The Sun.
London, England, 1871-01-31 00:00:00

THE BATTLE OF ST. QUENTIN.

The special correspondent of the Telegraph sends the
following account of the engagement from the head-
' quarters of the First German Army, dated St. Quentin,
January 19 :—The action was commenced by the 16th
Division, which found the enemy in a very
strong position between and in the villages of
Grugis and Neuville. At half-past ten the battle on
this side became general ; and so strong and determined
a stand did the enemy make, that the 41st Regiment,
and two batteries, were sent to reinforce General Barne-
kow. Here the 19th Regiment lost 350 killed and
wounded, and the division suffered severely, but at length
succeeded in driving the enemy from their positions, xnd
occupied the villages. On the left the 15th Division,
under General Kummer, entered Savy unopposed. The
enemy were, however, in force on the opposite
heights, and here the Ist Regiment, the Grenadiers
of the Crown Prince, took two guns by storm under fire,
but with considerable loss. At Savy, or rather to the
right, a squadron of the King's Hussars, under Captain
Rudolphi, encountered three squadrons of the enemy's
Dragoons and for the first time in the North,
except at Sedan, were the Prussian cavalry able
to measure their strength. The Hussars rode
them down as if they were standing still—the French
Dragoons being encuMbered with their heavy white
cloaks—and drove them back in disorder under the shelter
of their infantry, killing many and taking some prisoners.
On the extreme left, at about 1 p.m., General Count
Groben and Colonel von Witzendorf advanced upon
the village of Holman, driving the enemy back and
taking the woods in rear to the right of the Vermand and
St. Quentin road. The whole French line, now driven
from its original position, had fallen back to a second
one, equally commanding. Before the enemy were com-
pelled to abandon this position also, the Prussian troops
had to go through a repetition of the fighting by which
they gained their first success. At last, however,
the French were compelled once more to with-
draw their left and centre slowly upon St. Quentin.
Meanwhile Count Groben's advance on the French right
had not been accomplished without danger. The French
General despatched four battalions and two batteries,
which, advancing from St. Quentin along the road to
Vermand, suddenly appeared on the flank of the Prussians.
This was a critical moment, and required all
the coolness of the Prussian commanders. Ultimately,
however, he hit upon the promptest and by far the safest
method ; for to make troops retire at such a critical
moment is not merely hazardous, but too often fatal. The
advance was therefore continued as if nothing was
happening, and General von Goeben, after taking
two small villages, occupied Fayet. I must now
revert to what was passing on the right flank of
the 15th Division, so to speak, on the Prussian centre.
It was now nearly two p.m., and the peculiar formation
of the ground, in heavy- undulating rises, with deep
valleys between, enabled the French to assume the
defensive upon every eminence as they were driven
backwards upon St. Quentin. Half-way between
St. Quentin and Roupy, to the left of the road
from Ham, stands a windmill upon a considerable
eminence. Here the French seemed to be massing a
formidable force of infantry, and, with three batteries of
artillery, they looked for a moment as if they meant
mischief ; but Captain Leo's battery and another were so
beautifully served, that in a short time the French artil-
lerymen were seen to limber up and retire upon the
town itself. Again the Prussian line moves forward, the
artillery taking up the position just abandoned by the
French, and the slaughter commences afresh. It is im-
possible at this moment for me to enter intodetails—suffice
it to say, that the French were beaten at all points, and
the Bth Jagers occupied a suburb of St. Quentin at
six p.m. At seven the 41st Regiment drove the French
from their barricades, and entered the town ; and at half-
past the French troops were flying along the roads to
Cambria and Guise, and St. Quentin was in the hands
of the Prussians, with 9,000 prisoners, 6 guns, and
3,000 wounded in the town. The French loss,
roughly computed by their own officers, is between 5,000
and 6,000 men, that of the Prussians between 2,000 and
3,000. On the right the squadron of Count Wachsenleben,
belonging to the Hussars of the Guard, made a brilliant
charge, as also the Dragoons of the reserve with the 16th
Division ; so that the cavalry have certainly not been
idle,

There is a painful rumour that Mr. Laurence
Oliphant, the Times' correspondent with the Duke of
Mecklenburg, is missing, and that the gravest appre-
hensions are entertained as to his safety.

A meeting is to be held in the Rotunda, Dublin,
on Wednesday evening, for the purpose of demanding the
complete liberation of the remainder of the. Irish political
prisoners. Mr. Issac Butt, Q.C., is to preside.
--- - -

Lord Meath has addressed a letter to the papers
calling on Irish Protestants to take advantages of the pro-
visions of the Industrial Schools Act. Lord Meath points
out that the Roman Catholics have not been slow to take
advantage of the provisions of the Act.

THE. NORTHERN PORTS.—The hopes excited by
the thaw of the early part of last week of a resumption of
trade between the Tyne and the continental ports have
been disappointed. A telegram reached the Quayside on
Friday with the intelligence that the ice was again closing
at Antwerp, and that the authorities had prohibited steam
vessels from going up the river. News has also come to
the Tyne ;that Hamburg, Rotterdam, and Copenhagen
were still blocked, and that the frost has set in keener than
ever. The coals and goods trade to these ports from the
north-eastern ports is, therefore, quite at a standstill ;
and in the north-eastern ports also a considerable number
of workmen who follow outdoor employment have done
little work these seven weeks through the continuance of
frosty weather. . I

INTIMIDATION IN IRELAND.—Among the engines
of intimidation at work among the people in the north-
east division of King's County, threatening letters form a
considerable part. During last week several passed
through the post-office, and the police are in possession
of a number of these documents. .One was received
by a farmer named Archibald Rowan, on Friday
last, threatening him if he did not give up a
situation as under agent in the town of Clara
to Mr. Clement W. Cox. The man gave the
letter to the police, who are instituting inquiries. A
continuation of a system of threatening also still prevails
in parts of Westmeath. The latest instance occurred on
the lands of Newtown, the property of Mr. John Tuite,
tenant to Mrs. Tottenham of Rochefort. His herd was
met by a man unknown, who, with revolver in hand,
warned him to give up his employment, and if he did not
his life would be the forfeit. Frightened by the threats,
the man, who is named Gaffney, immediately resigned'
his situation. It is only a short time since that Mr.
Tuite dismissed a herd of the name of Mahon,
immediately subsequent to which a house in which the
herd had lived was maliciously set on fire, and reduced to
a wreck.

OUR COTEMPORARIES—This Morning

THE ELECTIONS IN FRANCE.-PEACE OR WAR.

The Times, in referring to the coming elections in
France, says :--The. most important civil act that a
nation can be called upon to perform follows close
in France upon the supreme agony of war. N.
Jules Favre telegraphs to the Bordeaux Delega-
tion of the Government that an Assembly is con-
voked for the 15th of February, and directs his col-
leagues to summon the electors for the Bth. Thus,
in a single day, the thoughts and purposes of every
Frenchman must undergo a change. In eight days every
Frenchman will be called upon to vote, not only on the
momentous question of peace or war, but on the permanent
institutions of his country. He will have to declare, by his
'choice of the candidates presented to him, whether he de-
sires that M. Favre, and M. Cremieux, and M. Gambetta
shall continue to represent France, and be legally
empowered to conclude the war which months ago
they took upon themselves to protract without any
authority but the voice of the Paris 'multitude. Rarely
has such an important decision been so hurriedly
demanded. At first sight it seems impossible
that within these next few days the elaborate
machinery necessary for the election of a Con-
stituent Assembly can be put in action. Every-
thing, apparently, has to be created. Franco at the pre-
sent moment possesses no institutions at all. The only
power in existence that resembles a political institution
is the leadership accorded to the City of Paris,
which, though it has been the cause of the greatest
evils, is yet a pledge of national unity and harmon3
Beyond this allis chaos. The answer to the great question
of Peace or War will probably depend on "the attitude
taken by the chiefs of the Provisional Government. If
they frankly and boldly, regardless of consequences to
themselves, declare the truth, that France is powerless to
continue the struggle with success, aria 'must now yield to
adverse fortune, the effect of such a manifesto will probably
be decisive. So far as we can learn, there is a large
preponderance of opinion in favour of making peace.
We await with a feeling stronger than curiosity
the decision of M. Gambetta. , He has been
the soul of the war, and prides himself on
this distinction. He has nominated, as is well
known, most of the Prefects who now rule the
country, and he has been in constant communication with
them while his colleagues of the capitulation and the art
mistice have been shut up in Paris. His influence must
be still very great, and he might use it most
fatally. There is reason, however, to hope that ..•
he will not set himself against his colleagues,
and it is at least to his credit that he has not yet
sought to feed the flames of discontent by his oratory at
Bordeaux.
The Daily News remarks :—lt is no wonder that the
news of the capitulation of Paris 'has been received with
surprise in the rest of France. It finally demonstrates "
to the Parisians that the provinces cannot rescue Paris,
and to the provincials that the capital cannot save
France. If M. Gambetta and his colleagues consent
to carry out the decree from Paris, and cause • a
National Assembly to be elected, the first question before
the people will be that of peace or war. There are, at least,
two parties in France who are displeased by the proposal
to elect an Assembly. There is consternation at Wilhehm.
hohe, and agitation at Bordeaux. The Imperialists fear
that the new Ass embly will repudiate the Empire, the
Republicans fear lest it should betray the Republic.
Beth sides probably feel that the electors will have two
questions before them, and that the answer to one may
conflict with the answer to the other. The Assembly
when it meets will be the Government 'of France,
and supreme power will at once pass into its
hands. The hope of the Imperialists was that the
elections should be held after an Imperial restoration ; the
fear of the Republicans probably is lest the desire of the
people for peace should prove fatal to the Republic. But
nothing but blundering can deny to the Republicans the
immense advantage they possess in holiing the elections
under their own authority. There is no reason
why the Republic should not make peace if
the people demand it; unless the Republicans commit
themselves irrevocably to ward outrance. They are in power, •
and it is greatly to be desired that they should keep it,
whether peace or war be decided on in the future. The
Assembly may, perhaps, submit the final question of the
form of Government to a plebiscite ; but it is at least
important that such a plebiscite should be taken under
Republican rather than under Imperial or merely
military auspices. What France now wants is
a free vote of her people on the fullest knowledge of all
the facts of her position ; and it is in promoting
that free vote, and in guaranteeing its freedom, as
well as in giving the people all the knowledge which can
be given of the situation of the country, that the Re-
publicans who are now at the head of affairs will best

serve the country, best help the Republic, and best justify
the trust which the Revolution of September placed in
their hands.

The Telegraph says :—ln the interests of peace, wo
think it a gain that the time allowed to the Chambers
for deliberation is extremely brief. The elections

take place on the Bth ; on the 15th the Chambers

meet for the first time ; and by the 19th fighting must

recommence unless peace shall be concluded. It will,
therefore, be impossible for the Assembly to enter
on any other issue than the question, Shall the war go on
or cease ? This is the more important, because the
Chambers will have, in fact, a double mandate—they •
must decide not only whether peace shall be concluded,
but under what form of government France shall be ruled. •
It is possible that the Republic, under whose control the
elections will be held, will attempt to consider the
establishment of Republican institutions in France
as a recognised fact ; but practically, the Deputies will
be elected, less as the partisans of peace or war than
as the adherents of some one among the many
parties which aspire to the government of France.
It is upon the cards that the Government may

throw its whole weight on the side of con-
tinued resistance ; and in that case the triumph

of the warlike policy would involve the maintenance of
M. Gambetta in power. But if, as we hope, the issue
of peace or war be left an open question, or be decided in
favour of peace, the Chambers will then be able to express
the opinion of the nation as to the propriety of re

taming the Republic or replacing it by a more
pfo pul
France f owrmi ofll,
therefore,G overn
dmeepnetn. d ,u
pTohne t
hf
ou t tiro 0 en
nr. teas titino
n
oof the new Constituent Assembly. In the present state
of the country it is idle to foretell what may be the result
of the appeal to the constituency. An excited meeting
at Bordeaux has been shouting for war a outrance, and
been vociferous in its loyalty to M. Gambetta ; but
that is of little importance. The fact, however,
that the Dictator could not address the crowd confirms
the report of his illness. Th 6 question of peace
or war must be decided by a larger consti-
tuency than that of Bordeaux ; and, under a
perfectly free vote, the Republic would, undoubtedly,
he left in a hopeless minority. By the great masses of the
peasantry and the property-owning classes in the towns,
the name of the Republic is viewed with terror ; and
there has been nothing in the tactics adopted by AI.
Gambetta, and his colleagues, or indeed in the recent
history of the campaign, to remove the inveterate
aversion with which the vast majority of Frenchmen
view the prospect of Republican rule. There seems
reason to believe that the middle classes throughout
France would welcome the restoration of the House of
Orleans ; on the other hand, it is probable that the great
bulk of the peasantry are still faithful in their allegiance
to the Empire.
The Standard observes :—lf the Prussian terms are
what the Prussian newspapers have desccribed, there can
be very little hope of peace, order, and progress, material
. .

or moral, in France for several years. The Government
of the day would bear the full odium of a situation

the nation felt to be intolerable, and would struggle
in vain, for all its good intentions and great abilities,

against such an hostility. Part of the German conditions

of peace is the payment of an indemnity, which, to be
obtained at all, must be divided into instalments spread
over several years, and the reward which the Germans
promise themselves for their victory is the relief for ever_

more of the necessity of guarding against French attack.

Let them be careful that they do not bring upon them-
seines the necessity of holding perpetual guard
against France by extorting now concessions which it
must be the object of the nation to repudiate at the first
opportunity. It is idle for the Germans to pretend
that the condition of France, even after these terrible
blows they have struck her, will not be matter of vital
interest for them. They are not -so settled in their new
house that they have not to fear those French ideas
which, under circumstances seemingly favourable
to Prussian military calculations may sweep over the
old as well as the new frontier. We repeat, the interest
of the German nation, if that interest Array be identified
with the maintenance of peace, the reduction of mili-
tary burdens, and the development of a well-ordered
freedom, is largely bound up in the establishment
of order in France and 'the reconcilement of
the nation to its new position. At the best many in-
fluences will work against the attainment of these good
ends. The Orleanists, the Republicans, and those Impe-
rialists too, who, careless of the wishes of the Emperor
and the Empress, thinking of regaining their old position,
are already hard at work in France. Confidence has
been generally shaken, and he who should be called by
popular acclaim to the Government, and worthy of
the nomination, would have a hard task to regenerate
France if ever he had to suffer the bitter humiliation
of a cession of French territory. That the Prussians
should ask this cession is natural. That they will in-
sist upon it is certain ; but we do hope that in their own
interests, as well as in those of -France and Europe, they
will be sufficiently moderate— we would prefer say.
mug wise—to facilitate the re-establishment of order in
France.