The Sun.
London, England, 1824-09-06 00:00:00

THE LONDON JOURNALS.

DAILY
Extracts from the Morning Pdpers, Sept. 6.

[MORNING CHRONICLE.]
As the late intelligence of the defection of
Olaneta has given rise to a sort of controversy
respecting distances, we have deemed it necessary
to enter into some minute calculations, with the
best Spanish maps before us, and the Royal
Derrotero,oritinerary of the whole road from
Potosi to Lima, and Truxillo before us, describ-
mg the distances of every post along the road.-1
From Potosi the road leads through Oruro, La
Paz, Puno, Cusco, and Huamanga. Here it di-
vides in two, one leading to Huancavelica, Lima-
Guano, and onwards to Lima, whilst the other
passes through Terme, lluamachuco, and then
descends to Caxamarca and Truxillo. On a fair
calculation the distance from Potosi to the latter
place is equal to 650 leagues, and nearly every
intervening town is in possession of the Royalists.
The greater part of this road is over Cordilleras
or deserts of sand, over which, with the greatest
difficulty, the traveller proceeds. In peaceable
times, the ordinary post was twenty-eight days in
getting from Potosi to Lima, and ten trom the
latter place to Truxillo. The whole of the road
is travelled on mules, and they -seldom go more
than 18 leagues per day. As we stated, it would
be impossible, even if the road was clear, for
news from either Potosi or Oruro to reach
Truxillo in less than 35 days, but from Potosi to
Buenos Ayres the regular post comes in 12 and
14 days. From the latter place to Salta the dis-
tance is performed in a coach with as much faci-
lity as on the best roads in Europe, to which the
small distance from Salta to Potosi alone is an
exception. A long this line of road fine and fresh
horses abound at every post, and the traveller
gallops nearly all the way. It is u very coMmon
thing to perform 40 leagues per day, and in some
instances 50. So much for the difference between
the two roads.

[Tire TIMES.]
The Lisbon Mail which arrived on Saturday,
It was expected would have brought the decision,
or at least the disposition of Portugal, with re-
gard to the great object of Brazilian indepen-
deuce, which has been for some time tinder no.,
gociation here. England and Austria have lent,
it is understood, their friendly ()dices towards the
settlement of this national question. The Com-
missioners of the two States more directly in.
(crested have made such considerable progress
in their task., that the preliminary conferences
were terminated above three weeks ago, and a
basis for the recognition of the independence of
Brazil, being agreed upon by these negotiators,
was about that time transmitted to Lisbon for the
King's approval. 'l'ho project thus framed is
said to have been accompanied by the strongest
testimonies of Mr. Canning's approbation, and by
others no less unequivocal from Prince Ester-
hazy, on the part of the Austrian Government,
Those who pretend to be well informed, but
whose authority, from the deep interest they feel
in the question, may possibly render their judg-
ment of so much the less weight, appear
to flatter themselves that King John will
accept the proposals submitted to him ; and
a collateral fart of sonic (though not very
definite) importance is, that the contract for
additional transports, to aid, as was supposed,
the expedition to Brazil, has been abandoned by
the Court of Lisbon. It is also known, which is
a fact of much greater importance, that the Por-
tuguese Government, at the distinct request of
the Brazilian Commissioners, has consented to set
at liberty about 150 Brazilian prisoners, who
were confined in the castle of St. Julian. The
recognition of Brazil by Portugal seems, however,
to be a measure, not merely in itself, but in the
prospects w hick grow out of it, a good deal more
complicated when the result of a voluntary
bargain, than of an unsuccessful war for the
subjugation of the former country. In the case
of war, and the defeat of Portugal, the acknow-
ledgment of independence would probably be
similar to that of England in favour of the
United States—pure and unclogged by any
conditions : but if brought about by diplomacy,
it becothessa question of terms ; and in all human
prudence, each party ought to be governed as to
the calculation of how far it would be wise to
abate from their extreme pretensions, by asking
themselves---Ist, the chance of maintaining those
pretensions by arms; and 2d, the price which
must be paid for even a victorious contest. The
first of these inquiries, if calmly and manfully
conducted, must end, we are sure, in a persuasion
041 the part of Portugal that she has little or no
means of reducing Brazil. by force. So, if the
Brazilian Government reasons dispassionately, it
will conclude without much labour, that a war
with the parent state, however likely to be
successful, must entail upon the inhabitants
of Brazil of ouch cumbersome preparations and
such oppressive burdens, while it defers the pe-
riod, or perhaps destroys the ultimate probabl-
My, of returning concord, and hazards the very
existence of the infant Government under its ac-
tual forma, that an exemption from these evils
Would be chenply bought by the offer of liberal
advantages to the Portuguese nation in exchange:
forits surrender of the old supremacy, and as a
groundwovk of mutual favours, good will, and
fraternity hereafter. in fact, there is on the side
of 'Portugal the impossibility of securing the
main end of a conflict ; and on that of Brazil, the
risk of buying victory through battle, as a dearer
rate than she can enjoy it, without tiring a single
gun. Thus a peaceful adjustment oilers benefits
to both nations ; and any but a peaceful one, oilly
different degrees of evil. m if'oreover, there should
be accomplished a voluntaryr sacrifice of power,
and a kindly return of indemnification, between
a parent state and a colony, just at the moment
when nature herself has
poi
nted out the fitness of
such a change, it will be an Honourable exam-
pie without precedent in the history of' mank
and may go far towards the discountenenchig that
fierce and vindictive spirit which arrays itself in
other countries against the admission of reason,
justice, or humanity, into questions which spring
froth the unequal growth and irreconeileable

titudes of old and infant nations. With regard
to the policy pursued by England on this dif-
ference between Brazil and Portugal, we may
venture to say that it is her undoubted business
to reconcile them, if practicable, on conditions
of advantage to both. Besides that, she has
an interest in the continuance of peace in every
quarter of the civilized world. It is her im-
mediate and peculiar concern that Portugal
and Brazil should enjoy tranquillity foreign
and domestic. They are both her customers,
both destined by position, and one by habit as
well as interest, to look up to her as a protectress
and a friend. If Brazil should tender some pre-
ference to the Portuguese merchantmen over those
of other countries, -it will be but encouraging a
carrier of British manufactures, not a rival of
our national industry. It is for the good of Ewg-
land that Portugal should prosper ; and without
some direct support to her shipping interest, a
beginning of her prosperity cannot well be made ;
for of manufacturing power she is wholly desti-
tute, and her population is with difficulty fed
from her scanty soil. A benefit of this kind is
probably what she would ask from Brazil, and
what might be easily granted : but it is at all
events the duty of England to promote the con-
-1 cord of these two friendly States.

[NEW TIMES.]
Consols for Account left off on Saturday at
04: and persons now begin again to talk of their
reaching par at no very distant period. For our
part, although we are not quite so sanguine, yet
we think there is every appearance of a decided
advance on the present prices. We have often
noticed the intimate connection which exists in
modern times between the Money Markets of
the different European nations, but most particu-
larly of France and England. The moment that
any great occurrence, favourable or otherwise,
becomes known on the Exchange at Paris, ex-
presses are sent off to London, and vice versa.—
This has eventually the effect of equalizing in a
great degree the movements of the different mar-
kets ; and consequently one cannot rise consider-
ably without causing in the other a correspondent
elevation. The lust accounts from Paris amply
confirm what we had stated as to the reflux of
money to that capital. Very large sums had beet►
drawn away to the Provinces while the law of the
ltentes was in agitation ; and to counteract the
effect of this circumstance, the capitalists who
favoured that measure sent to Paris an equal
quantity of the precious metals. Hence, as soon
as the money began to flow back from the Pro-
vinces, the market had more than its requisite
supply : and it is itow stated, that the demand
for money stock in Paris is very great, and the
Iterates are rising daily. Against these favour-
able appearances some persons endeavour to
paint, in glowing colours, the war in India :
others affect an alarm at the prospect of
disturbances in France in the event of the
King's death ; and a third set augur evil from
the policy of France in relation to South
America. Tito price of India Bonds seems to
afford a sufficient answer to the first of these sug-
gestions. The holders of those securities would
surely be among the first, to understand and to act
upon any real appearance of danger to our Indian
possessions: but it is evident that they entertain no
fears of the kind a t present. That the health of the
King of France is very precarious, cannot be de-
nied; but the time is quite past when persons who
knew any thing of France considered a demise of
the Crown as likely to produce a convulsion in
the State. As to the policy of France towards
Smith America, there are two opposite specula-
tions, both intended to produce alarm ; but as
they go on very opposite assumptions, they only
serve to neutralise each other. One set of poli-
ticians will have it that France is secretly pro-
jecting an expedition on behalf of Spain against
South America ; the other set represent that we
have much to fear from the visit of M. ilurtado
to Paris, his object being (they suppose) to con-
clude a commercial treaty with France very much
to our prejudice. That M. de Villele would
much rather make a treaty of commerce with
Colombia than send a fleet or army against her,
we can easily believe ; but he probably has it
not in his power to do either, at least so as to in-
jure us. The reasons against his going to war
are too numerous and too obvious to recapitulate;
and Its to commercial relations with Colombia,
we are so much before-hand with France in that
respect, that we have nothing whatever to fear
from her competition.