do upon this point;
and I shall greatly rejoice if he finds it within the compass
of his duty to confer this great boon upon the labouring po-
pulation of the country.—(Cheers.) I feel, gentlemen, that
China itself has a great claim upon us.—(Cheers.) I can-
not forget that the Chinese Government adopted the prin-
ciple of repealing their protective duties, of repealing their
customs' duties, without any corresponding relaxation from
other countries—without those treaties of commerce
which had hitherto been the concomitants of every
such reduction. Hitherto, certainly, we. have not been met
quite in so corresponding a spirit as we might have antici-
pated, although I think we may clearly see indications of a
coming change; but what has been the case with regard to
elina? China, from the first moment after the conclusion
of the war, established commercial relations with us upon
the most liberal footing ; China, that most benighted country,
as we have been too apt to consider it, that country so many
centuries behind us in civilisation, as we believe, established
at once a most liberal tariff.—(llear.) I say, therefore, that
the moral claims of China upon us are very strong; and I
shall rejoice if it is in the power of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer to concur in them. I feel the importance, as
regards the town of Manchester, and all our other manufac-
turing towns, that their means of increased production, with
a view to export, should be encouraged as much as possible;
and I do feel that anything which can increase our trade
with China must have a beneficial effect upon the manufac-
tures of this country.—(llear.) At the same time we must
not forget that we are deprived, as regards the tea duties, of
a great argument which free-traders naturally being forward
for the reduction of the duty on tobacco and other articles ;
we are deprived of the argument as regards smuggling.
I do not believe that smuggling to any extent, if at
all, exists in the tea trade ; and therefore any re-
duction. that may be made in those duties cannot be ex-
pected to be compensated by any diminution in that offence.
Gentlemen, if we are told that the only way to meet a re-
duction of the tea duties would be by an increase of the in-
come and property-tax, I say that, unquestionably, might
not so much frighten me, as regards the financial policy of
this country; but I do not know that there are many who
would greatly deprecate any such step, even for securing the
advantage of a reduction of the tea duties; and at any
rate, the men of Manchester at least will concur with me in
this—that no step must be teeken as regards relaxation of
duties which bring so large ft sum into the Exchequer as
the tea duties or the malt-tax—which would place in
jeopardy the fortunes of those men whose fortunes depend
upon the security of the public funds, and for maintaining
which the nation is bound to keep up an ample and sufficient
revenue.—(Hear, hear.) I know, moreover, the pressure
which is made upon every Chancellor of the Exchequer;
and therefore, being no longer in office, I am sure you
would think I am only adopting that course which is be-
cuming an independent Member, when I decline to
press upon him a :Leasure which, however good in itself,
might be inapplicable at the present time, with the
anticipated demands upon the public purse ; more
especially when it is to be borne in mind that, in
favour of the reduction of every tax of this nature,
whether the tea duties or the malt-tax, there is always
brought forward as an argument—(l think a just argu-
ment as regards the tea duties)—in favour of a reduction
of the tax, that, in the language of political economy, it is
likely to produce the greatest ppiness to the greatest num-
bers ;—but always bear in mind, gentlemen, that those who
press these matters sometimes make themselves obnoxious
to that unjust taunt, which has been made somewhere—(l am
sure I do not know where)—that many people consider " the
greatest number" to be number one.—(Bear, and laughter.)
Now, gentlemen, there is another mast important point,
which is at. present interesting the community more than it
did sonic years past. I allude to the question of nation..l
education. I believe that in this respect men's minds linve
undergone a very material change of late years. I believe
there is now a very much greater inclination than formerly-
to come to some understanding about this point; with the
view of not sacrificing to minor considerations that great boon
which may be extended to all. Mind, lam not indifferent to
minor considerations which prevented a cettlement of this ques-
tion heretofore. But it is one of those measures which Lord
Jon Russell, in Iris, address upon accepting office, promised to
devote his attention to; and 1 therefore do anticipate, with
something like certainty, that some measure upon this sub-
ject, before long, will be presented to the Legislature. lam
not unaware of the difficulties which encompass this subject.
They are difficulties which may perhaps divert the attention
of the statesman who was not impressed with the importance,
I may almost say the necessity, of something being done
upon this point. For, althoueli most able letters and pam-
phlets have appeared, endeavouring to vindicate the volun-
tary principle as regards education, I yet cannot doubt but
that a majority of those here assembled will recognise the
fact that a necessity has been substantiated. Now, gentle-
men, really, if I thought it was necessary to substantiate
this point, I need not go far from this very spot; for within
the last few days a document has been placed in my hands
which does present so fearful a picture of the want of edu-
cation
in this very county—(and be it remarked that this
county is by no means worse, and in many respects not so
bad as many others in England)—but in this county an ex-
ample has been presented which is sufficient to illustrate the
point I ant eadeavouring to make out. In the report pre-
sented to the magistrates of this county by the chaplain of
the Preston gaol in December last, I findthese frightful state-
ments. He states that lie finds amongst the prisoners fifty-
five per cent. unable to read. I will not go through all
the details, but mention some of those that are most
striking. That is bad enough, fifty-five per cent. unable to
read. But he finds 37 per cent., 37 in 100 prisoners, ignorant
of the Saviour's ' name and unable to repeat the Lord's
Prayer. How many do you think he finds acquainted
with the elementary truths of religion ? Only nine in 100.
Row many does he find familiar with the Scriptures, and
well instructed? Not one.- To proceed to less important,
points of education, he found one-half unable to name the

Months of the year, and more than me-half ignorant of the

name of the reigning Sovereign.—e(Sensation:) Now, will
those who tell me that the voluntary and well-meaning
efforts of those who are anxious to do their duty to their
fellow-countrymen, and to instruct the rising youtL of this
country—will'the advocates of the voluntary system tell me
that it has been effectual, when such a statement can be made
out as this? You will many of you recollect that the late
Government brought forward a measure, I think in 1842
or 1843, upon the subject of education. It raised a great
opposition among a large class of the community. It had,
however, one beneficial result, it gave a great impetus to
voluntary exertion. The Church of England raised a vast
sum of money, upwards of 100,0001., within a very short time,
for the purpose of extending, education in the manufacturing
and mining districts of England and Wales. The Dissenting
body, not to be outdone by these benevolent exertions of the
Church of England, immediately proceeded in the same
course. I forget the exact sum they raised, but it was very
considerable. Gentlemen, recollect these were great and
mighty efforts, efforts which could not be repeated con-
tinually, which could be only undertaken periodically. I
doubt whether in a life-time many amongst us could see two
such large sums raised again, in a similar manner, for the
same object. And what has been the result ? I firmly be-
lieve that the result of the expenditure of these two large
sums of money has been only to make still more apparent the
great deficiency that exists in the education of the people of
this country. Great as those efforts have been, benevolent as
as those objects have been, it has yet been lint as a drop in
the ocean,.-Greet geed has-been effectededart ten hundred fol 4
that which has been done remains to do. Do not suppose I
underrate individual exertion; or that I should wish to see
everything conducted—as in other countries—by the effort of
the Government. Quite the reverse, I believe there is scope
for much. All I mean to say is, that I am convinced that
individual exertion is not sufficient, and that the State
must step in, in respect to the suppression of crime, by the
most legitimate, benignant, and enlightened course—that
of extended education.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, you
may point to the schools extesding throughout the land;
yots may prove to me that in almost every parish in this
country a school or many schools exist; but I must de-
clare that you have not convinced me by that assertion
that the education is sufficient; nay, even if you prove to
me that those schools are well attended, and that a large
per centage of the population is instructed within them ;
because I should state what is the course of education within
those schools, and what is the class of teachers within them.
I believe if you look to both one and the other, the quality
of
the education is most inefficient, and the character of the
teachers most inadequate. Reading and writing, gentlemen,
are but the means to education, not education itself; they
are but the instruments, and unless you teach the youth
of this country how to use those instruments, you will indeed
have effected but little in the real and genuine spirit
of a Christian education.—(Applause.) A short time ago
(this subject of national education naturally brings me
round to that point), I received a letter from a gentleman
in this town, the Rev. Hugh Stowell, putting to me a
question, whether or no I would pledge myself to oppose
any farther concessions to the Romish church, I am anxious
to quote the words accurately. Now, my answer to Mr.
Stowell, I believe has been a good deal misunderstood. I
wrote to him,. fully explaining why I was desirous not to
answer that question then ; and it was simply this,—l
wished to reserve it for a public opportunity, when any-
thing I had' said, which was not perfectly intelligible,
might be explained by any question put to me by those
who might be present, to explain more fully than it was
possible to do by letter, my whole feelings upon this subject. The last thing, certainly, I could have wished, would have
been either to show any discourtesy (which I know has
since been acknowledged by the reverend gentleman him-
self) either towards him or any body,—still less I wilted
for a moment my opinions to be misinterpreted. But now,
!gentlemen, I felt the question itself was put in a form which
Itweas almost impossible for me satisfactorily to answer.
tTho tc1"8.1" was'
whether I would oppose all concessions
fectllle Church in Ireland. Now, I know per-
one y well, what would be consideeed a concession by
party is differently interpreted by another. I con-
fess to you that I
words concession and have the greatest objection to the
Catholic brethren in conciliationlri, as applied to our Roman
do not know whether greernaned• ; and I will tell you why. I
word concession is interpreted speaking, it be so, but the
midation something which antyf all, as yielding upon inti-
yinortts us to give. Gentle-
men, I would be the last man ortntr to advocate, for one single moment, that anything Should be given up in
such a spirit. I know that it would be productive of no
good ; even if it were not wrong for us to it. Therefore,
gentlemen, when you ask me whether I am ready to make
a concession, t
I am willing to make this explanation, that in
the spirit of conciliation, in the way I interpret it, I would
not concede anything. But when you come to the question
of whether I am in favour of this or that particular plan,
which may be in conformity with my Roman Catholic
brethren, which may conduce to their advantage, or which,
unfortunately may be in opposition to the feelings of some
of my Protestant brethren, then, when the question is put
in this form, I readily understand it, and I am ready to give
a fair and candid answer. Now, gentlemen, I apprehend that
this question of Mr. Stowell's, though put into this general,
incomplete, and to me, vague form, did in sub-
stance contain this question : " Are you, under any
circumstances which may arise, to consent to the
payment of the Roman Catholic priesthood in Ire-
land ?" I have first to consider the question with regard to
religion. Do I Sec any national objection, or any objection
on the score of religion? and then I have to consider whe-
ther in my own conscience I feel that I ought not to be a
party to such a measure. On looking at it in a national
point of view, what do I see? I see that, throughout the
whole of our colonies—in Canada, the Cape of Good Hope, in
Jamaica,. in New South Wales, in British Guiana, and various

other places, not only is the Roman Catholic priesthood paid
by the State, but various other denominations derive very
considerable emoluments from the same source. I allude to
the Dutch Church, the Wesleyans, and to other denomina-
tions. Now, Gentlemen, though I may be told, as I know
others have been told, that as regards those colonies, we are
bound by treaties, and, therefore, we cannot help ourselves,
however strong may be our objections. Now, in the first
place, this is not true; and, in the second place, if it were
true, it would be no argument at all. The question of treaties,
if it applies to any colony, applies only to Canada, and even
there, if there is a strong religious objection to the payment
of the Roman Catholic priesthood, by an infraction of this
duty, we have no right to profit by our iniquity. We
ought not to be bound by treaties in such a case. Ido not
mean by that, that we ought to violate a treaty, but we ought
at once to surrender the benefit we derive from that treaty,
and-so get rid of the bargain. I say, Gentleman, that no
justification of such treaty ean, for one moment, interfere
with the performance of a religious national duty. Well
then, Gentlemen, believing as I do that there is no national
objection—feeling in my mind that there is nothing which,
in my conscience, and knowing that I myself am as firm and
conscientious a Protestant and member of the Church of
England as any man here present—(Hear)—l do say, that
feeling that neither to myself individually, nor as a member
of the great community in this nation, is there in my mind.
any objection to this course, it remains for me to consider
whether such a measure is politic, expedient, wise, and just.
Now I have taken a great deal of pains to inform myself
upon this subject, and having made most anxious inquiries
during a tour in that island—having thought and reflected
upon the subject for many years past, I have come to the
conclusion that it would be politic, wise, and just, if means
could be found to pay the Roman Catholic clergy. In what
position is that priesthood placed at present? Recollect
that the religious communities stand in a different position
there from what they do in this country. Here the rich
and the poor are mingled together. Here the rich and the
poor alike profess, some one faith, some another, and of
course the majority that of the Established Church. What
is the case in Ireland? The rich and the middle classes
(except indeed in the north of Ireland), and the great
majority of the poor, are the Roman Catholic population of
the country ; and I do say, that it is not only a painful,
but an Improper position for the ministers of religion to be
placed in—those whose duty it is to counsel the weak, to
reprove the wayward, to objurgate the licentious—l say,
it is a cruel thing, that these men should, be placed under
the temptation-of pandering to the prejudices and the
vices of their flock with a view to their daily subsistence.—
(Hear hear.)—This, I do think, is not a position in which
they should be placed. And let me call upon you, as
Englishmen, to bear this in mind—that you cannot be
indifferent, you cannot be unconcerned, with the welfare
of your Irish brethren.—(Hear, hear.) Believe me, if it
was in my power to extend to those in Ireland who pro-
fess the Roman Catholic religion, the blessings, as I believe
them to be cf the Protestant faith, believe me that I should
rejoice in such an opportunity; but I know that that is im-
possible. But because I cannot i.istruct them in the faith
that I" profess, I therefore wish to place them in the direction
of men who are not placed by these circumstance.; under
the temptation which a majority of them must fre-
quently fall under. Gentlemen, it is of the most
vital importance to this country that the teachers,
and pastors, and these who lead these people, should lead
them in principles of loyalty to the crown, and attach-
ment to this country; and I do believe, that in order to
attain so great an object, it would be an important and a
national benefit, to place in an independent and honourable
position the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland.—(Cheers )
Well now, gentlemen, I know how much importance is at-
tached amongst a large class of the community to thi3 point,
and I have, therefore, been'peculiarly anxious to explain to
you, unreservedly and fairly, my opinion upon it. I know
the difficulties in the way of a settlement ; I know the
strong religious objections which exist in this country ; I
know that a certain portion of the Established Church is
opposed to it; I know that the feelings of that great
and important body, the Wesleyans in this country, is, to
a very great extent, opposed to it; I know that
the Church of Scotland resists it; and I know, more-
over—and hero let me call your attention Op 3.i1l
to the meaning of the word " concession"—l know that a
very considerable portion of the Roman Catholics them-,
selves in Ireland do not like the proposal. Seeing, then,
these great objection', I know how difficult it may be to
overcome them; I know that it may require a lapse of time
and an alteration in public opinion (which I certainly
do anticate will take place upon this point before
it can be jndicionsly considered). I know that that isehe
opinion of the leader of the present government, and that he
is not likely tg propose it; but at the same time, as I said
before, I should not be doing my duty, or reconcile it to my
own conscience, if, entertaining these opinions, however
little likely it may be that they should be carried into exe-
cution in a short time, if I did not explain them frankly and
fully to you.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, we have heard much
of late in this locality, as we have in a more northern part
of the country, upon a question which once interested this
community to a very great extent; and although I have
not heard very much about it, I know it does still interest
you, I mean the question of factory labour as connected
with the ten hours' Bill. I avow at once, before I enter into
any argument upon the question, that I am adverse to the
measure which was brought into the House of Commons by
Lord Ashley and by Mr. Fielden last year.—(Hear, hear,
and some hissing). Now, gentlemen, I do assure you that
I am opposed to that, more especially, and chiefly, on
account of those who themselves are the advocates of it.
I do believe that, as regards the working men themselves,
the consequences would be much more pernicious than
to the masters. Not, gentlemen, that I disapprove so
much of what has been already done in that way by
the legislation. I have, myself, been a party to some,
to much of that legislation, and I think that many of the
provisions of former acts are wise and beneficent, but the
measure of which I most strongly approve, is that which re-
lates to the diminution of the labour of children in the Lie-
tones. But, gentlemen, mind that we are now called upon
to go a great step further. There is a wide, a marked dif-
ference between legislation as relates to adults, and legisla-
tion as regards infants. I may be told that the Bill of last
session did not immediately affect adults. But such, gentle-
men, is not the case. As regards females it did immediately
affect them, end as regards males it did indirectly, and to a
certain extent, affect them also. I admit that it is most
painful—l assure you that no one feels it so more than my-
self, to resist any measure which is fairly and moderately
called for, as this is, by the working classes of my fellow-
countrymen, more especially when the object they seek to
obtain is in itself not only harmless, hut proper and be-
coming. But, gentlemen, in this complicated state ofsociety,
it is important not to look at the consequences. I admit the
advantages, in this country of greater time to the workmen
for relaxation, for education, and for the purposes of health,
and with a view to increased efforts for religious instruction.
But, gentlemen, let us take care that, whilst aiming at ob-
jects of this description, we do not over-rate the benefits to
them of any relaxation or any instruction, by depriving them
of the means of obtaining subsistence for themselves. For,
gentlemen, I myself confess, to you, that I have never yet
been able to conceive how those theorists who have argued
upon this point can clearly make out that you can reduce
the powers of production, pay the same wages by raising the
price of articles, and at the same time maintain your markets
both at home and abroad. Those who are conversant with
these subjects, know upon how very little does the reduce ion
or the loss of the foreign markets, sometimes of the home
market, depend ; and I greatly fear if you were to enforce
upon the masters at all times, and under all circumstances,
the restriction of ten hours' labour, that you would even-
tually destroy, or very greatly impair, the manufactures of
this country, and, consequently, must deeply injure the
working men. But, gentlemen, bow are these things ma-
naged in other communities? I see no reason why the ma-
nufacturer and the operative here should not do as the
farmer and labourer do at other places ; why mutual arrange-
ments should not be made between you, with a view to the
accomplishment of this object. lam confident, gentlemen,
that if those who press upon the Legislature this mea-
sure would withhold their interference for a short time,
that we should soon see a mutual understanding, a mutual
arrangement come to between the masters and the workmen,
which would be satisfactory to all, and which, not being
bound by strict legislative enactments, would be opeq
,to
such subsequent arrangements as the alteration of cirCuinJ
stances might require. If gentlemen bear in mind that,
whereas now, at this moment,—and I am afraid that proba-
bly it will soon be in operation to a greater degree—many
manufacturers are obliged to work short time, in consequence
of a decreased harvest, and an increased price of provisions,
bear in mind that you may see a revulsion similar to that of
1843. You may have a plentiful harvest throughout the
world ; you may see the mills again bard at work; and I
ask you, whether it would be wise, either as regards the
producer or the consumer, to deprive the workmen as well as
the manufacturer of the increased advantages which ie.-
creased labour for a short period might bring to both.—
(Some hissing was heard at the close of this sentence, which-
was speedily drowned by the cheering which immediately
arose.) Now, there is another topic—it is somewhat of a local
character--which relates to the regulations for improving the
health of towns; and I know not in what constituency I
could say a word upon this subject, where I would be more
likely to meet with a response of an enlightened descrip-
tion than in the town of Manchester. Here and in Liver-

pool, in both towns, the greatest exertions have been made,
with a view to the increased comfort and health of the
labouring population. To say nothing of those three mag-
nificent parks which have been established here, large sums
have most magnificently and wisely been devoted to im-
proving the streets and drainage of the town ; and I believe
few towns, at the present moment, are in a more progres-
sive state of improvement, than Manchester. But it has been
objected to me, individually, that I am unfit to represent
you, because I introduced a Bill upon this subject, applicable
to the towns of England generally, which some parties in
this town have not approved of. Now in the first place I
must really beg you to call to mind what has taken place
with respect to the legislation upon this subject. The first
I attempt at legislation was made by the Marquis ofNormanby.
I believe there are few who have seen that Bill, owing to the
hurried way in which it was brought forward, and the want
of information at the time, who will not admit that it was
perfectly impracticable. When the late Government suc-
ceeded to office, it became my duty, at the desire of Sir Robert
Peel, to enter into a consideration of this subject, in conjunc-
tion with an unpaid commission, appointed for that purpose.
The result was, that having obtained a vast mass of valuable
information, I introduced a Bill, at the close of the session
of 1844, into Parliament, with this view. I should say, I
had previously introduced a Bill, regulating the buildings in
the metropolis, which, although great objections have been
found to some of its provisions, I believe is now much more
generally acquiesced in ; at any rate, those which more par-
ticularly relate to the health of towns are approved of. But,
subsequently, I introduced the Bill to which I allude. Well,
it has been objected that nothing could be so unfair and im-
proper as many of the regulations which affected the town (4.
Manchester. It has been charged that, whereas you have
an admirable tribunal by which these things are regulated--
a local body who most admirably administer the funds for this
purpose,—it is most unfair and improper that any new body
should be constituted for carrying out this object in Man-
chester. Now. bear in mind, this Bill was introduced as a
general Bill, applicable to all the towns in the country; bear
in mind that there is extreme difficulty in legislating, in the
same clauses and words, for a town of 3,000 or 6.000, and one
of 300,000 people. But what were the reasons why I intro-
&lced the machinery objected to ? I quite admit that the
objections may be strong as regards Manchester itself. The
reasons were two-fold. In the first place, I found, upon in-
TairY, the greatest objection raised in many towns to the
111! of this description being administered by a body
which, generally speaking, is so strictly of a political clia-
racterTory principles, there as municipalt corporations; that whereas in one town
there is the
being administered abuse of a Tory corporation, with its
another town the corporation ere the Radicals object to their funds
even for the purpose of drainage ; in
equally object to the is Radical, and the Tories
of.. I thiuk it is a great pity
that the corporations of
asctrentry should be so deeply
tinged with political feelingsthey are. But finding such
to objectionsob on that score,
to be the case, and seeing the strong
which
illut there
really
I certainly did see right, if possible, to
is another reason. In almost all the district!se
drainage, the municipal boroughs have become
tended in the amount of population. Municipal bodiyes eaxr-e
elected by, and have control over, only the ancient boroughs ;
and all the districts which lie around them have neither any
votes or voices in the return of that body. I felt, there-
fore, that upon the principle (which I believe all will approve

of) that those who pay taxes should have a voice in the
selection of those who levy them, I thought it most desirable,
that the outlying districts of towns should have a voice in
the selection of therepresentatives who are to disburse these
funds; and it was with that view the machinery was con-
stituted to which the objection has been raised. I do not
wish to detain you longer; but I am ready at once to admit
—I have admitted it long ago—twelve months ago it seemed
apparent that in all probability it would eventually be neces-
sary that not only London, but some three or four of the
principal and largest towns cf this country should be exempt
from that Bill, with a view to legislation separately, having
reference to their own peculiar interests. I need hardly say
that, being now an independent Member of Parlirment, that
Bill is no longer in my hands. It is undertaken by the
present Home Secretary, Lord Grey, and he has means to
deal with the subject which I had not. All I can say is,
that I look upon regulations of this kind—anything which
shall promote and increase the health, and consequently in-
crease the happiness and habits of order and comfort among

the labouring opulation—as so important, that to that sub*:
ject, and to any Bill which Government thinks it right to
introduce, I will devote the most anxious and careful atten•
tion.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, there is one most important
national subject, to which,if time permitted, I should allude;
big I do feel that I have already trespassed upon yourattention
a good deal.—(Cries of "Go on.") I do see signs of impa-
tience, which remind me that I ought to be more considerate
and not enter at much length upon any subject. But there is
one great and important point upon which I should desire
to have dwelt for more time, but still I must touch
slightly upon it—it is the present state of Ireland. lam
convinced that a crisis has arrived in the affairs of that

'country which requires more wisdom and boldness than,
perhaps, ever was required from any Minister before, in any
state of a country. I believe, upon the exercise of that wis
dom and boldness, in the present ensuing session, will depend
much of the future welfare and happiness of our sister
country; and I am sure that, under such circumstances,
and with such feelings, you would feel that I should grossly
neglect my duty if, by one word, I could prejudice or impair,
or render more difficult, those measures which the Govern-
ment may be likely to introduce upon that subject. I will
forbear to touch upon any disputed topic. I will say nothing
about the poor-law, the cultivation of waste lands, or any
other recommendations which have been proposed, and are
likely to be submitted to the Legislature. I think it would
be more becoming in me to be silent upon these points. But
thus much I'may say, as regards that country, that the senti-
ments 1 entertained towards it when connected by the im-
portant tie of official relationship, shall be immutable and
maintained by me when an independent Member. I have
contracted an anxiety and a regard for the welfare of that
country, which is not likely to be changed by any circum-
stances which may occur to myself—(Applause)—and this
I am prepared to declare, that I shall ever be found an
advocate for a liberal policy towards that country—that
I shall be found to be an advocate for the granting to Ire-
land an equality with this country in all civil rights--(Hear)
—I mean such an equalisation as the peculiar and altered
circumstances of the two countries may enable us to give.
Don't imagine I mean any subterfuge by that last qualifica-
tion ; I mean simply that the different positions of England
and Ireland may require different circumstances and legis-
lative processes, as the different circumstances of England
and Scotland require different legislations with respect to
them. For as regards all substantial merits, Ido wish
to see legislation henceforward conducted . towards that
country in the same spirit in which we legislate for Eng-
land and Scotland. I am satisfied you concur with me in
that opinion; that on those grounds alone should we be jus-
tified in claiming the attachment of that country; and I
believe, by such a course, we may ensure such attachment.
I would not, even here, although no doubt there are ver3-
many in this room would understand me, snake a latin quo-
tation ; and therefore let me recal to your minds, in the
English tongue, the sentiments of the Roman orator, Cicero,
who said that those who take counsel for the interests of or.e
part of a country, and neglect the other, bring upon the state
those most pernicious of evils, discord and seoition—(Loud
cheers.) Discord and sedition have unfortunately been at
times but too common in that ill-fated country ; but let it be
ours to deprive them, at any rate, of any excuse for such
• conduct. I believe that we may, eventually remove both
discord and sedition; but let us at least, as loyal subjects,
and good fellow-ceuntrymen, be guiltless of such cense-
quences.—(Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I will trespass on
your attention with no further
observations voluntarily
on my part. As I said before, lam ready to answer
any questions that may be put to me.—(Applause.) I
rejoice that I have had this opportunity of explanation,
and that 'it will now afford you sufficient time before
the canvass is completed, to decide whether eventually you
should wish me to become the representative of this great
and important constituency.—(Cheers, and some few cries
of "No,' drowned by shouts of "Yes.") And now, gentle-
men, in conclusion, whether or no I shall ever stand towards
you in any other relationship than that in which I stand
towards you at this moment—whether or not I should ever
be honoured with the proud name of your representative—l
part from you upon this occasion with the earnest hope that
this great and important community may continue to enjoy
that prosperity which for the last few years has been its lot.
But, gentlemen, if that may not be the case—if, in the in-
scrutable designs of Providence, that should not be decreed
—but that adverse times should be coming (as I know that
some fear they are coming), may the pressure and the sor-
row of those times be mitigated by the enlightened and
liberal spirit of the population of this great town; and may
you be bound by the cords of that common interest which I
believe will always affect you, where the benefit of your town,
and more especially of the humbler portion of it, is con-
cerned.—(Applause.) And if, indeed, those times should
come, let me add the fervent prayer that the clouds which
may now come over you may quickly disperse, and that you
may again appear before the world, as an example of manu-
facturing and mercantile greatness, unalloyed by the vices
which are but frequently the accompaniments of those great
advantages. May you stand before the eyes of an admiring
world ;as an emporium of trade, as the nursery of science and
of art; and may your great charities and beneficent deeds
lay a lasting claim for this town to those benefits and that
prosperity which it has hitherto enjoyed !—(Great cheering,
during which his Lordship resumed his seat, having spoken
an hour and three-quarters.)
Several questions were then put to his Lordship, in reply-
to which he declared he would not vote next session for the
total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws; for the Ten
Hours' Bill, for the ballot, for electoral districts, or for the
equalization of the stamp duties.
An ELscroß inquired whether his Lordship would take
the revenue to remunerate the Irish Roman Catholic clergy
out of the funds of the Irish Protestant Church, which is a
church without a people?
In reply to which Lord LINCOLN said—l believe I may
answer the question in the words of the present Prime
Minister of England soon after his acceptance of office in
July last—that the destruction of the Protestant Church of
Ireland would be one of the most fruitful and perpetual
sources of heart-burnings, bickerings, and discontents in that
country.—(hear.) Under those circumstances, and con-
curring very much with that Noble Lord, I certainly am
not prepared to make such a promise as the elector asks of
me.—(Applause.)
Another ELECTOR—Do you think it right for the Dis-
senters of England to pay towards the Established Church,
from which they differ?
Lord ',income said the Established Church was supported
by funds derivable from land, and other property, of which,
unquestionably, some was held by Dissenters; and it was
almost invariably either inherited or purchased subject to
those payments. Therefore, as regards . the Established
Church, it is undoubtedly property and not the individual
Dissenters who pay.
Another ELECTOR—WiII you support a system of national
education, unshackled by the trammels of sectarianism?
Lord LINCOLN said that this was a question of far too
general a nature to be answered in a tangible and distinct
shape. He could only say he was most anxious that any
promotion of education by the State should be national in
scope, in object, and in effect.—(Applause.) He believed
that the systems of education in Holland and Prussia, how-
ever good for those countries, were by no means likely to
be beneficially engrafted upon our system here ; and he
doubted whether even the national system of education in
Ireland was practically applicable to this country.
An ELECTOR inquired wllether it was his, Loldship's inter= ,
ton to dress the electorstf the different districts, preiioue
to the-requisition being presented to him ? i
LordLnecosel said, in obedience to the wishes of the

committee for promoting the requisition, he had come
down and addressed that meeting; and any further steps
in reference to the canvass he should only take in obe-
dience to a request from the same body—for this reason :
—greatly as he should prize the honour of being the re•
presentative of Manchester, he should feel it most inde-
licate, most improper, and he might say, most "im-
modest," on his part to take any steps of a voluntary
nature to attain that honour.—(Hear, hear.) If called for-
ward by a requisition from a large body of the constituency,
it would be his duty to obey it—(Cheers)—and from the
moment he became a candidate, he should of course consider
himself not only entitled, but bound to take a different, and
perhaps, more independent course than he could at this mo-
ment.—(Applause.) He was now entirely in the hands of
the body who had called him forward, and it certainly was
not his intention at present to attend any other meetings,
unless on the intimation of its being their wish that he
should do so.
Mr. R. BIILEY moved—

" That this meeting has heard with much satisfaction the
declaration of opinions expressed by Lord Lincoln, and begs
to tender its best thanks to the Noble Lord for his kindness
in accepting the invitation of the committee, and for his pre-
sence on this occasion."

Mr. M. Ross seconded the resolution, which was put from
the chair, and passed almost unanimously, a few dissentient
hands being raised near the doors of the room.

Mr. T. CooKE, jun., moved, and M. W. Gass seconded, th•
following resolution :—_ _ _ _ _ _

" That the canvass for Lord Lincoln having so far pro-
ceeded most satisfactorily, this meeting resolves that the
same be prosecuted with all possible activity till completed."
Which was carried unanimously.
Lord lancoLN, in moving a vote of thanks to the Chair-
man, said it was well known that Mr. Neild had devoted
'much time, labour, and money to the service of the public,
and he (Lord Lincoln), as a member of the late Govern-
ment, had means of knowing his worth in difficult times, by
the way in which he filled the office of chief magistrate of
this great town.—( Hear, hear, and applause.) His worth
was well known in London, as well as in Manchester. He
moved—

" That the best thanks of the meeting are due, and are
hereby tendered, to Mr. Alderman Neild, for his conduct in
the chair."
Mr. J. PEEL seconded the resolution, which was put by
Mr. J. A. TURNER, and passed almost unanimously.
Mr. Alderman NEILD, in acknowledging it, thanked the
assembly for this mark of their approval, and said he was
only sorry that the orderly disposition of the meeting was
not universal.
The proceedings then terminated.

The following gentlemen have been placed upon the
commission of the peace for the county of Cumberland :
Thomas Barnes, Esq., M.D., of Carlisle ; Joseph Ferguson,
Esq., of Lowther-street, Carlisle; the Rev. W. H. Milner, of
Penrith ; the Rev. J. B. Dykes, of Duvenby ; and the Rev.
R. N. Featherston, of Maryport.
SOCIETY OF ARTS.—The first ordinary meeting
for the year was held on Wednesday evening, J. Payne, Eeq.,
V.P., in the chair. A communication was read from Mrs.
Whitby, on the cultivation of the mulberry and growth of the
silk-worm in this country. It is well known that the culture
of silk in France, which is only of very recent introductiori,
has turned out very successful, although the objections
against it were quite as strong as those which hadobeen urged
here. It appeared that Mrs. Whitby had been successful in
producing a silk finer in quality and texture than that de-
rived from any foreign source, and in considerable quantity,
whilst the great principle had been obtained that the cost
was much less. A description was given by Mr. Corden of a
new condensing rotatory steam engine. ; The case and yrlaeel
are placed in vacuo, so that the latter has as little resistance
as possible.
TILE FABLE OF THE GOLDEN EGGS REALISED.—
A townsman of ours recently won at a raffle a very fine
goose, and upon the " gudewife" preparing it for the spit,
she still more fortunately found in the entrails one of her
Majesty's coins called a half-sovereign. Fancying, we pre-
sume, that this was the veritable "goose that'laid the golden
eggs," she exclaimed, " what a pity this goose was killed
—Cambridge ,Advertiser.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF QUEEZ'S BEACH, Jan. 14.

Lord DENMAN, at the sitting of the Court, gave
judgment in the following cases

POLLET V. FORREST.

This was a writ of error from the Common Pleas.
The ease was tried at Lancaster, and the verdict was for
the defendant. The error was alleged to be the insufficiency
of the instrument by which the defendant held a certain
piece of land, and the question at issue, whether the plaintiff
mild receive 2s. 6d. per yard for all the hay sold by the
defendant in the shape of a penalty, or as a rent service.
A distress was put in, and the jury found for the arrears
due, the present plaintiff being in the position of a de-
fendant. The present plaintiff contended that the money
must be recovered as a penalty, and not as a rent service
as it was found. The Court considered that the present
defendant was entitled to judgment in his behalf.

the verdict, on the ground I VE" anisdiroction, and as against I
evidence. Plaintiff had re, tuested the defendant to pur-
chase for him a number of shares in the Kentish Coast
Railway Company. The ( lefendant purchased what he
believed to be genuine shut is in the company, but which
were afterwardi discovered to have been fraudulently
issued ; and the present acti on was brought for the pur-
p3se of recovering back the money paid to the defendant
for these shares. The question d left for the jury were, was
the scrip sold by defendant to plaintiff fraudulent scrip;
then, if the scrip was really fraudulent, what was the
effect of it, and what was it which the plaintiff really
intended tt) buy, and the defer cant intended to sell.
Mr. MARTIN now contended .that these questions were
not properly left to the jury.
Mr. Baron PARKE—The quest ion seems to me to be
really this, what did the parties mean by the purchase of
shares in the Kentish Coast Railway Company. It ap-
pears that there were no other shares in the market
known as Kentish Coast RailTva,y shares; it is, therefore,
perfectly reasonable to suppose that the plaintiff in-
tended to purchase, and bargair.ed for the delivery of,
these shares.

Mr. Baron ALnEiteoN-.-In my opinion the plaintiff in
this case has got what he bargained. for.
Rule granted.

CLARE V. NEWSOM AND ANOTHER.

In this case, which was an action for false imprison-
ment on an alleged charge of forging railway scrip, and
in vatich a verdict was returned for defendant, a rule
nisi for a new trial was obts fined by Sir F. Thesiger, on
the ground of misdirectio:n on the part of the Lord
Chief Baron, before whom '...the cause was tried.,

With reference to the point reserved at the trial, as to
whether the forgery of the scrip amounted to a felony,
or only to a misdeamenour, the Court were of opinion
that the offance did not amount to a felony, inasmuch as
the scrip was not an accountable receipt.—Rule granted.
BREACII OF PROMISE OF MAR RIAGE.— G OLDICOTT V.