The Sun.
London, England, 1840-12-19 00:00:00

IT_

society from the circumstances to whittli ee,e hare
alluded, nor from their, furthe. progress. We
expect that natural feeling . and common Tuts
will prevail in the end, and withot drstur-
bance. This we expect, because truth. 44nd iustice'and
reasonableness point to such a conclusion, 'anti t4eY eerie-
rally prevail in England, neterithstandin, z the efforts
es;siela selfisfe demagogues and exegget tiog fools
are irr Pf making in order to connte,`elet them,
But that the pccsent elemtsits of disorder. Vra, ;the
threatening symptoit '8 may siet,side, without any vinli nt
crisis or frightful ex plo.‘ion of the existing struclurti of
society, it is undoubtedly Very expedient that Inca of
power and influence should
be eipen their guard both
to resist the machinations of ;Ivor& who hope to
arc more likely to profit
by disturbance, and to testify, b v precept . and by
example, that liberty and happinem e
arise from order, obedience, and se:le -command, than
from riotous discontent and rebellious toeterprise. We
have fallen into the state of danger, if sue. it be, which
the state of mind of the labouring mazsesi. "ci°nls
"
through neglect of that superintendence whice 11l masses:
of people require. In most countries this sets etrinten-
donee is provided by some kind of police, miiit .ttrY. or
civil. Ent this is the source of much individual op. :Ires-
sion, and rerugnant to the sentiments of liberty whien Bri-
tons so justly end so greatly value. The euperintend, Nice
which suits us bc.tter is that of proprietorship ate 0 of
kindness. It is such as we may see everywhere in the
Vitntry parte of Erag,'end, where all the people of the
peeseali feel -that they we under the eye of some eine
whom they are bound in duty anal in graCtuct,t nogt to
offenu. e The chief propriotor, acui those wl. o k old
office metier him—the elercyman of
the pa, isle— the
gentry of more or less consegmnee ab, nit --all
these have some personal knowledge of the fah touring
people, and have interfered as their protectors or be no-
factors on some occasion or another ; and the laboteritlg
steeple cannot but feel towards them as persons :el
wiL•om they are bound to look up, not as masters mho
have an euthority over their liberties, but nit powerful
friends who have a reasonable title to. their respect.
In suci' neighbourhoods • all goes well, ter com-
paratively well;' • but where masses of the po.uulation
arc gathered toother, for manufacturing purposes,
this superintendence of vrotection, and kindly . 'aces,
ceases to exist. Irr those unfortunate
unfortunate as regards the production of happiness„
however prolific in the production of wealth, thei 'la—
bouring people scarcely know what kiseiness is. They •
hear of it perhaps, but they have no orectical experi-
ence of it from those of superior station to then-selves.
The rule of the master manufacturers. we quo 'ee the
declaration of those who are the recognised mere! ns of
' the manerfactieving interest, is to get their work do se at
the lowest posse Isle rate. Their duly, we are tolkh in
the jargon of wt, et is considered the a philosopinv of
trade," is to ohtalrt the labour they require " at the
minimesm rate of ivegca which the state of the fat our
market will allow." Thus- the policy of trade establit hes
at once a system of enne'ty between the labouring
people and their sUperLas. _lnstead of a systems 0";
co-operation, and a kindly ult.' erstanding between
different ranks, the upper is consieee thy trying to :crew
down the lower, and the lower to extte -t from the tamper
a measure of remuneration more suite 'hie to the con-
flicting interests of each. Here is thee eurce of con-.
rivalry,
.discord, and unkindly feeling' ._ TAU is
not the system in country parts. The rate ox wage's is
oot determined by the smallest amount that ne'eest,itY
aceopt, but by a eensidcration of what it is just to
Setoetimes the poorer sort of employers 'canna t,.
atoffotrhde
inu je lielsurer
; but they give at least their y
.
poor do not pretend that it is
no affair of thet.-e, and that their business is to have
o
their work (logo at the Minbil um araount of wages.
They know what a lab,l'urser ought to Lave, end, if they;
cannot afford him so meee.2l, they share in Ns regret
and are not too proud to say ko• The labouriitg popu-
lation of the manufacturing distieets are soothed in their
hardships by no such sympathies. By way of making
them amends their pretended friends, 'who advocate that
system of trade which consists in sacrit:eing aver. tthing
else to cheapness of production, continually rttmind
them of their political rights. They are not. to hope
for rusything in the way of kindness and favour, but
they ere to insist upon everything which they e ley
claim in the shape of political right. Here ,we
have another grand source of public. disturbance,
and the maw foundation of those combined efforts
for political chew which have giVen so much alarm.
They who ought to exercise the superintending in-
fluence of kindness' over the labouring masses
better to neglect this' duty, and to throw the poi )pTe
entirely upon the asseriA'n of their rights. This is the
fatal mistake. We do no.` want that any class should
be denied their rights, but tese3' who habitually ?insist
upon them cannot be at peace.. If everyone was con-
tinully insisting upon his right the e..11,,de v.orld wOurirl be
a scene of perpetual contention. IN se throw out am
hints for the purpose of giving simpler vi"ws to *nue
of our readers than they may at present e are of the
origiu of that disunion between different classes' of so-
ciety in this country which is now so often ailvees"en. to
with anxiety.

We think some kiew plan of mow imm.
iliate superintendence among the labouring poolatiot.'
of manufacturing districts is required. We do not
think that either Police or Poor-law Commisioners Will
suflieo. The people want friz.ndly superiLteocionec,
and something of this kind, ac think,r he Leozislaiturizt
ought to try to provide.

(From the .:Tforniiigfit raid.)
The history of the procession of Nvoteoh's rot. r
to what we may presume to be their last resting-pi sc es.
is sug,gest lye of trains of rdiection, that wit!, of cour so,
valy iu their character with the temperament and trat tt-
iog of each individual who indulges in them. Tae a,
rangcments connected with the process of depositing thc4
ox-Emperm"3 body in the capital of his dominions,
aould appear to have been of the most splendid kind.
Velva, lad lace, and leathers were vis,ble in all direc-
tions. Military uniforms of every description met the
eye. Nor were there wanting shouts, and the other
external demonstrations of love and reverence for
the mighty dead. Yet to us, it appear.; exceed-
ingly doubtful, whether amongst the many deep.,
feelings which this remark:lb:o solemnity called
activity, a feeling of devo!ton to the memory .of
Napoleon had (excepting to a very slight

tent) any place. The old soldiers who had Tough►::
under bun, and shared his glories and his reverses,,
might, no doubt, feel rekindled in their bosoms tome
portion of that enthusiasm which had sustained then►
Amidst tl►e dangers of Marengo, Austerl►t'z, and Jena.

Some of the older it babitants of Paris, too—the men.

who remember the days when N a pol on enriched the
of their residence with the spoils of Europe
might experience emotions of so:row, as the mournful
cavalcade passed before them. But the great tnajorkty
of the attendants, of the men who shouted most loodiv
in honour of the oniy Emperor of France, were under
the influence of feelings akin to those with which they
would have regarded a theatrical procession. Na-

poleon is to them, not an object of veneration, but a

fund from which they collo-Ivo to draw aliment for

their self-love. They regard the glory of Napoleon
us a national inheritance,
.to be divided (in accordance
with the spirit of their law of succes,:ion) in Equal
proportions amongst all Frenchmen. In shouting for
Napoleon, these distinguished gentlemen shouted
for themselves. It is a somewhat curious subject of re-
flection, that this imposing spectacle, ostenzihly in honour
of Bonaparte, was " got up" chiefly by certain classes
of men at whose hands Bonaparte, when alive, would
have been especially unwilling to .accept of public
honours in any form. Bonaparte had no sympathy
with Republicans and Levellers. . He crushed the Re-
publican party, and he scattered to the winds the frag-
ments of the Robespierrian faction. Between the Re-
publicans and the Itobespierrians of the French Revo-
lution there existed the same difference that obtains in

England bct►;een the Radicals and the Socialists.

The Republicans of the French Revolution confined their

schemes to political changes. The followers of Robes-
pierre made war on the institutions of property. Bona-
parte reduced both th.,separtics. to a state of .insignifi-

_ .
cance. The great military dictator hated and despised these
plotters against what he deemed the true order of so-
ciety. They in turn hated and feared the man before
whern their pretensions were rebuked, and by whom
their machinations were baffled. At the funeral pro-
cession of Napoleon, the Republicans and anti-property
men " assisted" with all their numerical pewer_not from
any reverence for Napoleon's memory, but because, by
the semblance of homage to a dynasty that has passed
away, they Sound the occasion of expressing their hatred
of the state of things by which they arc surrounded.
These arc not the men by whom Bonaparte would,
willingly, have been borne to the tomb. But
the National Guard, with its combination of mili-
tary and civic dignity, was conspicuous in the
great procession ! Such was undoubtedly, the fact ;
and no less undoubted was the dislike which
Bonaparte entertained towards the class of which the
Nationvaelr:iwe,
Guard of Paris is the representative. Bona-
parte entertained very strong, and, as many persons be-
lieve,oo pn is. il
n ohs one
assigned tiie subject oafgtrhiceuiintfudruestrtihae
highest place amongst the useful arts. Manufactures
economy of nati
and trade he deemed altogether subordinate.. He held,
distributors of' the
the benefit of protlacers.
idleloll2-r' consumers of it, he was
i that all legislation ought to
rr,egar
od,,in the first instance,
national svcalth, and to the
ion
disposed to
must be told plainly,
classes, and the class
.Nay, if the truth
rte.hated the moneyed
of distributors,nP whom he re-
gardedhands of the owners
as the mere toolsr in . the
pay but littleßaottaen.t
of money capital. lhe bitterest reproach which
* h were a nation of shopkeepers."
England The reproach
English he could direct against England was, that " the
at the time, concerned—is, undoubtedly, true at the
--whether true or false, so far as was,
present
moment, as regards France herself. Prance,
or Paris—which is France—is ruled by shonkeep.:rs
and moneyed speculators—by the very classes towards
which Bonaparte entertained the most unconquerable
antipathy. The law of succession to land has prevented
i the re-formation of a landed aristocracy in France;
but the unlimited power of accumulation which has
been accorded to the speculators in towns, has led to
' Ithe1the establishment of an aristocracy of the Bourse and
of the counter. The paper-money mot the "Itrac.