The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-17 00:00:00

qtt SAltt.

LONDON:
TUESDPT, AUGUST 17, 1841.

The Tories are frantijwith rage because it is
.now understood, that, in meeting the new Par-
liament, the Ministry will bring on the question
of the Budget. After all the windings and
doublings of Sir R. PEEL and his supporters,—
after all the tricks and devices by which he con-
trived to evade an exposition of his trade and
financial policy, Lord JOHN RUSSELL determines
to seize the first hour of his triumph to wring
from him the details of his projects, or a confes-
sion of his incapacity. This is dreadfully morti-
fying to the Tories. They have misgivings as to
PEEL having any plan, and they are fright-
ened out of their wits at the idea of his
being obliged to acknowledge in the face of the
House of Commons that he sees no safety for the
country save in a partial adoption of every mea-
sure proposed by the Whigs. They fear that,
disgusted at the outset, many of the new Mem-
bers, returned as Tories, Would refuse to follow
such a leader; and that to be as Conservative as
his Sovereign, and as tenacious of aristocratic
institutions as one of the most distinguished mem-
bers of the House of RUSSELL, might satisfy, to
his heart's content, any country gentleman called
to occupy a seat in. the House of Commons.

But from w;tatever source springs the terrors of
the Tori:cs, the Ministers owe it to themselves, to
the Country, and to their principles, to afford the
new Parliament a fair opportunity of adopting
or rejecting that Budget upon which an appeal ;
has been made to the nation. This is a question
so direct and so momentous that nothing should
be assumed respecting it which has not been sub-
mitted to the strongest proof of which it incapa-
ble. Defeated in the late House of Commons
the Ministers have appealed to the country.
Now, whatever may be surmised respecting the
political complexion of the new House, it has
as yet expressed no opinion, either upon the
Budget or anything. else. The proposed Corn_
law and the Sugar duties must be submitted to
the House of Commons before it can be assumed
to have rejected them; and the Government
would indeed act with culpable precipitancy
were Ministers to regulate their official conduct
in an affair of such gravity, not by the votes of
the House of Commons, but by hustings' ad-
dresses, Tamworth quack speeches, and the ad-
vices of Tory newspapers.
The Tories want the Ministers to desert the
QUEEN without waiting for the Opinion of Par-
liament upon their policy. They want to have
an opportunity of representing her MAJESTY as
shamefully abandoned by her advisers, that Sir
ROBERT PEEL may claim the merit of covering
her with the shield of Conservative protection,
and thus establish a claim to the gratitude ofhis
Sovereign. Ministers will not so disgrace
themselves. They • will not lend them-
to
selves he
worthy of e Tory trick, so entirely
genius of the Tamworth
quack doctor. They 'will not anticipate ,

defeat by a shameful flight. The battle is yet to
be fought, and it is of the last importance that
the country shall ascertain the precise number of
its enemies.

The Tories affect to feel indignant that the
QUEEN should have language put into her mouth
which the future Premier may feel it his duty
to advise her to contradict. This considera-
tion was of as much moment when her
MAJESTY summoned her first Parliament as
it is now. The QUEEN'S Speech is always
constitutionally regarded as the speech of her
Cabinet, and nobody but some hair-brained Tory
could suppose for an instant that a speech com-
posed by Lords MELBOURNE and JOHN RUSSELL
WOtild be so framed as to receive no contradiction
in a speech written by Sir ROBERT PEEL and Mr.
GOULBURN. The Tories have, however, hit
upon a method for preserving the consistency
of Royal speeches, and a very droll one it
is. The Speech is to be dictated by the chief of
the Opposition, and thus a change of Ministers
can effect no change in the language of Royalty.
When the Whigs are in office Sir ROBERT PEEL
is to compose QUEEN'S speeches, and when the
Tories gain power, Lord JOHN RUSSELL iS to
dictate the terms in which it will be proper for
her MAJESTY to address her Parliament.

But here the cloven foot peeps out. The dis-
guise of an overweening tenderness for the feel-
ings of the Sovereign is so scanty, and so ludi-
crously put on, that it only serves to draw atten-
tion to the deformity which it is intended to
hide. From the eagerness of Sir R. PEEL to
keep Lord J. RUSSELL'S mouth shut, we suspect
the Tamworth Doctor proposes to drug her MA-
JESTY with Whig medicine. It is not be-
cause he has quite a different speech from them
to put into the mouth of the QUEEN that he
wants the Whigs to allow her to say nothing,
but because he has pilfered the ideas of the
speech which her MAJESTY'S present advisers
are bound to submit to her. Sir ROBERT PEEL
knows that he would cut hut a sorry figure
in the Cabinet of the Sovereign tendering to
Tier a second edition of a speech, which, as
leader of the Opposition, he had caused to be
rejected by the House of Commons. Even he
would blush to be thus compelled to admit that
his opposition to her late Government was fac-
tious, and that his were struggles, not for the
triumph of great principles, but for the :sordid
emoluments of office. He wants the present
Cabinet to rid him of this annoyance—
to save him this humiliation. He wants,
by their silence, to be allowed to say
much of what they will tell, and what
he feels convinced that he must tell the
country. The Ministry, we are confi-
dent, will do nothing of the sort. It is no part of
their business to clear the road to Downing-
street of those obstructions over which the Tories
are stumbling.

Accounts of commercial distress reach us from
all parts of the country. Trade is in a de-
plorably depressed state, and failures in manu-
facturing districts, to ruinous amounts, are af-
fairs of daily occurrence. From Manchester,
Leeds, Bolton, Bradford, Glasgow, and Paisley,
we receive, by every post, harrowing details of
the sufferings of the poor thrown out of employ-
ment, and obliged to subsist on an allowance
of the coarsest food, falling far short of what
is allotted for the maintenance of convicted
felons in our gaols and penitentiaries. The tri-
umph of the bread-taxers during the late
election has greatly increased the general dis-
tress. Many of the manufacturers now despair
of realizing for themselves, and their workmen,
those advantages which they know would follow
from a more extensive commercial intercourse
with foreign countries, attendant upon a
comparatively free trade in corn. Their
care now is to keep what they have got, and
to risk as little as possible. The workmen
are gloomy and desponding, and in some places
desperate. They have lost all confidence in
public men, seeing that the rich care
nothing for their misery, when weighed in the
balance against high rents and dear bread. Every
day widens more and more the br each which sena-
.. Luc viraituy irom the proauctive classes.
The workman sees himself thrown out ofemploy-
ment, his labour rendered valueless, and his wife
and children starving upon a dry crust and a
few potatoes, to increase the rent-roll of
some idle aristocrat, or force a higher market for
the surplus produce of the wealthiest class of
agriculturists, and he regards both as his ene-
mies. This utter separation of the poor from the
rich is one of the very worst signs of the times.
Society must tumble to pieces if two of the
main bodies that compose it come to regard
each other with fear and aversion. No State can
stand after the extinction of those sympathies
which recognise in wealth a claim to respect,
and in poverty a right to support and protec-
tion. In this country the poor trusted
everything to the rich, and the depth of their
wretchedness shows the extent to which they
have been betrayed. It is in this stage of the
State malady that Doctor PEEL presents himself
with quack nostrums, which he refuses to show
unless we guarantee to swallow them whether
we like them or not. This mode of treat-
ment will not do. The case is too urgent.
Something must be done, and that right
speedily, or the worst symptoms will exhi-
bit themselves. To drop metaphor, the state
of the country is so alarming,,—the misery
is so wide-spread, the disruption between
the idle and the productive classes is
so great,—that if a radical remedy be not
provided, we fear a state of things will
shortly prevail in England, to which we
would rather not give a name. The Tories called
their late election a triumph, the triumph of the
Monopolists and the Church. That would be
bad enough, but it is something still worse. It
is the triumph of popular infidelity in the
pledges of public men. The Tories triumphed
because the mass of the people, distrusting them
and the Whigs alike, left both to fight the battle
of monopoly in any way they liked.

In the Judicial Privy Council yesterday,
judgment w
and others aagais ig n
svt Tv inoo thed
an
n cased
e t h
eorfs , Gw
ioi oi
edhl awk
ee
published at length in a Second Edition, in
time for
tioos
onfo not
et
Post- We are gratified at the re-
sult,O.
approve of the
testator,disposi-
11twe
but the imputations cast
on Sir MATTHEW W
and that
other persons included Mr. . 111LPOTTS, and
an atrocious character the will, were of such
that an inquiryl3 was abso-
lutelynecessary;superintendence of the first law
ood o r
tile
inquiry having taken
place
authorities of the country w
, e are therefore bound
to conclude that there were no grounds for the
accusation. The decision, no doubt, will surprise
many of our readers, because a general opi-
nion prevailed that some unfair means had
been employed to convey the vast property
from the rightful heirs. The deliberate opini • •
on'
however, of such men as Lords LYNDHURST and
BROUGHAM, Mr. Justice PARKE, the VICE-
CHANCELLOR, and Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE, 'Will
remove the unjust impression, and set at nought the
derision of the Ecclesiastical Court. We confi-
dently trust that the judgment of yesterday will
put an end to the suits at Gloucester and Bristol,
and that the rightful legatees will be more dis-
posed to give a portion of the vast wealth left to
them to the heirs-at-law, than to spend it in paying
lawyers for making long-winded speeches only
for their own advantage.

The conclusion of the Manifesto of the Spanish
Regency, in, answer to the allocution of the
POPE, of which some notice was taken in The
Sun of yesterday, will be found in another
column. Whatever consolation the Holy See
may derive from the establishment of the Papal
jurisdiction in Portugal, and the continued as-
surances of Gallican sympathy and support,
this manifesto cannot fail to fill the breast of
GREGORY XVI. with well-founded alarm. The
rambling diffusiveness of ESPARTERO'S style,
which so amuses the French Legitimists, will

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