The Sun.
London, England, 1840-05-27 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION.

which lease no doubt erhateJeer on my mind that such ie
the case. I have a letter in my hand from a medical gen-
tleman, who is no acquaintance of mine, and from whom I
did not solicit any information, and who has written to me
to inform me what is his experience and knowledge en
this subject. He is a Member of the College of Physi-
cians residing at Stockport, and who has recently had
great experience amongst the poor, and he bears his tes-
timony to the great extent of disease produced, and the
wretched diet to which this law condoms the poor.
This gentleman says : "My practice is much among the
poor of this town, as I am physician to the Stockport
Board of Health—the majority of the disease amongst
the poor is occasioned by insufficient food and
clothing--the high price of flour absorbs the prin-
cipal part of their earnings—I find that the
scarcity of food is the cause of many diseases
amongst the children especially—for their food ought to
be principally farinaceous, and amongst the poor, who have
cveral children, the whole of their income
is absorbed in the purchase of meal and po•
iatoes. Still the greatest misery is endured by
many of them rather than seek relief in the workhouse, al-
though at present the standard of wages is sinking, the
price of provisions rising. Such is the information which I
have been able to obtain in going from house to house:
day by day I see such scenes of misery as can be known
only to a physician, to whom alone in the extremitY Of
illness the national pride of the English people will allow
them to expose their poverty." Such is the substance of
this gentleman's communication. But I see this evidence
is received with indifference by the House.--( Hear, hear.)
But it is not to be disregarded.—( Hear, bear.) This
gentleman gives his name and his profession, and the place
where he resides—(Name)—Dr. Ryan, of Stockport.--
( Hear, hear.) I trust his evidence will' be published by
the public journals.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, I have Its°
rn
had several statistical details furnished to e, and what is
the result in the mortality according to the high and IoW
prices of food in each year? But I will take the four
years at the commencement cf the century, and on com-
paring the price of food in this country with the mortality,
we shall see so close a connexion between them, that it's
impossible not to suppose that it is the connexion of cause
and effect. In 1801 the price of wheat was 108°'
per quarter. In 1804 it was 603. per quarter. In 1801
the number of deaths was 279,825. In 1802 it wa° ne
more than 222,000.--( Hear.) In 1807 the price .0t
wheat was 735. per quarter ; in 1810 it was 1065. pet
quarter. In the former year the number of deaths was
240,000; in the latter it was 294,000, showing an exec's
of 50 per cent. in the year when the corn was at the
higher price. A work has lately been published relative
to the condition of the poor in Scotland, and in it the
author refers to the state of the health of this town is 1835
and in 1838. In 1835, when bread and food was chvaP:
when trade was good, and the people comparatively well
off, there was a singular absence of those low fevers which
arc general in a crowded town ; and in 1835,
when wheat
was 20s. a quarter dearer, there had not been such a pre-
valence of those low fevers for a period of forty-one years
previous. Now, Sir, is not this a shocking state of things
—can we coolly in this House maintain a law which pre"
duce^ famine, disease, and death among the populatwe'
And for what ?—merely to swell the rent-rolls of the ge,n:
try and proprietary of the country. I do not accuse the
upper classes of the country of being less charitable ths.iin
others—l think that many of them are unaware of the eV":
of which these laws are the parent.—( Hear.) Ido 13°`
believe that they are aware of the shocking consequence!
of limiting the food of the people—they, therefore, trust
to those who they think have studied the question'
and are deceived. If these facts were brougnt
home to their minds, I fully believe that they would give
the question their most serious consideration. The Hon.
Baronet opposite cheered when I spoke of the courseiak
taken by the manufacturers upon this question. lit
those manufacturers have been grossly misrepresentcdto
(Hear, hear)—they are charged with having a wish
lower the condition of the working classes. That I deny.
The manufacturers of this country come to this 11°"s
complain that by your legislation you shut them out ' 'of
certain markets which they could supply—that you ex
elude elude them from markets which they would suPPIY
for these Corn-laws. It is no answer to them to en.ne,
down with a short of figures and say that the export
the whole empire arc increasing, and that thereleci:
they have no case. They say these laws preve"
from effecting an exchange with thcsc countries which are
anxious to receive our manufactures—that is the mischief
they complain of. No doubt the manufacturers 'l'
anxious to employ their capital, but they
lower wages. The people are distressed, but you exclude
Your manufactures from markets ready to receive the"''r
namely the corn growing countries. No answer has hce
given to that. I hear a great deal of chuckling' out of,o
doors at the complete answer supposed to have been made to
the manufacturers' case. I contend no answer has been glv'w_
have no wish to
to it. The manufacturer cannot export to these countries
because we will not take their products, and it cannot bi
said these countries are not ready to negotiate with us..
shall hear no more twaddling doubts about that matter, ter
there is evidence before the'House to prove that they lia,l
been ready, and I believe still are. I will refer to tu
evidence, for since the last discussion papers have been
laid on the table which may make known to the Peel' _
that it is no fault of other countries we have not conwne.r.
eial intercourse with them. We have a direct prelw.
from the Prussian Government to enter into a treatY wl5l
this country. In order that it may go forth to the pee;
plc, I beg leave to read an extract from the proposal 13
the Prussian Minister in 1826, before tho League Iv"
formed, and from our answer to it. He sass ; " The
Prussian Government object that the British Government
will not allow the importation of foreign corn, except sub-
ject to such duties as now exclude the possibility of carry-
ing on that trade with reasonable profit. As the pro-
duce of English industry finds an extensive market in
Prussia. while the produce of the Prussian soil and corn
does not find a market in England, it is only by granting',
the relation between the two countries on a footing of
importation of these articles that it is possible to establig-
re-
of the Prussian Government, which was
ciprocity." There is a distinct proposal on the part
submitted to
Mr. Canning, and here is his answer—" It becomes the
duty of his Majesty's Government to state when a proposal
for the alteration of the Corn-laws is made by foreign
powers, as a condition of something to be done, that the
_
Government at once declare they never can entertain sne.h
a proposal." That is the answer the British Minister s
obliged to give to Foreign Governments.—(llcar, hear.)
Our Legislation must at all times be governed by cir-
cumstances originating among ourselves, and not on inter-
national relations affecting other States." This was
_be-
fore the League was formed, and now what is called the
commercial League of Germany, consisting of 26 millions
of people, commercially speaking, living under the game
circumstances. And what is before us but evidence tl
Minister after Minister, that all these people were ready
to
negotiate with us, if we put ourselves in condition to do sor
As the French Minister said, in order to get concessiong►
they must grant them. But the British Minister says,
dare not mention a word about the Corn-laws—we are go'
verned by a landed aristocracy, and dare not interfere with
them.—( Hear, hear.) Does any one doubt the truth
,
of what the Minister says ? Look at the interests ,o_l
these twenty-six millions, and compare them with til
interests of our own country. The proportion of thus
interests in agriculture in Germany was eighteen raillioal,
while the proportion of the twenty-six millions in our own
country—for I suppose we arc nearly arrived to that
amount, and every year the census has been taken the Pros
portion of agricultural to manufacturing labourers has here
diminished, and putting it now at the very highest t',' its
cannot be more than one-fifth which arc interesteiceiLea
agriculture, which is very different from being inter
iv_
in the Corn-laws. Therefore, if you look at the twer Je.
six millions forming the German Commercial League,
and the twenty-six millions of the British Isles,
that all
find that their interests are alike, but the fact tha
these arc merely pretexts to avoid going fairly w :isl"is
question. I believe it is generally understood thatif
a moment when we can negotiate with advantage, u". 0.0
we can dawdle and put off the question for one ororttip
years, then we shall be too late. This is a great opP . a
vette
nity for negotiating with Germany and the
that the
States. Every authority in America tells you the
tariff will be shortly discussed, and it must depend upo"s,
terms you offer to the Americans what this "'
the
cussion will be. It is notorious also that s
tariff will be discussed in 1842 by the German Strietree:
it cannot be altered for twelve years more. Thig,i'es, are
fore, is an important subject to this country, and ti 000
the reasons why I am anxious to put upon eecord lature
statements, that it may be shown whether the Legisne the
of this country will deliberately betray and postg main-
interests of the community at large for the putrsei. „eople
taming those laws ; for the day will come when their
will take to task those whom they have intrusted n'_lth
ben
interests, and will refer to the present moment, who f
opportunity presents itself of saving their matinfact
promoting their commerce, and employing rtisaei.
their :Ire have
It is idle to talk about a system of protection. 75
had toombe
rmoufch Commerce evidence otn.
lthat
osuu hi jne ci tt.s p
el,Vt
thi
ca
atobtast
of
is opposed to the system of protection. he'T -teld You
Liverpool, of Manchester, and Glasgow have heist t;
that they want no protection but protection gb-the Wig"
Corn-lae.vs. Even those who have always bee° weasers
timid-._l mean the silk trade and the hand-10°re,, say ere
of Coventry—they, through their accredited oegans' Cont'
don't went this protection if we can get rid of the danger
laws—it is that which injures us, that makes iPsl danger
high, makes trade slack, and exposes us to t 1
against
of foreign rivalry. we only want protection beer.)
the unjust lees of this country.—(Hear, hear,
reduce
reduce
When people ~ay that the manufacturers
wisblittle of the
the wages of the labouring classes, they know
..,1 which•
foreign trade of this country. In the district
I am connected, I am told that orders come front
no
be
to be executed at a certain price, and ee.
;f thei:o
done for that they cannot be executed at all.
at of lover
informed that every year those prices coto? Belgians;
rate ; thee say, if you do not execute them, the_
o,retched
tile Gerinans, or the Swiss will. What is
,„ a veered
house to do under these circumstances
he
sees
is offered
house before him, he sees his family starving, e have been
an inadequate price for his labour, and bet'° wan
the struggles which have taken place as to whether,reward,
ladequa,
will go into the workhouse or take the
hours a 1
which compels him to work fifteen or sixteenween his pre'
instead of eight. Such is the difference bet. years
sent condition and that which the artinn s):
• nd that effect is produced by those la"
Conti"
liich
ago; a
on the
‘4--el"ahroad,
cripple cur trade, which Create rivals
community
of the
Dont, which deprive the working cort!ni. feear.)
conifoits, and even the necessaries of life; on the
An attempt has been made to justify those
ground that it would b;:iinproper to depend ”Penally ..
reign country for it supply of food. I believe that stet
of
moot has been made on the authority of the Presidentidea
the United Sti.tes. lam surprised that the loyal
, tukc the dictum 0.
i"
rity , `
support of those laws
aristocracy of this country will seek for American iturtltni,c,:
President of the States. What is that clinai
That nothing can be amore disastrous to a country than
_t°
depend on a 'foreign etete for its food. But there is s.)rat_.
thing still more disastrous, which is, when a country
That
not supply i'scif, not to have a country to supply it.
I take to he the condition of Eng land, whizti, ver Inay le
the condition of the waste lands in the United
That is our case; and after a quarter cf a century of w