The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-16 00:00:00

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SATURDAY Ev E Ni.NG
SUN, JANUARY 163 18 anAft•ft, e i-47. PRICE SD. . „IJ.--;-.N.
' latti 44k1

dappailait4 Ana haul whidi it WU hat safe, tip tlis
amendment of a five-shilling fixed duty with which Alp
was threatened in the House of Lords. That amoMmekt N
would have given great satisfaction to the Whig
the House of Lords, and who would have -
Lord John Russell would have been declare( --
acclamation if he had consented to take ;
principle. He had declared, in his letter fn
that the time for a five-shilling duty was past,
e
at
House, and which decided the fate of that Bill,,
(peHrei oadr, arrived repeal
tfora asubtosteagluernetp eaml
eeotfintgh
aßnuds had
the pol
policy
aasd persuaded
ehrei s
decidedfriends
whichto co ntehuer in'Lib 64
Liberal party
in future intended to pursue. It was a singular casualty
that the repeal of the corn-laws should have been moved
by the Earl of Ripon, who proposed the corn-laws of
1810. It was carried, and the Tariff was carried ; and on
the day after the royal assent had been given to the Bills
the Government was given up by a majority of 76, and
by the same Parliament that placed the Government in power
by a majority of 91. At that tune there was a great sym-
pathy for Sir Robert Peel, for he had made great sacrifices
to repair great errors. I want no greater proof of it than
eip
the great calamity now sweeping over Ireland, and which no
sacrifices on our part can avert. Ask yourselves this simple
question, are not these the very principles upon which we
acted six years and upon which our whole commercial
policy is henceforward to rest? Had this principle been
8
d
r
b4Fii‘end,eao,:sai
:tsi,ea.,:vodroau3tr.i;:ntdeiln,siligtB.
1a- In:11,10:,
itt shouldiat
ilNag.tle
politicale o%
vestige' eua
mtb,nleehodnta,,dotaalfantni
tcddgl
hereireetaN:ttsefel
qv
amountlseu:dlutr protection
0,
loteNfed‘c'letiotii
ocirihnne
brought into the EnOish market from Germany and Russia;
n
he
rn•
l
supplies which we now hope to -receive? You will say that
we have got a better settlement of the question now. In
will be destroved. lied it been so before, the famine in
Ireland might have been much mitigated, although it was
not possible to calculate to what extent. Now this should
advan-
tage of having men in power who were ready to act on their
own principles. It was no excuse to say that Sir Robert
Peel was kept hack by his party. Ile should not have
encouraged the delusions of that party, but should have
given the support to Lord John Russell which Lord John
Russell gave to him. The interests of his country would
have been promoted by the change, and if the late Ministry
have fallen, it is not to be regretted. I have alluded to two
transactions of great importance; there is now one other
subject, on which I have already given some political offence.
I allude to the discussions on the Factory Bill. I have
strong feelings on this subject, and by differing with some
friends on it I place myself in opposition to the Ministry
and to a part of the constituency to whom I am bound by
gratitude and respect. I think that the principle of a Ten
Hours' Bill is dangerous to the best interests of the working
man. I was the first to allude in the House of Commons to
what had been done in Sheffield. It was forced upon me,
and I could not speak of it there in a way, different from what
I spoke of it before you. But I have been led into error with
respect to the operation of this Bill upon some of your trade
regulations. I stated that there were limitations as to the
sons of men connected with the trade, and which regulations
I am happy to find do not exist. At a meeting held yesterday,
with the trades' delegates, I was completely satisfied that I
was wrong. lam also of opinion that an error made in the
/louse of Commons should be repaired in the House of
Commons, and I told the gentlemen whom I met yesterday,
that if they would submit to me a written statement of what
was told rue yesterday, I should have the greatest pleasure
in acknowledging the mistake which I had unconsciously
made. Upon all other points of this question I retain the
same opinions which I always did. With the mass of intel-
lect and energy which are to be found among the working
classes, I think they are doing themselves the greatest in-
jury by restricting the hours of labour, and building for
themselves prisons which they might be brought into. By
a free interchange of commodities higher wages and more
permanent employment might be obtained than by making
factious complaints. I tell you fairly I shall go to the House
of Commons this year to see the Ten Hours' Bill carried. I
say this on a higher authority than my own, and believe
that Lord John Russell will give some modification of a
Ten Hours' Bill his support. I believe the Bill is founded on
principles utterly destructive of the right that there should
be a minimum of labour and a maximum of wages. It can-
not be done, for there is no permanent profit and demand;
and adhering to these principles, I do believe most fairly
that I consult your interest by taking the course I intend to
take. I believe I have now gone into everything. I have
told you what we agree upon and what we disagree upon.
You have inferred that I was the instrument of a party de-
sirous of putting down trades' union and re-establishing com-
bination laws. But to put down open associations lead to
secret associations, and I would not inflict such an injustice
upon the country. The combination law was useless while
it existed, for masters had a right to combine on one side and
men on the other, and I do not wish to prevent them if their
combinations are kept within proper limits. When you fix
a price independent of demand, you may obtain a temporary
gain, but you will not obtain permanent employment, nor
is there so much certainty of extending the foreign trade. I
hope you are satisfied with the frankness of the statements
which I have made, although you may not agree with them;
and if I have done anything wrong, I am perfectly willing
and perfectly desirous to make you amends. The Hon.
Member sat down loudly cheered.

THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.

moment, the only question between the Cabinet of
London and ourselves which is pregnant with im-
portant results or with possible difficulties. Let us endea-
vour at once to obviate these difficulties. You were
perfectly right in affirming that we should approve of
he sons of Don Francisco de Paula. They come within
the category which we have laid down : they are
Bourbons, descendants of Philip V., and (what is an
important advantage) Spanish Princes. We do not
entertain, and we have never expressed, any objection to
them. Our only reason for not mentioning them was,
that Queen Christina, the young Q teen, and her Go-
vernment, declared that they would not hear of them.
Our only reason for supporting the pretensions of the
Count of Trappani (which we did with the knowledge
and on th 9 suggestion of Lord Aberdeen) was, that he
was, at that time, the one of the descendants of Philip
V. who appeared to have the best, if not the only, chance
of success. Queen Christina was entirely in his favour.
The prospect of this marriage had induced the Court of
Naples to recognise the title of the Queen of Spain.
We were bound to support him as we did, by the
principl, we had laid down, that any descendant of
Philip V. would be agreeable to us. But the popular feeling
in Spain now appears to be extremely adverse to the
Count of Trappani. Queen Christina seems no longer in-
clined to him, and nhnost denies having thought of him.
The Infantes, sons of Don Carlos, and especially the
Count de Alontemolin, are in the thoughts and on the
lips of many persons of consideration, both in and out
of Spain. A marriage with one of them would deter-
mine the Northern Court to recognise the title of the
Queen of Spain. We, for our part, adhering steadily to
our principle, should not object to it. But the persons
most favourable to this arrangement declare, that it
would at all events be extremely difficult, and that it
would not be possible, unless the Count de Montemoliu
would consent to renounce his pretensions to the throne,
acknowledge Isibella as Queen, resume his rank of
Infante of Spain, and, in that &erecter, present himself
as a suitor for her hand. But the Count de Montemolin
has not done, or shown himself disposed to do, anything
of the kind. This arrangement, like the former, is
therefore, for the present, impossible. Our communi-
cations from Madrid continually recur to the Duke de
Montpensier, while overtures have been made to
Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg. We dismiss both
these projects, as we have done from the first moment.
Our policy is perfectly frank, uniform, and con-
sistent. We neither choose to place a French Prince on
the throne of Spain, nor to see a Prince not belonging to
the house of Bourbon take possession of it. These
difficulties, these impossibilities, which have successively
forced themselves on the attention and the conviction of
all parties, have greatly improved the chances of the
sons of Don Francisco de Paula. Queen Christina and
the Cabinet of Madrid seem a little less hostile to them.
They are no less suitable to England than to ourselves.
Let us, therefore, in concert with England, immediately
enter upon the course which appears to lead to a satis-
factory termination of the affair. Let us order our
agents at Madrid to use their united efforts to bring it
about. Let the Queen of Spain marry whichever of the
Infantes she may prefer.. Let the Queen her mother,
and her Ministers, direct her choice according to their
own discretion. Upon whichsoever of the two Princes
it may fall, it will be approved in Paris and in London.
This important question would thus be speedily solved ;
and its final solution (with the good understanding
between France and England by which that solution had
been brought about) would be of infinitely greater ad-
vantage to the repose of Spain, and the stability of the
constitutional monarchy, than any arrangement which is
impossible at the present moment, and the chances of
effecting which are remote and uncertain.
If the English Cabinet should approve of and adopt
iotu
forr s utgngee ti o
purposen, we o
f shall
givingbe
effectready t
oot otnneaiesc tapigonrl
upon
concert
do n
eed
with
et
enter into any details at present.
execution.
understanding
opinnrthcieplmeOdaenodfwcaersrhyainligeiatsiinly cotoexmee to

SECTION 3.

We published, on Thursday and Friday, the dispatches
of Lord Palmerston and M. Guizot on this subject. We
now subjoin the annexes, also presented to the French
Chamber by the Foreign Minister of France:—

Whatever be the causes, the fact, that the difficulties
of the marriage between one of the descendants 9f
Philip V. and Queen Isabella are greatly aggravated, is
incontestable.

land, and an indication of what the policy of the French
Government would be under the emergency. No. B.
M. Guizot to Count Flahault, dated Paris, December 3,
1846,!containing the declaration and protest of France. No.
9.—A letter from M. Guizot to the Count de St. Aulaire,
dated Paris, Dec. 3, 1846, in which the former recapitu-
lates what he had done, on the part of France, with re
gard to Cracow—namely, that he took the earliest op-
portunity of expressing disapprobation; that on the 19th
of November he had requested Lord Palmerston to pre-
sent with him, en the part of England, a joint protest
against the violation of the treaty of Vienna; that Lord
Palmerston had declined a joint protest,
.prt ferring
that England should protest alone. M. Guizot tLere-
fore transmits, by command of the King of the French,
a copy of the protest of France (No. 8), instructing
Count de St. Aulaire to read it to Lord Palmerston, and
leave with his Lordship a copy."

And, at the same time, great and redoubled efforts are
at this moment making to bring about a marriage be-
tween the Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg and either
Queen Isabella or the Infanta Donna Fernanda.
The Court of Lisbon is the eentre of these efforts.
This is obvious from the tenor of private letters, and of
the Portuguese and Spanish journals.
It is affirmed that Prince Leopold of Coburg. who was
to leave Lisbon on the 24th of February for Cadiz,
Gibraltar, Algiers, Malta, and Italy, will proceed secretly
or openly to Madrid. This report is corroborated by
many circumstances.

M. GUIZOT TO THE DUKE DE OLUCKSBERG.
PRIVATE.---(EXTRACT.)

Paris, Nov. 11, 1843.

Without doubt, the Neapolitan alliance would be per
fc ctly agreeable to our views, and we shall neglect
nothing that'ean contribute to bring it about; but this
exult depends, as you know perfectly well, on its ap-
pearing to originate naturally in Spain itself, instead of
being introduced as a foreign importation. We have
taken great pains to induce the King of Naples to recog-
nite the title of Queen Isabella, because we wish that
the alliance in question were possible, consistently with
the dignity of the Queen and the Spanish nation, and
that a greater latitude were thus left to their choice. We
are sincerely glad that we have succeeded, but it is for
Spain alone to determine which, among the descendants
of Philip V., is the most acceptable to her; and we shall
not quit the ground we have taken up from the first. To
that, therefore, you will conform your language.
We do not wish to show any hostility to the marriage
of the Queen with the Duke of Caeiz or the Duke of
Sevill2, nor to place ourselves in such a position with
regard to either of those alliances that we should have
the air of being defeated if it took place. Either would
be included within the rule we have laid down, and has
many chances in its favour. The interests of France
have nothing to fear from it. While, therefore, we in-
sist on the advantages which would result to Spain her-
self from the Neapolitan alliance, and endeavour to
strengthen all its natural means of success, we must
make known that an alliance with the son of Don Fran-
ciso de Paula will not only not encounter any opposition
from us, but will find us well disposed towards it.

MR. WARD, M.P., AT SHEFFIELD

SH EFFIE LI), TH lIIISDAY. -Mr. Ward, 111.1.)., the Secretary
to the Admiralty, made his annual address to his constitu-
ents yesterday, at the Cutlers' Hall, on which occasion the
chair was occupied by Alderman Dunn. The acceptance of
office by the Hon. Member under the present Goverment
gave to his present address a more than ordinary interest, and
the: spacious hall was crowded to excess. The Hon. Gen-
tleman was accompanied by several of the leading gentlemen
of the town, amongst whom were Mr. H. Wilkinson, the
Mayor; Mr. S. Butcher, the late Mayor; Mr. T. B. Turton,
the Master Cutler, and others.
Mr. WARD, on rung, was received with loud and reiterated

cheem On their subsiding, he spoke to the following effect :
Mr.:Alderman Dunn and Gentlemen, time has familiarised us
with these annual meetings, which have implied a recogni-
tion of proper principles on both sides—a proper responsibi-
lity on my ,part, and political power on yours. The elective
franchise, which had been allowed to this constituency, and
which the men of Sheffield enjoyed, had been exercised in a
proper manner, and had done credit to the town. Without
a recognition of these principles, these meetings would be
a mere farce, though not where the constituencies
choose their member on account of his own opinions,
and not from the length of his purse. It also gives
them an opportunity of knowing that he does not prove
false to those pledges which have justified their choice. I
feel this strongly, and that is the reason that I am here to-
day. But my position is now materially changed. When I
was here on the last occasion, I stood before you an inde-
pendent man. I then tried to give every man a plain

- - M. GUIZOT TO M. THE COUNT DE ST.
AULAIRE.

Paris, Nov. 13, 1843.

In a conversation which passed some months ago be-
tween Lord Aberdeen and M. de Chabot on the subject
of the Neapolitan marriage, the former expressed some
fear of opposition from M. de Metternich, and some
desire that, supposing the merits of the parties to be
equal, we might prefer as arrangement which would not
encounter that obstacle. Pray tell Lord Aberdeen that,
so far from labouring exclusively to promote the Nea-
politan alliance, I have done, and still do, all that I can
to render an alliance with one of the sons of Don
Francisco de Paula more easy and more eligible. From
the first moment, I informed the Infante and the In-
fanta that we were fully disposed to assent to and to
facilitate such an alliance ; I represented to them in the
strongest terms, that they did themselves the greatest
injury, and rendered it impossible for us to serve them,
by connecting themselves with the Radicals and all par-
tisans of revolution. In my conversation with M. Olo-
zags, I fully and cordially acquiesced in this arrange-
ment, regarding it, as I did, as the most probable ; and
when he told me that many of the Spaniards would pre-
fer the younger infante, the Duke of Seville, to his
brother, the Duke of Cadiz, I replied that, as far as we
were concerned, the two brothers were equally eligible.
A few days ago, M. Parsent requested to see we, and in
the interview he had with me 1 expressed a most favor-
able disposition towards the Duke of Cadiz. I have
neglected no occasion and no means of facilitating this
arrangement, and of combating beforehand the obstacles
which it may encounter, and the inconveniences it may
occasion.
I do not think we can go further, or that we ought to
favour this alliance at the expense of all others. In lay-
ing down our principle of restricting the Queen's choice
to the successors of Philip V., we at the same time de-
clared that we accepted all included in that category;
and that the one who might have the preference of Spain
and of its Sovereign would have our support. We can-
not depart from the line we have drawn, nor abridge the
latitude which our own principle allows to the choice of
Spain. We prevailed on the King of Naples to recog-
nise the title of the Queen of Spain precisely in order
that this latitude might subsist in all its integrity.
Lord Aberdeen knows that this arrangement was first
suggested by him. We have no intention whatever to
sacrifice the others to it; but neither can we, most as-
suredly, do anything to counteract it, after what we have
done to render it possible and to leave it to the operation
of its natural chances.

answer to a plain question upon every point Y that has pre-
sented itself to your fertile imaginations. What I bad then
done I was prepared to defend; and upon what I meant to
do it was better that I should see you face to face in the
Town Hall. On these occasions we have often discussed the
affairs of the future, and quarrelled a little upon those that
were past. I could then speak out with great satisfaction,
and if we have ever disagreed, I must say that I have feel-
ings of gratitude for the kind and liberal spirit in which I
have been met. But nothing which ever then occurred has
prevented us from parting friends. My position, however,
is now changed, and more than half my usual topics are cut
off. I cannot dwell upon matters that will occur for the
future, and I do hope that gentlemen will not press me with
questions to which I cannot give a satisfactory reply. I have
now joined a party, and the policy which they will think
proper to pursue will very soon show itself through
the proper quarters. I have told you I have taken
office. I make no apology for that ; and Ido not disguise
that office is the natural reward of political men. I could
not wish to take office with a greater number of men of
liberal political principles than now. I have taken office
with men like Mr. Strutt, Mr. Charles Wood, and Lord
Morpeth. Mr. Cobden was orthodox, and Mr. Villiers was
prevented by personal reasons from accepting office. I
could not, therefore, have hoped to take office with a greater
combination of liberal men than now, nor with a Minister
. .

whose character for integrity stood so high, nor one who, in
the opinion of the country, was more likely to strike out a
line of policy in which all liberal men would concur. It is
not mere place that I was seeking; but the offer was so large
and liberal a one, that I accepted it in the same spirit in
which it was offered, and I hope, therefore, it will not meet
with your disapprobation, but merit your support. I have
sacrificed no principle, nor do I mean to sacrifice any; but,
as 1 have told you before, of the policy of the Government
I am not authorised to speak. A man like myself, in a
subordinate office, knows very little, and if I did know it, I
could not tell you. The session begins on Tuesday next,
and in the course of the year it is quite clear there must be
a dissolution of Parliament. If I have acted inconsistently,
you will then have the remedy in your own hands. I will
not quit this subject without saving that you must not expect
too much from the present Ministry. Lord John Russell's
Government exists at present upon sufferance, and with a
minority in the House of Commons, where the same political
party exists that drove them from office in 1841, It is now,
therefore, at the option of the majority to place them in any
point they please. It is for the country to strengthen the
hands of the Liberal Ministry, and to impart those opinions
in which the public are expected to concur. I told you in
the short address that I issued on accepting office, that I was
sorry I could not vacate my seat, for I could not do it with
a sort of Quixotism that would have been unbecoming.
What I did was done voluntarily, and, as Parliament will
not last long, I have had no scruples in taking office. Some
men might think that I could be more useful as an indepen-
dent man ; but, if the Liberal men are to be always in oppo-
sition, you must content yourselves by forcing forward your
own opinions. It has been said that the waste of private
and public character which has taken place would hardly
compensate for the good which has been effected by the
change. The last session was a very triumphant one in 'one
sense, though a very painfulaone in another. A great deal was
lost by the public character that was sacrificed, and it con-
stituted, through a long struggle, the great impediment and
of Sir Robert Peel, who had lent himself too largely
and inconsiderately to the illusions by which he has now
been destroyed. I have no doubt that what he did was
the fruit of sincere conviction, brought about in his own
mind. He stood in advance of his own party; and after lie
had arrived at his own conclusions, he was one of the best
and ablest advocates, although not able to convince the party
he had left, for their minds were incapable of conviction, and
they considered themselves insulted and betrayed. I have
told you of Sir Robert Peel's character year after year, and
have shown you how inevitably his convictions led him fur-
ther, and how on the question of the Tariff and the Corn-
laws the Government plan was a great and comprehensive
one; it should, therefore, have my most cordial support, and
although it would be carried in the House of Commons, it
would be rejected in the House of Lords. It was a slow and
painful process to witness, and there were just grounds for
just complaint, for the vessel should not have been carried
into port by those who had gained their opinions only last
year. These were no new principles, Sir, for they had been
announced by Adam Smith, Mr. Huskisson, and others ; and
to justify the change which had been forced upon him when
he took the responsibility of making it, he ought to have ar-
rived at those opinions ten years before. I have told you that
the struggle in the House of Commons was a very curious one.
There were incessant changes, and they would all remember
that Mr. Denison, one'of the Members for the West Riding,
seconded the Address. But that gentleman had also been
subject to changes, and was the first to cross the Rubicon ;
and when he had crossed it, he walked back again.—(Loud
laughter.) I do not know what change had come over his
mind, but he showed a most marvellous agility, and became
the stoutest opponent of those opinions that he had just as
strongly advocated. The Protectionists, as a body, made the
stoutest resistance. They had great oratorical powers, and
complained of great injustice from the Minister who had so
deceived them, because their own hands were clean. In fact,
there were not ten men who had not agreed in the changes
which Sir Robert Peel had opposed in 1842. They were
willing to give up a great monopoly to save a small one, and
when the change came over them, were willing to do it on a
large scale. They then found out that every trade and rami-
fication of British industry should have been protected. Nor
was this an inconsistent plea for men trying to protect their
own monopoly; and when they had tried to protect the mo-
nopoly of everybody else, not ten times the talent which Sir
Robert Peel possessed could get them to stigmatise the prin-
ciples which they had advocated. They had said, in effect,
we do not like any monopoly but that which touches our-
selves. Their deserting the man whose talent had shed such a
lustre on the party to which he belonged, was a climax of
injustice and one to which this country ought not to be
brought. I felt that there was really one of those great
questions at issue which should not be degraded to a mere
question of personal altercation for support. There was not
a man of the free-trade party who did not give him his most
cordial support for the same reason which Mr. Cobden did,
nantely, that it was an instalment paid down of 17s. 6d. in
the pound, with security for the remainder in 1849.
If it had lasted till now, I should have given to Sir
Robert Peel my most cordial support. I voted with Mr.
Villiers for the abolition of the 4s. duty, because I thought
it was an injustice to the land and to agriculture itself. I
would not have done this to endanger the Government Bill,
but I did it to affirm a principle. I will not weary you by
going through the whole details of that session of Parlia-
ment; but it was a great triumph to principle and common
sense. Some of the best speeches which had been made were
delivered by men who, up to the last six months, had been
the most inveterate opponents to free trade—from Mr. Goul-
burn and Sir George Clerk, who had been opponents during
the whole of their public life. The measure was carried in
the House of Commons by a majority of 87. and by the
same House which, by a majority of 91, had rejected the
Whig proposition six years before. In truth, it was a very
marvellous change. I find, too, that I have the sympathy of
a very _high Tory authority namely. the Standard,
which at that time seemed to take its stand upon principle.
It said, that as to the Government proposing changes in
matters which the Conservative party had supported for
thirty years before, it showed an obtuseness and per-
verseness beyond any other mortals—it showed that they
were very blind in political affairs. Now, for once in a
way, what the Standard says is true, and I agree with
every word of it. Conservatism is not to be revived without
corn, and I am afraid now that these country gentlemen
will go on too fast for us. I am very curious to see what.o:
proposition they will bring forward during the next
and what measures Lord George Bentinck and M
r.
will bring forward into the field. The Corn Disraelisi
Bill and the
Tariff were, in my opinion, mixed up in _y
wAaow that Bill,
unaccount-
able to me with the Irish Coercion
from first to last, I opposed. I once supported
la
lifefcbiount
bill, and this was the great sin of my po itica,
since then I have repented, and done something both by
speech and vote to diminish its
those
o prospects of success, in con-
nexion with that measure, and which Sir Robert Peel
wished to carry through the House; and the Liberal Mem-
bers
were all of opinion that they should not risk the Go-
vernmentmeasure by opposing a Bill of which they all ap-
proved. It admitted that all disorders and excesses arose
from disorganization, and it contained all the stale portion
of coercion which had been handed down from Lord Castle-
reagh and Lord Clare. The Bill was, therefore, dropped,
and it gave the Government an opportunity of being beaten,
for there was no other question upon which they could have
been beaten than that. When the Corn Bill and Tariff were
passed, there were no other questions, except the Irish Bill,
upon which the Government would not have been agreed.
The reduction of the sugar duties was Lord John Russell's
allotted work. It was not possible for a Government which
had come into power upon Lord Sandon's motion to remain
in power after undoing that resolution upon which they got
into power. It was natural that, with all these difficulties
attending him, there should be no very ardent desire on the
part of Sir Robert Peel to return to place, and he could not
have died a nobler political death than he did die. He had
conferred great benefits upon the country, and made amends
for great mistakes. Do not think that he fell a sacrifice to
political intrigue. There is one thing I may tell you here,
namely, the only real danger to which the Corn Bill was.

M. GUIZOT TO THE COUNT DE FLAHAULT•
PRIVATE.- (EXTRACT.)
Auteuil, July 4, 1842.
The two Infantes, sons of Don Francisco de Paula,
have been taken back to Spain. They were not allowed
to take the natural road, that of France. We are con-
stantly told that no idea of marriage has anything to do
with their return to Spain, and I believe, in fact, that all
idea of marriage whatsoever is, for the moment, indefi-
nitely adjourned by the Spanish Government. But it is
obvious that the Infantes have been brought back to
Span in order that they may be at hand in case of need.
This solution is always possible, perhaps probable, nor
have we, on behalf of the interests of France, any objec-
tion to make it.

FAMINE in IRELAND & SCOTLAND.
MEASURES OF RELIEF.
In showing the exertions made by the Government
for this object, we subjoin a complete list of the :steam
and sailing vessels, with their tonnage, horse-power,
complements, present station, and to what places they
are ordered to proceed from the depots. A large pro-
portion of the list, it will be noticed, are steam ♦essels,
they being preferred, as most useful in securing timely
relief, where immediate assistance is imperatively de-
manded, to rescue the distressed population from abso-
lute starvation :

M. GUIZOT TO COUNT BRESSON.
PRIVATE.-(EXTRACT.)
Passsy, Sept. 2, 1845.

On my arrival here I find your letter of the 28th,
You have very justly appreciated the degrees of dif-
ference between the marriages. It is not our intention
to allow the Neapolitan one to drop. It must be
supported as long as possible, provided it be not so con-
trary to the wishes of the Spanish people as to give
rise to disorders in a country already so little sub-
ject to order, or cause farther distractions in a Power
already so distracted. We desire, moreover, that
it should be well known, and distinctly declared, that we
shall do nothing to counteract tl.e favourable chances of
the Duke of Seville (if such exist), for, as far as we, as
Frenchmen and Bourbons are concerned, such an alliance
would be perfectly satisfactory and acceptable to us.
And if, in spite of our continued support, the Trappani
alliance should encounter serious obstacles in Spain, and
from the Spanish nation, we would use our influence in
favour of the Duke of Saville, both with Queen Christina
and with the Spanish Cabinet. These are our most sin
cere intentions in either hypothesis. Let your conduct
be in conformity with them.

Extract of a dispatch from Lord Palmerston to Lord
Normanby, of August 22, 1846, communicated by Lord
Normanby to M. Guizot August 28 :
" Don Enrique is the only Spanish Prince who is fit by
his personal qualitics to become the husband of the
Queen of Spain."

STEAM VESSELS.
Terrible, 1847 tons, 800-horse power, 280 men.—Refitting
at Woolwich, and will soon be available as a most powerful
and capacious vessel.
Avenger, 1444 tons, 650-horse power.—Manned from her
Majesty's ship Queen, at Devonport, and loaded at that port
for west coast of Ireland.
Dragon, 1270 tons, 560-horse power.—Manned from her
Majesty's ship Terrible pro tem. and loading at Deptford by
the British Relief Association, for Ireland.
Centaur, 1269 tons, 540-horse power.—Manned from her
Majesty's ship Caledonia, at Devonport. To be loaded im-
mediately by the British Government, at Deptford, for Tober-
mory and Portree, Islands of Mull and Sky.
Scourge, 1124 tons, 420-horse power, 160 men.—Prepar-
ing to fake in a cargo at Portsmouth, for Cork. Her heavy
mortar has been landed.
Bulldog, 1123 tons, 500-horse power, 160 men.—Taking in
a cargo at Plymouth. Her guns and shot have been landed
to give greater stowage.
Rosamond, 1059 tons, 287-horse power, 160 men.—At
Wookvich, preparing to load.
Sphynx, 1056 tons, 500-horse power, 160 men.—Prepar-
ing to load with meal at Devonport.
Geyser, 1054 tons, 280-horse power, 160 men.—Preparing
at Portsmouth to take a cargo of meal.
Stromboli, 970 tons, 280- horse power, 160 men.—Now dis-
tributing meal at the estern Islands of Scotland, and will
return to Plymouth for a further supply.
Rattler, 888 tons, 200-horse power, 110 men.—Preparing
at Devonport to receive a cargo.
Medea, 835 tons, 350-horse power, 140 men.—Ordered to
Deptford to load.
Rhadfimanthus, 813 tons, 200-horse power, 60 men.—Gone
with a full cargo from Portsmouth to Clifden, and then to
return to Plymouth to reload.
Acheron, 720 tons, 170-horse power, 60 men.—Conveving
provisions from the depot at Galway to neighbouring primes
and districts.
Dee, 704 tons, 200-horse power, 60 men.—Carrying pro-
visions from Cork to Cahirciveen.
Firefly, 553 tons, 220-horse power, 67 men.—At the dis-
posal of the Commissary-General, at Oban, for service of the
Western Islands of Scotland.
Blazer, 527 tons, 120-horse power, 69 men.—Now con-
veying provisions to Sneem and Kenmore.
Tartarus, 532 tons, 136-horse power, 44 men.—Manned
from St. Vincent, Portsmouth, and fitting at Woolwich,
when ready, to proceed with meal to Bantry and Beerhaven.
Alban, 405 tons, 120-horse power, 46 men.—Replenishing
depots on coast of Ireland.
Lucifer, 367 tons, 180-horse power, 64 men.—Employed
under the orders of the Commissary-General on the coast of
Ireland.
Porcupine, 382 tons, 130-horse power, 54 men.—About to
load at Portsmouth for Kenmore.
Myrmidon, 374 tons, 150-horse power, 43 men.—At Cork,
employed, as required, towing provision vessels and convey-
ing relief.
Pluto, 365 tons, 100-horse power, 42 men.—Employed
under the orders of the Commissary-General on the coast of
Ireland.
Avon, 360 tons, 170-horse power, 53 men.—About to pro-
ceed with meal to the islands on the west coast of Scotland.
Shearwater, 343 tons, IGO-horse power, 61 men.—Employed
under the orders of the Commmissary-General at Oban for
service on the west coast of Scotland.
Torch, 340 tons, 150-horse power, 48 men.— On coast of
Scotland.
Dasher, 260 tons, 100--horse power, 46 men.—Now em-
ployed conveying provisions to Westport.
Swallow, 240 tons, 70-horse power.—Manned by her Ma-
jesty's ship Madagascar, at Torbert, and employed as a tender
conveying meal to neighbouring places.
Comet, 238 tons, 80-horse power, 28 men.—Employed at
Tralee and Westport.
Cuckoo, 230 tons, 100-horse power, 34 men.— On coast of
Scotland.
Rocket, 70 tons, 20-horse power.—Manned from St. Vin-
cent, and ordered to take meal and eaort thzee tenders and
lighters to Ireland.
Total of steamers W. 31
Tons 21,773
Horse power
2,369
Men..

M. GIJIZOT TO M. CASIMIR PERIER.
Paris, June 23 18
Sir,—You know that, conformably t) King's or the
ders, M. Pageot, who has recently returned frorn
Ma-
drid, has been sent to London, Vienna, and Berlin, to
make known there the intentions of his Majesty's Go-
vernment on a very important subject—the future mar-
riage of Isabella 11., the youthful Queen of Spain. Ido
not think it equally necessary to send M. Pageot to St.
Petersburgh, where this affair can inspire only a remote
and feeble interest. I wish, however, that Count Nessel-
rode should know, through you, and with precision, the
idea which will guide our conduct. That idea is so con-
formable to the fundamental principles and the general
interests of the order of Europe, that we esteem it our
duty to submit it beforehand to all the great Cabinets.
It is possible that the occasion for applying it is,
.as
remote. Conformably with the Spanish Constitution,
Queen Isabella will not attain her majority till she. is
fourteen; but, according to the common law of Spain,
she may be married as soon as she reaches the age of
twelve. Her marriage has been already the subject of
great attention at Madrid. We are anxious that it
should be universally known that we also devote our at-
tention to it, and that our opinions and designs respect-
ing it should be understood.
Our policy on this subject is very simple. For the
sake of the general peace and the balance of Europe, we
admit our French Princes being put aside as candidates
for the hand of the Queen of Spain. But, in return, we
can admit as consort of the Queen. no Prince who does
not belong to the house of Bourbon. The house has
many candidates to offer,—the Princes of Naples and of
Lucca, the sons of Don Carlos, or those of Don Francisco
de Paula. We neither propose nor prohibit any one of
them. He who may be acceptable to Spain will be ac-
ceptable to us, provided he be within the limits of the
house of Bourbon. This is for us a French question of
the highest importance. We have no right and no pre-
tension to impose a husband on the Queen of Spain, or to
interdict one ; she is at perfect liberty to choose whom
she pleases. We have a profound respect for the inde-
pendence both of the Crown and the people of Spain; but
we have in our turn aright to think and to say that such.or
such an alliance would appear to us so contrary to the for
of France, that if it took effect it would placebu..s in
a hostile pJsition with regard to Spain.
de-
and it is certainly a very legitimate one, o our T tfh o irct,
clarations, and in making it openly
acting honourably towards Europe, beforehand we are
a.s well ash prudentlyl.
with regard to ourselves. If the choice of
Philipte Queen o
Spain falls on one of the descendants of V
may think
shall shall have nothing to say, even thaol~tunc©
we
that, within those limits, another alliancfe might have
been more for the interest of Spain hersedl
this as a con-
Though I must beg you, Sir, to re.gar
its contents known
fidential letter, I wish you to make
to M. de Nesselrode.

COUNT BRESSON TO M. GUIZOT.
PRIVATE.—(EXTRACT.)
Madrid, June 28, 1846.
I am very eager to second Mr. Bulwer in his efforts
on behalf of the sons of the Infante Don Francisco, and
have assured him that your instructions fully authorise
me to do so. I have paid the most marked attentions to
the Infante. I presented the Archbishop of Bordeaux
to him; and, on rising to take leave. I took him aside
and intreated him to enjoin the greatest prudence on his
sons, whose chances appeared to be improving. He ex-
pressed to me some anxiety and some displeasure at the
Duke of Seville's journey to Brussels. " Well, Mon-
seigneur," replied I, " write to the King to keep him at
Paris." And accordingly here is his letter. I think it
is expedient for you to have at hand as many pretenders
to the Queen's hand as possible.

M. GUIZOT TO COUNT DE JARNAC.
PRIVATE.-(EXTRACT.)
Paris, Aug. 19, 1846.
. ..

The Infante Don Enrique falls within our rule. We
perfectly admit him as a candidate for the Queen's hand.
We have neither the right nor the inclination to make
any objection to him. But it must be well understood,
on the other hand, that the choice between the two
brothers shall lie exclusively with Queen Isabella, the
Queen-Mother, and her Government, and shall be per-
fectly free ; and that if they should prefer the Duke of
Cadiz, no objection, and still less active opposition to
him, will be raised by the Cabinet of London.

M. GUIZOT TO M. THE COUNT DE ST. AULAIRE
PRIVATE.-(EPTRACT.)
Paris, March 13, 1843.
Sir Robert Peel, expressing '• the decided opinion o
the English Government," said in the House of Com.
mons on the 9th of this month, that " Spain being in.
vested with all the rights and privileges belonging to an
independent state, . . . the Spanish nation, speak-
ing through its duly constituted organs, has the exclu-
sive right and power to contract such matrimonial alli-
ances as it may judge expedient."
What is the import of this declaration? Does it really
mean all that it seems to mean? Does it signify that,
whatever be the matrimonial alliance which the Queen
and the Legislature of Spain may think fit to contract,
even were it with a French Prince, the English Govern-
ment would not interfere, and would not think itself jus-
tified in offering any opposition?
If this is really Sir Robert Peel's meaning, we have
nothing to say, and his words, taken in this sense, and
with this value, would perhaps greatly simplify the
situation of Spain as well as our own.
But if Sir Robert Peel, while proclaiming the com-
plete independence of Spain as to the choice of a con-
sort for the Queen, still persists in excluding the French
Princes, and in maintaining that England would have
a right to oppose, and would in fact oppose, such a
choice, the greater my respect for Sir Robert Peel's cha-
racter and declarations, the greater the surprise I cannot
but feel.
From the first moment of my touching upon the ques-
tion of the marriage of the Queen of Spain, I determined
to use the most perfect frankness in everything I did or
said on this subject. I knew what prejudices and suspi-
cions I should have to encounter, and I wished at once
to remove all pretext for them. We have been informed,
said I, that England has excluded our Princes from all
competition for the hand of the Queen of Spain. We,
in our turn, have excluded all Princes not belonging to
the house of Bourbon. I shall not here discuss the
grounds of either exclusion. Ours was made by the
same right as that of England is, and founded on mo-
tives of the same nature.
In laying this before the great Powers of Europe, in
alluding to it from the tribune, I acted with good faith
towards Spain, towards England, towards the whole of
Europe. I wished that the policy of France on this
great question should be universally and distinctly
known beforehand.
In fact (and any man of sense has only to reflect a
moment to be convinced of this), we have made n
croachment on the independence of Spain by this policy.
n
h naticn, its Queen, its Government, and its
e
The Spanish
Cortes, are perfectly free to do with regard to
liketh this mer-
riage whatever they may see fit. But states, risk and
peril ; and their will cannot fetter that of their indi-
viduals, enjoy freedom of action at their own h
-
bours, who, in their turn are free to act in conformity
with their own interests. A Government which pro
h eeeierenrereigity
sbeforehand
conductclaim it wil
will
observe,
attitude it will
an assume,
or
such
place in a neighbouring state, commits an act of impru-
dence, if it is not fully resolved to maintain that attitude,
eventtakes
place
and to pursue that line of conduct ; but if it is so re-
wha t
solved, it performs an act of good faith.

EMORANDUM COMMUNICATED ON THE
M 4Tu OF MARCH TO LORD ABERDEEN BY
M. DE ST. AULAIRE.
Paris, Feb. 27, 1846.

SECTION 1.
a sQtaheee n
oandss poafi o o ui
is
become p o l i c y
The principle we have maintained, an which the Eng-
lish Cabinet has accepted,
respecting the marriage of the
one of very difficult and an
application'.
The situation of the Princes, descendants_ of Philip
V., and actual or possible suitors for the hand of the
Queen of Spain, is as follows:
The Prince of Lucca is married.T
by t_ e violent expression of
The position of the Count
h r:appani is rendered
very unfavourable; Ist,
public opinion against him; 2d, by the fall of General
Narvaez.
'lhe sons of the Infante Don Francisco do Paula are
subject to grave objections; iz., Ist, the false steps
they have taken; 2d, their intimacy with the Radical
party, and the consequent antipathy with which they
are regarded by the Moderate party ; 3d, the ill-will of
the Queen-Mother, and of the young Queen herself.
The sons of Don Carlos are, for the present at least,
out of the question; Ist, in consequence of the often
and declared opposition or all parties; 2d, in conse •
quence of their formal exclusion by the constitution; and
3d, of the dispositions manifested in their own conduct
which is at variance with any that could afford them the'
smallest chance.
with The situation of the descendants of Philip V. it'
relation to the marriage of the Queen of Spain • is, there-
fore, become very unfavourable.
SECTION 2.
On the causes of this fact much might be
said; I
shall, however, only advert to two points;_.
1. We have constantly evinced favourable
dispositions
towards all the descendants of Philip V., without
ception. We have repeatedly declared to Queen
ex-
Chris-
tina herself, that the sons of Don Francisco
do
Paula
would be very agreeable to us. We have done all in our
power to render the choice of the sons of
Don
possible. If we have shown any pre Carlos
preference
Count of Trappani, it is because he appeared to us to
nce for the
have the best chance of success, in consequence
favourable inclinations of the
Queen-Mother and of the
young Queen.
2. The English Cabinet has afforded
efficient aid in our endeavours to bring no active and
us
about the alliance
with the Count of Trappari. It has preserved a cold
neutrality, and its inertness has left free
course to all the
hostile demonstrations or intrigues, whether of Spaniards
or of subordinate English agents, which its frank and
active co-operation would hare controlled.

SAILING-VESSELS.
Cockatrice, 182 tons, 30 men.—Manned from Ocean, and
fitting for the service.
Emerald, 86 tons, and Mercury, 70 tons.—Manned from
St. Vincent, and loaded with meal from that port for Ireland.
Devon, 50 tons.—Loaded, and about to sail for Ireland or
Scotland.
Ant, 40 tons.—Loading at Deptford with meal, biscuit, and
pork, for Castle Clare, Ireland.
Lively, 40 tons.—Loaded, and ordered from Portsmouth for

Ireland:
46
And two ordnance provision hoys of 80 tons.
DEPOTS.
NTTUrntmaslb(erf. ...............
30
crew...
.
Andromeda, 1,215 tons, 60 men.—Moored at Killybegs,
Ireland.
Madagascar, 1,167 tons, 51 men. Moored at Tarbert,
Ireland.
Aolus, 1,077 tons, 60 men.—Moored at Portree, Scotland.
Belvidara, 946 tons, 60 men.—Moored at Tobermory
Scotland.
Andromache, 717 tons, 30 men. Moored at Galway
Ireland.

Total of depots
Tons 5,282
Number of crew 261
Ships. Tons. Steamer's h. p. Men.
Grand totals ... 44 27,523 7,943 2,660
In addition to the above there must be added the crews
lent from guard•ships, &c., not inserted in this table,
amounting to between GOO and 700 men, making a totsl
of nearly 3,000 men. And three of the larger packets
will be temporarily taken from their stations for the
relief service, of which the aggregate tonnage would
probably be about 2,000, and the amount of horse power
between 600 and 800.

DEATh or PlTT.—Happening to be at the British
Museum viewing the Townley marbles when a person
came in and announced the death of Mr. Pitt, Thurlow
was heard to say, " A d—d good hand at turning I pe-
riod 1" and no more.

M. GUIZOT TO COUNT DE JARNAC.
(PRIVATE.)
Val Richer, July 20, 1846.
The marriage of The Queen of Spain is, at the present