The Sun.
London, England, 1841-03-25 00:00:00

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LONDON:
THURSDAY, MARCH 25, 1841.

The news from the United States, brought by
the Patrick Henry, is exceedingly pacific. The
substance of this intelligence, including General
HARRISON'S kauguraT Address, as President of
the United Sates, will be found in another part
of The Sun. The Patrick Henry sailed on the
Bth, and. on the 3d the steam ship President
arrived with despatches from Lord PALMER-
STON to Mr. Fox, British Minister at Washing-
ton, the contents .of which were the subject
of general speculation throughout. the Union.
The report abroad was, that the British Govern-
ment had authorised Mr. Fox to demand the im-
mediate release of Mr. M'LEon, and in the
event of a refusal, to demand his passports and
quit the country. This Report, however, does
not seem to us to rest on any sure foundation.
It is one of the countless conjectures of many-
tongued rumour. Mr. M'Lson was still a pri-
soner at Lockport, but the Government were
about to order his removal to Albany, the capi-
tal of the State of New York, where less excite-
ment prevailed, and where, if tried, there would
be at loast a chance of his finding an impartial
Jury.

en the Ist inst., Mr. BUCHANAN, the Chair-
man of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
brought the question of. the relations between
Great Britain and. the United States under the
notice of the Senate. The speeches of the Hon.
Senators and of Mr. CLAY, who took part in the
discussion, form a gratifying contrast to the in-
temperate Report of Mr. PICKENS to the House
of Assembly, which has already appeared in our
columns. As this discussion places in a clearer
light than has yet appeared in England, the real
sentiments of the first States:nen of America re-
specting the whole question in dispute, we here
quote it, without abrigement, as reported in the
colutims of the New York Courier and. Enquirer.
IN SHDtATE.

MONDAY. MARCH 1

he ought to have qualified the general terms he had used, by
excepting the delays we had experienced from the tardy move-
m 3nts of the British Government at every stage in the pro-
gress of the negotiation. Still he felt himself justifie , in
using, at the present 'lament, the language of the President
in his Message at the commencement cf the session, " that,
from the character of the points still in difference, and the un-
doubted disposition of both parties to bring the matter to an
early conclusion, I look with entire confidence to a prompt
and satisfactory termination of the negotiation." He had reason
to believe that such was still the anticipations of the President
in regard to the north-eastern boundary question.
Mr. Buchanan said that on the present occasion he should
purposely refrain from the expression of any opinion in re-
gard to the case of tshe steam-boat Caroline. This was
rendered unneces.ary by the fact that all the correspond-
ence in relation to this subject of any general importance
had already been published, and each Se- ator had the
same means of forming an opinion which he himself en-
joyed. There was no truth whatever in the rumour now
so current that there had been an angry correspondence
between the British Minister and the Secretary of State
since the date of the last correspondence between them, now
before the public. There was no foundation for this rumour.
e•as true that, since that time, a sing'e note bearing uron
the subject had been add, ess d by Mr. Fox to itlr. Forsyth,
which the latter had answered; but this note and answer were
of so little importance that he (Mr. Buchanan) did not deem
it necessary to call for their publication, and their tone was
far fron- being of an angry character.
Mr. Clay made a few brief remarks, understood in substance
to be that, in his position with the Committee on foreign re-
lations, derived as it had b-en from the Vice-President, it
might re t be amiss in him to say a few wer s in relation to
the subject The questions in immed'ate diTute between the
two countries were the north-eastern boundaey,the affair of the
Caroline, the case of Mq.eod, and certain seizures on the coast
of Africa. The most important was doubtless that relating
to the not th-easte: n boundary. Reference has bt en made to
an arbi,ration that was to settle definitively the question, and
all the principles that should regulate the composition of the
art it-ration had been settled on, except some minor points
of detail. With regard to the Caroline, there had been some
delay in answer to the command of our Government, whether
her capture within our jurisdiction had been previously autho-
rised cr subsequently sanctioned.
• As to the case of M'Leod, a good deal del ended on w:iat
the Government of New York should do in the matter. In
hi, opinion, there ought to have been some intimation by the
Executive to the proper authority in New York of the necessity
of affording to the accused a fair and impartial trial; and to his
yerson if acquitted, perfect security.
If this could not be obtained where he was, he should be
brought to a part • f the country where strong prejudice did
not exist, and NN here the safety of his person should be put
beyond all question. He thought it probable that New York
would take that course wahout suggestion .from any quarter.
He hoped he might have a full, fair, and impartial trial, such
as it was the duty of the country to have guaranteed to bim.
With respect to the African captives, he did not know what
correspondence had taken place between the tw•Governments;
but under no circumstances would this country submit to the
rig ht of search.

Mr. Clay gave it rs his decided opinion that the state of the
difference between the two countries was not such as to require
a special minister. The Alinis'er resident there would be able
to du all that was necessary in the premises without difficulty,
and he thought without delay.
(Mr. Buchanan (in an under tone) : lam sorry to hear that.
I expected to be your secretary of legation. Air. Clay bowed.]
After all (said Mr. Clay) I have• not yet begun to think of
the possibility of any immediate war with Great Britain ; that
time has not arrived yet. But however distant it may be, I
would relax no effort to place the country in a proper state of
defence. He looked to the absence of all means of floating
defence, steam-batteries, &c. with the deepest concern. He
thought the Government should apply all its energies to place
the country in such a state of defence as would prepare it to
meet any possible exigency that might arise.
Mr. Clay expressed his belief that both Governments de-
sired peace; that it was essential to the interests of each ; and
that. if war rid come, it would not be from the will of the Go-
vernment, but from collateral causes, over which they would
have no control.

The Committee was then discharged, according to the mo
:ion of Mr. Buchanan.

The Washington Intelligencer, of the 2d inst.,
has the following remarks on the proceedings in
the Senate, which will be read with pleasure :
We earnestly congratulate our readers on the information,
concerning the relations between the United States and Great
Britain, which they will find exactly stated in the report of
yesterday's Senate proceedings. Considering the rumours
that have been in circulation, nothing could be more interest-
ing to the whole country at the present moment than the dis-
closures in the Senate, unless, perhaps, it be the chart of the
principles of the new Administration, which may be expected
in the new inaugural address of the President elect.
We learn from the statement of Mr. Buchanan,: that in re-
gard to the boundary question, the Governments of Great Bri-
tain and the United States have agreed upon the main points
of a convention for the final adjustment of that question ; and
that, in the opinion of the Executive, there is every reason to
look wi h entire confidence to a prompt and satisfactory termi-
nation of the long negotiation upon this question.
We learn further, with great pleasure, that there is no
foundation for the rumour that an angry correspondence has
recently taken place between Mr. Fox and Mr. Forsyth, or any
correspondence, the character of which would justify a call for
its publicity.
he remarks of Mr. Clay, whose wisdom and experience
in our foreign relations stamp every thing he says on that
subject with a more than common impress, are no less im-
portant, than acceptable. Happy must it be accounted
that upon this very interesting and important matter the
leader of the party coming in and of that which is about re-
tiring, entertain opinions upon it between which there is
hardly a discernable shade of difference.
The statement of the Chairman of the Senate's Committee
on foreign relations, the reader cannot fail to perceive, has all
the effect of a counterblast to the martial appeal made the other
day by the distinguished Chairman of the Committee on foreign
relations in the other Ileuse. The effect mark! We do not
say the intention," as Av.; are not in the counsels of the ho-
nourable senator from Pennsylvania, or of the administration
whose confidence he enjoys.
We accept with the liveliest satisfaction these
indications of a return to good sense on the part
of the Legislature and the press of the United
States. We are as anxious for the maintenance
of a tranquillity essential to the welfare of the
human race and the advancement of civilization
as the most peaceable among our Transatlantic
neighbours. The Government here shares in
these sentiments, so that nothing is wanted but
the manifestation ofia, kindred spirit on the part
of the United States' Executive to ensure the
continuance of the most friendly relations be-
tween the two countries.

The Lords adjourned over yesterday.
In the Commons that persevering patriot, Mr.
T. DUNCOMBE, wrestled with the SPEAKER for
the right of moving that a petition complaining
of a grievance should be printed, and properly
observed that the important right of petitioning
was much cut up. After a short discussion about
the orders and forms of the House, Mr. T. DuN-
COMBE gave notice that he would move this day
to print the petition. It was from a man who
complained that he could not get a copy of the
register of the electors of Hertfud from the
Clerk of the Peace.

, Lord J. RUSSELL explained his intentions as to
amendments proposed in the Poor-1w Amend-
ment Bill, and said, amongst other things, that
he should adopt the suggestion of limiting the
number of Assistant-Commissioners to 13.

It was expected that the House would have
been occupied till a late hour with the Copyright
of Designs Bill, but on moving the Committee,
Mr. LABOUCIIERE suggested to Mr. TENNENT, as

he wished to make several alterations in the
Bill, that the proper course would be to intro-
duce them, and wait till they were all before the
House to discuss the Bill.
Mr. TENNENT, as there were a great number
of individuals in town interested in the Bill,
wished to proceed immediately.
Mr. HImIE, however, stated an objection which
in the end proved fatal to the Bill. He said that
since the Bill was originally submitted to the
House in Committee, other branches of trade had
been incorporated in it besides those sanctioned by
the Committee, and as it was a rule of the House
that ail laws altering trade should begin in a
Committee of the House, that rule applied to
branches of trade introduced into a Bill after
such a Committee had ordered it to be brought
in, as well as to those of which the Bill at first
consisted. After a considerable conversation
on this point, the SPEAKER decided in favour of
Mr. HUME'S objection, but he said that the Hon.
Member might proceed with those parts of the
Bill which had originated in Committee. It
turned out that the two portions of the Bill were
so blended that this was impossible, and, as the
wiser course, Mr. TENNENT withdrew the Bill,
and gave notice of a Committee of the whole
House for this day, to take into consideration all
the Acts relating to Copyright of Design.
The Coroners' Bill was committed pro forma,
as was the Drainage of Lands Bill, and a little
after Seven the House rose.

OUR RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
Mr. BaChanan said he was instructed by the Committee on
ForeiAn Relations, to move to be discharged from the conside.
ration of the resolution whieh had been referred to that Com-
mittee, " requesting the Pres:drift to communicate to the Se-
nate, if not incompatible with the pubic 'interest, any corre-
sp ndence which may have taken place between this Govern-
ment and that of Great Britain; relative to the north-cas:ern
bottnuary not heretofore covrannicated to the Senate."
Ile would state, wi h as much brevity as possible, the ma-
vens which had induced the Committee to believe that it would
be inc.:cm-client, at the present moment, tin publish the corre-
1120m1 nee to which the resolution referred.
`lt would be recollected by Senators who had directed their
attention to this subject, that, in consequence of the corre-
6Ponderue already published between the two Governments,
and.. to which he need not particularly refer, it became the
duty ~f a
f Great Britain to submit to our Government the pre-
convention for the settlement of this Ling-disputed
&su n i
' 'rY question. This duty had been performed by the
British Government in the month of May, 1839. The
ul
President
did - not approve of this proposed convention, because
it con'.4ined 00 übietiate provi,ion which must inevitably and
finally determine ,h
character,
between the two countries.
Indeed, from its it was quite probable that, had it
ne
been adopted, it wouldhave produced this result, so much
to be desired ; and thePret
sident was firmlyfeonvinct d, consider-
ing the long delay—the high sta'e of mutual irritation existing
along the border, and the imminent danger of actual collision
—that the interest of both
stipulationiamles r amt iuvsetl
adoption of such treaty
make
Yn
edcee smsaarni(l!ye(mi
an end oft e question.
The British Government had since unequivocally
with the President in these sentiments ;
and
eally coincided
two Govern-
ments had already agreed upon the essential
convention based on these prAnciples, and alike urn" of
a advantageous
and honourable to both. There were still some provisions
of this convention of comparatively miner
not
importance,
and involving detail rather than principle, which had
yet been agreed upon; but if it were the sincere cesire
of both parties, as he beleved it was, to arrive at an amicable
eanclusion, the negotiation must soon be successfully termi-
nated. Ihder these peculiar circumstances, the Committee be-
lieved that it could do no good to either Tarty, whilst it might
b ~ embarraing to both Governments, to publish to the world
th
scoFiespondence and the. different projects and counter-pro-
leeltl-irolfltreaties which had passed between them.
had afforded him said, that his official position in the Senate
free access to all this correspondenee. Be
bad examined it with e.ii •
e, and would now fzankl y sta.e the
impre.4ion wlich it had made upon his mind. Although he
welt not pretend to
the einduct of the British
say that there were no omens of war in
our
tier, yet this he should asser
Government on our northern fron-
t, with much confidence, that in the.
bad occurred inconsistent, wit;)
t
ooirlet h- eastern boundary, nothing
which had always been professed by thatincerc and anxious desire
she peace which now so happily subsisted between the two coun-
Government to preserve
tries, and to bringthe question to a. fina
Om Probably this expression might
be and satisfactory conclu-
too strong/ and that

The readers of The Sun must be aware that we
called their attention, considerably more than a
twelvemonth ago, to the resolution of the Chart-
ists to interfere with all public meetings, and
endeavour to procure from them, whatever they
might be summoned for, a recognition of the
Charter. After witnessing their success on two
three occasions in the metropolis, at Manches-,
ter, Glasgow, and other places, we informed our
readers, that, by the virtual suspension of the le-
gitimate modes of freely expressing public opi-
nion in public assemblies—one of te most im-
portant, and certainly not the least valuable parts
of the Constitution—a great revolution was in
progress, which had already completely altered
the practical working of our institutions, though
they had not been changed. It is not much
short of a twelvemonth since Lord BROUGHAM
adverted to the subject in the House of Lords,
and made some remarks, confirming our opinion.
It is only now, however, that the Morning
Chronicle, awakened by the noise of the dis-
turbed meeting at Manchester, and the gloomy
fact that even an Anti-Corn-law meeting cannot
be held in the metropolis, except by tickets, has ,

obtained a perception of this remarkable change.
It said, yesterday—
To refuse a hearing to the conveners of a meeting ; to insist
on its attention being turned to a different topic ; to break it
up by clamour and confusion, is a species of disfranchisement
and punishment only varying in degree, and not in prineiple,
from inflicting the loss of liberty, of property, or of life. It is
an injustice. Those who commit it in the name of the Charter,
by the fact represent the Chartists to all other classes as not
having learned the simple lesson of justice, as practically igno-
rant or regardless of the elementary principals of the social
compact. • .
But they sacrifice the good which their co-operation might
ensure, in the unrea.enable and impracticable hope, of coercing
the middle classes into the support of the Charter. To do
that is not practicable ; to cause the suspension of public
meetings, as at present conducted, is practicable. That vic-
tory is within their reach. They seem on the point of achiev-
ing it ; and we only wish that every honest working man, hold-
ing the professed principles of the Charter, would seriously
consider' the character of such a victory, and ask himself,
wherein con-fists its gain or its glory.
Ticket meetings will probably be resorted to, as a measure of
self-defence, by all who strive for any public good that promises
to be more promptly attainable than the Charter. Are the
Chartists and the worling men content that such a change as
this should be their first measure of practical legislation, their
primary innovation upon the comnwn law and customs of the
land?

The Chronicle inserts and comments on a letter
from Mr. HETHERINGTON, justifying the c6urse
of proceedings on the part of the Chartists ; and
in noticing it we do not now for the first time re-
probate it, while we have been amongst the first
to acknowledge its importance as a sign of the
power now possessed by the democracy, and
of their knowledge how to turn it to account.
Certainly the Chartists have prevented others
from attaining their objects, though they are,
and that is the condemnation of their proceed-
ings, not themselves apparently any nearer
success. But while we therefore reprobate their
conduct, we must say that they give us more
grief than surprise. We are prepared for it, with-
out attempting to excuse it.

The Chronicle talks of their being ignorant of
the elementary principles of the social compact,
which is a mere puerility, for practically the only
social compact they have ever known, consider-
ing the Chartists and the working-classes as
identical, was that they were to bear all the
burdens of the society and be denied all its privi-
leges. They were to fight the battles of the
country, but were never to command its armies
or its fleets. They were to pay all the taxes, but
not to have a vote in levying them. They were
to submit implicitly to all the laws, but to leave
the enactment of them exclusively to others.

They were to be taxed in their food, and
in their raiment, their industry was re-
strained, and yet they were required to feed
themselves and the rest of the society. The
social compact, if ever such a thing existed, has
been unknown to them and their ancestors for
ages, and-how could they be expected to observe
what they never knew? They are not far wrong,
we think, in describing themselves as slaves;
however much we may differ from them as to
the wisdom of the course they have adopted to
achieve their liberation. After all, their conduct is
moderate and reasonable, compared to the man-
ner in which other slaves have foolishly or madly
assailed their oppressors.
The Chronicle, and several other Journals, ex-
press themselves as if they thought the Chartists
were exclusively to blame for the present diffe-
rence which exists between them and the middle
classes. That is not our opinion. The middle
classes, as we have more than once stated, very
selfishly took care of themselves as they sup-
posed, and wholly disregarded the working
classes. They obtained the franchise, and then
opposed rather than promoted its extension to
the others. Moreover, when the working classes
met, certainly in great numbers, and were ad-
dressed, we admit, in inflammatory language,
but having for their object the attainment of the
franchise, which is a just, and, we will add, an
honourable ambition, then the middle classes
were the first to take and spread alarm, and, both
personally and through their journals, they
urged the Government to take strong measures
against the Chartists, who were ostensibly seek-
ing only ,the franchise. We have said before
that, much as we blamed the Government for
the course it took, we knew that it was neither
so prompt in taking repressive measures, nor did
it go so far as many of the middle classes urged
it to go. Circumstances such as these, united to
the fact of the general negligence of the middle
classes to obtain for the lower classes legal pro-
tection equal to that they enjoy, have set the
lower classes, with some reason, as much against
the middle classes as against the upper classes.

We cannot, therefore, go along with our Contem-
porary in ascribing all the faults of the present
schism to the Chartists, and in exonerating the
middle classes from all blame.

There is another circumstance which appears
to us worthy of notice, which ought to make the
middle classes resist every law which tends to
lower workmen's wages. Generally speaking,
they are employers, the working classes are the
employed. The former pay, the latter receive
wages. In that relation there is nothing which
gives either a claim to superiority. The services
are as necessary to the buyer as the wages are to
the seller. One man sells his labour, as another
sells sugar or brandy, the produce of labour ;
and to sell labour is no more degrading than
to sell wheat or land. The lawyer, the
physician, the priest, and the statesman, all
live by selling labour, and they are amongst
the most honoured classes of society. But
the old employments, and the employments
requiring little education, are comparatively
overstocked with hands, and those who want
labour have a choice of the offerers. Certainly,
therefore, employers who can live for some time
without labourers, while the labourers can scarcely

creepi ig over all classes, and extinguishing all
energy, "or else di dress will provoke resistance
and revolution, and the despotism of the mob,
or of one tyrant, will usurp the place of settled
order and prevent progressive improvement. To
hold the great mass of our people in their pre-
sent condition of semi-thraldom is impossible,
and either they must be reduced to absolute
shivery, or they will:put an end to every other
part of the political machine as well as public
meetings.

live a few days without wages, have a superi-
ority over the workmen, who look on them as
determining the amount of their wages.
Comparatively few men are acquainted with the

natural laws which determine or influence the
supply and demand of labour. Still fewer are pre-
cisely acquainted with the effects which legislative
enactments have over the same phenomena. They
do not know, for example, how much the price
of food is raised, and how much employment is
Giminished, by a Corn-law. But however slack
may be the demand, and however low the wages,
the employers—the middle classes—are the im-
mediate agents for bringing privation home to
the people. This circumstance the employers
overlook. They pay, and of course, when driven
to it, they reduce wages. They may be perfectly in •
nocent in doing so; nay, the same cause which com-
pels them to dismiss their people or lower
wages 19 per cent., may shut up their factories,
and curtail their profits. Nevertheless, as they are
the actual agents in bringing home the reduction
to the workmen, wherever ignorance is great,
they bear the chief blame.
Now, it is a fact that the condition of our work-
ing classes has notimproved in proportion to that of

of the Import Duties Committee, and to the It must be highly gratifying to the members
wit-
nesses examined by it, to find their labours at-
tracting such very general attention. Had the
Corn-law advocates passed over the Report in
contemptuous silence, we should never have
known how much it afflicted them, but when
we find them attacking it fiercely we are at once
convinced that it has wounded them to the
quick. The most profound homage yet borne
to the utility of the Committee is that conveyed
in the speeches of Lord ASHBURTON and Lord
MOUNTEAGLE.

Perhaps two more dishonest politicians do not
exist. The latter part of Lord ASHBURTON'S lift.
has been a complete contradiction to the first, as
one-half of his speeches generally contradict
the other. Mr. SPRING RICE obtained power
by professing a Liberal policy, which he never
comprehended, and which he laid aside as soon
as he obtained the office he was seeking. Shoved
into the House of Peers, not as a reward, but to
get rid of him, his little mind, less even than the
little body it inhabits, swells into pomp with his
poor dignity, and he throws his sneers at the
Committee and the witnesses as if he were a
great man. To be attacked by two such politi-
cians is a proof both of the truth and the power
of the Committee's labours, of which they may be
well proud.
What Lord ASHBURTON said is not precisely
known, for his tongue wants vigour to give
effect to the folly that is in his mind. What
Lord MOUNTEAGLE said was that it was an ex-
aggeration to assert that the protecting duty on
corn laid a heavier charge on the people than
twice the amount of the revenue. Let us, if we
can, prove that this is no exaggeration. It is
natural for Mr. SPRING RICE to calculate the
loss to the people, by what enters into the
pockets of the landlord s; but in fiscal regulations
two and two do not make four—more may be
destroyed than is gained—and neither the reve-
nue of the State, nor the increased income of the
landlords, is any measure of the charge which
the Corn-law lays on the people.

The price of wheat at Manchester, but for
those laws, would be determined by the quantity
of labour required in spinning the cotton with
which it was bought when brought from the
United States, or wherever it could be obtained
most abundantly or cheaply. If we estimate
that at one-fourth below the average price, in the
long run, under the law, we shall not exaggerate.
The law makes us pay therefore, 25 percent. more
than we should on all the produce of our soil, had
we no Corn-law. The law applies only to corn,
but the price of the whole produce of the soil is
raised in an equal proportion. An estimate pub-
lished by the Tory Post a few days ago, set the
whole annual value of the produce of the soil at
246,000,000/., one fourth of which is 61,000,0001.
sterling. That is approximating to the sum
which the Corn-law annually. takes from the
people. Far from being an exaggeration, it is
much below the amount.

But Mr. S. RICE knows that the whole people
do not contribute to the payment. The land-
lords receive the bread-tax; the farmers are
said to profit by it; the wages of labour are said
to be kept up by the law—consequently the
whole of the 61,000,0001. must be paid by those
who are not landlords, farmers, nor labourers,
nor the shopkeeper, who depend on the agricul-
turists. On this showing, less than half the
people pay the 61,000,0001. a year. Now, as
those who gave evidence before the Committee
did not, of course, include under the term peo-
ple those who receive the tax, we believe it is
made out to the satisfaction even of the
owner of Mount Trenchard, and the pro-
moter of the scheme for improving the
navigation of the Shannon, in the neighbour-
hood of which Mount Trenchard stands, that the
Corn-law imposes a heavier charge on the
people than twice the amount of the whole re-
venue levied by the State.
The sum, hgwever, gives a feeble view of the
miseries inflicted on us by the laws of such men
as my Lords ASHBURTON and MOUNTEAGLE. The
Corn-law annually starves a large multitude of
people out of existence. It annually extin-
guishes an immense and incalculable amount of
wealth and human happiness. It annually dimi-
nishes to that extent the national means of
bearing the burdens of the State, while
for gaols and workhouses—for all the means
of repressive and revengeful justice—it much
enhances those burdens. To say that the Corn-
law lays a charge on the people twice as great as
all the revenues of the State, far from being an
exaggeration, falls at least one-half below the
truth. Four times 50,000,0001. a-year would not
measure the immense amount of loss and evil
inflicted on the trading, industrious, and enter-
prising community by the iniquitous Corn-law.

The Madrid Papers of the 16th instant have
come to band. There was to be no speech from
the Throne at the opening of the session of the
Cortes on the 10th. Senor OLOZAGA, the Spanish
,Minister at the Court of France, had arrived in
Madrid, to be present at the debate on the Re-
gency question. It was to be discussed at a
second Council of Ministers on the evening of
the 16th, preparatory to its being brought before
the Cortes.

The Fives were done on the 16th at 27+ for
cash, and at 28 for sixty days. No other news
of any moment.

The Paris Journals of Tuesday have all reached
us. On that day commenced the debate in the
Chamber of Peers on the Fortifications Bill. The
debate was opened by the Duke de BROGLIE,
who made a long speech in support of it. He
treated the prospect of the continuance of peace
as a delusion, and contended for the necessity of
preparing for war. M. VILLIERS DE TONAGE
made an able speech against the Bill. and proved
that in war the walls would be as useless as du-
ring peace. M. LAMOIGNON next ascended the
Tribune, and was speaking when the Post left
Paris for London. Count St. AULAIRE, the
French Ambassador at Vienna had arrived in
Paris to vote for the Bill.

the other classes, if it have not greatlydeteriorated;
and the employers bcingblamed, though unjustly,
for that deterioration, the hearts of the working
classes are filled with anger against them. They
are held to be responsibl2 for all the misery the
working classes feel. Hence the cry that they
only seek to lower wages, that they are the plun-
derers of the poor, and other similar unwar-
ranted assertions. These observations explain,
though they do not excuse, the feelings which
prevail amongst the ignorant, and they
' ought to convince the middle classes that if
they would not bear all the blame of being the
instruments for executing the iniquitous laws of
the landlords, they ought to exert themselves
strenuously to resist all such enactments, or to
procure the repeal of them. They have not
done this—they have not, we believe, been aware
of the consequences of such enactments on the
disposition of the working clisseS, and in that
mutual estrangement which no persons deplore
more than we do, they are suffering the conse-
quences of their neglect and ignorance.
We say,
emphatically, suffering, because we
cannot believe
with apathy, or
that the middle classes
lookeven
r can t o
they their i
regardeir opi-
nions indifference, much less with pleasure, on
the loss
of the power tos
.No
give
effect
by public weetin g
even without alarm, the future
forth for the country. In
which that loss shadows

But whether the Bill pass or not Louis PHIL-
LIPPE will have the walls. While the Chambers
are debating the expediency of the measure, the
KING is building with the utmost rapidity. Both
on the right and the left bank of the Seine hun-
dreds of workmen were busy the whole of last
week erecting fortifications. To the KING,
therefore, it is a matter of indifference whether
the Bill pass or not. The Ministry must find
money to defray the outlay incurred before the
rejection or the measure.
The Sud, Marseilles paper, has the following letter from a
Correspondent :
" By advices received from Mogadore it is stated that there
arived on the 13th of February, on board the English vessel
Lord Redesdale, from London, 1,003 bullets, 1,000 sabres,
1,000 musket barrels, 100 cases of shot, and 50 barrels of
gunpowder of 1001bs. each. These articles, which have ar-
rived at the address of the British Consul at Mogadore, are
for the account of the Emperor of Morocco, who intends
them for a service which it is useless to explain, and which
may be easily understood. At a moment when that country
excites our interest to such a pitch, in consequence of the in-
sult which our flag, our Consul, and our residents have re-
ceived, I dare hope that you will give a
place in your journal to
the preceding account."
The Gazette des Tribunaux states that the Procureur du
Roi has cited M. Lehon before the Tribunal de Premiere In-
stance to be struck off the list of notaries
The Journal de Cherbourg of the 21st inst. mentions that
an English smuggler, laden with tobacco, had been captured
off that port, and that three Englishmen found on board, named
Boots, Richards, and Pilford, had been committed to the
prison of Cherbourg.
The Semaphore de Marseilles, of the 19th inst., publishes a
letter from Mogadore, announcing that, on the 13th ult., the
vessel Lord Redesdale, coming from London, landed in that
harbour 1,000 cannon balls, 1,000 sabres, 1,000 musket barrels,
50 boxes of grape shot, and 50 barrels of gunpowder,
_con-
signed to the British Consul in that residence, on account of
the Emperor of Morocco.
According to the Droit, the trial of Domes, the regicide,
will take place immediately after the debates on the Fortifica-
tion Bill have terminated in Paris. Darmes, it adds, will not
aPPear alone at the bar, as his confessions had led to several
arrests,
_The dissolution of the Chamber appears' to be decided. Ths
National
.reprints the article, in which the Constitutionnei
hints
at this resolution of the Ministry. The electors ought
to prepare
themselves. Never was the aspect of affairs mo

the v first instance, it ensures impunity to
the oppression of the landowners, and to
every species of bad government. Heavier
privations will consequently fall on the work-
ing classes, and greater will be their ha-
tred of the employers who will seem to cause
them. Finally, will come poverty heavily

TB [4 SUN, LONDON, THURSDA Y, MARCH 20, 1811.

serious ; never were the unanimous efforts of all honest men
more necessary.
The precautions taken at the Palace of the Tuileries are
greater than ever. Besides the numerous hosts and pickets
of troops of the line, with well furn'shed cartridge boxes, which
arc pined in all the corners of the Palace, detachmenis of
cavalry of fifty men each are furnished every thy. These de-
tachments, organised 'o as to be able to advance at the first.
signal, are kept permanently equipped in the barrack on the
Quay d'Orsay, which_are occupied by the Regiment of Cui-
rassiers.

The Haro of Caen says, " A confidential circular of the Di-.
rector of the Custom-house of Cherbourg, addressed to all the
officers douaniers in his. district, enjoins them to use the
greatest vigilance with respect to ships coming from any of
the ports of Holland or Belgium, for the purpoFe of hinder-
ing the importation into France of a volume which is now
in the press at the Hague and Brussels, and which contains
140 or 146 letters ascribed to Louis Philippe, of the same na-
ture as those which have been published by the Gazette de
France, and which complete the collection from which the let-
ters were taken —La Gazette de France.

The Count de: St. Aulaire arrived at Paris yesterday from
Vienna.

The Univers announces that Lieut.-Gen. Galbois is going
to he raised to the Peerage.
It is said that Queen Christina will return to France, anc
that she is expected at Paris in the course, of April.
The Moniteur of this morning has no official part.—Le Com.
merce.

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