The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-28 00:00:00

MORN'INO 1115ITION

stitutional precedent. The authority of Mr.
. Burke, the authority of Mr. Fox, and the ati-
thority of all who have advocated the popular
principle of representative Government are in unison
with my opinion;; on this point and confirm the position
whichd hold. Take the opinions of Mr. Burke. Mr. Burke
says—" That the House of Commons should respect his
Ministers is essential to his Majesty's service. It is fit that
they—that is, . the Ministers, " should vield to
Parliament, and not that Parliament should be new mo-
delled until it is fitted to the Ministers. If onrauthority is
only to be held upwhen we coincide in the opinion of his
Majesty's advisers, but is to be set at nought the moment
it differs from it, the House of Commons will sink into a
mere appendage of the Administration, and will lose that
important character which, inseparably connecting its
heileur and representation with the acts of this House,
enables us to afford a real, effective, and substantial sups
:Tort to his Government. It is the deference shown to
our opinion when we dissent from the servants of
- the Crown which can alone give authority to the
proceedings of this House when it concurs in their mea-
sures." What were the opinions of Mr. Fox ? Mr.
Fox says, that " the true, solid, and incontrovertible
basis upon which a firm and efficient Government can be
built -is on the confidence of the House of ,Commons."
lire Fex spoke of that cordiality and union which con-
stituted the vital spring of the British Government. He
said, "Had not the majority of the House of Commons
almost from time immemorial, governed the country ?
Was it not the confidence of the House of Commons
which hal given energy and efficiency to every
Administration ? Was it not the confidence and
et ineurrenee - of the House of Commons which
hat given stability to every act. Was it not through a
clashing with this primary principle that so many cala-
mities happened in some of the reigns prior to the Re-
volution ?" Mr. Fox said again—" However disagree-
-able the issue,' it must be imputed to those who
thought themselves wiser than the House, and they
al me.must answer for it to the country." Did Mr. Fox
say that it was the duty of a Minister constantly to defer
to- the House of Com Mons ? Did not Mr. Fox claim for
himself the right of proposing such measures as he
deemed important for the public welfare, notwithstand-
ing the difference which there might be with part of the
House of Commons ? He did so. He said that he was
far from meaning that he thought a Minister was never
justifiable in differing in opinion from the House. No
man in the situation of Minister would • be more likely
to differ from that House than he should, but then he
would adhere to his opinion, and when he found the
House and he tholight differently: he should resign his
oflise, and say to the House of Commons, " Choose
another instrument to carry on the public business, I
am no longer fit to serve you." Those were the opinions
of Mr. Burke and Mr. Fox. No, Sir, allow
me to refer to another constinitionalauthority, the autho-
rize,- of the Noble Lord. Sir, in that work to which
I have before referred, and to which I have referred with
sincere respect, repeating again that I think it takes a
.moderate, dispassionate, and able view of the principle of
the British Constitution, we have not the dictum of
the Noble Lord, .amid the heat and excitement of the
House, but his deliberate opinion as a writer on the Bri-
tish Constitution with respect to the relative position of
the Crown and the House of Commons. The Noble Lord
says. that the accession of George I. was the era when Go-
vernnent by party was fully established in England. He
says the financial difficulties which followed the winding
up of the war, contributed to give greater importance to
the House of Commons, and he uses that expression to
which I have before referred, " and to place within the
House of Commons, if I may so express myself, the centre
of gravity of the Constitution." The Noble Lord justly
describes, in powerful langsage, the consequences which
must fellow from a departure from that rule.
He says, "otherwise these measures will be thwarted,
the..e promises . will be distrusted—(Cheers)—and
finding all their steps obstructed, their efforts will
be directed to the overthrow of the Constitu-
tion."—(Great cheering.) Now, Sir, although the Noble
Lord ie in office, yet I will not take se extreme a view
as he has taken of the consequences of perseverance in
this system. •It May not follow that Minis-
ters so obstructed will meditate the overthrow
of the Constitution ; but the other evils will
follow, for they are the consequences of attempt-
ing to govern by a minority. You cannot resist
the influence in this country of party-disaffection. They say
van meet this Government with party motions, why
• -don't you come down and lend it your cordial
earsort without reference to its merits, and if you do so
• you ;7411
.enable it, to proceed. But the Noble Lord
seouted nose things. He says that from party arose
strength, and' said, turther, that he never found
any one fear party conflicts except mock philo-
eoph ers--(Long ancl continued cheering)—effeminate men
mold sentimental women. Those who attempt to govern
with a minority will he met as I was every night by some
reotion or other for the purpose of preventing the
public business going on. In consequence of the
.continuance of those motions I was obliged to yield, and
such will be the case with the present Government.—
(Hear, hear.) • But this I will say, that of all adminis-
trations there never existed a Government that had
met with less obstructions than the present.
They had never met with mere factious and
• vexatious opposition. I say, without any extended ap-
resliension of the overthrow of the Government—this
Ido say, that practical experience proves to
• us that • the Noble Lord is right—that there
- will be great evils, absolutely unavoidable
evils will result in the administration of public affairs
from the incursion on the , constitutional rule, of at-
temptins, to govern without a majority. Look to the
state of affairs since the present Government came into
ofice. Let me take three measures; one brought for-
, ward at its eolith:ewes!: (int, one at its maturity, and one
supposed to be, brought . forviard at its close.
Let rue take the history of the Arorepriation Clause—let
sue take the history of the Jamaica and the 'agar
Duties Bill, and can I see what has hiked ulttee on these
Alyce . :estions, without coming to the cone!nsion that,
the authority of the llouee of Commons was, na't sup-
ported by the course pursued.—(Hear.) Sir; I noel'
eeunted the Noble Lord with abandoning the appro-
priation clause; I thought he was placeel in a situa-
tion of necessity, which upon the whole made it
advisable for the public interests that there should be a
;settlement of the question—without the appropriation
clause. But can I conceal from myself that the necessity
etrese out-of the weakness of the Government, and the
want of the confidence of the House, which left the
Gov, rnment no other alternative than to recede from their
most express engagements ?—(Cheers.) Take the Ja-
maica IEII, and look at the evil consequences that arose
on account of its abandonment. The Government
brought in a Bill, the object of which was to
ceeinguish the Representative Government of the
eateuy of Jamaiea. The, failed—we opposed them,
and they were compelled to bring in another
in confoOmity with our suggestions. But what was the
statement .td.
the evils anticipated from the course which
was made by the Noble Lord at the head of her Mejesty':
overnmect, and the Noble Lord the Secretary for the
colonies ? The latter Noble Lord said "It was
obvious that in Jamaica the authority of the Crown
would be greatly wecktmed by any vote of the House of
Commons giving support to the contumacy of the As-
sembly. of Jamaica against the proposition of the Minis-
ters of the Crown,' and by continuing in the ad-
ministration of affairs, not having a sufficient
degree of the confidence and support of this House
• to carry on these affairs, we shall be exposing, to jeopardy
the colonies of this country."—(Hear.) Lord Melbourne
es id, " I say that the Jamaica Bill is of paramount, indis-
ege sable importance-for the great object of emancipation,
and that the vote of the House of Commons is fatal to
this measure. Not only that, but it demonstrates with
sufficient clearness such :a want of confidence in a great
• _body of the other House of Parliament, that we could
nc, t continue tee administration of the affairs of her
3.ltti esty'e Governsnent in a manner that would be useful or
benefice al; ' --( Conteatted cheering.) That wasitheopinion
-
you yotieseie gave as tt, the degree in which time colonial
interests of time empirtis would be co.npromised by an
attempt to govern, without possessing sufficiently the
confidence of the House of et mmous. Take again
the case of the sugar duties, and can any one say that
the position of the Chancellor craw Exchequer was a
'satisfactory or a proper one ?-1 Tear, hear. hear.)
After stating the grounds upOil which he
brought forward , his proposition—Hear)—after
holding out expectatioes of relief to the eseuntry in
consequence of these. measures, was it a course calcu-
lated to exalt the authority of the House of Commons,
to find the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on Thurs-
day last, having been_ over-ruled in his proposition,
and after the declaration of the Attorney-General that
we must consider the Budget as a whole—(Opposition
eers)—was it a becoming position of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer to move, without a word of apology, the
adoption of the existing sugar duties precisely in
conformity with the previous resolution ?—(Hear.)
These are conclusive proofs that the Nole Lord's
prophetic anticipations of the evil arising from
the obstructions of Government was practically re-
' alized, as we, ourselves, have had an opportunity 'of ob-
. serving-. Is this for the credit of. the House of
Commons ? Is it for the maintenance of its,l-'N autho-
;nay as a branch of the Legislature ? ty, have
you the consolation, that whatever authority you
detract from the House of Commons is conferred on the
Crown ? Alas ! no.—(Heer, hear.) Your measures are
subversive of the authority of the Crown. It may ap-
pear to a superficial observer that this is a proof of the
i.trength of its prerogative, that the Crown should „be
ms bled to support a Ministry without a majority
in the House of Commons, but that is an imperfect view
of the case..,-(Opposition cheers.) The interest of the
Crown ants the House of Commons are identical—
(Hear, hear)--and the only authority required for the
interests of thel.:,..stte. You cannot aim a blow at the just
and legitimate authierity of the House of Commons without
inflicting one on the Nnarchy. But character is said to add
.ao the authority of the li tonarchy—to those Ministers and
representatives of it in this House—to those who counsel
measures in this House on tree authority of the Crown.
Cannot it be supposed, Sirs that the triumph of
this is maintained in the :House without a majority, or
where is the compensation for the positive evil—the dan-
gerous spectacle of inefficiency and want of authority ?
Perhaps you may say, as Mr. Pitt said to Mr. Fox,
"" though we have not the House of Commons we have
seificient indication that we possess the confidence of the
cotiatry."—(Hear, hear.) • First, I should say. with Mr.
-rox;it is dangerous to admit any other recognised organ
- labile opinion than the House of Commons itself—
**kit, is dangerous to set up the implied opinions
of ecinstituentg kgainst their authorised representatives—
the House a mons. It is important that we should
not beebrweahr this unseemly conflict, and that it
'eel that the House of Commons did
.*F.Litircmy,-* blic sentiments. If you deny the
Sea ;,,44 •
meat you say that, I should
ority of the constituents as opposed
.. t 0.... . e Cummens Can you show to the
eta, • g the present Parliament, that you possess
ce which is withheld from you by the
tha.
of Commons.? I ,know not actually how many
Hon
scab cies he ve arisen since the assembling of the pre-