The Sun.
London, England, 1847-03-03 00:00:00

Irttrb Mtfittou

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock

I.IIPEIRINL PARLIAMENT,
(THIS DAY.)

- -

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
THE FACTORIES' REGULATION BILL.
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition.)
Mr. BECKETT then rose, but spoke in so low a tone that
he weal for some time quite inaudible. He thought it would
also be of some service if the Hon. Gentleman would accept a
conditional Bill for short hours, for he was quite satisfied
that, the working men were perfectly sincere in their desire
to reduce the hours of labour. They had discussed the mea-
nitre over their pots of beer and pots of ale,
and he was convinced that they desired that their
families, at any risk, should be freed from the unreasonable
exertio which they were now called upon to make. He bad
consulted with gentlemen, not only natives of this country,
but of America also, and all concurred in the belief that the
reduction of the hours of labour would be beneficial. But
he ltsd also the testimony of the manufacturers themselves,
and 'he believed that the majority of them agreed that the
cb.ange would be profitable rather than otherwise. If they
took off this one hour they would take off that which was
the least advantageous to the master, while it was most
wasteful of the energy and the strength of the workpeople ;
and if they granted this boon he felt assured that the
mechanics' institutions and the schools of design, which
were all open at that hour of the day, would be visited—
arni lee must do the people the justice to say that
they were always ready to avail themselves of the
opportunities which these institutions offered. To take off
twe boars front the daily labour of the workpeople would,
hriwever, in his estimation, prevent the manufacturers from
competing with the manufacturers on the continent, and he
believed that the House -would not act so unwisely as to
alter the decision to which they had so re-
peatedly, and of late so decidedly come, for
were they to do so they -would be stultifying
their legislation, and reducing the character of the House;
while, on the contrary, were they to take an eleven hours'
Bill, they would meet the requirements of the workpeople
without injury to their masters, and cone to a satisfactory
settleneent of the question.
Mr. WARD said that this question had been So frequently
and so fully discussed that he should not have said
a `angle word but that he felt his silence might be miscon-
strued. The Hon. Gentleman who had jest sat down had
stated that if the House were to come to any decision contrary
to that at which they arrived before they would be lowering
the character of the House and gainsaying their own opinions.
But what bad been the history of this question under that House.
Why, when the Noble Lord, the late Member for Dorsetshire
(Lord Ashley) had brought forward this question last year.
it had been negatived by a majority of ten, and yet when it
was brought before the House this session—without the
slightest change of circumstances, without a single new idea
being thrown cut, and without a single new reason
being adduced—it had been carried by a majority of eighteen.
Already there had been four decisions on this subject,
and each was almost contrary to the other. He did not,
therefore, think that the character of the House of Commons
would in any way be reduced by coming to a decision different I
from that at which they had arrived last year, or that because
they legislate in one way in the first instance and in another
way afzerwards. They had for years past been legis-
lacing for the direction of the workpeople in the
manufacturing districts, and, whether for good or for evil, they
had produced great results upon their destinies. The ques-
tion was now whether they should re-consider the determi-
nation at which they had already arrived, and it was the
o l'ision of the Hon. Member who had just sat down, that if
they decided upon are eleven hours' Bill they would for ever
set the question at rest. But he (Mr. Ward) believed that
such a decision as that would not meet the views of the Hon.
Member for Oldham ( Mr. Fieldeu), or of Lord Ashley either.
Mr. FlELDEN—Certainly not.
Mr. WARD—The Hon. Member for Oldham, with charac-
teristic candour, said no. Nur was it at all likely that it
.would, especially as it was always described as a boon
to be given to the working people, and without which of
course they would not now be satisfied. But they had nowcome
to a point when it was absolutely necessary for them to con-
sider whether they could safely legislate on the subject. God
knew that he was as anxious for the promotion of the welfare
and happiness of the working people as any man, but he
great'y questioned whether this was the right way to pro-
mote that happinaoa If it were safe, let them by all means
give to the worki tee people an eleven hours' Bill or a ten hours'
or oven an eight hours' Bill. Give them, by all means, if it
could be safelj- granted, four hours for domestic enjoyment,
and four hours for recreation. Give them by all means the
possession of such opportunities as would relieve them from
the toil of slap ry, and at the same time enable them to
partake of such pleasures as would exalt them in their own
estimation, and induce a constant feeling of self-respect ; '
for if all this could be done it was plainly the duty
of the House to take measures for its accomplishment; but
they ought to consider well what was the safe path before they
entered upon any new plans like this now before them. Ile
himself stood in a painful position on this question, for he was
not only opposed to a large portion of his constituency, but
to several of the members of the Government under whom he
served. It appeared to him by allowing this principle they
would, so far as be could perceive, be only adopting the pra
tics, and indeed the principle also, of the trades unions. ]'hey
combined to keep up the rate of their wages, and that alone
was the object of the present movement. Did they think
that any of these people would take a ten hours' Bill with
only ten hours' wages? Certainly not—not a man of them.
Their object was pleinlyto reduce the amount of work, without
at the same time reducing their remuneration. Not that he
blamed them for it, for they had a natural right to protect
this, their only property. He was anxious to take this
opportunity of correcting an error ipto which he had fallen
some months ago. He had stated that, in the manufacturing
districts, a parent was prevented from apprenticing more than
one or two of his sons to his own trade, but on inquiry he
had discovered that it was only in two or three of the
smaller and more insignificant branches of the Sheffield trade
that this unnatural restriction existed. But he contended
that this measure never would benefit the working classes
unless they at the same time supported the amount of their
-wanes; awl it' they did that, they must inevitably in-
terfere with the comp,Aitit•ii of our manut:acturers in
foreign markets. It seas ef little censcquence whether
the article to be atii:cteu was cutlery or cotton, for just in
proportion 0 the extent of the interference with this compe-
tition would be the loss occasioned to the workmen. He had
now had considerable experience of the wants, the necessi-
ties, and the interests of the working classes in the manufac-
turing districts, and this was the conclusion at which he
could not help arriving, especially in those trades which hail
to contend with the French and German manufacturers.
About 7 per cent. of the articles made at and exported from
Nheflield went to the markets where they would meet with
these goods, and under what a manifest disadvantage,
then, would they be placed. If they adopted free trade
in one instance, they ought to be consistent, and carry
it into every department of business.—(llear, hear. )
Instead of doubting the judgment of the working classes
upon these great truths, he knew that they were fully alive
to them. All the sympathies of human nature must be in
favour of this measure, but common sense and sound reason
was opposed to the principle of less labour with the same
pay.—(Hear, hear.) It had been trumpeted forth that
this measure ought to be passed because the manufacturers
had got free trade; but the House forgot that the benefits i f
:free trade could not be obtained in a single year. It re-
quired time to carry out the principle of free
trade, and make its effects felt in every part of the
globe, and therefore it was unwise to pursue this
anode of reasoning. His objections to this measure were as
strong as ever they had been, and he should certainly giee
his vote in favour of the motion of the Honourable Member
for Winchester. Besides, the time when this measure was
brought forward was most unfortunate, and inopportune. Food
was dearananufastures were depressed, trade was falling off, and
yet the House was called upon to entramtnel the manufac-
turers with the provisions of tnis Bill.—( Hear, hear.) Why
mot allow them first to recover from this depression before
they ventured to try this experiment? He was ex-
tremely anxious to see the condition of the ope-
rative bettered, but he did net think this measure
was calculated to effect that object, and as it was
highly objectionable in many of its provisions, lie must vote
for the amendment of the Hun. Member for Winchester.
Mr. BROTHERTON felt deeply impressed that the time
has arrived when they ought to legislate upon this sub-
jeef. The labourers were forced, say what they would, to
work so many hours per day in an unhealthy atmosphere,
and the time had arrived when it was necessary something
should be done to remedy this state of things. If they were
always to adhere to the strict principles of political economy,
the functions of the House would be greatly restricted. They
had already interfered with the law of landlord and tenant,
with masters and apprentices; they had placed restrictions
upon railways and hackney coaches, and why had they done
so? Why, because those were exceptions to the general
rule, and this question of factory labour, toe, was an excep-
tion. If all men were humane and juit, there would be no
necessity for legislation of this sort. It man was born simply
to labour and live for a given time, there would be no necessity
for legislation of this sort; but man was created for higher
and nobler objects than this, and in order to ensure the
realisation of these objects—in order to render man more
humane than he was—in order to improve the social and
moral conditions of the masses, it was necessary that the
Rouse should at once legislate upon this subject. Some Hon.
Members asked, why not let the matter be left to
be settled between the masters and the men ? Well, had it
not already been referred in that way, and what had the
snasters done ?—(Hear, hear.) Why, they proposed nothing,
and the workmen went on toiling and suffering as before.
lion. Members could form no idea of the sufferings of the
labourers, since some were stronger than others, but still
the weak had to work the same number of hours as
the strong. At present combinations of capital rendered
those hours much longer than was consistent either with
health or strength, and it was with the view of seeing such
combinations counterbalanced by the strong arm of the
law that he wished to see this measure passed. When a
boy be had suffered severely from the existing system, and
he resolved then, that if ever he had the power he would use
his strongest energies to bring about a better state of thins.
This was a question of degree and not of principle. Some
Honourable Members held out to the working classes that if
. .

this Bill were passed it would tend to reduce their earnings.
Why, the same argument was used in 1829, when Sir R. Peel
brought forward his Bill for reducing the hours of labour be-
low 14 a day. It was then predicted that production would
fall off, and wages go down. But those expectations had
nut been realised, for while production had increased there
had been a corresponding augmentation of wages. He had
deeply considered this question, and he was ccnvinced that
it was expedient, in a commercial as well as every other
Point of v •
iew to concede it to the working classes. He had
always been 'of opinion that legislation was necessary, and
he
iu
the last
to see a measure brought forward, though it was
of all patties.
t hour, that wai c ilculated to meet the expectations
'II 'had seen women who were pregnant corn-
Tolled to labour deur.lnt; those protracted hours.
Mr. blautly__
hr. BItO VtivarryNare not compelled to work.
work,
Hon. Gentleman said were not compelled to they 1'
c, but they had no choice, they
were compelled to 1,,,i,k
. re-1
iinclea‘r:a)ges or injure that the Bill would not He believed sincerely
the masters.
Time working classes woul I'.
tained a tealiours' Bill._ (11,aortbe satisfied until they oh- ,
air JAM ES GRAHAM. said lie hati listened
of the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat to the speech
1
unft.igned pleasure, and he was sure the
Roe with the most
so with equal gratification, on account of ()nee had also done
He confessedto , until he heard the statement circumstance.
which he r
ferred, lie was not aware that the Hon. Gentl,man he-
ministered, with his own hands, to his personal wants aaad
a
labourer in a factorv.—(llear, hear.) He considered that
this reflected great honour on him—(Loud cheers)—and it
gave him great pleasure to sit in that House with
the Honourable Gentleman on a footing of perfect
equality. The speech of the Honourable Gentleman was a
convincing proof that even the humblest person might rise
to stations of wealth, and honour, and industry, aided by an
unblemished character.—(Cheers.) lie must be permitted
to say, that the honourable Gentleman had given full effect ,