The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-26 00:00:00

Thtglib% 4
4.-‘ J.V.V 4:44

LONDON:
MONDAY, JULY 26, 1841.

We cannot comprehend why the Tory journals
object to the Ministers retaining office till after
the Parliament has met. They appealed from
the condemnation of the old Parliament to the
constituency, and they can only know the deci-
sion by the vote of the new Parliament. To
retire before the Parliament makes known to

them the answer of the constituencies, is as bad
as carrying a cause into Court and not waiting
to hear the verdict of the jury. The Tories
blame them because they are not frightened out
of Court by the pleading of their adversary. To
'give up Without meeting the Parliament, would
be a craven acknowledgment of guilt.
The presumption, according to the returns, is,
that the policy of the Ministers will be con-
demned by a large majority. But who can be
sure of that? Who can answer what may happen
between the present time and the 19th of August?
The weather has of late been most unfavourable.
More rain, more cold weather, destroying the
hopes of the harvest, might make the boldest
Corn-law advocate quake for the peace of the,
country, should he, under such circumstances,
cn the meeting of Parliament object to

take the Corn-laws into consideration. The
last accounts from the West Indies, too, are
by no means favourable; and were the prices of
sugar to rise rapidly during the next four weeks,
who shall venture to predict how much of the

horror which Lord SANDON, Sir ROBERT PEEL,

and Sir CRAY GRANT professed last Session at
the admission of slave-grown sugar would dis-
appear?
But putting all such contingencies out of the
question, by what means can we tell the opinions
of the Members of the new House of Commons
except by their votes ? It is not sufficient that
a man is called a Tory, or that he has abused the
Ministers on the hustings, to conclude that he
will vote against their measures in Parliament.
All assumptions and conjectures of this kind;
founded on speeches, rumours,
_reports, however
valid for newspaper arguments, are not a pro-
per basis for the conduct of Government ; and be-
fore the Ministers resign, because the elections
have gone against them, they must have legal
proof of the fact by the votes of the House of
Commons.

On one of the last days of the Session Sir R.
PEEL gave up his opposition to a vote of credit,
on the promise given by Lord JOHN RUSSELL
that _ the new Parliament should be speedily
as-
sembled. It is plain, therefore, that Sir ROBERT
PEEL, calculating, as no doubt he did, on ama-
jority, expected that the Ministers would meet
Parliament, and would not resign their Ministe-
rial life to any less noble hands than th owsehoafttshier
House of Commons, and certainly not to
the
ignoble hands of newspaper editors.
R. Prp. expected, and what the reason of the
thin ,• tito mman d s , Ministers will do. They will
tal:e the first opportunity, they say, to demand
the decision of the House of Commons, and

hating heard it, if that be against their
policy, they will resign, To give up from any
unauthorised conjecture, us to what the decision
of Parliament will be, would be unworthy of
their dignity both as Ministers and men.

Our readers mu`it see with some pleasure the
alarm which th a announcement of Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, that he means to ask for a clear and
decided judr.nent on the policy of the Ministers,
has creates amongst the Tories. Every day,
every ho, or they are kept from office, is a greater
tormelit to them than the sight of food to a
famishing man which he dare not touch. Every
day they are afraid may snatch the untasted
cup from their lips, and they will know no peace
till they are in possession.

They are aware that the question now at issue
is not some shadowy, intangible, unprovable
matter like the future government of India, or
the growth of Jacobinism, or the glories of war,
or the blessings of the Constitution, in which cases
prejudice stands a fair chance of triumphing for
A long time over reason. The Tories know
that the question at issue is something like
whether two and two make four or only three,
and they know that whenever the sum is
worked out, the decision must be that it is four.
They look with political horror at the feverish
state of the grain and money markets, because
they know that events are working against them,
and that every day which developes the effects
of our legislation, developes a truth inimical to
Tory doctrines.

We have for a long time been stunned by the
Tory Journals with eulogies on the great capacity
and. admirable judgment of Sir R. PEEL; we doubt
fir justice more glan ever when we see him

perilling his reputation and Government on such
an assertion as that two and two make three. He
re9l.]:; makes such an assertion, when he boldly
affirms that keeping food from the people does
not cause want and distress. He was a contemp-
tib politician, however skilful a debater, when
he stood out against the Dissenters and against
the Catholics, and he was made utterly con-
temptible by his defeats; but it is tenfold more
contemptible to stand out against the hunger of
the people, and peril his reputation in resisting
the demand for food. This is not sagacity, it is
ridiculous and contemptible folly.
But it is said that nobody knows what Sir R•
PL EL will do. We know, however, what he will
not do, if any faith can be placed in his reiterated
opinions. He will not admit sugar, the produce
of slave labour, into our market for consump-
tion ; he will not abate the tax now levied by
the landlords on the bread of the people ; and
he will not abate the discriminating duty on tim-
ber not brought from our colonies. He will not,
therefore, relieve the people. He is pledged to
tax them and starve them f.)r the monopolists.
He is pledged to keep the price of sugar higi
and the quantity short. He is pledged, what-
ever may be the seasons, to keep bread dear and
the people hungry ; and a man who has so
pledged himself, aiming to be the Minister of
this great commercial country, in which all the
striving of inventive genius, and all the exertions
of mechanical skill, are directed to make all
things cheap and plentiful, is not a sagacious
man ;he is no better than a ninny. The Tories
are sensible of the dangerous ground on which
they tread, and are extremely anxious to obtain
a firm footing by getting hold ofthe Government.

Amongst our extracts from the Weekly Papers
we insert the observations of the Spectator on
" Clerical Anti-Corn-law Agitation," in reply to
our remarks of last Monday. We know not why
our Contemporary calls those a lecture, for we
meant to argue the question ; and one of the
strongest parts of our case, the conduct of the
Catholic priests of Ireland, who must engage in
secular disputes, our Contemporary omits to
notice.

We agree with the Spectator that Reformers
have seriously complained of priests sitting in
Parliament; but while they sit there we repeat
that our Contemporary's opinion, however cor-
rect as an abstract proposition, does not apply to
our society. As long as that practice is con-
tinued, and as long as ours is a PROTESTANT State,
founded on religious and sectarian principles, it
is idle to talk of priests not bringing religion to
bear on secular subjects. They do frequently, and
will; and till the State cease to be united with
the Church, we shall look with some suspicion
on every condemnation of other priests than
those of the State Church for meddling with se-
cular affairs.

But our strongest reason for dissenting from
the Spectator on the point in question is, that we
cannot degrade the Corn-laws into "a question
of pounds, shillings, and pence." It is a ques-
tion of morality and of political science. Those
laws reduce the people to poverty, and
annually starve many out of existence. They
withhold food from the people. At this moment
the people cannot touch a grain of the many quar-
ters of wheat which we hope are in bond, without
paying the enormous duty of 235. Bd. per quarter
in order to keep up the price of wheat. In all
the papers of the United States which reach us
we find accounts of the abundance of provisions
there, accompanied by complaints that the
owners cannot send it to supply the wants of our
starving people, willing and able to purchase it.
The laws, then, actually keep food away from the
people, and inflict on them hunger and death.
When our Contemporary describes such laws as
a question of pounds, shillings, and pence, he
makes us assert that he has not mastered the
subject.

Further, those laws, by a round-about means
filch away the property of the bread eaters, and
give it to the landowners. The Legisla-
ture has no right whatever to make such
laws. It is bound equally to protect the
property of all. It has no more right to
take the smallest fraction of the smallest
coin of the realm from the pocket of a hand-loom
weaver to swell the rent of the Duke of Bucx-
INGRAM, than it has to cut off the head of that
weaver as a trophy to grace the gates of Stow.
The Corn7laws strike at the root of all law, and
,nay well engage the attention of Christian mi-
nisters anxious to preserve peace and order in
society.

It is under such aspects as these, and not as a
question of—more or less—a fe w pounds, shillings,
and pence, that the Dissenting ministers pro-
pose to consider the Corn-laws. They are stig-
matised as robbery—they are a gross violation
of the right of property; and, having arrived at
that conclusion, we can no more discuss them as
a question of pounds, _ shillings, and pence, than
we can say that the guilt of highway robbery
depends on the amount taken by the robber.
Our Contemporary says, "If the supporters
of the Corn-laws advocated them, knowing—be-
lieving them to be calculated to impoverish the
community and distress the poor, they would be
fair objects for the clerical battery proposed to
be opened upon them." We thank our Contem-
porary for the admission, because we charge
the supporters of the Corn-laws with knowing and
believing that they have these effects, and with
maintaining the Corn-laws because they believe
they have these effects. We boldly charge the
Corn-law makers with knowingly endeavouring
to starve the manufacturing population out of
existence. We must believe that the law-makers
are aware of the effects of their laws, and such
being the effects of the Corn-laws, we assert that
they are designed.
But moreover we have heard Lord ASHBUII,
TON, with our own ears, speaking on this subject,
rail against converting the whole land into a
workshop. We have heard him and other Noble
Lords object to covering the empire with manu-
facturing towns. We have read too—as who has
not?—in the Quarterly Review, the Standard, the
Morning Post, and the Morning Herald, re-
peated denunciations of our town population.
They are stigmatised as all that is vicious. It is
ssid that the empire would be as well without
them. - It has been suggested that the half of
our cities might be razed with advantage. It is
a common opinion amongst the advocates of
the Corn-laws that the town population grows
too fast; and
we boldly charge the authors and
supporters of the Corn-laws, therefore, with know-
ingly and wilfully suP
po
r ting t herna,nin d orderntcor
increase
see-
vent the growth of manufactures
of towns people. They know that the process by
which the growth and increase are prevented is
through misery, famine, and death ;and
e
authors and advocates of the
vch a
rgesqualid
t h e
Corn-laws with knowingly
and maliciously en-
deavouring, by those laws, to impoverish and
starve the manufacturing population. Why else
do they withhold food from them?

_ .
We r believe that the Dissenting ministers
who have called the Conference entertain
the
same opinions. At any rate, they know that
such are the effects of the Corn-laws; and we
shall not, at present, say another word on the
subject, because we regard the admission of our
Contemporary as a full justification of that Con-
ference which he has condemned.

i
The Tories make t out that her MAJESTY is
treated as a cypher, because the Ministers do not
r ~ign at the bidding of the Tory Journalists. At
the same time she is impudently spoken of as an
"accomplice" in the "guilt" of the Ministers.
We suppose the Tories will next demand, should
the Ministers not immediately resign, that
she be dethroned for daring to allow the
Whigs to keep out the Tories. The arrogance
of the rampant faction already surpasses the de-
cencies of common life, and sets all loyalty at
defiance.

We call the attention of the public to
.an in-
vestigation which took place at the Greenwich
Police-office pn Saturday, which, on account of

its importance, we have given at great length.
It refers to a question which interests every sub-
ject of a free country, and we shall therefore, at
the earliest opportunity, make some comments
on the tyrannical conduct of the police and the
unjust decision of the Magistrate.

Besides the news from Paris of Thursday's date, which
appeared in our Second Edition of Friday, there is
very little intelligence in the French journals of Thurs-
day of any interest to the majority of our readers. The
most disastrous are certainly the rumours generally pre-
valent of the failure of the crops throughout France.
Of the political gossip in the French metropolis, our own
Correspondent furnishes us with the following sum-
mary :

(FROM OUR OWN CORRBSPONDENT.)
PARIS, JULY 22.—The political organs of the French Mi-
nistry are busily occupied in defending the civil and military
functionaries of Toulouse, who are so thoroughly routed there
by the straightforward demonstrations of a few honest men,
from the charges of pusillanimity and incapacity, heaped on
them somewhat abundantly by the Liberal Journals, not only
in the capital but in all parts of France. At the same time
they are in a dilemma, for unless they admit their conduct to
have been exceedingly faulty, they cannot explain the cause
of their dismissal. A long letter has been published by M.
Mahul, the obnoxious Prefect, in his own defence ; but it
only makes him more ridiculous than he was before, and
while it betrays the diabolical doctrines of physical force
adopted by the Court party, it also shows that he was of all
men the most unfit to be entrusted with any mission of half
the responsibility implied by a Prefer:hire. hlarshal Soult is
understood to have written a letter in no very me .sured
terms to General St. Michel, military Commandant of the
Toulouse division, acquainting him with his dismissal—a thing
which he certainly would not have done had he not been in-
structed to that effect by the " Pensee immualle," which now
misdirects the destinies of France from the throne of the Tui-
leries. Publicattention is now directed to the suites of this
affair, andevery bodylis looking out for further mistakes on the
part of a most unpopular Administration.
Yesterday Louis Philippe held a review of the troops of the
garrisons in the Place du Carrousel. He looked haggard and
care-worn, and seemed anything but at his ease, even in the
midst of the only portion of the nation on whom he can place
any reliance. The army, however, is not much to be depended
on ; and there is just as much danger of a military assassin
springing into day as of a Republican one. An incipient con-
spiracy was nipped in the bud only a couple of months ago at
Versailles, in an infantry regiment, just arrived from the south
of France. A soldier had stational himself on the road by
which the King was expected tq arrive one day, and had a
pistol ready to discharge at }::nn. He was attended by some of
his comrades prepared tq aid him, but they were observed ; in-
formation was given 'so the police, and the suspected parties
dealt with accor,:ing,iy. The fact of much di:affection prevail-
ing in the arr.iy is notorious.
Amon other Court movements effected withal the last few
days tias been the transferring of the heart of the Regent,
Pitilip Duke of Orleans, who opened the last century in a man-
ner so fatal for France, and the remains of Philip Egalite, who
closed that century so infamously—from their places of sepulture
in Paris to the family vaults of the Orleans dynasty at Ureux.
The body of the father of Louis Philippe, whose very name
is a disgrace to the country and age in which he lived, lying by
the coffin of the lamented Princess Mai ie—one of the brightest
jewels that ever belonged to Bourbon blood—is a most unna-
tural and revolting collocation. Prince Albert's brother is over
here, a suitor for the hand of the youngest of the Orleans Prin-
cesses, Clementine. Her Royal Highness is a very good-
natured and unaffected person, and per se would make a fitting
consort for the line to the Duchy of Saxe Cobourg ; but the
having to be connected with a family holding their fortunes
and their political existence, by the insecure tenure of a life,
now more than seventy years old, is not very good policy: and
if the Prince wishes to get any money out of the pockets of his
august Beau Pere, he had better be quick about it, and not
wait for the division of the Orleans' property, which a chance
bullet may some day or other suddenly bring to pa-s. The
Queen Dowager of Spain is busy, furnishing her new resi-
dence of the Hotel Braganza, Rue de Courcelles —no expense
is spared; and the apartments of her Majesty's morganatic
husband, Munoz, are, we understand, fitted-up with great
luxury and elegance. Her Majesty went to the Opera the
other evening in mourning for the Queen of Hanover, forgetting
that the Hanoverian Guvernment had never recognised that of
the "beloved Christina," or the "innocent Isabella."

Everybody here is handing about to-day a long-winded pro-
clamation from the King of Hanover, telling his faithful States
that he is going to work them a bit—as Jar, indeed, as their
patience will let him.

A letter from Toulon, of the 17th, says—" The steamers
Cameleon, Velose, Passive, and Euph rate left this port to-day
for Algiers, where they will take on board the 17th Regiment
of Light Infantry, which returns to France. The 33d of the
line, which is in ga, rison in this city, is forming some batta-
lions, which are to be sent very soon to Algiers. Advantage
ought to have been taken of the departure of the four steamers
which have been sent to fetch the 17th, and these two batta-
lions should have been embarked in them. A little forethought
would have saved the State a considerable sum."

Letters from Algiers say that Mascara is going to become
a very important point, and that it is in contemplation to
transfer to that place the head-quarters of the division of Oran.
It is likewise said that General Alustapha will occupy part of
the country with his Douairs, and some French troops.
It had been said that General Bugeaud remained at
Mostagarem, to wait for the submission of a tribe. A letter of
the 7th, from that town, gives us the following details on the
subject;—" The chief of the tribe of the Chelif came lately to
announce to the Governor- General that a number of tribes wished
to make their submission to France. This was doubtless an effect
of the late operations.. The Governor waited for the issue of
the affair before he returned to Algiers. A column of 1,500
or 1,800 men, under the command of Colonel Tempourre, with
five days' previsions, left this town on the night of the 3d in-
stant, in the direction of the Chelif, conducted by the above-
mentioned chief, who, when they had arrived at the place appoint-
ed, informed Col. Tempourre, after some parleying, that the tribes
had not decided on submitting, and that news had just been
received that Abd-el-Kader had sent a considerable .force,
which would arrive on the following day. The affair having
failed, our people took the wisest course, namely, to return im-
mediately to Mostaganem ; but the signal for
.so doing was
scarcely given, when a swarm of enemies began to harass the
column. A warm engagement ensued, in which the Arabs
must have lost many men. We had 7 killed, and 30 wounded;
among the latter is Captain Montauban.
" It is feared that this affair, which might have been of im-
mense advantage, if there had been on the spot a strong column
to withstand the reinforcements sent by Abd-el-Kader, will
have a contrary effect, by confirming the tribes in their opinion
that we are unable to protect them against Abd-el-Katler."—
Le Commerce.
BOURSE—Penis, THURSDAY, JULY 22.

first Highest Lowest Last
Price Price. Frio. Price
i'rench 5 nee Cants ll5 ... 115 5 ... 1:4 9.5... 115

4% per Cents ..... 104 25 104 23 104 25 ... 104 25
4 per Cents 99 25 ." 99 25 99 20 .. 99 20
3 per Cents. ex. div 76 45 76 50 ... 76 45 ... 76 45
+ink of ter:trice
Leffitte Bank I.ooof. Shares 1147 50 ...1e47 50 ...1e45 ...1045

5;0001. Shares 5115 ...5115 ...5115 ...5113
~leian Plank
Belgian 5 per Cents.
New Loan o2'% ... 02% ... 102% ... 112%
Dutch 2% per Cents. 51% ... 51% ... 51% ... 51%
v.iush A cLive ........ Y 1 ... 211/4 ... Y 1 ... ‘tl
Passive 4% ... 4 ... 4% ... 4%
vespolitan
Ronan ...... 1021/4 ... 10234 ... 1011/4 ... 1021/4

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