The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-11 00:00:00

DAY OF HUMILIATION AND

PRAYER.

The intention announced of the different Dissenting
congregations in Nottingham to set apart a day for hu-
miliation and prayer, on account of the general distress
engendered by the iniquitous restrictions on trade, was
also given out on Sunday at the various Chapels in the
town, and a lively interest, was excited. Prayers and
services were performed in keeping with the occasion,
and the Ministers of the respective Chapels endeavoured
to set before their congregations the heinous effects of
the present Corn-laws.
Monday last, the 6th inst., was set apart by the friends
of the poor and the enemies of monopoly, as a day of
humiliation for our national sins, and prayer for deli-
verance from the distress so prevalent among the work-
ing classes.—Wiltshire Independent.
The Dissenters in Mansfield met at their different
chapels on Monday last to engage in humiliation and
prayer, and to evince how deeply they sympathise.with
their poorer brethren throughout the country. At the
close of the service, at the Independent chapel, 71. was
collected, towards relieving the poor members of their
own congregation.—Nottingham Review.

WHAT IS THE BUDE LIGHT ?—The Butle
Light is a powerful concentrated light, obtained from a
number of burners constructed somewhat on the prin-
ciple of Argand's lamp, with this improfement, that
each burner has only one circle or cylinder, while in Ar-
gand's lamp there are two. A stream of Oxygen gas is
transmitted through the centre of each burner, to con-
sume the diSengaged carbon, thus adding to the intensity
of the light. This light is collected into a focus by means
of mirrors, and again diffused through lenses of different
forms. Crystals of the octahedral facet, combined with
prisms; seem to be most generally approved. The ad-
vantage this mode of lighting possesses is, that, while
brilliant and effective, it is soft and pleasant. It is the
invention of Mr. Gurney, and is employed in lighting
public offices. In the House of Commons this light i 3
made to descend through ground-glass plates, over which
the apparatus is so contrived that the light can with
ease be varied from pale moonlight to bright sunlight.
The glass is fitted air-tight, so as to prevent any oppres-
sive - heat from the Bode Light entering the
i Cream of Scientific Knowledge,

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MR. ROEBUC K
AND COLONEL NAPIER.
The following correspondence took place in conse-
quence of Colonel Napier having asked Mr. Roebuck, if
the newspapers had not misrepresented the latter's ob-
servations in the House, upon the conduct of the Ame-
rican Government in relation to M'Leod

" London, Aug. 27, 1841.
" My dear Napier—No ! the reporters are quite ac-
curate this time, but you do not, I think, attend to the
words used—' l'he American Government.' The acts of
the American Executive have been perfectly in rule, and
though the Cabinet of Mr. Tyler has chosen to adopt a
course totally opposed to that of Mr. Van Buren, there
can no fault be found by our Government with either.
Let me state the facts—you always bearing in mind that
the American constitution has separated the judiciary
entirely from, and made it independent of, even the Con-
gress itself.
" The Carolire was burnt in the American territory.
I am not now gc ing into the question whether this was
a gross outrage on the law of nations or not. I think it
was ; but that point is not needed for my argument.
The American Government complains of this to us, and
gets no answer either avowing or disavowing the re-
sponsibility of that act. In the meantime M'Leod is
arrested, and then Mr. Fox applies for his release, and
Mr. Forsyth says that he has no power to release him,
which was true, and that he had no official notice that
the Government of England had avowed and taken upon
it elf-the responsibility of the act. • -
" This neglect to answer such a demand on the part
of the United States Government justifies this answer.
Non constat, that M'Leod did act under his superior offi-
cer, by his commands,' and with the sanction of the
Crown. The British Government at length formally
t auk upon itself the responsibility of the attack on the
Caroline, and then the American Government (changed
in the interval, however) has formally acknowledged the
principal of international law laid down by the British
Government, respecting the commands of the superior
officer and the sanction of the Government being a com-
plete protection for all the individuals employed in the
destruction of the Caroline. And the United States Go-
vernment is now proceeding by the mode which their
laws prescribe to the release of M'Leod.
"But here begins the difficult part of the case, and all
my questions relating to it have been shirked by Lord
Palmerston, and the affair will by and by come upon the
English people with the effect of a clap of thunder, for
in my heart I believe that the American Executive are
wholly unable either physically or legally to release
M'Leod, and my reason for so believing is this—M'Leod
is at present in the custody of the Courts of the State of
New York. lie will be tried by them, and his pardon
and release will depend, not on the Executive of the
United States, but of New York.
" Suppose M'Leod convicted. The next step will be
to move one of the Federal Courts for a mandamus to
the State Court, to send the whole proceedings by uay
of appeal to the Appellate Court of the United States.
Now then begins the fight. The two great parties in
America have on this very ground fought all their great
party fights. The democratic party, with Jefferson, Madi-
son, and Munroe, and others at their head, have strenu-
ously contended for the exclusive power of the separate
States, and, especially in criminal cases, for the exclusive
jurisdiction of the States Courts. In a great cause in
Virginia a case occurred wherein the Federal Courts
claimed jurisdiction ; the Virginian Courts refused obe-
dience to the commands of the Federal Courts, and the
matter was very near coming to the arbitrament of
blows, but Mr. Justice Marshall got rid of the case by a
side-wind, and the matter dropped, the decision of the
State Court, however, being affirmed. Suppose, then,
the State Court refuses to obey the mandamus to remove
the cause. What is to be dcne in that case ? The Exe-
cutive must ask the Congress to take tha matter in
hand, and Congress, I fear, is not very likely to adopt
the principles lately avowed by Mr. Webster. The
authority of the great democratic leaders is still im-
mense, and in this question of the exclusive jurisdiction
of the State Courts, the feelings of the democratic party
are exceedingly excitable. still the Executive, you see,
in this case would ha powem less, and Lord Palmerston
was very careful not to answer my question, " whether
the United States Government had declared itself will-
ing and able to guarantee the safety and liberation of
M'Leod ?"

" But suppose that the State Court obeys the Federal
Court, and that the case is removed—what if the Apel-
late Court affirms the judgment of the State Court—can
the American Executive in this case guarantee the safety
of Mr. 11.14e0d ? No ; certainly not.
" Our law authorities say, that the mere trial of
I\i'Leod after the acknowledgment on the part of the
American Executive is an offence against the law of
nations ; and they complain of the peculiarity of the
American constitution which does not give the executive
power immediately to releaFe him ; and-they say that for
the comity of nations, for the peace of the civilized
world, it is necessary that such a power should be in the
hands of the American Government. On the other hand,
the great law authorities of the United States deny the
doctrine admitted by the President. They say, that
there are cases of outrage against law and morality,
which the sanction of no Government can justify, and
this is one of them. You do not, for example, hang
prisoners of war, but you hang a spy ; and no protection
or sanction on the part of a Government is able to save a
spy. So when two nations are at peace a murder can-
not be justified. Suppose England to send a secret agent
to New York, giving him directions secretly to fire the
town, he is caught and produces his authority. In this
case ought any 'avowal or sanction .on the part of our
Government to save him ? They say not ; and I confess
lam touch of their opinion. The reason of nay men-
tioning this, is to show you *why I think there is great
reason to be apprehensive of the result. I see no way
for the American executive to get out of the diffioulty if
the judiciary go against them ; and I see great reason
to believe that the judiciary will deem the act of killing
Durfee one that cannot be justified, and that the party
killing cannot be protected by any commands or sanction.
of our Government. But to return to my first position.
The American Executive is in no way to blame. If
any censure is to fall on anything or person it ought to
be 'oil the omission, now for the,first time discovered, in
the American Constitution. The complication of the
great question of international law, respecting the pro-
tection that may be afforded to a subject by the com-
mands of his Sovereign, through the perplexing difficul-
ties arising out of the peculiarities of the American Con-
stitution, is a serious evil ; one which our countrymen
do not appreciate, and about which they are. too apt to
speak with all the arrogance which ignorance always pro-
duces. The settlement of the relative powers of the
States Governments and that of the United States has
been and ever will be the most difficult task for the
statesmen of America. The difficulty met them at the
outset of their existence as a nation, and the wonder has

ever been how it was possible for Washington and the
men who acted with him, so far to conciliate the jarring
interests and feelings of separate States, in 1783-84, as
to produce so extraordinary, so wonderful a compromise
as the present Constitution of America. Made at once,
made to suit many prejudices, and many interests, it
necessarily contains faults, exhibits omissions of great
moment; but, nevertheless, possesses a vital power of
amendment that must, I think, add to its gradual
improvement. And the fault which I have here pointed
out will, among the.rest; be soon quickly amended. In
the meantime, I am anxious to prevent any outbreak on
the part of our ignorant legislators, who know nothing
of the difficulties I am speaking of, but who are quite
ready for a row, if everything is not done to their liking
at once and completely. If we are calm, firm, and for-
bearing, I hope and trust that no harm may eventually,
happen ; but I cannot avoid perceiving that the Ameri-
can Executive has before it a very difficult and very dan-
gerous obstacle to meet and conquer. We should do all
that we can to assist them in their strait ; and not by
hasty, rash, and harsh language to obstruct, perhaps ut-
terly frustrate, their good intentions.
" Yours most sincerely, "J. A. ROEBUCK."

" August 28, 1841. '
My dear Roebuck—Your view of the M‘Leod, or
rather of the American, question, is clear enough as
regards the general Government, up to the point it
has reached. No doubt the American Government
has been, and is still, hampered by great difficulties ;
no doubt caution and forbearance are alike called
for by reason and by humanity. But do not these
difficulties spring from the ill-understood notions of
liberty entertained by the Americans themselves ? They
seem to imagine that to do whatever is agreeable or pro-
fitable to themselves is liberty, and make that word the
justification of any wrong to othars. But there are in
justice and reason as solid grounds for restricting the
liberty of nations for the benefit of the world at large, as
there are for restricting the liberty of individuals for
.swial good. If the States, repudiating the decision of
national questions, do nevertheless assume exclusive
powers, when placed by their own acts in collision with
foreign nations, they are de facto Sovereign States, and
their union must be considered a league of independent
nations, offensive towards the rest of the world, as not
holding themselves amenable to the common general law,
offering no security for good behaviour, nor any fixed
point upon which a suitor for national justice can ta :
ground for negociation. Such a league can only bie.
eaup-
held by force; Lhe Americans must abandon it bear.
the brunt of war, with the odium of being a bai7b:9..r.z7s,
community, whose destruction or subjection tooci tli:,cii..,
international customs is absolutely neceslsaGryey theternment is
being of the world. For if their genera
they can only
by the institutions of their country rendered powerless
to to amend wrongs to foreigners,
" There is, you say, an amendingi p
with the barbarous Moorish piratical Statreisn.ei
le in the
temperate, correct this anomaly. . . _ 1
American constitution, which will,
principle uts not
action, a volun-
Thfis"i'se sacia.ercefilr3mr to be
been manifested ; but to
doubted, although as yett.thtatitatNe'
s"should be offerid by our
tary and complete apology
Government l'or
_the attack
the. itailts
taci-x
provocation
tie n m Caroline;ay Nbvehihcohnecsatilly-
, not be
meanwhile,justified:.thougl
the anomaly in the Ame-
pleaded. But ,
Is she
Ame-
rican constitution leads to the execution of M'Leod, is
England to bear the insult to proclaim herself
no lunge r able or willing to protect her subjects from
punishment when they have only obeyed her orders—
. lawful orders to them, though unlawful in their Govern-
, • ment ? I cannot conceive a greater degradation! The
I tranuction would In one of cowardly cruelty on the part

"-The case of a spy, or an incendiary, is not, I think,
in point. The spy goes disguised ; he takes advantage
of the civilized hospitality of the enemy to mix amongst
his people : he lives with them ; he calls himself their
friend, a fellow-subject, and, de facto, he is for 'the
time being their fellow-subject. He is then a traitor
to them, and meets a traitor's death. The incendiary
is in the same predicament. The law of nations in these
cases is known and admitted without dispute. The spy,
or incendiary, knows what he is going to do ; he cannot
be ordered upon such a service ; he is only tempted ; he
knows what his fate will be if detected ; he is paid ac-
cordingly, and never expects the protection of his Go-
vernment. Moreover, in both cases, the man is put to
death, not for the acts of mischief he commits, but for
his treason. For if an officer, clothed in uniform, and
choosing to risk his life, enters an enemy's camp, and
trusting to his address and boldness for impunity, disco-
vers all the weak points (I have known an example), he
cannot, if taken, be injured according tc.. the laws of war,
because he acts under lawful orders., Quarter may, in-
deed, be refused to him—the right of reinsiug quarter
being inherent to fighting men, but he cannot be judi-
cially executed. So a town or a magazine may be set
fire to by troops, be they few or many, stealthily or
openly, provided they are in uniform ; nay, they need
not be in uniform, provided they do not enter the pre-
cincts of the enemy's lines as friends ; and, however
barbarous or unnecessary the act may be, it is one recog-
nised by the laws of war, and the perpetrators, if acting
under orders, cannot be legally made responsible when
taken prisoners, though quarter may be refused to them.
This is the case of the Caroline.

" But both sides have put themselves so much in the
wrong, the English. Whig Government on one part, and
the American people on the other, that has become a
Gordian knot only to be cut by the sword ; that is, un-
less, what never happened yet, both sides agree to ac-
knowledge their errors and make mutual amends. For
if 3,l•Leod is put to death,. England must avenge the
wrong or be degraded as a nation. And if the Ame-
ricans, admitting the defect in their constitution, should
proceed to remove it as offensive to civilization, that must
take time. And England is dishonoured-every hour-that
she permits one of her subjects to languish in p:ison,in
constant fear of an ignominous death, because he obeyed
his orders as a military man. If ]NiPLeod be acquitted,
which will happen or not, it would appear, as the power of
a certain faction predominates, his imprisonment and suf-
ferings and trial will still remain an insult to England, and
a violation of international law, based on the assumption
of a right of internal regulation at variance with com-
mon sense, because opposd to civilization. So, also, the
affair of the Caroline will remain a violation of inter•
national law on our part, mitigated, however, by the
provocation. Amends may indeed be made to i•Leod
personally; the faulty institutions of the Americans may
be pleaded in apology to heal our wounded honour, and
the correction of the defect will give weight to that apo-
logy and afford a security for the 'future; but until the
attack on the Caroline is atoned for it can hardly be ex-
pected that the Americans will remedy their faulty in-
stitutions to relieve England from the difficulty and dis-
grace brought upon her by the misconduct 'of her Ca-
nadian Government. War, therefore, I look upon as
certain, sooner or later. Thanks to Lord John Eussell
and his celebrated Canadian resolutions!
" Yours sincerely, " W. NAPIER."

THE COUNTRY IN WHICH THE
SOBER AND INDUSTRIOUS POOR MAN IS
SURE OF A COMPETENCE.
" This was the only country," says the Duke of Wel-
lington, in the debate on the Address, "he had ever
seen, in which a poor man, if he was only sober and in-
dustrious, was sure of obtaining a competence."
In the summer of 1839, an American lady (Miss Sedg-
wick) paid a flying visit to England ; she travelled from
Portsmouth to London, spent a month in the capital, and
embarked at Tower Stairs for the Continent. She did
not visit the manufacturing districts, with their swarms
of unemployed operatives. She did not examine into
the condition of the paupers and stone-breakers by the
way-side, in the agricultural districts. She jaunted from
the house of one person of literary eminence to that of
another. She was a literary lion, welcomed in the salons
of the aristocracy. Her time was chiefly spent among
the comfortable and luxurious classes—flattering and
flattered—giving and receiving pleasure. She saw Eng-
land couleur. de rose.
But Miss Sedgwick had the American propensity for
asking questions, and the American prejudice that the
flesh and blood of poor people is much like the flesh
and blood of their neighbours ; so she was in the
habit of stepping into such cottages as came in her
way, and talking civilly with their inmates, and learn-
ing how they lived. Here is the result of her in-
quiries :—" I greeted, en passant, a woman sitting at
her cottage window. She told me she paid for half a
little tenement and a bit of garden-ground ten pounds
(fifty dollars) rent. And, when I congratulated her on
the pleasant country, ' Ali,' said she, we can't live on a
pleasant country.' I have not addresSed one of these
people who has „not complained of poverty ; said some-
thing of the difficulty of. getting work, of the struggling
fur bread, which is the condition of the lower classes
here. Strange sounds these to our ears !"
And had circumstances adinitted of Miss Sedgwick's
pursuing her inquiries up through all the grades of
society, the- answer would have
,proved one dull mono-
tonous harping on the same key. " The struggling for
bread characteiless, - vesslieh society. The
difficulty to make ends meet, the anxious looking .4,L
to the future, the tantalizing toil to grasp a competence
which still seems within reach, and just swings back
from the finger's point—this it is which breaks the hearts
of Englishmen of all professions, and makes them grow A
wrinkled and gray before their time. We are denied
the privilege of purchasing food wherever we can get it;
we are thus denied the privilege of availing ourselves to
the full of our powers of production. Our capital in-
creases—our tools become more perfect—our power of
using them becomes greater every day. And the Corn-
law renders all these blessings nugatory, converting us
into so many Midases, cursed with the power of turning
all we touch to gold, which we cannot eat. " Strange
sounds to our ears I" exclaims the American lady, and
feels that her country, galled by the silly sneers of our
Trollopes, and Halls, and Hamiltons, has received a ter-
rible satisfaction for their affronts.
And this is the country in which the Duke of Wel-
lington tells us every " poor man, if he is only sober and
industrious, is sure of a competence?' Does the man
speak in ignorance, or heartless irony ? Doss he reflect
on the danger of taunting a suiferinsr,man ? It is enongh
to awaken the wolf within a man's 'heart who, in spite of
the utmost exertions of his talents and industry, sees
himself still coming short of what is necessary for the sup-
port of himself, his wife, and babes, to be told that in his
country industry is sure to win a competence, and this
be made the pretext for upholding the law which renders
his " struggle for bread" unavailing. It is the talk of
men like the Duke of Wellington, talk hardly less heart-
less of the result of not inquiring than of the result of
a pre-determined misrepresentation of the truth, that is
rapidly giving a fiercer and more savage tone to the
spirits of those who are labouring to get rid of the Corn-
law. The aristocracy have of late years been teaching
us a terrible lesson. They have refused everything to
reason, and nothing to intimidation. Year after year
the claims of the Catholics were urged by argument in
vain. The Clare election carried it at once. Year after
year Parliamentary Reform, the smallest dribblet of it,
was prayed for without effect : the unions and open air
meetings carried the Reform Bill. In vain men show the
evils of the Corn-law ;in vain, by every device they can
think of, they seek to move the callous hearts that up-
hild it ; they are beginning to think Corn-law repeal
can only be had by the means that carried Catholic
Emancipation and the Reform -Bill. And 'this is the
moment selected by the old man, who, whatever he may
have once been, has shrivelled into " the lean and slip-
pered pantaloon," prating Court gossip about births of
princesses, and regal private tutors, to irritate hungry
men by sneering misrepresentation of their condition.
It is enough to raise the moody laugh of despair to
hear this statesman maintain that every industrious man
in this country is sure of a competence, laecause he heard
" last week of an instance of a poor man acquiring. " im-
mense riches." With. his Grace one swallow ma
.a
summer. He will next tell us, on
.the streng:ll .1.1,3
having outlived most of those who started in life
him, that nothing is so well calculated to insure long life
as riding about occasionally among showers
balls. This comparison may sound like levity,o
In•ustice
the levity that flows from bitterness of heal-L.o_o.lnd the
is, hard to bear, but mockery superadded is
rs'iresaar.
power of human endurance.—Anti-Bread-
°file Duke of
(We must take the liberty of adding tbat
some lan-
Wellington prefaced the remark quoted with
ft,:t it is
gunge like the following : •r_ been in various
" lie had in the course of his
of the various
unities of knowing the eircumstsilesei 10.0 ex
countries in different parts of the wolr1111;
perience,
and heal oppor-
classes of their inhabitants ; but iu
England was the only country," nu ea
Spain, • FEanee,
of America. He has beaend no experience malatever
Now the Duke has, we believe,
Germany, Russia, Italy,
mon in .r,ng-
land ; and in nearly all
of them industry
Even if the Duke was error, he did but express an
"Iliincelletwahseretofore lauded to the
is as Hardly tirieerayte.dcoams in E.ngl,a,nn.
n the world where a labourer
eofi fortune ? Certainly. If that
oland.pi
skiesn i oanswoi
as:
the ptorhneejl
only
countrydipcl ea
plat
could rise to be a
existence of the and making
the knowing the
• with which the
ever were the casme:lnthings
_are_ now
prejudice, wofully changed ;
Duke expressed his
the limitation
opi-
nion, it did not strike us, though it has several of our
-innteniporaries, as being extremely absurd.—En. Sun.]

THE WEATHER AND .THE HARVEST.—
The operations of the harvest received a severe check
yesterday, in a heavy rain, which commenced on Tues-
"day night, and continued till yesterday afternoon. The
reapers were of course
:prevented from working. To-
wards. night it cleared up again. In the immediate
neighbourhood of the city, the crops are nearly all cut
down, and a great portion of them secured in the barn-
yard ; but in the upland districts they are not so far ad-
vanced, and only patches here and there have been cut
down ; however, they are ripening apace, and no appre-
hensions arc entertained fur their eventual safety.—
Edinburgh courant.
A Vienna Correspondent writes--" The section of the
Emperor Ferdinand's railroad, which runs between
Hradesch and Alt Prerau in Bohemia is opened. Its
extent is six German, about 25 English miles. Thus
about 25 German, or 108 English miles, of this
road are completed. On the 29th ultiino pas-
sengers left Vienna at six in the morning, went to Alt
Prerau, and arrived back again by nine in the evening,
having made a journey of 52 German or 216 English
miles in 15 hours, but deducting the time spent in stop-
pages not more than 10 hours' travelling. Alt Prerau is
a striking instance of the benefit this railroad has occa-
sioned. Previous to its commencement the town had
scarcely 90Q inhabitauts, and now It reckons nvards of
0,200.

-.~

MORNIN e SUN_

EXTRAORDINARY LITERARY GIFT.
CLEAV'E'S PENNY GAZETTE, for
turrlay next, will be on Sale during the week ; and
every purchaser of that Number of the Gazette ♦rill be pre-
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containing Forty interesting pages and ten Engravings. Early
application must be made to ensure copies.
Office, I, Shoe-lane, Fleet-street, and sold bylall booksellers.

I TS .MAJES'T'Y the EMPEROR o
AUSTRIA,
His MAJESTY the EMPEROR of RUSSIA,
His MAJESTY the KING of PRUSSIA,
having AUTHORISED and GUARANTEED several DIS-
TRIBUTIONS of MONEY DIVIDENDS, which (though
they are NO LOTTERIES) offer many possibilities of obtain-
ing LARGE FORTUNES,
HEINE BROTHERS, at li_kMBURGII and at
LUBECK,
Are now SELLING BONDS for the said DISTRIBU TIONS.
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may re7eive, PREVIOUS to giving any orders, the PRO-
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The NEXT AUSTRIAN DISTRIBUTION contains DI-
VIDENDS of
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And the NEXT PRUSSIAN DISTRIBUTION contains
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£llO £7O
100 60
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THEATRE ROYAL, COVENT GARDEN.
U iDER the MANAGEMENT of MADAME VESTRIS.
THIS EVENING, SEPT. 11,
Will be performed the New Comedy, LONDON ASSUR-
ANCE.—Sir Harcourt Courtly, Mr. W. Farren ; Max Hark-
away, Mr. Bartley ; Mr. Charles Courtly, Mr. Walter Lacy ;
Mr. Dazzle, Mr. C. Mathews ; Mr. Adolphus Spanker, Mr.
Oxberry ; Mark Meddle, Mr. Harley ; Grace Harkaway,
Madame Vest ris ; Lady Gay Spanker, Mrs. Nisbett ; Mrs.
Pert, Mrs. Humbv.
After which, GAY'S BEGGAR'S OPERA.—Captain
Macheath, Mr. W'. Harrison ; Peachum, Mr. W. Farren ;
Lockit, Ir. Bartley ; Filch, Mr. Hari., ; Ars. Peachum,
Mrs. Tayleure ; Polly, Miss Rainforth; Lucy, Airs. Humby.
Doors to to opened at half-past Six—the performances to
s/mmence at Seven. Dress Boxes, is.; Second Price, 3s. 6d.;
First and second Irc;es, ss. ; Second Price, -.ls. 6d. ; Pit, 35.;
Second Price. 25.; Gallery, is. 'licked and places for the
Boxes to be taken of Mr. Grogan at the Box-office, from Ten
till F.,ur, where Season Tickets nay be had upon application.
Private Boat.' to be had so'ely of Ar. Andress, boossetler,
I -7. New Bond-street-
Oa Monday, The Midsummer Night's Dream, with The Critir•

ItOYAL SURREY TI4E&TRE.
UNDER THE MANAGEMENT OF MR. DAVIDGE
AND MR. WILLIS JONES.
Glorious and continued success of " Mazeppa.." Upwards of
70,000 persoas have already witnessed the Grand Equestrian
Fetes at this elegant Establishment.

THIS EVENING, SEPT. 11,
Will ha acted Lord Boron's Spectacle, called MAZEPPA ;
OR, rHE WILD HORSE OF THE DESERT; introducing
Alr Duerow's Magnificent Stud of Forty Horses, highlly-trained
Palfre' 3, Fairy Peneys, Equestrian Troop, and Companies of
Teeth Theatres.
After which, NEW SCENES IN THE CIRCLE, in the
Largest Arena in the World, in which Madame Ducrow, Sig-
nor Hillier, the Great American Rider, the British Horseman,
Signor Felix Carlo, arid the First Artistes in Europe will appear.
To conclude with, TURPIN'S RIDE TO YORK, intro-
ducing Mr. Ducrow's Hanoverian Black Charger, and the
entire Stud.

ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE.
UNDER THE DIRECTION OF MR. OSBALDISTON.
More Novelty and Attraction. First week of " The Life of
James Dawson," who was executed on Kennington Common
during the Rebellion of 1745.
THIS EVENING, SEPT. 11,
Will be performed, in Three Acts, THE LIFE and DEATH
of JAMES DAWSON ; or, the REBEL of 1745.—James
Dawson, Mr. E. F. Savi:le ; Lambourne, Mr. Dale ; Charles
Edward, Mr. Seaman ; Sim, Mr. Gardner ; Kate Morton,
Mrs. Lee.
After which, SWEET POLL OF HORSELYDOWN,
in which Messrs. .lames, Seaman Paul, Williams, Gardner,
Cullen, Mrs. Lte, Mrs. Howard, &c. &c. will perform.
To conclude with, the New Drama of DEEDS and DO-
INGS of tly, DARK UOUSE ; or, SIMPLE BESS of BIL-
LINGSGATE !—Bradburn, Mr. Dale; Charles Elford, Mr.
Seaman ; Davey Dubbs, Mr. Gardner ; Hoppy Bob, Mr. Paul ;
Simple Bess, Mrs. G. Lee.
Boxes, 23.—Pit, ls.—Gallery, 6d. Half-price to the Boxes
only, at Half-past Eight.

THE RAILWAY SUN,
AND TIIE

PARLIAMENTARY SUN,
ARE NOW RE-PUBLISHED,
PRICE SIXPENCE EACH.
Sun Office,

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS DAY.
nunutes altar 9 'Evening 38 minutes after 10.

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