The Sun.
London, England, 1840-07-22 00:00:00

portant dreenstiotr, abd Ido filth great cl 4 dence ; but, ,
at the brad tithe, considering the peculiar situation in which
I stand in this country I think it my duty towards my So-
vereign and towards my family to express those opinions
which I entertain, and which I belie,e to be in accordance
with the genital Opinions of the House, still limiting
Myself to those observations which I may think it
expedient to mske to your Lordships, and which from cir-
cumstances it has not hitherto been in my power to communi-
cate, as it would be my most anxious wish and dl sirb to (10.
I have another desire to preSelit myself to your Lordships,
inasmuch as from the tone and temper with which
I shall take the liberty of addressing your Lordships, I trust
I may show the exampie, and I trust it will be followed, of a
temper and moderation with which a subject of such maga
nitude ought to be considered, and upon which, my Lords,
permit me to say, all party feeling ought to be dissipated.
I can have no wish, my Lords, to excite ate Angry feeling
still less my Lords to make an opposition to a Bill brought
in by my Learned and Noble Friend, if he will permit me
so to call hire, with a temper and moderation that ought to
be followed. The example of my Noble and Learned
Friend in the introduction of the Bill could net be
excelled more by the perspicuity with which it was
detailed than by the delicacy with which it was
touched. My Lords, I have had much eeperiente in
Regency Bills. I took an active part its the year 1811 or
1812, I forget uhieh • but in the Regency Bill ehieh
placed George tha Vourth in the situation of Regent,
and sorry am 1 in looking back to those events to recollect
that at that time there was so much acrimony shown upon
both sides of the House—but, my Lords, I am con=
trolled on this occasion to think that the Illustrious Lady,
our Most Gracious Sovereign, who has communicated to
your Lordships her anxious wish be take the advice of this
House, and with her Parliament to devise the best means
for establishing a permanent Government should the to,
fortunate event take place to which I must refer with the
greatest pain, but, at the same time, I must say that if
the prayers of the nation at large, in which I am sure yonit
Lordships will all Lin, are listened to, will not take place.
Hear, hear.) My Lords, it is right, very right, in all
well-regulated families, that one should consider of eve's
affairs, and if it should please Divine Providence suddenly
to call us away, that one should leave his house in tbat
state that those who come hereafter may be able to enjoy
it in comfort and security. Those are the feel-
ings actuating her Majesty; indeed, as the Mea.
sage says, her Majesty, anticipating contingenciee,
therefore requests advice.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords,
when we recollect that the previous precaution which her
Majesty took has had no influence, thank God, on hel-
health—l mean that first Act which she recommended and
which was passed in order to secure the succession to the
Throne to that illustrious relative of mine whe, froth hold-
ing the high situation of Sovereign antkority in a foreign
country, is necessarily absent upon the present occasion,
and I say, my Lords, we must feel grateful for the kind;
ness and consideration of her Mrjesty. As the Noble and
Learned Lord observed on a foreete occasion, contingen-
cies have arisen, and, therefore, ought to be provided for,
and her Majesty has graciously communicated to this
House and the other House of Parliament, her wish
to be instructed upon it, and her anxiety tie concur in
whatever measures are deemed moat expedient. I, there-
fore, my Lords, at once state, that in the general view of
this question 1. per feet ly coincide both with the prin-
ciple and the general bearings of the question,
but at the same time to state this, that I
think there are some points which, did I not torch upon
myself, I should think I were acting unfairly, and showing,
that I did not take that interest in the welfare of the coun-
try, the purport of the Bill being to secure the rights
and power of the Crown in order to protect the liberties
and the rights of the people. Now, my Lord.), as to the
principle of the Bill ; that principle is one to Which I can
have no objection, inasmuch as teeny of the points are
points upon which, in the question of the Regency of
George the Fourth, 1 argued against Noble Lords
who were he power at that time namely, that it
is unfit and unwise in a Regency which, by itself, la not
ast strong as the Sovereignty itself.- that it is not wise thin
power w bleb the Sovereign t self has, should not be pos-
ieased by the individual who has to exrcu'e the functions
of royalty during a certain period ; and, no doubt, my
Lords, the longer the case may last the argument is still
the stronger. Therefore, whoever is to be U gent ought
to have all the rights and privileges for the time that he is
appointed Regent as unfettered as the Sovereign may
have them. 1 tor one am of opinion that ought to be
so, therefore there is no contention upon that point.
The next point was one on which I agree With my Noble
and Learned Friend, namely, that the custoa of the person
of the Royal Infant naturally ought to reside in the sot--
viving parent. To that principle I entirely ac-
c•de ; but, in acceding to it, if I remember
the argument of my Noble and Learned Friend,
he congratulated the Noble Lord we the occasion, and
with great justice and propriety thought no momen, could
be more expedient for the discussion of such a measure,
because the three branches of the Legislature were
fully represented at this time, and that, therefore,
there was the means of supporting the rights itself of
the Crown ; when, on other occasions, that power
being in abeyance, it was for the two Housrs of Parlia-
'lament to decide ; and. I must say that, because Perna.
meet decided thereupon, contrary to my opinion, yet
when the law was once past, I was bound to obey and act
upon it. Yet if the principle laid down by Blackstone be
correct, be states that a power rests in the Houses of Par-
liament in that case to act as they shall think proper ;
therefore, though I do not quite agree with that, yet in our
present position, I am relieved from discussing it ; but if it
be the case, thee I say why do not your Lordships, when
really acting on your own principles to regulate and secure
the tranquillity of the country, by nominating a Regent—
why do you not go a step further, and say, as the Bill it-
self professes to do, that should that lamentable event take
place, to which wo are prepared to look with grief, and,
therefore, desire not to look to at all, and avow that we
appoint the R .gent. Now, my Lords, having said this,
allow me to observe that it does strike me, 'say it with great
diffidence, and I trust thi. Noble Duke will give
me credit for sincerity and disinterestedness in what I
am sayin,g, that on this subject I have bad no communica-
tion with any individual whatever. From the moment the
question of the Regency was agitated, from that moment I
never opened my mouth, and why ? because from the deli-
cacy of my own situation, placed as I am in this country
the nearest at this moment to the throne, .'ter that prece-
dency which I voluntarily surrendered to her Majesty
at that time, therefore I have shown my good will
upon that occasion, anxious at the same time, as far as I
could, to reconcile the feelings in other quarters, which 1
now only liahtly allude to ; but I am sure the Noble Duke
opposite will understand what I mean. Therefore, from
that moment, I never spoke right or left upon the subject.
I have not, therefore, shown that anxiety to take up this
question which both Houses of Parliament, allow me to
say, upon other questions, upon turnpikes and railroads,
have evinced. I felt the delicacy of my situation, and the
duty I owed to my Sovereign, and the affection I owed to
my family, and, under those circumstances, I was prevented
from making th .se observations I now do. Now to come
back to what I said, if you are to provide fur a Regent,
may that Regent not he in the same situation, and may
not death carry that R .gent away ? Some provision must
be made for that contingency, for unless ti at is done your
Lordships will find yourselves in the situation which the
N .ble and Learned Lord has congratulated the House
that we are not placed in at this moment. I therefore
merely venture to throw out as a suggestion to Noble
Lords whether, in framing a Bill of this nature, attention
should not be given to that subjet t, inasmuch as should
such an event unfortunately happen, the difficulties
would be greatly increased, for you would have not
only the Magistracy of Royalty gone, but you
would leave the infant without custody. And
your Lordships would have all this at the same time
that you would have to legislate for the Regency. It is
not fur me to say to your Lordships who is the proper
person—but, without mentioning names, or saying any-
thing of an individual--as the Parliament has once stated
the propriety of another illustrious person, under other
circumstances, undertaking that duty, it will be for your
Lordships to consider whether the same rule should not be
followed in the matter now under your consideration. I
have thought it my duty to state thus much; and in deang
so I think it due to your Lordships to assure you
that every idea at all concerning myself is totally foreign
from my thoughts --( Hear.) I need hardly say that for
myself, my Lords—( Hear)—and I challenge the Noble
Lord at the head of her Majesty's Government, who has
known me for many years, and with whom I have had
much intercourse and many confidential communications,
whether in any one act, or in anyone thought, I have ever
shown ono scintilla of ambition-- ( Hear, hear)—and
whether, when the will of her Majesty on the maintenance
of the laws was in question, tho individual who now ad-
dresses your Lordships has not always sunk himself, and
avoided being an obstacle to either?—( Hear.) I appeal to
that Noble Lord whether, not only in the affairs
of this country, but in the affairs of another country,
in which a near and dear relation of mine is the
Sovereign—whether for twenty years, in many transac-
tions closely affecting myself, in all cases where the tran-
quillity of the family was concerned, I have not said
"I am out of the question altogether." Having made
these observations, my Lords, I come more particularly to
the next part of the subject. My observations upon this
point have arisen from examining the Act of Parliament,
which was passed in the year 1765. upon the discussion of
the Regency Bill of his Majesty George the Third. That
Bill was certainly founded on very different principles, and
under different circumstances from the present Bill ; and,
therefore, having satisfied my Noble and Learned Friend,
that I agree in the principle of the Bill which be
has introduced, I trust that he will not suppose
that in any arguments which I may offer I am argu-
ing aeainit the principle of his Bill. At the time
to which I refer, the Houses of Parliament thought proper
to invest his Majesty with the power to nominate three in-
dividuals to be Regent in the case of his demise ; and on
that occasion his Majesty was pleased to name Queen
Charlotte to be the Regent; and in case of her demise
then the Princess Dowager of Wales was nominated as
her successor in the Regency ; and to which was added a
Committee, consisting of all the male members of the
Royal Family ; the Duke of York, the King's eldest
brother, the Duke of Gloucester, the King's other
brother, and Prince William Frederick, afterwards
Duke of Cumberland and Prince Henry, who afterwards
died, wereto n
theoms n. attir,•ed
DastkMeelllabecrs of this
umber Council
landwas and i n
named a
adde ion
cll. New this is remarkable, u
member of
the
C"-u,t'tht Kind to keep Royal Family
showing the anxiety tYstlated .thatP inice William Henry and
not then at age, but that as soon
were
hshould
as they shou
shows the anxiety existing in the
of the Council. T •
the . --
keep the Royal Familymen-
tioneYtogether. I
eemi.e of ages
t
ry
ld
ct of the King, and that the
thisnlitt nsi 8h
was included the Vaegency. I now
Princess of Wale;
tKP.irgnin'g'ct'hseemind to
thosein exceptions I cordially coincide—in without control, and
exercise all the powers of soveregnly
all of them
come to the exceptions to the rule, that the Regent should
The firet is, that it shall tie impos able for the Prince Re-
gent to alter the succession to the,- Crown. That is apreyi-

occasion. I think it right also, as regards the worship of
the Church of England and of the. Church of Scotland,
that he, should he preelOded .from rii.akin4 any alterAtioes
iri there ; the imposition of this inability t consider to be
wise, just, and expedient. All these points meet with my
pet feet concurrence, and no doubt they will also meet with
the perfect concurrence of your Lordships and of the other
House of Parliament. As to the restrictions relating to
the Prince Regent hiftistlf, I shill talth the liberty 6f
making some observations to your Lordships. I offer
those observations with diffidence, and hope I shall express
myself with the same temper which I have hitherto ob-
served in addressing these observations to your Lordships.
At the same time, I must discharge my duty, as I lock to
the safety of the country; a regard to which calls upon mg
to make these dhseraatitiiia, while at the stone time I
saittio Im have
A
shall observe every degree of delicacy to the illustrious
person selected to be Regent. In the Oleic° I agree ; for
he is a person to whom, as far as I know him, I am
sincerely
always found him to be of a
mostamiable
tithe time of his riairriage he
tall the he hoped ha might rely upon my fricndsh p, and
attached,disr o
I told him, who is now my nephew, that my therm-
Meter would be his
8--ctti" to this Queen, and his eee
tleaVOlt' to thane nor nappy; and that as long as he did
so he would find my friendship unsbated, and as I fled
he has merited my friendship that friendship is still pre:.
served to hims Bat halre duties to pert°, in which
I will perforth fearlessly, but at the same time with
firmness and temper. I find that in feet tl e only reetrice
tine ireperasd upda his ((royal Eihemesi is that he shall riot
fatuity a Papist. That is a wise measure, because it is
connected with the security of the Crown—it is one upon
which the right of the Royal Family to the succession
to the throne depends ; tied a .e‘viatibh
would iota them that right, because the compact which
brought thetti hers would be forfeited, and as
suchs I admit the justie Of the ie=trilition.
Brit, My Loads, there is a case which I wish to touch on
with as much delicacy as possible. Your Lordships must
be aware of the youth of the Illustrious Prince, and that
he must have his passions like other men ; and I for one,
if I were in his etieecilss ahottld say that it would be both
advieabla gild desirable that he should set an eiarinple of
decorum to the rest of the nation. I need not obsess/a to
your Lordships, that having no shaelle§ arhetever on him,
and there beiiig no law which prevents him from marrying
a subject of this country, it is for your Lordships
to think whether a connection of the ,tort vifonld f4ti
dent. On the other bend he might form a connection
abread, Unshackled as he is, whether the Govern-
ment might approve of it or not, he would be At full
liberty to do to, because, Unless his iloyal Highnesa eras
to etnee to Parliameut for assistance to support his new
state, the ,awo Houses would have no right whatever to
interfere on the subject. It„might; hoOteiwr; be diiii-able
that no marriatee ahead be effected hy his Royal Highness
taT.lioist the assent of the House. I lay somewhat the
more stress on this point, because it is a very remarkable
circumstance, that in the very Act of Regency which was
passed in the reign of King Wtllittm there had,beete triad-
duced &attar ettradadinary Clause, which would enable the
Queen Dowager if she became Regent, or the Duchess
of Kent if she became Regent, to marry a subject of this
country, but not a Papist or a foreigner. I
cannot conceal
from your Lordships, that, willing as I am to support
the present Act, the introduction of some clause
such as I have referred to, would be advisable. Our most
graaloile Majesty owes her succession to her being the
daughter of my illustrious brother the Duke of Kent, and
the descendant of George 111. ; and descending from that
most revered Sovereign, my father, whose name is never
mentioned in this House, etcept with the greatest re-
spect east "veneration--( Heaa, heitr)—omd whOSe open=
lest `speech, in this house, will never be forgotten by any
arc who has read it. The first time he ascended the
throne, he gloried in being born and educated a Briton ;
and stated that the greatest pleasure of his life we old be
to promote the happiness Old arelfaae of a loyal and atce
tienate people, being convinced that that was the greatest
security to the throne. Feeling that all the Royal Family
naturally look to their Sovereign with that attachment
which it is their duty and interest to do: but such may
equally be the case, if his Royal Highness sheuld unfortu-
nately sever the link that endears him to us; because,
notwithstanding all his feelings, and all his good will, ye,
it is the link of the Queen with that Illustrious Prince that
endears him to us ; and when that link unfortunately is se-
vered, my anxiety will be to support the Crown in every
way I can. My Lords, I have veioured to make these ob-
servations to your Lerdships, thinking I should net have
done my duty if I had not placed such considerations be-
fo-e you which 1, deem worthy of your notice. Ido not
mean by having stated them to make any factious opposi-
tion whatever to the Bill, because, as I have stated before,
I feel bound to admit that 1 think it is a wise Bill, and one
that I am sure will conduce to the happiness and tranquil-
lity of her Aljesty, who must be anxious on the subject;
and that if by any means we can any way tranquillise her
Majesty previous to the time that she will be exposed to
those sufferings which et Divine Providence has sent ail
womankind to undergo, it is our duty to do so. My
Lords, as I said before, had I had any opportunity of com-
municating these ideas elsewhere, I should have then done
it, and should have saved your Lordships the painful endu-
rance of a heavy speech, but I hope a speech delivered with
great temper, with great respect.—( Hear.) I can answer
for great affection ; and having discharged my duty, and
stated my sentiments, if they are taken aoto consilee
ration.— or thought worthy of it---I shall be contented.
—( Cheers.) My Lords, I have done my duty, and hav-
ing done it, I end support the Bill. In a question of
this kind, there can be no difference of opinion. How-
ever 1 may differ as to the carrying out of measures for
the interest of the country, with the Neble Lords with
weom I have been so long in opposition, I have never
ascribed the opposition of those Noble Lords to any other
object than their desire to promote the welfare of the
country. Having said this, my Lords, I sit down in peace,
saying—God's will he done.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said he was quite
certain their Lordships would feel that from the situa-
tion in which the lilustrious Duke was placed, it was
natural he should feel great interest in this question,
not only from his attachment towards the family now on
the throne, but from the great regard he had always shown
for the interests of the people. It was a great satisfaction
to him (the Lord Chancellor) to find that the Illustrious
Duke concurred in the general plan and principle of the
measure now submitted for their Lordships' consideration.
There were two points, however, to which the Illus-
trious Duke referred, and on which he would beg
attention for a few minutes. The first observa-
tion of the Illustrious Duke related to the
provisions of the Bill falling short of every possible con.
tingency. This was Perfectly true in a certain improbable
event, but it would require the concurrence of two events
before the contingency required could arise. NJW though
he agreed it was the duty of Parliament to make such
provisions by anticipation as might be necessary to meet
that improbable event, yet he apprehended it was not con-
sistent with the wisdom of Parliament, or its practice, to
legislate by anticipation beyond what was strictly neces-
sary. Now in the event contemplated by the Noble Duke,
though it might possibly
-appall, yet it was improbable
that they would not have an opportunity of coming again
to Parliament for making a provision against it. The
event contemplated by the Noble Duke was the death of
the Illustrious Person whom the Bill proposed to appoint
Regent. But there would be ample opportunity fur pro-
viding against the contingency, and if Parliament were
sure, or all but sure, of an opportunity of providing against
that contingence, it did not seem to him wise to legislate
for it by anticipation. That was, he believed, the prin.
ciple on w hich Parliament had acted on a former occe.
.
stun, and he apprehended their Lordships would be doing
wisely in not extending the provisions of the present.
Boil beyond the event contemplated by it, because
the contingency might happen with any number of lives
that might be inserted to provide against it. The other
point to whic • h the Illustrious Duke referred was the pro-
vision in the Act of 1830, which differed from the pre-
sent Bill. That provision ho apprehended was introduced
because the Illustrious Persons it referred to were both fe-
males, and it would seem to have been considered by Par-
liament that females were less .1/4e juris than males. It
and therefore if the female
was so in ordinary life,
married some person, not of this country, it was
supposed she would be subjected to foreign influence.
That was a situation which could not be expected to ope-
rate in the case of the Illustrious Personage alluded to, be-
cause by the Bill he was constrained to remain in the
country, and the law did not contemplate that any one
could obtain such a control over his mind as to ruder par.
ticular provisions necessary. These were the two points
alluded to by the Illustrious Duke, and he (the Lord
Chancellor) had been anxious to state the grounds why he
had thought it expedient to depart from the provisions 0
the Bill of 1830, and he trusted he had obviated the dal.
cultivs which appeared to press upon his mind.
The Bill was then read a second time.

The Marquis of WE S TNT EAT H complained of having
received letters from Catholics in Ireland, and having been
misrepresented in what he said the other night with respect
to Temperance. To the expressions he then made use of
he adhered, but they had been tot Ally misrepresented.
The Marquis of NO RNIA NB Y was glad to find that
the Noble Marquis had retracted the expressions he had
used on a former occasion.
The Marquis of WE STM EATH did not retract any.
The Elrl of SEG RAVE presented a petition from the
three denominations of Dissenters, in and within twelve
miles of London, prayinc, for the release of John Thoro_
good, and the abolition of criminal jurisdiction in Eccle-
siastical Courts. •
Their Lordships then adjourned till Thursday.

AN INTELLIGENT JURY.—"A humorous scene
took place at the Knutsford Sessions, on Thursday se'nnight
Twelve wiseacres were impanelled on ale jury to try a prisoner
indicted for strafing hay e
at Mobberley. After the counsel for
the prosecution had on through
part of the case he gave up
his brief, feeling satisfied that the charge could not be brought
home to the accused, and the Chairman, being of the same opi-
nicn, directed the jury to return a verdict of acquittal. The
jury, however, proceeded to con< ider whether the prisoner was
guilty, or not guilty, and a warm debate arose, which lasted for
a quarter of an hour, to the utter astonishment of the whole
Court. At length, the foreman rising up with a most inquiring
countenance, and, sctatching his head, said he wished to ask
one of the witnesses a question. The witness alluded to, being
placed in the box, the foreman said, " Didst foind any hay by
brook ?" Witness---" No." The jury were not satisfied et;y
and they consulted together for ten minutes, the counsel, of
course, wondering what these intellectual jurymen were talking
about. The Chairman at length asked the •foreman,'whether
they entertained any doubts in the case, mid what?.. The fore.
man answered, " We should ust loike fort' hear th' prisoner's
counsel." Mr. Cottingham (smiling) declined the honour. At
this, one of the jury plucked the foreman by the coat lap, and,
after a third deliberation, another, more wise than his fellows,
seemed to he explaining the state of the matter, when five of
them suddenly jumped up, and simultaneously recorded a ver-
dict of not guilty, to the amusement of the Court, and Ow ex-
cessive joy of the prisoner.— Staffordshire Gazette.

The hay crops in the neighbourhood of Halifax
are generally heavy, and some have been housed in good condi-
tion ; b it much has been damaged by ,he continued wet wea-
ther. The wheat looks exceedingly well, and promises a good
yield, ,thould there be a favourable season for ripening it The
oats arn backward; but their appearance is healthy...4/(2/1,4r
E" press.

stun troq ebnsoi-tery to the to Anbeis of the Royal Family,
and one fur whichthey muse, all feel most grateful to her
jo• ty and the Govrlumeot, its it is one that tends to soften
the anxiety which they put accessardi fool on such an

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MARKET iNfELLidENEJE.

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