The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-10 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, M

PARLIAMENTARY DI VISION.
(Fiona the P otes and Proceedings of the -House qf Commons.)
FRIDAY, MAY 7.
POLL 0 C AND GOVAN RAILWAY BILL.
Read a third time; Clause (Till Railway be carried over or
under the Glasgow and Paisley Road, by Parkhouse, no part
of the traffic to pass across the said road) brought up, and read
a first time ; Motion made, and Question put, " That the said
Clause be now read a second time :"—The House divided

MAJORITY—AYES, 162.
Abercromby, G. R. —Stirlingshire Hotham, Lord—Leominster
A'Court, Captain—Tamworth Houston, G. J.—Renfrewshire
Ainsworth, P.—Bolton Hume, Joseph—Kilkenny
Archbold, Robert—Kildare Hutt, W.—Hull
Attwood, W.—Greenwich Hutton Robert—Dublinßailey, Joseph—Worcester Irving, john—Antrim Co.
Bailey, J. D.—Sudbury Jackson,Mr.Serj.—Bandon Bridge
Baillie, H. D.—Honiton Johnstone, ... /I —llvwfriesshire
Baines, Edward—Leeds Jones, T.—Londonderry Co.
Baker, Edward—Wilton Kelburne, Lord—Argyleshire
Baring, H. B.—Marlborough
Lefroy, Rt. Hon. T.—Dublin Gni
Langton, Col Gore—Somerset
Barneby, John—Worcestershire
Bateson, Sir R.—Londonderry versity
Bythell, Richard—Yorkshire Lemon, Sir Chas.—W. Cornwall
Bewes, T.—Plymouth Liddell, Hon. H.—North Durham
James—Kirkwall
Blackburne, Ireland—Warrington Loch,
Blair, J. Wigtoashire
Mackenzie, Thomas—Ross
Lowther, Colonel—Westmoreland
Blake, Wm. J.—New port , Isle of
Wight Mackenzie, W. F.--Peeblesshire
Bodkin, John James—Galway Marshall, Wm.—Carlisle
Bolling, W.—Bolton Master, Colonel—Cirencester
Bradshaw, James—CanterburY Maule, Hon. Fox—Elgin Burghs
Bridgeman Hewitt—Ennis Maunsell, T. P —Northamptonsh
Buller, Sii*'J. Yards—Devonshire Miles, Philip W. Skynner—Bristol
Butler, Hon. P.—Kilkenny Co Mines, R. AL—Pontefract Canning, Right Hon. Sir S.—Lynn Milton, Lord—Malton
Cartwrignt, Wm. R.—South Nor- Neeld, Joseph—Chippenham
thamptonshire Noel, William 3E—Rutland
Chalmers, Patrick—lnverbervie Norreys, Sir Denham—Mallow
Chapman, Aaron—Whitby O'Connell, Daniel- Dublin
Chichester, J. P. B.—Barnstaple O'Connzll, John—Athlone
Childars, John W.—Malton Ord, W.—Newcastle-upon-Tyre
Christopher, It. A.—Lincolnshire Palmer, George—Essex
Cochrane, Sir T. J.—lpswich Parker, John—Sheffield
Collier, John—Plymouth Parker, T. A. W.—Oxfordshire
Colquhoun, John C.—Renfrew Perceval, Colonel—Sligo Co.
Courtenay, P.—Bridgewater Planta, Joseph—Hastings
Craig, W. G.—Edinburghshire Power, James—Wexford Co.
Crawford, W.—London Pewerscourt, Viscount—Bath
Crewe, Sir George—South Derby Pringle, Alexander—Selkirkshire
Dalrymple, Sir A.—Brighton Pryme, George—Cambridge
Dcnistoun, J.—Glasgow Pusey, Philip—Berkshire
De Horsey, S. H.—Newcastle- Rae, Right Hon. Sir Wm.—Bute
under Lyme Rein, Sir John Rae—Dover
Do.iglas, Sir C. E.—Warwick Rice, Edward Royd—Dover
Drumit'ond, H. H.—Perthshire Riehards, Richard—Merinethsh,
Dugdale, VV, S.—Warwickshire Roche, E. B.—Cork Co.
Dunbar, George—Belfast Rolleston, CoL—S. Nottingham
buncombe, Hon A.—East Retford Round, John—Maldon
Dundas, Frederick—Orkney Rushbrooke, Colonel—Sal:Mr
Egerton, W. Tatton—Cheshire Rutherfurd, Rt. Hon. A.—Leith
Eliot, Lord—East Cornwall Sanford, E. A.—Somersetshire
Elliot, Hon. J. E.—Roxburghshire Sharpe, General—Dumfries
Ellice, Edward—St. Andrew's Sheppard, Thomas—Frome
Ellice, Capt. A.—Harwich Sibthorp, Colonel—Lincoln
Estcourt, T. G. 13.—Oxford Univ. Somerset, Lord G.—Monmeuthsli
Euston, Earl—Thetford Sotheron, T. E.—Dev izcs •
Evans, William—North Derby Stewart, James—Honiton
Farrand, Robert—Stafford Stock, Dr.—Cashel
Feilden, W.'J.—Blackbnrn Strickland, Sir G.—W. Yorkshire
Fre ditield, fames Wm.—Penryn Strutt, Edward—Derby
Gasket!, James Milnes— Weniock Stuart,] Lord J.—Ayr
Gladstone, John N.—Walsall Stuart, Villiers—Waterford Co.
Gladstone, W. E.—Newamon- Style, Sir Charles—Scarborough
Trent Tancred, H. W.—Banbury
Glynne, Sir S. R.—Flintshire Tennent, J. E.—Belfast
Gordon, Hon. W.—Aberdeenshire Thesiger, F.—Woodstock
Gore, Ormsby—Salop Thompson, Ald.—Sunderland
Granby, Marquis of—Stamford Thoroely,Thos.—Wolverhampton
Grattan, Henry—Meath Trevor, Hon. G.—Caermarthonsn,
Greg, R. H.—Manchester Trotter, Jobn —West Surrey
Grey, Sir Charles Edwara—Tyne. Vere, Sir C. B.—East Suffolk
mouth Verner, William—Armagh Co.
Grirnsditch, T.—Macclesfield Wallace, Robert—Greenock
Hawilton, Charles J. B.— Ayles Warburton, H.—Bridport
bury Wilbraham, George—Cheshire
Handley, Henry—Lincolnshire Wilbraham, Hon. R. B.—Lanca.
Hawkins, J. H.—Newport, Isle of shire
Wight Wilde, Mr. Serjeant—Newark
HindsJ
,
J. Hodgson—Newcastle. Winnington, Sir T. E.—Bewdley
Hepburn,Sir T. —Haddingtonshire Williams, William—Coventry
upon-Tyne Wood, Benjamin—Southwark
Hobhouse, T. Benj.—Rochester 1 Wrightson, W. B.—Northallerton
Hodgson, Frederick—Barnstaple
Hodgsonitd.—Berwick-on-Tweed
Hogg, James Weir—Beverley
Hoskins, K.—Herefordshire

TELLERS.
Clerk, Sir G.—Stamford
Lockhart, A. M.—Lanarkshire

MINORITY
Antrobus, Edmund—Surrey
Bagge, W.—West Norfolk
Baldwin, Charles Barry—Totness
Barnard, E . G.—Greenwich
deamish, F B.—Cork
Berkeley, Hon. F. H.—Bristol
Briscoe, J. I.—Westbury
Broad ley, Henry—East Yorkshire
Broadwood, Henry—Bridgewater
Brodie, W. B..—Salisbury
Brotherton, J.—Salford
Burr, D H. D.—Hereford
Miguel& W.—Bradford
Chute, W. L W.—West Norfolk
Currie, Raikes—Northampton
Darlington, Earl of—Shropshire
Denison, W. J.—West Sussex
D'lsraeli, B.—Maidstone
Duncombe, T. S --Finsbury
Duncombe, Hon. W.—Yorkshire
Edwards, Sir John—Montgomery
rwart, William—Wigan
Fector, John folinet—Maidstone
Gillon, Wm. D.—Linlithgow
Gisboate, Thomas—Cariow
Hamilton, Lord C. —Tyrone
Hawes, B. -Lambeth
Hill, Sir Rowland—Shropshire

—NOES, 50.
Hindley, Charles—i-shton
Hurt, Francis—South Derby
Inglis, Sir R. R—Ox. University
James, William—Cumberland
Jones, John —Carmarthenshire
Kemble, H.—East Surrey
Knight, H. G.—Nottinghamshir.
Lister, E. Canliire—Bradford
Lowther, J. H.—York
Lygon, Major-Gen. Hon. H. B.—

oriestirshire West.
Marsland, Henry—Stockport
Matthew, G. B.—Shaftesbury
Phillpotts, John—Gloucester
Redington, T. N.—Dundalk
Roche, William—Limerick
Round, Charles Gray—Essex N.
Stanley, W. o.—Anglesca
Steuart, Robert—Haddington, &e.
Tallourd, Mr. Serjeant —Reading
Turner, W.—Blackburn
Walker, IL—Bury, Lancashire
White, Andrew—Sunderland
Yates, J. Ashton -Carlow

TELLERS.
Hastie, Archibald—Paisley
Alston, Rowland—Hertiordshite

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
COURT OF QUEENS BENCH, May 8,
THE QUEEN V. LATIMER.

Mr. KELLY had to show cause against a rule which
had been obtained at the instance of the Earl of Devon,
calling upon Mr. Thomas Latimer to show cause why a
criminal information should not be exhibited against him
for the publication of a libel, lie was instructed to ap-
pear on behalf of Mr. Latimer, who was the proprietor
of a newspaper called tilt Western Times, and the com-
plaint of the Earl of Devon was, that a publication had
appeared in the newspaper reflecting upon his judicial
character when presiding as Chairman of the Quarter
Sessions for the county of Devon. As soon as it became
known to Mr: Latimer that the Earl of Devon thought
he had reason to complain of the article in question, he
was earnestly desirous of promptly and explicitly dis-
claiming the slightest intention of throwing the smallest
imputation on the honour, the character, or the motives
of the Noble Earl.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, after the ample apo-
logy that had been made, the Earl of Devon had no
wish to proceed further.—Rule discharged.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, May 8.
WILMSHURST V. BOWKER.

The Court gave judgment. The case came before
the Court upon an application to enter the verdict for the
defendant, non obstante veredicto, on the third plea to the
first count. The action was in assumpsit on a contract
for the salelicf wheat ; to which the defendant had pleaded
that the wheat had been sold upon the terms that the
plaintiffs should receive possession thereof upon transmit-
ting a draft upon their banker to the defendant, which
they had neglected to do, and that, therefore, the defend-
ant was justified in stopping the wheat in transitu. The
Court held that the contract set out was conditional as to
the transfer of the right of possession, and that, there-
fore, the defendant was entitled to stop the corn in
transitu.

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, May 8.
DUNN V. ALEXANDER.

The plaintiff in this case is the individual who for so
long a period has perisisted in his persecution of Miss
Burdett Coutts, and the defendant is the gentleman
against whom he brought the action, which was tried in
the sittings after the last term, for an assault and false
imprisonment in this Court, when the Jury found a ver-
dict for the defendant. That finding, of course, cast the
payment of costs upon the plaintiff, who, failing therein,
a rule was subsequently obtained, calling on him to show
cause why he should not be taken in execution. That
rule was on Friday made absolute in consequence of his
not appearing either by Counsel or in person to oppose
it, with leave to the plaintiff to have the rule re-opened
if he presented himself next day.
Mr. BAYLEY, seeing the plaintiff in Court, applied to
have the rule made absolute definitively.

Mr. DUNN then rose, and produced an affidavit to
prove that he had been prepared on the first four days of
term, and had had his motion set down in the paper, but
that from not having had a day rule he had been absent
upon the occasion when he was called, and that the cause
in consequence had been struck out. He was, however,
now present, and with their Lordships' leave would sub-
mit that upon the postea he was entitled to move for a
writ of error.

The CounT observed that none of his objections had
been indorsed on the postea, and therefore it was impos-
sible for the Court to entertain them. That being the
case the rule must be made absolute.

Mr. DUNN prayed that he might be taken to the
Qut-en's Bench prison, as the Fleet was so crowded as to
be very fast from comfortable, not to say inconvenient.
The COURT said that if such a removal were obtained
it must be in the usual way, by habeas corpus.
Mr, DUNN was then removed in custody to the Fleet.

layman. Now, what were. the authorities, leal and ec-
clesiastical, whose `dicta had beeri bronght forward to
support the argument on either side. ? There wa only
one case which had occurred in the Ecclesiastical Court
on this subject, " Kemp v. Wickes," decided by Sir J.
Nicholl in 1809. NOw the opinion of that Learned.
Judge strongly confirmed the validity of baptisms per-
formed by laymen. His decision must necessarily have a
great influence on the mind of the Court, especially when it
considered the lengthened and elaborate judgment which he
had given, and the deep attention he evidently had paid to
the question. But the Court was bound to look for it-
self to the history of the Church, and to consider the
views which had been taken by her eminent divines on
this subject at different periods of her history. What
had been the law of the primitive Christian Church with
regard to lay baptisms ? The writings of Tertullian
(from which the Court read copious extracts in the•ori-
ginal), the Legatine and Provincial Constitutions, and
the opinions of the Fathers, proved that in early ages
the Church allowed baptisms by laymen. Now it had
been contended by the counsel for Mr. Escott that the
tolerance of such baptisms was one of the errors which
had crept into the Romish Church, and so here was an
admission that during the possession of extensive power
by that Church she allowed baptism by laymen. So,
as far as the case at present went, this was the law of
the Church up to the time of the Reformation. At
this period, however, various alterations had taken
place, but none were of any importance until the reign
of Edward VL Now, in the new Litany which had
been introduced in 1549, and received some slight
changes in 1552, it was expressly declared in the
form of prayer " for those who were baptised in private
houses in time of necessitie," that baptisms by laymen
were valid ; and it added, " let them not doubt that those
so baptised are sufficiently baptised, and ought not to be
,baptised again." This continued till the reign of Eliza-
beth, and it now brought the Court down to 1575, when
a convocation was holden of the province of Canterbury
(though not of York), at which certain canons—fifteen
in number—were drawn up, one of which prohibited the
administration of baptism by laymen. Now, putting
aside the question whether any such canon could have
any force, except as showing the opinion of the heads of
the Church at that time, this canon, the 13th, was never
printed, and only two or three copies of it were now ex-
tant. Under all the circumstances, it could not be con-
sidered as in any degree altering the established law.
Nothing so clouded, so surrounded by doubt and mystery,
could. overture the principle and practice of the Church
for ages. In 1584 and in 1595, the directions of the
Rubric and the history of the Church alike proved that
no alteration had as yet taken place in her laws on the
point. And the Court now came •to a most important
period. Immediately' after the accession of James, peti-
tions were presented to him by the Puritans, complaining
"of baptism by midwives and women"—to this point
alone even their demands were confined, and in conse-
quence of such complaints -a conference was held at
Hampton Court on Jan. 1, 1604, an account of which had
been given both by James Montague, then the keeper of the
Chapel Royal, and by Dr. Cardwell in his " History of Con-
ferences" (p. 138), and also a more minute history of it by
Dr. Barlow, the then Dean of Chester. On that occasion
the King, who was most opposed to lay baptisms of all
present, had said " that baptism ought only to be per-
formed by ministers, but," he added, "that he utterly
disapproved of all rebaptization." After a long discus-
sion had taken place between the Archbishop of Canter-
bury ; Babington, the Bishop of Worcester ; Bancroft,
Bishop of London, afterwards promoted to Canterbury ;
and Bitten, Bishop of Winchester, the King, in the
words of Dr. Montague, "won from them" that the
words "lawful minister" should be introduced into the
Rubric, and that any other person performing the rite
of baptism should be punished. So the Hampton con- .
ference amounted to this, that these learned divines, then
and there assembled, expressed their disapprobation of
baptisms by laymen, but their conduct on that occasion
could not be construed into a complete alteration of the
law of the Church on so important a point, by which lay
baptisms would be rendered void. So, on the main
question for the decision of the Court—the positive
validity of baptism by laymen, when it had actually been
administered—the law of the Church was, up to this
period still the same, and that law was, "Non fieri debet
sed factum valet." The principle remained in statu quo
at the time of the Restoration. The alterations
which had taken place in the reign of Charles
the Second, by which amongst other things, the Rubric
then in force was made (and it still remained so) the law
of the land, left this point in the same position. After
the conference which had been held in the Savoy, and
the meeting of both Houses of Convocation in 1661, the
Book of Common Prayer had been revised, and some
changes introduced ; but in substance the law of the
Church as to lay baptisms stood as before. At this pe-
riod the term " lawful minister" had been for the first
time used, but Bishop Wheatley and other learned ec-
clesiastical authorities had strongly argued that the
words were not intended solely to include those minis-
ters who had been episcopally ordained. The last pe-
riod to which the Court need advert—the last of any im-
portance previously to "Kemp v. Wickes,"—was 1712,
when a conference had been held at Lambeth, an account
of which had been given by Burnet in the " History of
his own Times," and also in the "Life of Archbishop
Sharpe." At that time it was clear that the decided
opinion of the Bishops was in favour of lay baptism, for
a declaration had been drawn up by them prohibiting
their-clergy from re-baptising those who had been al-
ready baptised by laymen. So much for the law as
proved by the history of the Church, and the circum-
stances of each separate period. But many authorities
had been quoted, to some of whom the Court
was bound to refer. (The Learned Judge then read
at considerable length extracts from the works of eccle-
siastical writers, Bishop Wheatley,Bishop Fleetwood, Dr.
Waterland, Mr. Laurence, who, though a layman, wt.s
learned on polemical subjects, Bingham, Kelsall, and
" that most judicious and able writer, that universally
respected and truly pious man, Richard Hooker.") From
these authorities the law of the Church was evidently
this :—She disapproved and discouraged in later times
(though in the earlier ages of her history she had
not even gone this length) all baptisms by laymen, but
she held them not to be invalid when once performed.
And she made no distinction between ordinary lay bap-
tisms and those which were heretical or schismatic. On
that it was not necessary to say more. According, then,
to this the obvious principle and practice of the Church
for 1,300 years, in her primitive days, during the Romish
power, at the time of the Reformation, at the commence-
ment of the seventeenth century, when the Hampton Con-
ference was held, of the eighteenth century, when that at
Lambeth took place, and of the present, when " Kemp v.
Wickes " was decided, the party now proceeding had es-
tablished his case, and the notice having been given to
the clergyman, he was bound according to the canons
and constitution of the Church of England to bury
the corpse of the child, Elizabeth Ann Cliff. He
had failed in proving his articles, and he had
thus subjected himself to ecclesiastical censure. It had,
with a most praiseworthy and benevolent spirit, been
declared that the party proceeding was only desirous that
Mr. Escott should be admonished and not canonically
punished ; but the Court had no alternative, according to
the canon under which the present proceedings had been
instituted. It declared that a clergyman refusing to bury
a corpse brought to him after due notice should be sus-
pended for three months ; and, accordingly, that sen-
tence ratist b 9 VQllOllllle4 in, the costs of the prose.nt
proceedings,
The proctor for Mr. Escott immediately gave notice
of an appeal.
Sir H. JENNER occupied between four and five hours
in the delivery of his judgment, during the whole of
which time the Court was crowded.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM TILE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

CHRONICLE.—The Times and the Tories are well
matched. Day after day the Times—not years ago, but
within these few weeks—was urging Mr. Labouchere to
attack the West Indian, Timber, and other monopolists,
and boasting of the generous support he would receive
from the Opposition if he threw himself fairly on the
country. On the 16th March last, for instance, the
Times told us that—

" The measures introduced by Mr. Labouchere to the House
of Commons on Friday evening for the relief of the commerce
of the West Indies and the North American colonies. are a
very scanty application of the principles which the Right Ilo"
nourable Gentleman laid down, a very tardy advance in
that able policy of Mr. Huskisson, which has now been ap-
plauded and abandoned for fifteen years, and a very slender
instalment of those commercial benefits which the people of
this country and of our dependencies demand from the legis-
lature It was justly remarked in the course of the de-
bate, that it is a galling spectacle to see the duties of the colo-
nies lightened, nhile nothing is done to remove the most
onerous and unprofitable restrictions borne by the people of the
mother country.
The Times then enters into a detail of the alterations
which Mr. Labouchere's proposition would effect, after
which it proceeds thus
" The principal motive which has guided the Board of Trade
in the selection of these particular points of relief seems to be
no other than the hope that they were so innocent or unimpor-
tant as to elide a vigorous opposition. Are the Government
afraid to throw themselves on the good sense of the House of
Commons and the country ? Have they not had repeated
proof that the grand interests of our commerce will not be con-
verted by the principal Members of the Opposition into wea-
pons of offence ? We await the disclosures of the Chancellor
of the Exchequer with anxious doubts—doubts not as to the
financial embarrassment of the country and the manifest defi-
cieiusy of the public revenue, but as to the principle avid meansby which the Exchequer is to be replenished. For the only
option which the Government is free to use consists either in
extending the bases of taxation by enlarging and relieving the
class of consumer!, or in narrowing that class and increasing
its actual burdens, to the great injury of all trade and of the
general welfare."
On the 18th March, the Times, referring to various
propositions for relieving the distresses of the labouring
classes, observes—
" But amongst those remedies, those which are undoubtedly
most secure, most ripe, and most urgent, are connected with
the improvement of our commercial system, and the extension
of our commercial relations with other countries.
" It is no slight addition to the claims of a cause which has
already so much justice and reason on its side, that they are
backed by the most appalling statements of the present (testi..
tion and progressive decline of our manufacturing population.
The sufferings of millions demand relief, even though that re-
lief were not identical with the truest policy of England. But
the welfare of the mass is identical with the interests of the
country ; and it is because the general prevalence and the ge-
neral loss have not been fairly measured against the particular
advantage of a protected interest that the energies of the coun-
try are weighed down by an unequal and injudicious system of
taxation.

A.ll.4clmg to its former proposition to reduce the sugar
duties, it observes--,

With how much more weight should we have spoken, if
we asked our rulers not only to benefit the planter, and to in-
crease the revenue, but to feed the people by diminishing the
Atitios op colonial produce—by adjusting the taxes on corn
non system better ealculitted to avoid the evils of excessive
away. the daties p
w rihi ech excladeir us limibit mm #t 'ramet
fluctuation 'in c and ente rohion, tud,
itang to our own revenue,''
The Tine's then extracts a long passage from the Re:
port of the 1-4tnd:li-topl with
gommispmers, recommending
e()l2c°ssims to the States Ay. fefernce 10 00

Y 10. 1841

tariff, to Brazil, and 0 Northern Germany, and proceeds
to ob.,erve—

"In short, whatever be the legitimate influence of •diplomacv on commerce, it is very evident that if we do not treat
with other countries, other countries will treat witnout us, and
that the extension of our trade will be impeded as long as such
treaties last, since they are expressly calculated to give supreme
advantages to the intercourse of those other countries. It is
not so much the opportunity for successful commercial negotia-
tion that is wanting as the ability to improve it."
In another laboured article, the Times reproached
Ministers for not sufficienty attending to the interests of
consumers, and even went so far as to- tell them that they
were too easily frightened by the opposition of the
timber monopolists when they abandoned Mr. Poulett
Thomson's scheme for placing the duties on Canadian
and Baltic timber on a more equitable footing. And yet
this same Paper, which thus reproached Ministers with
their timidity, and called on them to attack the mono-
polists, and assures them of the support of the Opposi-
tion, has the unparalleled effrontery to join with the
monopolists against Ministers, and to applaud the dis-
honourable policy of the Tories.
The critical conflict of parties upon the questions in-
volved in the Ministerial Budget commenced, but, as our
readers will perceive, did not terminate, yesterday evening. It
might have been supposed that, in cases of this nature,
where, as every body knows, the point really at issue is a dif-
ferent thing from the question under debate, the country might
have been spared the infliction of a tedious succession of speeches.
What is the use of talking about financial propositions notori-
ously brought forward to serve a political and not a financial pur-
pose ? What rational object can be attained by prefacing with a
series of dissertations on the principles of free trade and politi-
cal economy a division, which cannot furnish any test of the
degree in which those principles are accepted in Parliament?
On the other hand, we see no great advantage in expatiating
for a week together upon the horrors of slavery, in an assembly
which has really met to put an end to a political crisis by a vote of
confidence or no-confidence in a poor-oppressing Ministry.
We do not, of course, mean, either that Lord John Rus-
sell, when he utters sententious maxims about the impolicy
of needless or excessive commercial restrictions, is playing the
hypocrite, or that Lord Sandon is not perfectly sincere
when he deprecates the Ministerial proposal, as to the
sugar duties, on the score of its tendency to encourage negro
slavery. But we feel that these topics are merely collateral to
the point at issue, and that they are, on both sides, chiefly re-
sorted to for the sake of giving to a party struggle the imposing
appearance of a conflict of popular principles. The arguments de-
rived fromthem weigh,no doubt,with both parties, but they are not
the reasons by which their line of conduct has been practically
determined. Free trade is thrust forward by the Whigs to cover
the retreat of the New Poor-law, and to break the onset of its
victorious assailants. Under the shadow of • a banner dear to
many of her opponents, and by the help of a popular watch-
word, despotism hopes to gain time to rally her broken forces
and to daunt her adversaries with the fear that in striking her
down they may endanger something else which they would fain
preserve.

What can be said to profligate and unblushing aban-
donment of principle like this? Notorious as the Times
is for utter and reckless disregard of honesty, it is im-
possible not to be stfuck with its systematic calls on
Ministers to proceed boldly with its free trade principles,
in full reliance on the support of the Opposition, and its
turning suddenly round, exclaiming the principles are of
no consequence whatever—it is quite enough that by
proposing them Ministers have brought on themselves
the enmity of the different classes of monopolists, by
whose help the Tories may drive them from office. The
Times, we repeat, is worthy of the Tories, and the To-
ries of the Times. The views and honesty of th% party
are admirably represented by the most unprincipled
Journal in the world.

We have been surprised to hear doubts ex-
pressed as to the course to be pursued, if the com-
bined and factious opposition of Tories and Monopo-
lists to the financial and commercial reforms now
before Parliament shall bring on another crisis. That it
will be so, in fact, is certain ; nor shall we be astonished
if Lord Sandon's hypocritical resolution, so ably exposed
by Lprd John Russell, is carried by a considerable ma-
jority. But we are surprised at the question of some well
meaning persons in the streets, " Will the consequence
be resignation or dissolution ?" Do these persons mean
to affirm the Tory imputations on the Government, and to
say that the propositions of Lord J. Russell and the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer were solely intended to cover
the retreat of the Cabinet, and to embarrass their suc-
cessors ? Has it all, therefore, been mischievous child's
play ? Was Lord John Russell"s feeling description of
the sufferings and privations of the poor at Bolton only
brought forward to colour his picture, to justify his good
intentions ; or, as his enemies would allege, to excite the
animosity of the poor against other classes of society, and
lead to ferments and tumult under the repressive policy
of another Sidmouth Administration at the Home-office ?
Or, were the motions for the repeal of the odious Corn-
laws, the reforms in the Budget and of the Financial
Customs Bill, brought forward by a Government truly
bent on relieving to the utmost of their power the pro-
ductive industry of the country from the trammels
and restrictions of a vicious and antiquated com-
mercial code, and the oppressions of the national
debt—the precious legacies to their countrymen of
George Rose and William Pitt ? If they were not pre-
pared for an appeal to the country on the subject of the
Budget, reflecting and considerate men will doubt ex-
tremely whether more mischief than good may not have
been done by opening such wide and extensive schemes
of change to the nation. They must have been aware,
however strong was their own conviction of the justice of
the principle on which they proceeded, however pressing
were the instances of the industrious classes for its
adoption, that there was not much chance of car-
rying their measures in the present Parliament.
In fact, the present crisis 'must have arisen under any
Government. Either new -taxation, or " a judicious alte-
ration of the protective and differential duties" became
necessary the moment the expenditure of the country
exceeded the revenue. Ministers knew that they could
not depend upon a vote among their own supporters for
new taxation. Even Lord Howick emphatically de-
clared that he would oppose either tax or loan till the re-
commendations of the Committee on Import Ditties had
been tried. His Lordship's opinion was a fair index of
that of Reformers generally, and provided that Ministers
even if their measures had not been founded on their
own conviction of expediency, were right in their esti-
mate of the prevailing sentiments of their party on the
subject. The result of an appeal to the people against
Tory combination, the Carlton Club purse, its ready
application in the more restricted constituencies, com-
bined with the efforts of bigoted land-owners, East
and West Indians, monopolists of all other classes—for
they boast of their general confederacy—new converts
to the cause of the Negro, the Anti-Poor-law, and No
Popery cry, may even be doubtful. But that is the
affair of the country. The Ministers will have done
their duty, and may rest satisfied that, under their gui-
dance, whether in or out of office, if the country shall
determine on the change, the truth will ultimately pre-
vail. There will, in any Milt, be a sufficient power in
the House of Commons returned by the great towns,
by Ireland and by Scotland, to prevent all the mischief
that might have been apprehended by an unreformed Par-
liament, from power being transferred for a short inter-
val to the opponents of Reform, the abettors and sup-
porters of slavery, and the oppressors of Ireland.

Dr. Lushington will repent of the silly course he has
adopted in supporting Lord. Sandi:Ws:resolution. He' has,
indeed, added little in the way of argument to the party
to which he has lent himself ; but a name is something
with the country, and we are sorry to see him throw
away his reputation. The West Indians promise great
things in tha way of supplying the British market ; but
in the meantime the masses of this country are referred
for relief to a contingency, To a well-fed gentleman in
the receipt of many thousands a year a vegetable
diet PONY 4 and then may be no great evil ; but the
poor spinners and weavers can ill afford to try fur-
ther experiments in the way of starvation. To them
sugar is a necessary of life. But why are the West In-
dians to have a monopoly of our market p It is clear
that Dr. Lushington is throwing obstacles in the way of
the great experiment now making whether free, labour
can beat slave labour. It is only by supplying the, la-
bour market adequately that we can hope to beat the
slave countries, and Dr. Lushington would diminish
the motives to obtain a due supply of labour. In
the mean time, by keeping sugar dear in the Bri-
tish market, while the Continental market is sup-
plied with low-priced sugar, he is giving a bounty
to Continental trade, 4114 enabling it to compete advan-
tageously 'with this country, This, of' course, enriches
the Continental consumers, and encourages the slavery
by which the additional supply of sugar is obtained.
'I he protection to our colonists is quite sufficient, if it is
not wished that they should have the exclusive supply
of our markets at a monopoly price. The knowledge
that if prices rise beyond a certain sum foreign sugars
will be admitted, will stimulate them to exertions they
would not otherwise make. Dr. LushingtOn is the real
enemy of free labour, as he unquestionably is the enemy
of the working population of England.
POST.—Whatever indignation certain persons in the
Government may affect at the supposition that the pro-
posed change in the Corn-law is al a trick to make an
agitation in their favour, we still hold the opinion that
it is a trick of that description, and nothing else. We
are confirmed in that opinion by the rate of fixed duty
which Lord John Russell has mentioned. It is quite
ridiculous, and he cannot but know that it will thus be
considered. The policy
,of fixing such a sum was no
doubt to satisfy all persons of the Whig party connected
with the land that the Ministers were not in earnest, and
that they only meant the proposition as the means of get-
ting up a little popularity. Had a duty of 14s, on wheat
beenproposed, it might have been thought that Ministers
really contemplated the experiment of a fixed duty, and
their party in the country might have experienced
something like dread of what might happen. But
when such a duty as Bs. the quarter is proposed, it is seen
at once to be so preposterous that no Government could
really have contemplated any such thing, The Minis-
ters know very well that they could have no more chance
of carrying this than Lord John Russell would have
of carrying Lord Melbourne on his back from London to
Coventry, without letting him once drop in the
dirt. And this will be, in fact, the QXOII4O of the
honest, very honest, Whig Adinlitistration to its
country friends, " Pooh, pooh !" will the pleasant
Premier oNQialint 64 Didn't you see it was all a
joke ? You couldn't really suppose that we had any
idea of letting in foreign wheat on payment of Bs.
quarter. We knew you would see at once there were
reasons of State for the proposal, but that the actual
carrying into effect of such a change was out of the
question. You could not think I was mad enough to dO
anything of that kind." Such we believe to be the true
interpretation of the absurd measure of which the Go-
vernment has given notice. We btlive it to 6-7-espe-
cially in :conseonern a what Lora John Russell has
said—a ineic OfClc of a factious Government, which has
nothing to depend upon but shifts and stratagems, and.
which has now grown desperate from the wearing out of
those tricks that hitherto have succeeded.
• 81111784 gP411..-.7-4? weleeine' sound which
.carried on its jae.tis:Odes the death-knell of the bread-
tax has rdy.erberated thiough the length and breadth of
the land, and its re7eclio fell upon the ast,ol4o WiCif
the Opposition on Vliday ffening tiAg ofaise of Com-
rflops 110 09 4041 Nte bristling with Anti-

Corn-law demonstrations—the east and west are hurry-
ing to the struggle. Let a dissolution come when it may,
the people are prepared. The energies of a waiting
nation are now let loose, and the current flows majesti-
cally in one united and irresistible stream. The Man-
chester League, with a promptitude and probity which
reflects infinite credit on its members; has come nobly
forward ; and while it honourably and 'consistently ad-
heres to its just and unassailable principle that the trade
in the first necessary of life should be entirely free, it
declares its intention of assisting -the Ministerial project
by which the iniquitous sliding scale of duties may be
abolished. Situated as, this country is—burdened with
Tory debt, and steepevll'to the neck: from the withering
effects of half a century of Tory misrule,—it is to
be regretted that the exigencies. Of the* 'revenue
should require any assistance from the importa-
tion of foreign corn ; but there is none who would
not rather eat the bread of industry thtt.n that of idle-
ness, that would not much rather pay a regulated and un-
derstood duty to Government, than submit-to-an exorbi-
tant charge that the profit might go to the cash box of
the already wealthy and over-privileged. Any improve-
ment on the present system, if it gives clearness to the
plan by which the article is to be taxed, and will give a
fixedness to the market that importation may be de-
pended on at stated times and seasons, must be accept-
able. The principle of free trade once admitted and
sanctioned by the Legislature, will-worfc its way through
all difficulties and sophisms, and ultimately become the
leading feature in British legislation. To relieve the
trade in corn from the thraldom of the landed interest
is beginning at the right end. When Mr. Hus-
kisson first. broached his free trade principles, the
landed monopolists were all complacency and acquies-
cense, for their ideas of reform went no further than
to introduce French silks, laces, gloves, and other
articles of gentle wear ; but now that the very handi-
crafts long injured by the partial application of free trade
principles have a prospect of being benefitted by their
progress, the whole political influence and anger of the
Conservative benches is supervened to prevent, if pos-
sible, their accomplishment. The opposition may,
perhaps, for a time retard the success of the proposi-
tion of Ministers—as they have delayed the comple-
tion of other important subjects—but the Government
and the people once united on a given subject, truth
and justice become irresistible, and triumph speedy and
secure.

ADVERTISER.—We all recollect the instance of the
West Indian compensation. At first it was to be fifteen
millions, then twenty millions, and that, too, in the form
of a loan, and not of a grant. Everybody must remember
the hubbub that was made on that oecasion—a hubbub
so violent, that in the benevolent enthusiasm in which
the nation was at the moment, it was quite forgotten to
make the terms which it will now cost the country so
much pains and so much cost to obtain. This forbear-
ance is made no account of by the West Indians, and the
cry of " Ruin, ruin !" is made as furiously as the cry of
" Wolf, wolf !" by the boy in the fable, with this differ-
ence, we fear, that the people of England, and not tho
rogues, are to be the sufferers on this, as on every other
occasion. To show the very preposterous character of this
opposition on the part of the West Indians—how fla-
grantly dishonest !—we have only to call to mind the
fact of the relief that has been afforded to them with re-
gard to the restrictions upon the trade of our colonies,
ivhieh forbade them, on the one hand, to go to the
cheapest markets for their slaves and for their fish, and
for other articles necessary as materials of production,
or for the subsistence of their labourers, and, on the
other hand, to take their produce by the shortest cut to
the most convenient and the most profitable markets. By
the relaxation of the former the cost of production has been
greatly diminished, and by that of the latter the cost of
transport has also been diminished—which 'taken toge-
ther, and with the proposed difference of 50 per cent. be-
tween the duties on colonial and foreign sugar, is pretty
nearly, if not quite, equal to any advantage which the co-
lonies now possess, and which ought to suffice to enable
them to compete with any and every country in the
world. If this be so, the argument drawn from the ten-
dency of the measure to obstruct the progress of the
great experiment of negro emancipation in the West
Indies, is all a dishonest Liam, got up to deceive the ho-
nest abolitionist of slavery, for these Lagos of West In-
dians know fall well that their pretences are without a
shadow of foundation.

STEAK NAVIGATION ON THE

THAMES.

The greatest activity prevails on all parts of the river
n building and fitting out new steam-vessels, of all di-
mensions, intended for the home and foreign service ;
and the hip-builders, iron steam-boat makers, engineers
and boiler manufacturers, have more orders than they
can execute to time. The men are working over.hours
at several yards and factories, and realizing large wages.
The fame of London steam-boats and London-engines
has spread all over Europe ;'and recently the Mongi-
bello, a beautiful steam-ship, has been launched and
fitted out on the Thames for the Sicilian Government,
and is one of the finest vessels ever designed by English
artizans. She was built in Pitcher's yard. The fit-
tings up of the Mongibello are of a very costly descrip-
tion. Other steam-vessels are building on the banks of
the Thames for the Sicilian and other Italian States.
The building of six large steam vessels has been com-
menced at Northfleet, for conveying the mails be.
tween England and the West Indies, and not less than
500 shipwrights are employed upon them. The iron
steam-boat factory of Messrs. Ditchburn and. Marc pre-
sents a busy appearance ; they have recently launched
two handsome steamers for the Waterman's Steam-
Packet Company ; four others are in a forward state
for the same Company, and a large iron steamer to run
between Hungerford Market and Gravesend, for the
Star Company. The building of iron steamers at
Blackwell and the Isle of Dogs has become a very im-
portant branch of trade, and for rivers and shallow
waters ,they are decidedly superior to wooden boats, for
they are much lighter, they are not so deep in the
water, they are less expensive, and there is no risk of
their being attacked with the dry rot. The London
and Westminster Steam-boat Company, running be-
tween Chelsea and London-bridge, have eight of these
boats, called the Daylight, Twilight, Starlight, Moon-
light, Bride, Bridegroom, Bridemaid, and Bachelor.
The Waterman's Steam-packet Company intend build-
ing twenty of these iron boats, at an expense
of 3,0001. each. They are intended to run
between Woolwich and Riamond. The Black-
wall Railway Company are making great efforts
to improve their property by establishing a line of
steam packets to run between the terminus at the
Brunswick-wharf, Blackwell to Woolwich and Graves-
end. Three small steamers now leave the terminus
every quarter of an hour for Woolwich, and the dis-
tance between London and Woolwich can now be ef-
fected in half an hour. The Blackwell Railway Com-
pany have also built three large steamers to run between
the terminus and Gravesend. One has been voyaging
between the ,two places for the last fortnight, and the
average passage each'is about an hour and a quarter.
Two are fitting out in the East India dock ; yesterday
they appeared in a very forward state ; they are built
very sharp in the bows, and are, indeed, regular clip-
pers. When those steamers are completed there will be
a regular hourly communication between the Blackwell
terminus and Gravesend. There are now 14 steamers
carrying passengers daily between London and Graves-
end. In addition to those, others occasionally call at
Gravesend, and there will soon be 3 from the Blackwell
railway terminus. A powerful steamer, belonging to Mr.
Napier, the engineer, called the Eclipse, has lately
commenced running between London and Margate,
calling at Herne Bay. Tills Eclipse is propelled by
one high•pressure ergine, and her speed is wonderful.
She performs the passage from Hungerford to Margate
and back every day in about 12 hours, calling at Herne
Bay going and returning. The two handsome steam-
vessels, the City of Canterbury and the Red Raver,
which have been running between London and Herne
Bay with so much success for several years, have met
with another opponent this year in addition to the
Eclipse—the Mercury, but the Red Rover and the City
of Canterbury will never lose their fame. The old
steamers are more commodious and comfortable than
the new ores, and are built with a broader beam and
with much greater strength than those which have been
launched during the last two years. Everything is now
sacrificed to speed, and many of the new steamers
are very slight. They are very appropriately termed
" bread and butter boats," and cannot bear a
collision with a skiff. Ten steamers are con-
stantly running between Greenwich and London.
but their receipts during the present season have not
been sufficient to pay for coals, which may be attributed to
the heavy pier dues and the formidable rivalry of the
Greenwich Railway, which has a third-class carriage in
which passengers are carried for 6d., being 2d. less than
the steamers. There has been no increase in the num-
ber of Irish and Scotch steamships during the present
year ; but they do a great trade, and (lady bring up
large quantities of' cattle, pigs, and fresh meat for the
London market. The Commercial Steam-packet Com-
pany are doing a steady but not very brisk trade. The
General Steam Navigation Company, the most ex-
tensive in the world, with their able managing di-
rector, Thomas Brockelbank, Esq., are increasing their
powerful and immense fleet of steamers. They have
lately purchased the Wilberforce, a large steam-ship,
for the Hamburgh station. The General Steam Navi-
gation Company have recently launched the Princess
Royal from Wigram and Green's yard, at Blackwell,
end are fitting hr out for the Ipswich trade with en-
gines and machinery of 200 horse power. The greatest
activity prevails at the factory of this company at Dept-
ford in fitting out new steamers. Last year the vessels
of the General Steam Navigation Company carried
more than two millions of passengers without the loss
of a single individual, or any one receiving the slightest
injury. This speaks volumes in favour of the safety
of steam navigation when properly conducted.—Sunday
paper.

SANDWICH ELECTION.--[From a Correspon-
dent.l—SuriDAT EVENING.—Upon my arrival here I found
the friends of both parties exerting themselves to the utmost to
promote the success of either candidate, and the Tories having
gained'coura.ge by the success which attended their corrupt
practices 4t eanterbury during the late contest, now boldlj and
unscrupulously endeavour by the same practices to achieve a
victory for their nominee, Air. Lindiay. The more hardened
in bribery, corruption, and intimidation have been brought over
from Canterbury, Dover, and other places to secure the Tory's
retuvu i but I think the Reformers of this borough will be
true to themselves, and defeat their manceuvres. The nomina-
tion, as has been already announced, is fixed for to-morrow,
and there is scarcely any doubt but that the show of hands will
be in favour ofSolonel Fox.