The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 14,

RE PRF,SEN T ATION OF MANCHES-
TER —MEETING OF LORD LINCOLN'S SUP-
PORTERS.
MANCHESTER, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 13.—Last evening a pub-
lic meeting was held in the Corn Exchange, for the purpose
of affording Lord Lincoln an opportunity of explaining hi
political opinions. Admission was by ticket, and the room
was densely crowded, about '2,500 persons being present.
Lord Lincoln entered the building shortly before seven
o'clock, along with a considerable number of his committee,
and was received with a round of hearty applause. Mr.
Alderman Neild, chairman of his Lordship's committee, took
the chair, supported on his right by Lord Lincoln, Messrs. J.
Peel, W. Gibb, Captain Carnegie, M.P., Messrs. T. Cooke,
jun., 'l'. B. Potter, W. Stewart, CaptainCleather,'Alderman
Hopkins, IT. Sowler, P. Berlyn, M. Ross, J. Dunn, John
Sale, George Shaw, Dr. Bell ; on his left by Messrs. J. As-
phial Turner, Alderman Potter, Thomas Cooke, Alderman
Willert, John Pooley, jun., Richard Birley, Wm. Hill, jun.,
P. Dudgeon, Dr. Radford, Wm. Gray, S. Lowcock, H. W.
Capes, E. T. 6ellhouse, Edward Norris, Hugh Beaver, Dr.
Goodwin, John Hunt, W. W. Heap, Thomas L. Williams,
C. H. Rickards, Frank Rickards, John Carver, jun., John
Andrew, Edward Cardwell, William Bryan, John Wadding-
ton, William Coveney, William Marsden, Joshua Ronchetti,
jun., Henry Pope, Henry Wren, sen., John Harling, Charles
Ashmore, A. Pooley, John P. Cooke.
Mr. Alderman SZEILD, on taking the chair, attempted,
amid much interruption, to vindicate Sir Robert Peel and
Lord Lincoln from the charge of insincerity, based on their
sudden conversion to free-trade doctrines, and concluded by
introducing his Lordship to the meeting. _
The Earl of Lincous then presented himself to the meet-
ing, and was most enthusiastically applauded. Several
minutes elapsed before the applause of the auditory sub-
sided. The Noble Earl spoke as follpws :—Gentlemen, I
should indeed be ashamed of myself, if, upon an occasion
like this, I should seek for hacknied phrases, or if I could
condescend to make use of exaggerated expressions; but
believe me, that I merely speak the words of truth, spring-
ing from the feelings of my heart, when I assure you, that
the enthusiasm with which you have been pleased, just now,
to receive the expression of my name, has so nearly over-
whelmed me, that, accustomed to a certain extent as I have
been of late, not unused at least, to meet assemblages of this
description, and to address them upon the subjects of antici-
pated contested elections, you have almost deprived me of
the power to give any expression—you have entirely de-
prived me of the power to give adequate expression—to those
sentiments which I now feel, of gratitude, and of pleasure.—
(Hear, hear.) Proud, indeed, gentlemen,. I may well be of
the occurrence of this evening; elevated, indeed, far beyond
any humble merits of my own, *he'll look _upon the as-
sembly before me,—ivben I contemplate,,tlie, cause for
which you are assembled,—when I look ?Mind over this
vast multitude, and see the eyes af :•all.ittirue'd upon me—
a stranger—(Hear, bear)—and user I reflect that the
cause of your assembling, and the cause of my standing upon
this spot, is a proposal which has 'emanated from yourselves,
that you should confer upon me the highest prize which
it is in your power, as Britons, to bestow.—(Cheers.) I I
said that lam a stranger here. am a stranger, personally,
to almost all in this room. I feel the delicacy and the
awkwardness of that position.. I am in that sense, as
regards the personal knowledge of almost all whom I am
addressing, a stranger to Manchester. But, gentlemen, can
any one who has studied the recent history of his country,
can any one who has read the great book of social existence,
and of the mutual dependence of all classes of society in this
great country, nay, in the world—can, I say, such a one
plead justly to being an entire stranger to Manchester and
its interests? I certainly feel that such is not the case, at
any rate, as regards myself.—(Loud cheers.) Locally
unconnected with this town to a much greater extent than
I could have desired, and personally unacquainted, as I said
before, with the great majority of its inhabitants, I trust I
have not scent fourteen years in the House of Commons, in
the performance of public duties, and yet remain what I can,
in a political sense, call a stranger to Manchester.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) I can well remember the first occasion
upon which I ever set foot in this wonderful town. I was
then but nine years old. I do not pretend, certainly at this dis-
tance of time, to retain a lively recollection of the details of all
I then saw ; but having passed several days, even at that early
age, in this town, I must say (and I say it frankly to you)
that it did produce impressions upon my mind, perhaps
stronger impressions upon account of my youth, which I be-
lieve never can be obliterated.—(Much applause.) And upon
every successive occasion, when 1 have either passed through
or lingered in your town—as I have approached or as I
have left it—and again this very day, as I entered it, for the
purpose of attending this meeting—l have asked myself, is
it possible that any one, reflecting upon the state of affairs in
the whole world, could fail to be deeply impressed with
what he here saw ?—(,Hear, hear.) I certainly have been—
(Hear.) Whether look at the state of industry of all
that I saw around me, whether I look at the extent of their
public buildings and the magnificence of their works,
whetter I look at those gigantic places of industry,—whether
I look at the traffic which is perpetually passing and repas-
sing, both internal and external, of the town,—I say, I see
everything colossal, everything progressive; and I believe
that here you may witness what in no other town in the
world may be seen, as regards those particular features
to which I have alluded.—(Cheers.) I believe I am not
exaggerating the importance of this town, when I say, that
as regards its population, it exceeds some of the independent
states of the continent; and, as regards its wealth, it greatly
exceeds many of those states.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)—
I hardly know, gentlemen, whether the chairman has euf
ficientiv explained to you the position in which I under-
stand 'I appear before you. I appear before you by
the desire of the committee of gentlemen who have been
kind enough to form themselves into a body for conducting
the requisition which is to be presented to me. I have at-
tended here this day at their desire.—(Hear, hear.) I am
informed that the canvass has not yet been completed, and
that it is their desire, until it is completed, the requisition
should not be presented to me.—(Hear, hear.) And al-
though I am informed the requisition contains a number of
signatures, exceeding, I believe, the number on any similar
document ever presented to a candidate before, yet, in con-
sequence of its non-presentation, I am not entitled to address
you in the exact position of a candidate.—(Hear, hear.) I
must say, gentlemen,' that, individually, I rejoice at this
decision of the committee. I rejoice they have been kind
enough to place me in a position, which may, at once and for
ever, give a contradiction to assertions which have been
made—not in this town, but elsewhere—assertions which, I
can assure you, make but little impression upon me, but at
the same time I should be most sorry if there existed in the
mind of any man, the impression, that 1 am anxious to ap-
pear here under ,false colours.—(Hear, hear.) Proud, gen-
tlemen, as I should be of the honour of representing
Manchester—f Hear, hear)—proud as I should be of that
high and enviable distinction, I should yet grieve that
one single vote should be given to me under any false pre-
tences whatever.—(Cheers.) I therefore appear before you,
gentlemen, here this evening, to explain to you my political
opinions--(Hear, hear)—and I say that I rejoice at the op-
portunity which has thus early been given me of doing so,
because I am too well aware, in the case of a humble indivi-
dual like myself, it is impossible but a vast majority of such
a constituency as this cannot have sufficiently watched my
course in Parliament to be able to form an entirely accurate
and conclusive opinion with regard to them.—(Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, I will endeavour, as far as in me lies, to lay
before you a fair, a full, and explicit declaration upon all
those points which I believe•are likely to excite any interest
in your minds at present ; and I can only say, that when I
have done so, I shall be equally ready to give a fair and can-
did answer to any questions that any elector may desire to
put.—(Loud cheers, _and cries of "bravo.") I know, gen-
tlemen, whom I am addressing. know that it never
would answer my purpose, if I felt inclined to condescend to
such tricks, not to be candid and explicit with you; but I
say I know whom I am addresaing,, and I will endeavour to
be candid and explicit with youa--(llear, hear, and loud
:aitiotutrhgeoosadnolepitniimone,bycon
cheers.) I know you. neither desire*-1 should flatter you, or
eethatalinl shouldgany openindieoan;o9utr.
into;soblainn:
gentle-
men, I am bound to say that I do feel this additional diffi-
culty, over and above thaae which must influence me in '
addressing such a constituency as. thisat any other time. I
say I do feel this additionaPdifficulty at the present moment,
upon account of the-peculiar position in which you, and the
political world at large, are placed by-recent events.— (Hear.)
It is easy generally to address an audience when some great
war-cry is raging among them. It may be easy to address
an audience when there IS- something for which they are
earnestly contending, and width they are very anxious to
obtain for themselves, .or 'when there is something neces-
sary to withhold. But it is less easy when there are no
great and specially- exciting topics before the public mind.
I know it places one in my situation in a disadvantageous
position before the constituency. But, gentlemen, I neither
profess to be an orator, nor do I desire upon this, or upon
any other occasion, to embellish what I have to say, or to
state anything but is the fairest and the plainest words.—
( Hear.) Now, gentlemen, 1 have been accused of great im-
modesty in being prepared to present myself before the con-
stituency of Manchester; and I say at once that I should
most readily acquiesce in that commendation if I could, for
one moment, have dreamt of voluntarily aspiringito such an
honour.—(Cheers.) When, gentlemen, I look round this
platform—when I know how many there are locally con-
nected
with you, who have the highest claims to your
suffrages, and who would most worthily have represented
you if they had been selected, I do confess freely I am not
surprised that strangers to this town should tax me with
immodesty in even acquiescing in the request to come for-
ward.—(Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I beg that I may be I,
distinctly understood—that I have come forward, at least 1
am here this evening, and if eventually I should accept the
requisition, I shall then be a candidate upon the demand of ,
a large body of this constituency, and not from any self-
sought or voluntary effort on my part. If I come forward,
gentlemen, I shall come forward not to oppose this or that
candidate, but in obedience to the general wish of the con-
stituency of Manchester. Unconnected with you, it would
be indecent upon my part to come forward in any other
position. If I come forward at all it must be as your can-
didate.—(Cheers, and much applause.) Now, gentlemen,
two most opposite objections have been raised to me as a can-
didate for your suffrages. You have been told, I believe, by
speeches in this town, that I have been all my life an opponent
of all reform, and, therefore, I am totally unfitted for the re-
presentation
of Manchester.—(Hear, hear, and some intima-
tions of assent.) Well, gentlemen, if that is intended as a
recognition of that objection, let me ask how you can recon-
cile with that the opposite objection which has been raised
by. the press in London—namely, that I am one who has
evinced such destructive tendencies in his political course,
that no candidate who could be selected, and none who could
come forward, of whatever Radical opinions, that would
not be preferable to me ?—(Loud cheers, and great
applause.) I have no doubt that many of you are too
much engaged, and too well engaged, to read all that ema-
nates from a certain portion of the London press; but I
assure you these are the objections which have been raised
to me as a candidate for your suffrages. I must say that I
cannot recognise the justice of either of the objections. In
the first place, let me ,deal with the objection that I have
been the opponent of all reforms, and that I am therefore un-
fitted to be a Member for Manchester. Why, gentlemen,
what has been the course pursued during the whole time
that I held office in -Sir Robert Peel's Government? Did
not that Governmenti"-froen the very date of its formation,
commence that great-^_economical reform which terminated
in the repeal of the corn-laws last year?—(Cries of " Yes,
yes," with some exclamations pt`". No.") I say, gentlemen,
that this reform—that this great economical reform, was not
of recent date, but that it commenced in the year 1842 ; and,
although occupying an-.inferior situation in that Government
I gave to those measures my most'-earnest and most zealous
support.—(Great chairing froM all sides.) And, gentlemen,
what have been the results of 'that. most economical reform
as regards the taxation of the' country? Why, that be-
tween the year 1842,''and the moment in which I am now
speaking, on upwards of 509 articles the duty has been en-
tirely repealed, and on 720 other articles the duty has been
most materially relieved.—(Great cheers.) Call you this no
reform ? Call you this no reform in that particular direction
which was moat essentially required, and particularly desired
by the: industrious classes of this great community ?—( Im-
mense cheering.) For ;Thom was this great economical reform
undertaken, and for whom was it effected? Why, for the
lower and the middle classes, and more especially for the be-
nefit of the lower classes.—(Tremendous applause.) I believe
that one may, fairly characterise this as one of the greatest
moral and social revolutions, peaceably attained, which any
country ever saw—(Renewed cheers)—and, let me say, it
is not only to the glory of England, but to the glory of the

Anglo-Saxon race that this moral revolution has been com-
menced and carried on. It was commenced, and carried on
for two or three years before it found any followers ; but
upon the great continent of America, among our brethren
there, the example has been followed ; and depend upon it,
that a system of commercial policy commenced by England,
and followed out by America, cannot long be without its
imitators in other countries.—(Cheers.) Rely upon it that
momentous consequences must follow from this reform ; and
whatever you may say with regard to other measures, what-
ever you may say with regard to organic changes, I believe
that upon this economical reform depends much of the hap-
piness you have been lately enjoying, and much which I hope
to see yet in store for you and for my fellow-countrymen.
A VOlCE—Three cheers for Sir Robert Peel.
Lord LINCOLN—Now, gentlemen, if the consequences, as
regards the world at large, are likely, as I have said, to be
important and momentous, what have been the effects already
upon England herself ?—(Hear.) I know you are practical
men, and that you do not object to have books and figures
quoted upon such an occasion as this. Let me, then, from a
document, about which there can be no mistake, tell you
what those results have been as regards England at the
present moment.—( Hear, hear.) In the year 1842, when
this reform commenced, the public revenue was in deficiency
that year to the amount of very nearly four millions of
money; but at the close of the year 1845, what was the re-
sult? Why, a surplus in the same exchequer of very nearly
a simii'iar amount !—( Hear, hear.) A change in the finances
of the country of eight millions a year, in the course of four
years !—(Applause.) You will perhaps observe that in
order to effect this object, to convert a deficiency of four
millions, in 1842, into a surplus of four millions in 1845,
an income-tax was imposed. That is true; but what was
the amount of the income-tax? Five millions a year. But,
at the same time, what has been the amount of the taxation
pressing upon the industrious classes of this country which
has been removed ? I have already told you that the
whole duty upon 500 articles, and a very material portion
of the duty upon 720 articles, has been remitted in the
course of that time-1842-5; and what has been the
amount ? Why, in all, very nearly seven millions of
money.—(Much applause.) Then, gentlemen, I think you
will admit that the consequences and the effects of this
economical reform, as regards this country, have al-
ready been most successful.—(Cheers, and cries of
" Hear, hear.") Now, let me • turn to what has been
the effect upon the import and export trade of the
country, a matter in which, of course, Manchester is
materially concerned. In the year 1841, the value of the
imports into the United Kingdom (of course I give you
round numbers) was 64 millions ; in 1845 it had increased
up to 85 millions.—(Cheers.) The value of the produce of
manufactures exported from the country was in the year
1841 upwards of 51 millions, whereas in 1845 it was upwards
of 60 millions.—(Renewed cheers.) Here, gentlemen, is
another fruit of this policy and of that progressive commer-
cial reform for which those who are opposed to my election in
this town think the members of the late Government deserve
no credit whatever.—(Hear.) But lest it should be sup-
posed that the benefits derived to this great community are
simply of a pecuniary character, do let me call your attention
to another most important fact, which, I am sure, among en-
lightened men, will }tot be disregarded. Up to the three
years antecedent to 1845, crime had been progressively in-
creasing in this land—increasing in a ratio which was per-
fectly frightful, during the years of comparative,y commer-
cial depression. Taking triennial periods from 1836 up to
1845, crime progressed, in the first three years from 1836, at
the rate of fire per cent ; is the following three years, at the
rate of ten per cent; and in the following three years, up to
1842, it increased to the frightful extent of more than 21 per
cent.—(Heitr, hear.) But what was the effect of these
measures, as bearing upon the happiness and prosperity of
the country, and upon the consequent diminution of crime?
Why, that in the three years intervening between 1842
and 1845 crime diminished six per cent—the first period of
diminution, I believe, for a great many years preceding.—
(Hear.) Now, gentlemen, I really think that I have some
right to claim credit to the Government which introduced a
reform of this nature, attended with beneficial consequences
of so great and vast a character, both pecuniary and moral.
(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, if you ask me whether I con-
ceive that this policy has been fully carried out, I tell you I
do not.—(Long and loud applause.) I think that the great
and heavy part of the work has been already cut out; but I
believe that something yet remains to be done.—(Cheers.)
I cannot doubt that the Government which now rules—the
Government which has succeeded that of which I was a mem-
ber—will follow ,out the same policy as regards commercial
legislation—(Hear)—l feel confident that they will
l—(11 ear)
—I most earmestly pray that they may.—(Lou cheers.)
And this I can assure you, whether any other practical dif-
ference may yet exist between us or not, that upon this great
and important question, as regards the extension of free trade
and the freedom of commerce from any restrictions which
may yet remain (of course duly coesidenng the claims of the
revenue), such a course of policy shall have my earnest and
most zealous support.—(Loud and continued cheers.)
sow, gentlemen, I do assure you, that I always feel ther
before
such an assembly of enlightened men, and being obliged to
speak of himself; but, at the same time, in our present rela-
tive position, this is necessary ; and if I detain you for a few
moments in matters of explanation, I am sure you will
pardon me.—(Hear.) Our excellent chairman has alluded
to the charges made with regard to my " sudden" conversion
to the doctrines of free trade. As regards my conversion to
the doctrines of free trade, I think I have already answered
that by what I have stated with regard to the whole course
of our policy in the period of the last five years ; but, as re-
gards a conversion to the principle of the repeal of the corn-
laws, I admit there may be some difference. If I had been,
as has been stated to you, a " sudden" convert, by some vast
effort of the mind, or of some other wonderful influence
which has been not very indistinctly alluded to—(A laugh)—
motives have been imputed to me which really. independent
of every other consideration, are of so ridiculous a nature
that it is not worth my while to allude to them—let me
call to your mind this circumstance, that even if it were
true, the question of the period of time is all that stands
between myself and almost every other person in the present
House of Commons. Has not every statesman's mind under-
gone the greatest changes with regard to the corn-laws?
Was not the very first and greatest free-trader in the House
of Commons Mr. Huskisson, an advocate for a system of
corn-laws? 'Was not the present Prime Minister himself so
fearful of any alteration in the corn-laws, that he maintained
up to, I forget the exact period, in opposition to the Govern-
ment of Lord Liverpool, the prohibitory Act of 1818 ?
(Hear.) I say this in no spirit of taunt to Lord John Rus-
sell, but in order to prove that, on this subject, there is hardly
one public man who has not, at a more or less remote period,
and generally speaking not very remote, entertained opinions
favourable to the corn-laws. They have felt, and I believe
now erroneously, the question of the corn-laws stood
upon a different position from other questions of com-
mercial relaxation. But, gentlemen, reverting again to the
point of changing, as it is more personal to myself, it
has been charged against me that my mind was uncon-
verted upon the subject of the corn-laws until Sir Robert
Peel announced to his Cabinet his opinions in November,
1845, and that one fine morning I suddenly awoke and
fsooumned ehemet
was not tshencoatseth,
eI dfaacret,soayr
yross)ew.l
win your
f)a.oltir c
wereogro
on corn-law amg
graces
cye repealer.—(Laughter
yesatplaeetrre.h--(at
opLsya,eoUi
tughhtethreart statings ue andsuch
inwhenat,
little mystifying of the real stsryoutruths.—(Hear.)
swgo.—ni
nl d(Hteehwai
rnn. k) I was
y endea-
vouringy
wunafortunately for me,, about a year ago IvheßardahettiOt
inf feeyr
beforethe
corn-laws
gcroenasttliyt constituency,
dwhfroosme oypolunriosns. I rceegrtgsearhnidnt etappearae-
had no object—no personal
wthietnh
object—in representing myself
either as being more favourable to the repeal of the corn-
laws, or as having undergone, at any anterior date, this
change of mind. I certainly had, under these circum-
stances, no object either in mis-stating that fact, or in adopt-
ing any mystification ; and now, if you will bear with me, I
will venture to read to you a few words from the address
which I published to the constituency of South Notting-
hamshire, when I vacated my seat, by accepting the office
of Secretary for Ireland, in February last. 1 hope you will
permit me to detain you for a few moments by reading one
or two extracts from that document, a document written by
me a year ago, in order to show that the charges—l really
will not attempt to characterise them, for I think they are
extremely low—made against me are not substantiated by
the fact. A portion of the address to which I allude runs
thus*

J. cannot, within the limits of an address, enter into the
details of so large and comprehensive a scheme of commer-
cial policy as that lately laid before the House of Commons.
This much, however, I am bound in candour, when address-
ing an agricultural constituency, to say, that on the question
of the corn-laws my opinions are changed. In 1841,
honestly, and not from any party motive, I advocated mea•
sures for what is now called protection to native industry.'
Mature reflection, constant and anxious consideration of the
subject—attention year after year to the arguments brought
for ward in the House on one side and on the other—above all,
the e .perience of the last four years—have convinced me
not that the corn-laws alone should be abolished, but that our

whole commercial system should be subjected to a great, a
bold, and comprehensive revision."
[Considerable uproar followed the reading of this passage,
caused by some person or other in the body of the meeting
having offensively interrupted the Noble Lord.] May I
(continued his Lordship) before I proceed to read the re-
maining short portion of this extract, venture to make one
request of you ? It is this. Of course, in a great assembly
like this, there must be many who differ from me in opinion.
There may be many who greatly disapprove of my senti-
ments. There may be some—l do not believe there are any
who can be personally my enemies—who entertain dislike to
the political opinions I have advocated. But may I request
those who stand near these gentlemen not to interrupt them.
—(Hear.) I do assure you, if there are opponents of mine
here,
l sdheanlle, that they may (C
bamostanxious tponatn—swerheaenr)
any questions,
easntions,when
I have provided
that those persons are not incommoding or offensive to you,
may I entreat you not to disturb them upon any account.—
(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, forgive me for continuing this
extract, because it is the more important point as ex-
emplifying the course which I have adopted :
" This change has not come suddenly upon me. Three
years ;ago my confidence in the principles of protection was
greatly shaken • last year I felt they had become indefen-
sible. Still, looking to the mischief of any violent shock to
party attachment (not for the sake of leaders of party, but
for the sake of public confidence), and conscious of the pecu-
liar circumstances under which the present Parliament was
elected, I felt anxious that, if possible, this great but inevit-
able change should be postponed till after the next dissolu-
tion of Parliament. This, however, I had firmly resolved—
that I would never again appear before you on the hustings,
without an express stipulation that I should be free to vote
for the repeal of the corn-laws."
rnbefengtdheer pardonee
corn
-laws)
oehn)agvei rngp
ass
perfectlyo t
I then proceeded to state the circumstances generally which
srtepospinmepmend uponasenithloefantyhoaduti event (the repeal
sentiments from anything which I hadyour attention
en
ntIo; again
t w
myself I
thought, by quoting a document of a year's standing, I should
be more able to refute the charges made against me, than by
anything I could state verbally to the present meeting.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, there is a great
and important change in our commercial system strongly ad-
vocated at this moment. I believe it has already attracted
considerable attention, as naturally it should, in this commu-
nity, though not perhaps so great as in Glasgow and Liver-
pool, and in some other places. I allude to the reduction of
the tea duties. You are aware, also, that anxiety exists in
another quarter for another most important reduction of tax-
ation—l mean the repeal of the malt duty.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, to deal with the latter first. I apprehend those who
advocate this measure advocate not a reduction, but ft
repeal; and, inasmuch as that tax brings into the Ex-
chequer five millions annually, or thereabouts, it must, I
apprehend, be totally out of the power of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, at any rate at the present moment, to deal
with such a request. I have indeed read lately in some of
the newspapers, that one of the great organs and lehas
in-
aders of
the Protection party—
formed a portion of his constituency, that that rty whine
now
that callsthle intpseelnf party"etehoencnotunntfrytheir enppn(
desiree r they
to a s
attendum e
to the interests of the country at large, or whether they
intend, by that term, to show peculiar regard to the
the towns, 1
country, as contradistinguished from
ws
eh de t h
wh
he o
enable the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
know not), has in contemplation measuresbe which will
enable the Chancellor of the exchequer, be he who he
tax
may, to repeal the malt-tax, without imposing any
upon the industrious classes of this community, and with
out pressing 111,911 them in any degree witateyer.—(" Hear,"

and some cheers.) I am not at all surprised you
should cheer such a sentiment. The great financier of that
party, as you all know, i. Lord George Bentinck ; and I
apprehend, as soon as he becomes Chancellor of the Exche •
quer, he will propose this great scheme ; but until that
event I must profess myself rather sceptical of the powers
of any body to propose a tax to the amount of five niillions
of money, which will press less heavily generally upon the
various classes than does the malt-tax. I think the ques-
tion of a reduction of the tea duties stands upon a different
footing. I know that great difference of opinion exists
among extremely well-informed mercantile and commercial
men w ith regard to the effect of a reduction of the tea
duties, some contending they might be reduced to ls. per
pound, without any loss to the Exchequer, and others con-
tending that the whole amount of the reductions would be
an unmitigated loss. lam sure you will all forgive me,
having due regard to the public revenue, which I conceive
every Member of Parliament ought to consider, for not now
committing myself upon this question by any promise to
you. I shall be most anxious to hear what the Chancellor
of the Exchequer himself is prepared to do upon this point;
and I shall greatly rejoice if he finds it within the compass
of his duty to confer this great boon upon the labouring po-
pulation of the country.—(Cheers.) I feel, gentlemen, that
China itself has a great claim upon us.—(Cheers.) I can-
not forget that the Chinese Government adopted the prin-
ciple of repealing their protective duties, of repealing their
customs' duties, without any corresponding relaxation from
other countries—without those treaties of commerce
which had hitherto been the concomitants of every
such reduction. Hitherto, certainly, we have not been met
quite in so corresponding a spirit as we might have antici-
pated, although I think we may clearly see indications of a
coming change; but what has been the case with regard to
China? China, front the first moment after the conclusion
of the war, established commercial relations with us upon
the most liberal footing ; China, that most benighted country,
as we have been too apt to consider it, that country so many
centuries behind us in civilisation, as we believe, established
at once a most liberal tariff.—(Hear.) I say, therefore, that
the moral claims of China upon us are very strong ; and I
shall rejoice if it is in the power of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer to concur in them. I feel the importance, as
regards the town of Manchester, and all our other manufac-
turing towns, that their means of increased production, with
a view to export, should be encouraged as much as possible;
and I do feel that anything which can increase our trade
with China must have a beneficial effect upon the manufac-
tures of this country.—(Hear.) At the same time we must
not forget that we are deprived, as regards the tea duties, of
a great argument which free-traders naturally bring forward
for the reduction of the duty on tobacco and other articles ;
we are deprived of the argument as regards smuggling.
I do not believe that smuggling to any extent, if at
all, exists in the tea trade ; and therefore any re-
duction that may be made in those duties cannot be ex-
pected to be compensated by any diminution in that offence.
Gentlemen, if we are told that the only way to meet a re-
duction of the tea duties would be by an increase of the in-
come and property-tax, I say that, unquestionably, might
not so much frighten me, as regards the financial policy of
this country; but I do not know that there are many who
would greatly deprecate any such step, even for securing the
advantage of a reduction of the tea duties; and at any
rate, the men of Manchester at leaet will concur with me in
this—that no step must be taken as regards relaxation of
duties which bring so large a sum into the Exchequer as
the tea duties or the malt-tax—which would place in
jeopardy the fortunes of those men whose fortunes depend
upon the security of the public funds, and for maintaining
which the nation is bound to keep up an ample and sufficient
revenue.—(Hear, hear.) I know, moreover, the pressure
which is made upon every Chancellor of the Exchequer;
and therefore, being no longer in office, I am sure you
would think I am only adopting that course which is be-
coming an independent Member, when I decline to
press upon him a measure which, however good in itself,
might be inapplicable at the present time, with the
anticipated demands up.en the public purse ; more
especially when ,it is to be borne in mind that, in
favour of the reduction of every tax of this nature,
whether the tea, duties" pr the malt-tax, there is always
brought forward as an ,aNniment—(l think a just argu-
ment as regards the tediluties)—in favour of a reduction
of the tax, that, in the language of political economy, it is
likely to produce the greatest happiness to the greatest num-
bers ;—but always bear in mind, gentlemen, that those who
press these matters sometimes make themselves obnoxious
to that unjust taunt, which has been made somewhere-(I ant
sure I do not know where)—that many people consider " the
greatest number" to be number one.—(Hear, and laughter.)
Now, gentlemen, there is another most important point,
which is at present interesting the community more than it
did some years past. I allude to the question of national
education. I believe that in this respect men's minds have
undergone a very material change of late years. I believe
there is now a very much greater inclination than formerly
to come to souse understanding about this point; with the
view of not sacrificing to minor considerations that great boon
which may be extended to all. Mind, lam not indifferent to
minor considerations which prevented a settlement of this ques-
tion heretofore. But it is one of those measures which Lord
Jon Russell, in his address upon accepting office, promised to
devote his attention to ; and I therefore do anticipate, with
something like certainty, that some measure upon this sub-
ject, before long, will be presented to the Legislature. lam
not unaware of the difficulties which encompass this subject.
They are difficulties which may perhaps divert the attention
of the statesman who was not impressed with the importance,
I may almost say the necessity, of something being done
upon this point. For, although most able letters and pam-
phlets have appeared, endeavouring to vindicate the volun-
tary principle as regards education, I yet cannot doubt but
that a majority of those here assembled will recognise the
fact that a necessity has been substantiated. Now, gentle-
men, really, if I thought it was necessary to substantiate
this point, I need not go far from this very spot; for within
the last few days a document has been placed in my hands
which does present so fearful a picture of the want of edu-
cation in this very county—(and be it remarked that this
county is by no means worse, and in many respects not so
bad as many others in England)—but in this county an ex-
ample has been presented which is sufficient to illustrate the
point lam endeavouring to make out. In the report pre-
sented to the magistrates of this county by the chaplain of
the Preston gaol iu December last, I find these frightful state-
ments. He states that he finds amongst the prisoners fifty-
five per cent. unable to read. I will not go through all
the details, but mention some of those that are most
striking. That is bad enough, fifty-five per cent. unable to
read. But he finds 37 per cent., 37 in 100 prisoners, ignorant
of the Saviour's name and unable to repeat the Lord's
Prayer. How many do you think he finds acquainted
with the elementary truths of religion? Only nine in 100.
How many does he find familiar with the Scriptures, and
well instructed ? Not one. To proceed to less important
points of education, he found one-half unable to name the
months of the year, and more than one-half ignorant of the
name of the reigning Sovereign.—(Sensation.) Now, will
d well-meaning
those who tell me that the volunta
theiryouth of this
efforts of those who are anxious to do duty to their
fellow-countrymen, and to instruct the rising
system tell me
country—will the advocates of the voluntary
recollect that the late
that it has been effectual, when such a statement can be made
out as this ? You will many of I think in 1842
Government brought forward a measure,it
raised a great
you rec
or 1843, upon the subject of educationc.orn
munity. It had,
opposition among a large class of the
however, one beneficial result, it gave Land raised a vast
reat impetus to
voluntary exertion. The Church of En
sum of money, upwards of 100,000/., manufacturing
very short time,
for the purpose of extending; educatiowniitenginthae
The Dissenting
and mining districts of England and Wales.
e lett in the same
body, not to be outdone by these benevolent exertions of the
Church of England, immediately proces .
course. I forget the exact sum they were great and
considerable. Gentlemen, recollect thesebe
raised, but it was very
epeated con-
mighty efforts, efforts which could not
rriodically. I
tinually, which could be only undertaken
Pecould see two
doubt whether in a life-time many amongst us
such large sums raised again, in a similar ma nn I
e
firmly be-
same object. And what has been the result ?
er, for th
lieve that the result of the expenditure of these two large
sums of money has been only to make still more apparent the
great deficiency that exists in the education of the people of
this country. Great as those efforts have been, benevolentains
as those objects have been, it has yet been but as a
dropthe ocean. Great good has been effected; but tenhusnudredfold
that which has been done remains to do. Do
i h to see
underrate individual exertion ; or that I should not.lvs.ppose I
everything conducted—as in other countries—
]: believe there is scope
the Government. Quite the reverse, 1
,?eainle y the effort of
convinced that
for much. All 1 mean to say and' that the State
individual exertion is not sufficient, .
on of crime, by the
must step in, in respect to the sup
is, that t
most legitimate, benignant, and Gentlemen, ,yeu
of extended educat ion. —( Applau
ePnreliagsliitened course—that
may point to the schools exteedin
t every parish in this
you may prove to me that in
exist;almos
:e.t)hroughout the land;
but I must de-
country a school or many schooLsd
even if you prove to
dare that you have not convince rne by that assertion
that the education is sufficient; ye
me that those schools are well
attended,
within them ;
Trended, and that a large
per centage of the population
s of teachers within them.
because I should state what is thise coarse of education within
those schools, and what is the
I believe if you look to both one and the other, the quality of
: and the character of the
the education is most inefficien,,,,g
ad and writing, gentlemen,
teachers most inadequate.
'not education itself; they
are but the means to education,
you teach the youth
are but the instruments, an
of this country how to use thoseinstruments, you will indeed
the real and genuine spirit
have effected but little in A
p lause.) A short time ago
of a Christian education 7
evdeudPcation naturally brings me
(this subject of national education
letter from a gentleman
round to that point), I
e Hugh Stowell, putting to me a
in this town, would pledge myself to oppose
my answer to Mr.
9Ernvns.otolthe Romish church, I am anxious
question, whetherthP
any further concessions
ygOodNedwea,l misunderstood. I
to quote the word
Stowell, I believe has accurately. a tae 1
explaining why I was desirous
wrote to him, fully h ; and it • not to
was simply this —1
answer that question_
t or a public opportunity, aihen ' i f
wished to reservied,
which was not perfectly intelligible,anthing I bad ,
s-
eu by any question put to me b
might be explain y. those
sent, to explain more full
y than it was
who might be pre
m , whole fe l'
possible to do by letter, 3 e ings upon this subjact.
certainly, I could have wished, w ld h
The last thing, any discourtesy (which Oll aye
been either to show, e bythe I know has
since been acknowlecig.et 0r reverend gentleman him-
self) either towards hint any body,—still less I wieleed
for a moment my opinion
the question
sto be misinterpreted. But now,
gentlemen, I felt
itself was put in a form which
it was almost impossible
for me
hether I satisfactorily to answer.
The question
wags whether
in would oppose all concessions
to the Romish Church Ireland. Now, I know per-
fectly well,
what would be consider
fferently inter considered a concession by
one party is differently interpreted by another. I con-
fessl h
that
have the
to you
greatest objection to the
words concession and conciliation, as applied to our Roman
Catholic brethren in Ireland; and I will tell you why. I
do not know whether gramatically speaking, it be so, but the
word concession is interpreted by all, as yielding npon inti-
midation something which i duty forbids us to give. Gentle-
men, I would be the last roan in this country to advocate,
for one single moment, that anything should be given u): in
that
such a spirit. I know it would be productive of no
good ; even if it were not wrong for us to give it. Therefore,
gentlemen, when yousic me
whether I am ready to make
a concession, I am willing to make this explanation, that in
the spirit of conciliation, in the way I interpret it, I would
not concede anything. But when you come to the question
of whether I am in favour of this or that particular plan,
which may be in conformity with my Roman Catholic
brethren, which may conduce to their advantage, or which,
unfortunately may be in opposition to the
feelings
of some
of my Protestant brethren, then, when the question .
is put
in this form, I readily understand it, and I amready to give
a fair and candid answer. Now, gentlemen I eml bat
this question of Mr. Stowell's, though puts intoar
this general,
incomplete, and to me, vague form did in sub-
stance contain this qnestion ; " Are you, under any
o
circumstances which may arise, t
priesthood to the
consent
payment of the Roman Catholic ln Ire-
land?" I have first to consider the
religion. Do I see any national objection, or any objection
on the score of religion? and then I have to consider whe-
ther insimy own conscience I feel that I ought not to be a
party to such a measure. On looking a at it in a national
point of view, what do I see ? I see that, throughout the
whole of our colonies—in Canada, the Cape of Good Hope, in
Jamaica, in New outti Wales, in British Guiana, and various
...:....t..„-...,-,..)

other places, not only is the Roman Catholic priesthood paid
by the State, but various other denominations derive very
considerable emoluments from the same source. I allude to
the Dutch Church, the Wesleyans, and to other denomina-
tions. Now, Gentlemen, though I may be told, as I know
others have been told, that as regards those colonies, we are
bound by treaties, and, therefore, we cannot help ourselves,
however strong may be our objections. Now, in the first
place, this is not true; and, in the second place, if it were
true, it would be no argument at all. The question of treaties,
it it applies to any colony, applies only to Canada, and even
there, if there is a strong religious objection to the payment
of the Roman Catholic priesthood, by an infraction of this
duty, we have no right to profit by our iniquity. We
ought not to be bound by treaties in such a case. Ido not
mean by that, that we ought to violate a treaty, but we ought
at once to surrender the benefit we derive from that treaty,
and so get rid of the bargain. I say, Gentleman, that no
justification of such treaty can, for one moment, interfere
with the performance of a religious national duty. Well
then, Gentlemen, believing as I do that there is no national
objection—feeling in my mind that there is nothing which,
in my conscience, and knowing that I myself am as firm and
conscientious a Protestant and member of the Church of
England as any man here present—(Hear)—l do say, that
feeling that neither to myself individually, nor as a member
of the great community in this nation, is there in my mind
any objection to this course, it remains for me to consider
whether such a measure is politic, expedient, wise, and just.
Now I have taken a great deal of pains to inform myself
upon this subject, and having made most anxious inquiries
during a tour in that island—having thought and reflected
upon the subject for many years past, I have come to the
conclusion that it would be politic, wise, and just, if means
could be found to pay the Roman Catholic clergy. In what
position is that priesthood placed at present? Recollect
that the religious communities stand in a different position
there from what they do in this country. Here the rich
and the poor are mingled together. Here the rich and the
poor alike profess, some one faith, some another, and of
course the majority that of the Established Church. What
is the case in Ireland? The rich and the middle classes
(except indeed in the north of Ireland), and the great
majority of the poor, are the Roman Catholic population of
the country ; and I do say, that it is not only a painful,
but an .mproper position for the ministers of religion to be
placed in—those whose duty it is to counsel the weak, to
reprove the wayward, to objurgate the licentious—l say,
it is a cruel thing, that these men should be placed under
the temptation of pandering to the prejudices and the
vices of their flock with a view to their daily subsistence.—
(Hear, hear.)—This, I do think, is not a position in which
they should be placed. And let me call upon you, as
Englishmen, to bear this in mind—that you cannot be
indifferent, you cannot be unconcerned, with the welfare
of your Irish brethren.--(Hear, hear.) Believe me, if it
was in my power to extend to those in Ireland who pro-
fess the Roman Catholic religion, the blessings, as I believe
them to be of the Protestant faith, believe me that I should
rejoice in such an opportunity ; but I know that that is im-
possible. But because I cannot instruct them in the faith
that I profess, I therefore wish to place them in the direction
of men who are not placed by these circumstances under
the temptation which a majority of them must fre-
quently fall under. Gentlemen, it is of the most
vital importance to this country that the teachers,
and pastors, and those who lead these people, should lead
them in principles of loyalty to the crown, and attach-
ment to this country; and I do believe, that in order to
attain so great an object, it would be an important and a
national benefit, to place in an independent and honourable
position the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland.—(Cheers.)
Well now, gentlemen, I know how much importance is at-
tached amongst a large class of the community to this point,
and I have, therefore, been peculiarly anxious to explain to
you, unreservedly and fairly, my opinion upon it. I know
the difficulties in the way of a settlement ; I know the
strong religious objections which exist in this country; I
know that a certain portion of the Established Church is
opposed to it; I know that the feelings of that great
and important body, the Wesleyans in this country, is, to
a very great extent, opposed to it; I know that
the Church of Scotland resists it; and I know, more-
over—and here let me call your attention again
to the meaning of the word " concession"—l know that a
very considerable portion of the Roman Catholics them-
selves in Ireland do not like the proposal. Seeing, then,
these great objections, I know how difficult it may be to
overcome them ; I know that it may require a lapse of time
and an alteration in public opinion (which I certainly
do anticipate will take place upon this point before
it can be judiciously considered). I know that that is the
opinion of the leader of the present government, and that he
is not likely to propose it ; but at the same time, as I said
before, I should not be doing my duty, or reconcile it to my
own conscience, if, entertaining these opinions, however
little likely it may be that they should be carried into exe-
cution in a short time, if I did not explain them frankly and
fully to you.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, we have heard much
of late in this locality, as we have in a more northern part
of the country, upon a question which once interested this
community to a very great extent; and although I have
not heard very much about it, I know it does still interest
vou, I mean the question of factory labour as connected
with the ten hours' Bill. I avow at once, before I enter into
any argument upon the question, that I am adverse to the
measure which was brought into the House of Commons by
Lord Ashley and by Mr. Fielden last year.—(Hear, hear,
and some hissing). Now, gentlemen, I do assure you that
I am opposed to that, more especially, and chiefly, on
account of those who themselves are the advocates of it.
I do believe that, as regards the working men themselves,
the consequences would be much more pernicious than
to the masters. Not, gentlemen, that I disapprove so
mush of what has been already done in that way by
the legislation. I have, myself, been a party to some,
to much of that legislation, and I think that many of the
provisions of former acts are wise and beneficent, but the
measure of which I most strongly approve, is that which re-
lates to the diminution of the labour of children in the fac-
tories. But, gentlemen, mind that we are now called upon
to go a great step further. There is a wide. a marked dif-
ference between legislation is relates to adults, and legisla-
tion as regards infants. 1 may be told that the Bill of last
session did not immediately affect adults. But such, gentle-
men, is not the case. As regards females it did immediately
affect them, and as regards males it did indirectly, and to a
certain extent, affect them also. I admit that it is most
painful-1 assure you that no one feels it so more than my-
self, to resist any measure which is fairly and moderately
called for, as this is, by the working classes of my fellow-
countrymen, more especially when the object they seek to
obtain is in itself not only harmless, hut proper and be-
coming. But, gentlemen, in this complicated state ofsociety,
it is important not to look at the consequences. I admit the
advantages, in this country, of greater time to the workmen
for relaxation, for education, and for the purposes of health,
and with a view to increased efforts for religious instruction.
But, gentlemen, let us take care that, whilst aiming at ob-
jects of this description, we do not over-rate the benefits to
them of any relaxation or any instruction, by depriving them
of the means of obtaining subsistence for themselves. For,
gentlemen, I myself confess to you, that I have never yet
been able to conceive how those theorists who have argued
upon this point can clearly make out that you can reduce
the powers of production, pay the same wages by raising the
price of articles, and at the same time maintain your markets
both at home and abroad. Those who are conversant with
these subjects, know upon how very little does the reduction
or the loss of the foreign markets, sometimes of the home
market, depend ; and I greatly fear if you were to enforce
upon the masters at all times, and under all circumstances,
the restriction of ten hours' labour, that you would even-
tually destroy, or very greatly impair, the manufactures of
this country, and, consequently, must deeply injure the
working men. But, gentlemen, how are these things ma-
naged in other communities? I see no reason why the ma-
nufacturer and the operative here should not do as the
farmer and labourer do at other places; why mutual arrange-
ments should not be made between you, with a view to the
accomplishment of this object. lam confident, gentlemen,
that if those who press upon the Legislature this mea-
sure would withhold their interference for a short time,
that we
comesoonuld to between sae a mutual
the
mastersunderstanding,
workmen,
mutualme n
arrangement v,
which would be satisfactory to all, andwhich,•
t‘g
not being
bound by strict legislative enactments, would be open to
such subsequent arrangements as the alteration of circum-
stances might require. If gentlemen bear in mind that,
whereas now, at this moment,—and I am afraid that proba-
bly it will soon be in operation to a greater degree—many
manufacturers are obliged to work short time, in consequence
of a decreased harvest, and an increased price of provisions,
bear in mind that you may see a revulsion similar to that of
1843. You may have a plentiful harvest throughout
world ; you may see the mills again hard atwork; the
and I
ask you, whether it would be wise, either as regards the
producer or the consumer, to deprive the workmen
the manufacturer of the increased advantages-en ashiweelioas
creased labour for a short period might bring tow b h -
(Some hissing was heard at the close of this sentence, both.—
(Some
was speedily drowned by the cheering which immediatelyvc
arose.) Now, there is another topic—it is somewhat of a loci].
character--which relates to the regulations for improving the
health of towns; and I know not in what constituency I
could say a word upon this subject, where I would be more
likely
to meet with a response of an enlightened descrip-
tion than in the town of Manchester. Here and in Liver-
pool, in both towns, the greatest exertions have been made,
with a view to the increased comfort and health of the
labouring population. To say nothing of those three mag-
nificent parks which have been established here, large sums
have most magnificently and wisely been devoted to im-
proving the streets and drainage of the town ; and I believe
few towns, at the present moment, are in a snore progres-
sive state of improvement than Manchester. But it has been
objected to me, individually, that I am unfit to represent
you, because I introduced a Bill upon this subject, applicable
to the towns of England generally, which some parties in
this town have not approved of. Now in the first place I
must really beg you to call to mind what has taken place
with respect to the legislation upon this subject. The tirst
attempt at legislation was made by the Marquis of Normanby.
I believe there are few who have seen that Bill, owing to the
hurried way in which it was brought forward, and the want
of information at the time, who will not admit that it was
perfectly impracticable. When the late Government suc-
ceeded to office, it became my duty, at the desire of Sir Robert
Peel, to enter into a consideration of this subject, in conjunc-
tion with an unpaid commission, appointed for that purpose.
The result was, that having obtained a vast mass of valuable
intormat on, I introduced a Bill, at the close of the session
of 1844, into Parliament, with this view. I should say, I
had previously introduced a Bill, regulating the buildings in
the metropolis, which, although great objections have been
found to some of its provisions, I believe is now much more
generally acquiesced in ; at any rate, those which more par-
ticularly relate to the health of towns are approved of. But,
subsequently, I introduced the Bill to which I allude. Well,
it has been objected that nothing could be so unfair and im-
proper as many of the regulations which affected the town of
Manchester. It has been charged that, whereas you have
an admirable tribunal by which these things are regulated—
a local body who most admirably administer the funds for this
purpose,—it is most unfair and improper that any new body
should be constituted for carrying out this object in Man-
chester. Now, bear in mind, this Bill was introduced as a
general Bill, applicable to all the towns in the country ; bear
in mind that there is extreme difficulty in legislating, in the
same clauses and words, for a town of 3,000 or 6,000, and one
of 300,000 people. But what were the reasons why I intro-
duced the machinery objected to ? I quite admit that the
objections may be strong as regards Manchester itself. The
reasons were two-fold. In the first place,
• I found, upon in-
quiry, the greatest objection raised in many towns to the
funds of this description being administered by b
a ody
which, generally speaking, is so strictly of a political cha-
racter as municipal corporations; that whereas in one town
there is the strong abuse of a Tory corporation, with its
Tory principles, there the Radicals object to their funds
being administered even for the purpose of drainage ; in
T •
another town the corporation is Radical, and the ones
equally object to the same course. I think it is a great pity
country should be so deeply
that the corporations of this
tinged with political feelings as they are. But finding such
to be the case, and seeing the strong objections on that score,
I certainly did see right, if possible, to obviate it. But there
is another reason. In almost all the districts which require
drainage, the municipal boroughs have become greatly ex-
tended in the amount of population. Municipal bodies are
elected by, and have control over, only the ancient boroughs ;
and all the districts which lie around them have neither any
votes or voices in the return of that body. I felt, there-
fore, that upon the principle (which I believe all will approve

of) that those who pay taxes should have a voice in the
selection of those who levy them, I thought it most desirable
that the outlying districts of towns should have a voice in
the selection of the representatives who are to disburse these
funds; and it was with that view the machinery was con-
stituted to which the objection has been raised. I do not
wish to detain you longer; but I am ready at once to admit
—I have admitted it long ago—twelve months ago it seemed
apparent that in all probability it would eventually be neces-
sary that not only London, but some three or four of the
principal and largest towns of this country should be exempt
from that Bill, with a view to legislation separately, having
reference to their own peculiar interests. I need hardly say
that, being now an independent Member of Parlirment, that
Bill is no longer in my hands. It is undertaken by the
present Home Secretary, Lord Grey, and he has means to
deal with the subject which I had not. All I can say is,
that I look upon regulations of this kind—anything which
shall promote and increase the health, and consequently in-
crease
the happiness and habits of order and comfort among
the labouring population—as so important, that to that sub-
ject, and to any Bill which Government thinks it right to
introduce, I will devote the most anxious and careful atten-
tion.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, there is one most important
national subject, to which, if time permitted, I should allude ;
but I do feel that I have already trespassed upon your attention
a good deal.—(Cries of "Go on.") I do see signs of impa-
tience, which remind me that I ought to be more considerate
and not enter at much length upon any subject. But there is
one great and important point upon which I should desire
to have dwelt for more time, but still I must touch
slightly upon it—it is the present state of Ireland. lam
convinced that a crisis has arrived in the affairs of that
country which requires more wisdom and boldness than,
perhaps, ever was required from any Minister before, in any
state of a country. I believe, upon the exercise of that wis-
dom and boldness, in the present ensuing session, will depend
much of the future welfare and happiness of our sister
country ; and I am sure that, under such circumstances,
and with such feelings, you would feel that I should grossly
neglect my duty if, by one word, 1 could prejudice or impair,
or render more difficult, those measures which the Govern-
ment may be likely to introduce upon that subject. I will
forbear to touch upon any disputed topic. I will say nothing
about the poor-law, the cultivation of waste lands, or any
other recommendations which have been proposed, and are
likely to be submitted to the Legislature. I think it would
be more becoming in me to be silent upon these points. But
thus much Imay say, as regards that country, that the senti-
ments 1 entertained towards it when connected by the im-
portant tie of official relationship, shall be immutable and
maintained by me when an independent Member. I have
contracted an anxiety and a regard for the welfare of that
country, which is not likely to be changed by any circum-
stances which may occur to myself—(Applause)—and this
I am prepared to declare, that I shall ever be found an
advocate for a liberal policy towards that country—that
I shall be found to be an advocate for the granting to Ire-
land an equality with this country in all civil rights—(Hear)
—I mean such an equalisation as the peculiar and altered
circumstances of the two countries may enable us to give.
Don't imagine I mean any subterfuge by that last qualifica-
tion ; I mean simply that the different positions of England
and Ireland may require different circumstances and legis-
lative processes, as the different circumstances of England
and Scotland require different legislations with respect to
them. For as regards all substantial merits, Ido wish
to see legislation henceforward conducted towards that
country in the same spirit in which we legislate for Eng-
land and Scotland. I am satisfied you concur with me in
that opinion; that on those grounds alone should we be jus-
tified in claiming the attachment of that country ; and I
believe, by such a course, we may ensure such attachment.
I would not, even here, although no doubt there are very
many in this room would understand me, make a latin quo-
tation ; and therefore let me recal to your minds, in the
English tongue, the sentiments of the Roman orator, Cicero,
ho said that those who take counsel for the interests of one
part of a country, and neglect the other, bring upon the state
those most pernicious of evils, discord and sedition—(Loud
cheers.) Discord and sedition have unfortunately been at
times but too common in that ill-fated country; but let it be
ours to deprive them, at any rate, of any excuse for such
conduct. I believe that we may eventually remove both
discord and sedition; but let us at least, as loyal subjects,
and good fellow-countrymen, be guiltless of such cense-
quences.—(Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, I will trespass on
your attention with no further observations voluntarily
on my part. As I said before, lam ready to answer
any questions that may be put to me.—(Applause.) I
rejoice that I have had this opportunity of explanation,
and that it will now afford you sufficient time before
the canvass is completed, to decide whether eventually you
should wish me to become the representative of this great
and important constituency.—(Cheers, and some few cries
of "No, drowned by shouts of " Yes.") And now, gentle-
men, in conclusion, whether or no I shall ever stand towards
you in any other relationship than that in which I stand
towards you at this moment—whether or not I should ever
be honoured with the proud name of your representative-1
part from you upon this occasion with the earnest hope that
this great and important community may continue to enjoy
that prosperity which for the last few years has been its lot.
But, gentlemen, if that may not be the case—if, in the in-
scrutable designs of Providence, that should not be decreed
—but that adverse times should be coming (as I know that
some fear they are coming), may the pressure and the sor-
row of those times be mitigated by the enlightened and
liberal spirit of the population of this great town ; and may
you be bound by the cords of that common interest which I
believe will always affect you, where the benefit of your town,
and more especially of the humbler portion of it, is con-
cerned.—(Applause.) And if, indeed, those times should
come, let me add the fervent prayer that the clouds which
may now come over you may quickly disperse, and that you
may again appear before the world, as an example of manu-
facturing and mercantile greatness, unalloyed by the vices
which are but frequently the accompaniments of those great
advantages. May you stand before the eyes of an admiring
world ,as an emporium of trade, as the nursery of science and
of art; and may your great charities and beneficent deeds
lay a lasting claim for this town to those benefits and that
prosperity which it has hitherto enjoyed !—(Great cheering,
during which his Lordship resumed his seat, having spoken
an hour and three-quarters.)
Several questions were then put to his Lordship, in reply
to which he declared he would not vote next session for the
total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws; for the Ten
Hours' 13,11, for the ballot, for electoral districts, or for the
equalization of the stamp duties.
An ELECTOR inquired whether his Lordship would take
the revenue to remunerate the Irish Roman Catholic clergy
out of the funds of the Irish Protestant Church, which is a
church without a people
In reply to which Lord Lriccour said—l believe I may
answer the question in the words of the present Prime
Minister of England soon after his acceptance of office in
July last—that the destruction of the Protestant Church of
Ireland would be one of the most fruitful and perpetual
sources of heart-burnings, bickerings, and discontents in that
country.—(Hear.) Under those circumstances, and con-
curring very much with that Noble Lord, I certainly am
not prepared to make such a promise as the elector asks of
me.—(Applause.)
Another ELEcron—Do you think it right for the Dis•
senters of England to pay towards the Established Church,
from which they differ?

Lord LINCOLN said the Established Church was supported
by funds derivable from land, and other property, of which,
unquestionably, some was held by Dissenters; and it was
almost invariably either inherited or purchased subject to
those payments. Therefore, as regards the Established
Church, it is undoubtedly property and not the individual
Dissenters who pay.
Another ELEcrolt—Will you support a system of national
education, unshackled by the trammels of sectarianism ?
Lord LittcoLN said that this was a question of far too
general a nature to be answered in a tangible and distinct
shape. He could only say he was most anxious that any
promotion of education by the State should be national in
scope, in object, and in effect.—(Applause.) He believed
that the systems of education in Holland and Prussia, how-
ever good for those countries, were by no means likely to
be beneficially engrafted upon our system here ; and he
doubted whether even the national system of education in
I Ireland was practically applicable to this country.
An ELECTOR inquired whether it was his Lordship's inten-
tion to address the electors of the different districts, previous
to the requisition being presented to him ?
Lord LINCOLN said, in obedience to the wishes of the
committee for promoting the requisition, he had come
down and addressed that meeting; and any further steps
in reference to the canvass he should only take in obe••
dience to a request from the same body—for this reason :
—greatly as he should prize the honour of being the re•
presentative of Manchester, he should feel it most inde-
licate, most improper, and he might say most " im-
modest," on his part to take any steps of a voluntary
nature to attain that honour.—(Hear, hear.) If called for-
ward by a requisition from a large body of the constituency,
it would bo his duty to obey it—(Cheers)—and from the
moment he became a candidate, he should of course consider
himself not only entitled, but bound to take a different, and
perhaps, more independent course than he could at this mo-
ment.—(Applause.) He was now entirely in the hands of
the body who had called him forward, and it certainly was
not his intention at present to attend any other meetings,
unless on the intimation of its being their wish that he
should do so.
Mr. H. BIaaEY moved—
"That this meeting has heard with much satisfaction the
declaration of opinions expressed by Lord Lincoln, and begs
to tender its best thanks to the Noble Lord for his kindness
in accepting the invitation of the committee, and for his pre-
sence on this occasion."
Mr. M. Ross seconded the resolution, which was put from
the chair, and passed almost unanimously, a few dissentient
hands being raised near the doors of the room.
Mr. T. COOKE, jun., moved, and M. W. GIEB seconded, the
following resolution :
" That the canvass for Lord Lincoln having so far pro-
ceeded most satisfactorily, this meeting resolves that the
same be prosecuted with ell possible activity till completed."
Which was carried unanimously.
Lord LINCOLN, in moving a vote of thanks to the Chair-
man, said it was well known that Mr. Neild had devoted
much time, labour, and money to the service of the public,
and he (Lord Lincoln), as a member of the late Govern-
ment, had means of knowing his worth in difficult times, by
the way in which he filled the office of chief magistrate of
this great town.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) His worth
was well known in London, as well as in Manchester. He
moved—
" That the best thanks of the meeting are due, and are
hereby tendered, to Mr. Alderman Neild, for his conduct in
the chair."
Mr. J. PEEL seconded the resolution, which was put by
Mr. J. A. TURNER, and passed almost unanimously.
Mr. Alderman NEILD, in acknowledging it, thanked the
assembly for this mark of their approval, and said he was
only sorry that the orderly disposition of the meeting was
not universal..
The proceedings then terminated.

PRIVY COUNCIL.—The Queen will hold a Privy
Council at Buckingham Palace, on Monday next, at two
o'clock.
On Monday evening, Dr. Bowring M.P., delivered
an address to the members of the Woolwich Institution
on " Human. Progress." The Town Hall, in which the
address was delivered, was crowded on the occasion.
BORDER MARRIAGES.—A brisk trade seems at pre-
sent to be enjoyed .by the officials who celebrate these
marriages. Mr. Dickson, who holds sway at Coldstream.
bridge, in one week lately tied the indissoluble knot in
no less than eight cases. The county of Northumber-
land, in general, furnishes the parties for these hasty
proceedings.—lVervcastle Advertiser.
FRANCE AND CHINA.--It is
the commercial delegates who reported that one of
accompanied M. de La
grenee in his mission to China has just been appointed
general agent for French commerce at Canton. He will
hare under him a deputy, who will reside at Macao.—
Galignani.

The following gentlemen have been placed upon the
commission of the peace for the county of Cumberland :
Thomas Barnes, Esq., M.D., of Carlisle ; Joseph Ferguson,
Esq., of Lowther-street, Carlisle; the Rev. W. H. Milner, of
Penrith ; the Rev. J. B. Dykes, of Dovenby ; and the Rev.
B. N. Featherston, of llfarypoft. „

•

,

.
4;

,
•

•

1: r it