The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-23 00:00:00

manner to try the RAJA at his own capi-
tal, but behind his back. The President
of the Commission, General LODWICK stated in
Court, that UNTAJEE declared himself to be ut-
terly unworthy of belief, and to have been actu-
ated by revenge—that one of the native officers
deposed that he had taken a solemn oath which
he never intended to observe, and that neither of
the native officers was suffered to be cross-ex-
amined. The next charge against the RAJA was,
that he conspired with Don MANOEL DE PORTU-
GAL, the Viceroy of Goa, for the procuring of
30,000 troops from Europe, to drive the British
out of India. The witnesses to this charge are
proved to be, almost to a man, Brahmins ! Se-
veral among them are gang robbers, whom
the• Bombay' Government pardoned. The
written evidence is a bundle of Mali-
ratta and Portuguese letters found in

pawn, with an obscure inhabitant, of an obscure
village, in the Goa territories, and purporting to
have belonged to two Brahmins, who had died
ten months before, and are declared to have
been the RAJA'S agents, while it is admitted,
that these persons had for years been in the
service of the Pope of the Brahmins (the Swamee
of SUNKESHWAR), an enemy of the RAJ-4.'S.
These papers were bought by the Government
for 401. The Portuguese documents, thus found,
and affirmed by the Bombay Government to be
signed by Don MANOEL, Don MANOEL has
declared, before a notary public at Lisbon, to
be utter forgeries, and his correspondence
with the RAJA a gross falsehood. The
third charge is, that the RAJA intrigued,
with the same design of overthrowing the
English, with the dethroned Raja of NAG-
PORE, a Prince who, at the time, was a prisoner
at Judpore, confined to a court-yard 20 feet by
12; and the proofs that the Raja of SATTARA did
intrigue with him, in gross violation of his treaty,
are, that the ex-Raja of NAGPORE wrote a letter
to the Raja of SATTARA (which is not proved to
have been received), and that the latter sent to
the other Prince a pair of shoes! To these
charges, the Raja of SATTARA pleaded not guilty,
and asked for a healing. In reply, Sir JAMES
CARNAC went to Sattara, called the RAJA
before him, submitted to his unconditional signa-
ture a new treaty, by which he was to acknow-
ledge himself guilty of treasonable practices
against the British Government, as the price of
retaining his throne; and, upon the RAJA'S deli-
berate refusal, and his immediate offer to sur-
render his person and throne to the Bri-
tish Government, he was dismissed from the
Governor's presence, and, without further
warning, forcibly seized and exiled in the
manner we have seen. A few days after,
the Governor himself placed upon the
throne, with every mark of public honour,
the RAJA'S brother, APPA SAHIB, an aban_
doned man in every relation of life, who
had twice secretly plotted the partition of his
brother's dominions, and now acknowledged,
under his own hand, that lie was cognizant of
the treasons charged by the Government upon
the RAJA. These facts are established by the
volume of papers which the Court of Di-
rectors have themselves selected as their
case, and laid before the Proprietors ;
and upon every one of the previous acts
towards the RAJA, down to the last one of most
abhorrent cruelty, have the majority of the
Court of Directors bestowed their " warm com-
mendation." Such case, then, we repeat, is now
a national case. For the RAJA to expect justice
from these men, or from their minions, who
have shown themselves devoid of every senti-
ment of justice, common sense, or humanity, is
utterly hopeless. We call upon the country to
take it up, or to share, in the eyes of the civilised
world, the disgrace and infamy which
attach indelibly to the actors through-
out this transaction. The Court of Direc-
tors have dared to treat the ex-Raja of
SATTARA as the QUEEN of these realms
could not, for the brightest jewel in her sceptre,
venture to treat the guiltiest malefactor among
her subjects. The Raja of SATTARA was under
the protection of British power ; and we tell the
Court of Directors, that what the Queen of
ENGLAND may not do, the Court of Directors
will not do, with impunity, in any part of her
dominions. On their heads henceforth he the
consequences of these acts. They have know-
ingly, wilfully, deliberately—aye, and insultingly
too—made those acts theirs, and upon them shall
the responsibility rest. It must be seen whether
the Government of British India, over a hundred
millions of men, is given to them for such uses.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S address to the electors
of the City of London is a Ministerial manifesto.
It defends what Ministers have done, and an-
nounces what they are to do. The former will
be more useful to them—the latter more interest-
ing to the public.

We think the former also complete, so far as it
repels the accusations of the Tories. In the early
part of last year Lord JOHN RUSSELL announced
the Government intention of proposing new
taxes ; they were carried, and the result this year
was a larger deficiency in the revenue than here-
tofore. Unable to reduce the establishments, Mi-
nisters, on a careful review of our commercial
imposts, came to the conclusion that by remov-
ing prohibitions and lessening restrictions it was
possible to replenish the Treasury. Before Eas-
ter Lord J. RUSSELL, on a debate on the Colo-
nial Customs Bill, announced the intention of
Ministers; but this did not prevent the Tories
from loudly asserting that the commercial plans
of the Ministers were only brought forward after
they had been defeated on the Irish Qualification
Bill. Lord JOHN'S refutation of their assertion
is triumphant, but it availed nothing with the
Tories.

They asserted in the House of Commons and
out of the House of Commons, and asserted most
unscrupulously in face of numerous facts, and in
the face of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S announcement,
that the Budget was a mere clap-trap to ward off
resignation. The calumnies of the Tories have
attained the object in view. Lord JOHN Rus-
SELL admits that the "returns from the manu-
facturing districts have not tended to restore the
balance against the counties." The assertions of
the Tories were in fact believed—the declarations
Of the MiniSters.were -distrusted, and the manu-
facturing districts came not to the rescue. No
doubt the Ministers kept their intentions some-
what secret froni the best of motives ; but had
they been, when the resolve was first adopted,
promulgated far and wide; they would not have
been open to.
and to suspicion by
misrepresentation by by the Tories,
From this part of the case one thing is quite
clear, namely, that the Tories have neglected no
arts, and spared no means, to defeat the Whigs.
They have pursued them unrelentingly and un-
scrupulously ; we shall see hereafter that the
them
forbear
in their own ing Whigs
coin. have no intention of paying

Ministers mean to meet the Parliament, which
we never doubted. They can only receive a de-
cision from the Parliament itself; and till that
be assembled, there is no authorised
r meansto a ask
ascertaining what it will be. They a
the new Parliament for a clear and decided
opinion on the policy they have pursued. Most
likely, through the medium of the Speech from
the Throne, they will pronounce a strong and
decided opinion in favour of their own measures •
the Address moved by their friends will echo
that opinion; the opposite party will move an
amendment condemning it ; issue will be joined,
and if the majority decide against Ministers they
will resign.
We are not aware that they could with pro-
priety or honour adopt any other course. Had
they followed the suggestions of their opponents,
they would have resigned before Parliament met
—had they listened to the calls of followers more
zealous than wise, they would hold the Govern-
ment, with her MAJESTY'S approbation, in de-
fiance of the Tories, and appeal again and again
to the people. They have adopted a middle and
a perfectly constitutional course, and their reso-