The Sun.
London, England, 1847-04-23 00:00:00

. -
tinn.—(Cheers.) Sir, I believe, if we could know the real
extent of this evil—if we could have presented to us a full
account of all the crime which has been generated by igno-
rance—if we could know what really has taken place within
the last fifty years—if we could know how much evil the ex-
ample of the parent has introduced—how his example has in-
troduced infection into the character of his children—if we
could know how much of violence, how much of rapine and
crime against life and property have been caused by a dearth of
education—if we could know how many souls have been intro-
duced into the presence of their Creator and Judge, ignorant
of the character, use, and principles of Christianity—l think
we should be disposed to shudder at our:neglect, and to repair,
without delay, the evils of past legislation.—(Loud cheers.)
Sir, I look to the volume of evidence which has been pre-
sented for the last few years. I hold in my hand one of those
volumes, the reports of the Commissioners who were ap-
pointed to inquire into the state of education of the children
employed in the several mining districts of the kingdom. A
single report refers to the education of the children in Flint-
shire and Denbighshire, Lancaster, Staffordshire, Durham,
North Wales, and South Wales. The evidence had been
collected from men of the highest acquirements, and of the
most superior attaintainments, and they uniformly come to the
same conclusion, that there was complete degradation in many
parts of the country, on account of the neglect of education.
I believe that we are little aware of the extent to which
ignorance prevails.— (Hear, hear. ) We see returns of the
number of children educated, but we rarely inquire what
is the real state of the question. We may he told that there
are from about four or five hundred thousand children, of whom
three hundred thous.and are educated, and two hundred thou•
sand are not. This is a sufficiently painful reflection. But
if we are really acquainted with the education which the three
hundred thousand receive, our reflections would be still more
painful. I have not come to a conclusion on this subject
without having maturely weighed the amount of evidence on
both sides of the question, and although I 'crow that any re-
ference to these documents is not very palatable to
the House, yet they are far more important than
any speculative arguments which I could adduce. I
will take an important case with respect to Oldham,
in Lancaster, and I find in the evidence of the curate of the
church of St. James's, in Oldham, this testimony, which he
gives in reference to the state of the educated classes in the
district. And now, considering whether it be safe to trust to
the voluntary principle for the education of the poor, and for
the arguments of those who say that the rule of the State
ought to be non interference. Let us listen to what this gen-
tleman says, speaking of the district of St. James :—" There
is in this district no public day-school whatever;
I have made several attempts to establish one.
I have even sought assistance from the National
Society. A good building has been erected, and two
smaller ones—one for infants, and another for more advanced
scholars. An attendance of scholars can be got, but no
money to pay a.enaster. This state of things has been endured
four years—three masters have successively tried to maintain
a school here, but without avail." Now, here was a district
which up to the present hour contained no pubic day-school
whatever, it was quite true that there were Sunday schools.
The parents had no objections to these as they did not inter-
fere with the working of the children, and because the chil-
dren attending these schools were returned as educated.
But what is the opinion of this gentleman on this
education? He says—" It is obvious that schools
composed thus must be imperfect in the extreme—
as schools they do harm, by lowering the opinion of the people
of the value of secular instruction, and teaching them to be
satisfied with a quantity with which they ought not." They
had no day schools, none of the habits engendered in schools ;
and the clergyman thinks mere attendance, without any prepara-
tion for it, does more harm than good ; and yet these are the
persons who are returned as educated. They had it in evi-
dence that these Sunday schools were an imperfect instrument
for education ; that they did more harm than good, and that
for secular education they were worse than useless. The
evidence of the boys themselves was worth attention.
One of them, fifteen years of age, says, " I have
been at a Sunday school for five or six years and
I have not learnt to read more than my letters." He went to
a Sunday -school for five or six years, and he did not know
how to read his own language—he did not know how to read
or write. A day school could not be established; those parties
who would send their children to them were not willing to pay
for them. Is not this a proof that the voluntary principle could
not be relied upon?—( Hear, hear.) What was now proposed ?
To elevate the character of the schoolmaster; to exalt his
position in the scale of society, and to give him encouragement
to advance himself. As to the patronage gained by the Go.
vernment, it was an objection so futile that it ought not
to have been advanced irf the House.—( Hear, hear.) But
the most important tendency of the measure was to raise the
character of the schoolmaster. At present, as soon as they
had a competent schoolmaster, as soon as he had proved him-
self capable to discharge the duties of such an office, tempta-
tions were held out to him to leave his situation, and to enter
other employments, which would lead to more certain pro-
motion. How then can you succeed, unless you teach him
that the office is an honourable one, and unless you hold out to
him some prospect that when he will be incapacitated, that the
State will not neglect him, but reward him for his
faithful services. Sir, that part of these minutes,
which has a tendency to improve the condition of the
schoolmaster is one to which I give my hearty concurrence.—
( Hear, hear.) I regret the opposition of the Nonconformist
bodies to this measure, I have shown my attachment to the
Dissenters on many occasions. I have supported many Bills
which had their relief for an object: and, notwithstanding,
my attachment for the Established Church of this country,
I should be sorry to gain any covert advantage at the expense
of another church—and, if I thought it unjust to the Dissenters
I would not support it—it is impossible to forget the services
which they had rendered to education, even when the English
Church had neglected it.—( Hear.) It is impossible to forget
the services and the example shown by the Non-conformist.
But having considered the objections of the Dissenting body,
Ido not believe they are founded in justice. I think that the
principle of the aid proposed to be given is perfectly fair, and
that these minutes in fact adopt the voluntary principle.—
( Hear, hear.) This is no State interference in the ordi-
nary sense. The minutes can only be set in force through
the interference of the voluntary principle. Volun-
tary provision for the salary of the schoolmaster is essential
before the aid of the State can be obtained, and it is open to
the Dissenter to take advantage of it as well as to the mem-
bers of the Established Church. The Dissenters who now
complain of the partiality arid injustice of these minutes ought
to recollect what would have been the opposition they would
have met with on the part of the Established Church if they
had been proposed ten years since.—(Hear.) Being then
deeply impressed with the impartiality, and the perfect equality
of these minutes towards the Dissenters, I cannot but
give them my support. The Church are not seeking
any direct advantage in consequence of these minutes.
It is said the Church receives some eighteen-twentieths of
that aid at this moment. Do they receive it on account of
the superior numbers of the members of the Establishment ?
If they do, can it be more justly given ? If it is not on
account of their numbers, but on account of their zeal arid
liberality in the cause of education, do not that superior zeal
andliberality also constitute a claim to increased assistance?
Try it on what principle you will, you can urge no objection to
this mode on account of the supposed advantage which will be
gained by the Church. There is no denying that the Church
is powerful, and I rejoice that it is so.—( Hear, hear.) I think
that the power of the Church is increasing ; and why is it in-
creasing? My firm belief is that the power of the Church is
increasing from its hold over the affections of the people of this
country. It is becoming strengthened because it is becoming
more awakened to the amount of duty it has to perform. My
firm belief is that the Church has acquired a hold, an increased
hold, on the respect and veneration of the people of this country
by its willingness to snake a timely and salutary reform, and by
its readiness to consent to a reduction of the superfluous emolu
rents of the higher orders of the Church dignitaries, in order
to devote those emoluments to afford increased accommodation
and means to the spiritual charge of the people by its superior
members. It is my opinion that the conduct of the Church
in that respect has greatly increased its power—and it is a legi-
timate source of power. It is not the Government grants that
are giving the Church an increased influence. That is a com-
plete mistake; the Church would be just as powerful without
this aid. In what way does that aid increase the power of the
Church in any district where the Church population is more
numerous than any other sect ? It is the Church's power over
the affections of the people. I say it not invidiously with re-
gard to the Dissenters, because I give to the Dissenters the full
credit which is due to them—they are actuated by the same
spirit, of which all religious opinions are beginning to perceive
the necessity. The influence of the Church has been increased
by the conduct of the church, and it will continue to be so.
Give or withhold this pecuniary aid by the Government to the
Church, and its legitimate sources of influence over the popu-
lation will not be diminished ; and I rejoice that it is so, as the
principle is one of fairness. On these-roue da I
gshallshall give my
u pport to the motion of the Noble Lord, and not vote for
support
e—motion or amendment of the Hon. Member. I think that
we have had abundant time. I think that the facts are well be-
fore us, if we will but resort to the evidence of which we are in
possession. The institutions of this country are not capacious
enough, as they at present exist, to provide for the education
of the countless millions which are engaged in varied pursuits.
Sir, in the course of this discussion, a question of great im-
portance has arisen with regard to the condition of other sub-
jects of her Majesty other than those who are members of the
Established Church, or those whom we usually call Dissenters
—I speak of the Roman Catholics. Sir, lam of opinion that
no system of general education, even in England would be ad-
mitted as a conclusive, or comprehensive one, which excluded
the Roman Catholics from its operation.—(Hear, hear.) The
Noble Lord says there is no alteration in the principle of the
minute of 1839. In that respect I beg to differ from my No-
ble Friend; I think we are about—practically at least—to
make a difference, a material difference, in the principle upon
which we have begun these minutes. You are about to admit
to the participation of the advantages of this grant the members
of the dissenting body, which certainly has hitherto been ex.
eluded. Hitherto the Wesleyan body—practically at least—has
not had any participation in this vote. They were not
in connexion with the British and' Foreign School
Society, and therefore that rule which excluded from
participation in the advantage of the Parliamentary vote, any
society not in connexion with the National Society, or the
British and Foreign Schools Society—excluded the Wesleyansta
from any pecuniary advantage from it. You are b ou.tro.
alter the principle of these minutes in that respect.
that this rule,
have given an assurance to the
which has hitherto prevailed, shallW
inbe connexion with
enseleeYaes' obligatory—and
that these schools, whether or nal e
either of the parent societies, sheste ebnotdityledshtaoll aibde,
and that authorities of the . I y
consulted in respect of theß inspection ect ion
Catholice fa these
concerned,schools.
So far as the position of the
what is the material difference?a o There haedrveanistaagem.ateyrieael
are
eegreeinecg
to widen and spreade
in point of principle
as
swen
over with the public bounty an unusual
space, and the more wide that space is the more marked will be
the exclusion.— (Hear,
the
more
Therefore I think that the time
has come—and I aamore anxious to avow my opinion, as
this respect may be unpopular—
an an avowal of opinion in
(Hear, hear)—the timehas come when justice and good
policy call from you a mature consideration of the
position of the Roman Catholic. Take the case now
of the Roman Catholics of Manchester and of Liverpool, or
in many other places. Now let us deliberate upon this
question without insisting upon the alteration of the minute--
or inquiring into the meaning of particular terms, or whether the
word " Scripture," is meant to signify "authorised version," or
whether the Roman Catholics are excluded from this grant in
consequence of their not being in connexion either with the
National Society or with the British and Foreign School
Society—let us neglect these, and instead of them, see that we
are about to adopt—l will not say—a permanent system,
but an extended system, on which we are about to
act,
and let us consider whether or no we can exclude on at
ground or pretence, if we can continue the exclusion, of they
Roman Catholics; it would perhaps be expedient as my Hon.
Friend said, to postpone the consideration of the question fo
some months, but lam not bound or inclined upon thataccount to
force or precipitate the adoption of any measure, and I will
admit that it requires some consideration ; but I
am
t
not disposed that there shall be any doubt as to
he
opinion which I entertain.—(Loud cheers.) Let us take
the' population of Manchester. There is a particular
district in Manchester called " Irish Town
number of that people residing thare2 and I ept lgdreat t
ha tis th
o there
are not less than sixty thousand or
seventy thousand ousandlrish
people inhabiting it. They are a class of people that come
over there, and who, speaking generally, are distinguished
by their industry and good conduct. They Male over to the
wealthy manufactures of Mtittchester, to live there and give
the advantage of their labour. They have no natural pro.
tectora—there were no wealthy Roman Catholics oonneeted

with Manchester to have regard to their spiritual concerns.
And of that body there is no one there probably who posseleed
the means of superintending the education of 60,000 or 70,000
of the inhabitants of the poorer classes. How is that education
to be provided for them ? 'f he priests no doubt would attend
to them, but I apprehend that the means of the priest to pro-
vide a system of education are most limited. Is it to the ad-
vantage of the State that the children of 00,000 or 70,000
should he brought up in ignorance? I confess that I cannot COn.
ceive a more urgent case; and not only so far as the inielleettla
advantage of the Roman Catholics is concerned ; but if it be
only for the truth of the prnciple you have brought forward
against barbarism, or on account of the crime and degradation
of character which is caused by ignorance—if it be for that
principle which you have all agreed to, those children
ought not to be brought up in misery
and ignorance, which could only lead to crimhet.
As a question of policy and justice, I maintain that you oug
to make some provision for the education of the rising gene-
ration. The schools of the Roman Catholics, in large tow.,
at present, are very imperfectly supported, and, therefore, a 15
important that their case should be taken into consideration;
It was more likely that such a course—the granting sums 01
money to maintain their schools—would soften their feelings,
and reconcile them to the truths of Protestantism, than by
acting in an intolerant and exclusive spirit. —(Hear, hear.)
This was a snitch more advisable course than to leave the rising
generation in a state ( f perpetual ignorance. My firm per
sua,ion is that considerable advantage will result secularn
that the children of all shall have the benefit of a edu-
cation. On this head I must state, that I listened to the
speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Home Secretary
with the greatest satisfaction—a aptech which holds out great
hopes of a settlement of the question in a manner to meet the
.
wishes which the House has expressed. I know that the qufs,_
tion is most difficult, and I think that it is wise to proceed with
caution ; still I think that some means should be taken for
providing for the education of the children of Roman Cathoi
I'a. I think there is a prospect of passing this measure, and
understand, from a declaration of the Government that we maY
rely upon an early consideration of the claims of the Roma°
Catholics. That being the case I shall not be inclined to Site
the risk of urging, at this time, the Government at once to pro.:
pose a scheme of Roman Catholic education. But Ido can,
upon them not to accept the support of any body to the presto"
minutes, holding it as a principle that the Roman Catholics
are to be excluded. There ought to be no exclusion.--(LO ..
cheers.) If there is the prebability of an early election, I'
may be important that there should be no misunderstandinv.-
( Loud cheers.) If the Government recognise the prinetol:
which I understand them to recognise, and fairly avow that
recognition, then they give fair notice to all parties, tha,
although there may be some delay in the preparation el_
additional minutes, yet the principle is recognised that yot
must not take one class of Christians and of her Ala,
jesty's subjects, and doom them to perpetual ignorance,
upon account of their religious opinions. I would entree
men of all religious denominations to consider what
has been the cause of delay in the promotion of education.
It has arisen originally from a belief that instruction was
dangerous to the institutions of the country. That impression
passed away, it was succeeded by great indifference,--tlr
difference from which the Dissenting body was the first to
be awakened, and set the example of activity in the cause of
education. They were followed by others, and there have
of late years been great activity and great zeal exhibiredi,
We are all admitting the importance of education, but a'
are preventing its progress because they are afraid that solve
other body would interfere with their religious opinier°4
Thus, Dissenters object one day that the education of The
he
Church does not recognise the claims of Dissenters. ;,
Church again objects that the Dissenters do not recognise :
claims. Whilst this is going on, what is becoming of the Buu
children born every day, of the 300,000 added yearly to ottr3
population ? Whilst we are fighting and squabbling tR,.b
these points of difference, we are neglecting that vi 141%
ought in all Christian lands to be a subject of deep eans;
deration, viz., the enlightenment of the people in Christi*
principles—the improvement of their intellectual culture;
and their instruction in secular knowledge. I believe tbs
true charity, true policy, and true regard for relrgittu,
truth, ought to encourage us to lay aside our differences";
to contemplate the magnitude of the present evil, and
teach the children of sects the great truths of Chris-
tianity.—( Cheers.) lam for a religious education, at aol;
posed to a secular education.—( Hear, hear.) I
the difficulties of the ease. Yet still I think that some arrankt
ment should be made by which the children of all sects rarrt
be made to participate in the benefits of the Goveraluld
grant. Ido not believe that a purely secular education lerruAo
be acceptable to the people of this country, but 1,..L.4
believe a religious one to be at the least as isoporte
as secular education; and I believe it to be for the inter ei:st
of the country. I believe it to be for the interests or t r
Protestant religion which shrinks not from the light, but. eo:fa
rejoices in the spread of knowledge, that the people It
not be left in a state of ignorance; but, by receiving inslel!,eoa..-
tual culture, their minds should be prepared for the recer.lo:
of those great truths which, in the first instance, is the 0°
eoiort
dation of all religion. and more especially of that re-rtg.
which relies more than any other on self-judgment anerio,frh,
lectual culture, which courts inquiry, and is, thereforp „og
more likely to recommend itself to a wise and resell
people.—( Loud and continued cheering). • con'
Mr. PLUMPTRE was anxious to say a few words, to
sequence of the debate that evening. Wherein did the
were
so
culty consist? Was it that the people of England we"
ignorant people ? No ; but they were a Protestant peole.:
and therefore it was that there were objections to the propos!,
tions which were made by the Government. The proP°%
might be expediency, but it was not Christianity. The pc?ld"
placed no dependence on their leaders on either
e:
of the House, and he thought that they would at the proper
religious feelings and act upon theta.
opportunity, choose good and faithful representatives, who
would truly consult their
Mr. NEWDEGATE, who rose amidst the utmost con-
fusion, was understood to ask Lord John Russell whether it
was the intention of her Majesty's Government to submit the
future minutes of the council, with respect to the admission of
Catholics to a participation in the grants of the Government,
to the House?
Lord J RUSSELL—Of course, on future minutes he must
ask opinionousethoefnPadrilviaidmeden, wt.
Then there appeared--
thhee
H
For the grant 372
Against it ..................... 47
This
sUHAiIKI
Majority for the Gover.n —325
ettnth QUAKERS' AND
Committee. ph
jEWB' neI'MARRIAGE BILL.
The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of, and
the House adjourned at One o'clock

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.
LIVERPOOL, ArRIL 22.
STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The sales are —Arnbergate, Notting"
ham, Boston, and Eastern Junction, 3 dis.—Birkenhea
Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction, 3/4
Oxford Junction, 8/ p.—Chester and Birkenhead, 4584
East Lancashire, New (scrip), 3s p.—Edinburgh and Giri;
gow,72—Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport, 15/A p.—L°,;',7:
°
and North-Western, 1721/2—Ditto, Quarters, 151 134—'-'"---
New Quarters, 10 p.—London and Manchester and 13irrnier
ham, Quarters (A), 55/8 p.—Manchester and Leeds, Hae*v
8% p.—Ditto, 32/. Shares (late Extension), 114 P.-7,4n:
chester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Quarters, 1% dis.--14
chester and Southampton, % dis.—Midland, 116—Ditto, ~
Shares, 3% p.—Ditto, New, 2% p.—North Staffordshire, 2.%*1
p.—North- Western, 335. 9d. dis.—Preston and Wyre,Sar
51—Shrewsbury and Hereford, 1% dis.—Sbrewsbury
Chester, (late N. W. M.), 51/4 p.—Ditto, New, Par— °u
st
or
Eastern and Dover, No. 2, p.—Ditto, No. 4,
and Newcastle, Preference, 31% p.—East Indian, ls.
MANCHESTER APRIL 22.
STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The sales' are—Birkenhead, Lane!:
shire, and Cheshire Junction, 34 East Lancashire (late D
and P.), par—Ditto, New, par---Ditto, New (scrip),
Greo
y and
Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding Junction, -16—
Northern, '3l—Huddersfield and Manchester Rai wa
Canal, 1% c.—Liverpool, Manchester, and Newcastle Junc-
tion, 1 %—Manchester and Leeds, 321. Shares (late Extol;
sion), 114—Ditto, Fifths (late 'West Riding Uttion),*,lo 2
—Manchester Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Quarters,
2114—Ditto (Sheffield and Lincolnshire), 2 11-16—"hire'..
cheater and Southampton, 19s. 6d. —North Staffords,
2 1-16—North-Western, 2 Oldham Alliance, ,!4 —Shrop-
shire Union, I%—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4,1-16 p.-."
South Yorkshire, Doncaster, and Goole, M c.
LEEDS, Aram 22.

STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Ambergate, Notting'
-Ditto,ha an
Ndßeowstosnc,ripl6, s 6.
sd. p.-Eastis.-East Lhannaca\svhiersetoerw,
k
6d. dis.-Hudderstield and Manchester, 73. 6d. p.-Leeds
and
Dewsbury, New Extensions, Scrip (pink), Is. die.--Leedsdie.--Leedsand Thirak, 4 dis.-Ditto, New, 2% dis.-Ditto, Preference,
11s. p.-London, Oxford, and Cheltenham, 15s. dis.-151°-
NYstre 3,d..
IOP
chester and Leeds, Fifths, 4% p.-Ditto, 321. Shares (late
Extensions), 18s. 6d. p.-Ditto, West Riding Union, 1,1,5'
p.-Midland, Preference, 21/8 p.- North British, Halves, "i
p.-Ditto, Thirds, 40s. p.-Ditto, Quarters (late Carlisle
Branch), PA p.-Ditto, Extension (scrip), 103. 6d.
North Staffordshire, 21. 3s. 6d. p.-Northern Counties Unielb
dis.-North-Western, 375. dis.
SHEFFIELD, APRIL 22.
STOCK EXCHANGE._.The sales are-Ambergate, Notting'
ham, and Boston, los. dis.-Manchester, Sheffield, and Ll,,
colnshire (Grimsby and Sheffield), 6%
Shares, 214_ dis.-Ditto, 121. 10s. Shares, 3.55. dis.-W"
Riding Union, 14s. p.
NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, APRIL 22.
Counties'
STOCK EXCHANGE.-The sales are-Eastern Coun_e_,
dis.-Ditto, 2u..1
York Extensions, % dis.-Fleetwood, Preston, and Neat
Riding, 15s. dis.-Manchester, Great Grimsby, and Sheffield'r.
dis.-Ditto, Extension, 48s. dis.-Newcastle and Ca 1.!_51e.
111;A -Newcastle and Berwick, New, 2 7-16 p.-North.rt
tish, Thirds, 425.-Ditto, Quarters, 14 p.-West Riding
Union, 15s. p.
EDINBURGH, APRIL 21.
STOCK EXCHANGE.-The he
'sales are-Caledonian, New,
435. 6d.-Dundee and Perth, New, 191h-East Lothian Cot ;
tral, 52e. 6d.-Edinburgh and Bathgate, 71. is.-Edinburgh'
Leith, and Granton, Quarters, 13s. 3d.-Edinburgh 01,
Northern, New, 728.-llitto, Newport, 7/. 65.-Edinburg'
and Perth, 535.-Ditto, Halves, 195.-Great Northern, 62-9.
6d.-North British, 32%-Ditto, Quarters, 695. 6d.-Ditl"
New Quarters (scrip), 235. 6d.-Ditto, Thirds, 61s.
Scottish Central, 254-Shrewsbury, o,lnr
es .rY, and Cheshu7
New, 21s. 6d.-Stirling and Midland, 455.-Direct Bombay
and Madras, 35.-East Indian, It-Great North of
GLASGOW, APRIL 21.
STOCK EXCHANGE.- The sales are-East Indian, 316
East Lothian Central, 51s. 6d.-Edinburgh and
Halves, 19/.-Edinburgh and Perth (New- Co.), 543 T-0-.---2,
Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 584-Ditto Halves,
63/4-Glasgow, Dumfries, and Carlisle, 51/2Great Souther
of Madras, Is. 6d.-Kilmarnock and Ayr4Direct,
don and Brighton, 5214-3rladras, Nellore, and Arcot, is
"
Manchester and Southampton, 22e. 6d.-Miffiand,Halves,
414 Central,- N o2r tsh British,
t - rk and New
NeQwucaarstteires,
3(3sihc (scrip), 233.--°c

BIRTHS
On the 22d inst., the wife of G. Robins, Esq.,
Bedford-street, Covent-garden of a daughter. t-
On the 17th inst., at Gloucester, the lady of Lieutenant'
Colonel .1. R. Osborn, of the B al A of a daughter.
Ben rmY, Airs. On the 18th inst., at Wavertree, near Liverpon y
Laker, of a son.
surgeon, of

MARRIED.
Oa the 22d inst., at Axbridge, Somerset, by the Rev.
G. Beadon, the Rector Herbert Adolphus Reed, Esq'ah°-
"Walworth, London, to Mariae Harriet Vesie, youngest dativ
ter of Robert Parker, Esq., of the former place. b,
On the 7th inst., at the British Embassy, St. Petersbulrg_
Henry Brunner, Esq., to Emily Georgiana,
of Robert Cattley, Esq. third
On the 21st inst., Edward Gardner, Esq., to Hester,
Dover
daughter of the late Mr. G. Harrison, Barton-court, Dove
daughte,

DIED.
On the 16th inst John L hE f Lea, Surrey,
•, eec , Esq , o aged 86.
On the 18th inst., in New-road, Gower-street North/
Amelia Mary, youngest daughter of Captain J. Chiosso..,:o
On the 19th inst., at Rottingdean, near Brighton,
Margaret Parry Thoas.
On the 19th inst.,m in Cavendish-square, Harriett An.°
Christine, youngest daughter of Sir James Hawkins White
tiled, Bart., Q.C.13., Admiral of the Fleet.
On the 19th inst., Louisa Elizabeth, the wife of John A-11"
drews, Esq., surgeon, of Salisbury.

112,
London: Printed FnCl Published by Ai utiDO 1:011.Nu, of ''.;;;cinc4
Strand, Printer, at The San ()Mee, No. 112, Strand, in thefo 0,
of the Savoy, in the County of Middlesex, realty,
1847.