The Sun.
London, England, 1871-02-02 00:00:00

THE SUN LONDON, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1871.

THE EUROPEAN WAR

The SUN is Published Every Morning
at EIGHT O'CLOCK, with SOME
HOURS' LATER NEWS than any other
paper. This Edition will always contain
the LATEST NEWS of the WAR, and
of all other events.

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LONDON, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1871•

THE extraordinary servility displayed by the
French peasantry towards their conquerors is too
well attested by numerous observers to admit of
any doubt. The French are supposed to be always
a polite people, but in the occupied districts the poor,
and sometimes the moderately well-to-do, become
cringing slaves. No doubt the inhabitants of the
towns and of some country districts—such as Alsace
are warlike enough; but it is strange that
the nation should have gained a special character
for bellicosity when so large a section
of
the people display the most unwarliko quali-
ties. The French peasant's sole object is to
preserve his property. To this •end ho ill-treats the
soldiers of his own nation and favours the Germans.
He waits upon the rank and file of the enemy's
for ces with the utmost solicitude, and thinks it a high
honour to minister to a general's wants. If an Eng-
lish correspondent is known to be an Englishman, he
is overcharged ; if he is believed to be a German, ho
hio great difficulty in getting payment accepted. A
writer who has accompanied the German army in
the Le Mans district quotes some odd instances of
this servility. One respectable man volunteered the
information that be would like very much to be
always governed by Prussians; that as long as he was
allowed to gain his bread in peace, he did not care
what the people were called who governed him. A
shopkeeper in the plenitude of his generosity actually
make excuses for a soldier who had robbed him, and
call him a pauvre garcon, who no doubt wanted the
thing and had not money to pay fur it, and should
therefore be pardoned. Such a spirit as is exhibited
in these and very many other cases has been
quoted as an argument against universal suffrage.
Political power of any kind can surely, it is urged, be
productive of no good, if entrusted to hands such as
these. We do not propose to argue the question of
universal suffrage against the household, the ten-
pound, or any other principle ; suffice it to point out
that the doings and experience of the French
peasants really furnish a forcible plea in favour of
establishing national representation on a wide
basis. The French agriculturist knows nothing
and cares nothing of politics. His behaviour
in such times as the present is generally contemptible.
liut he is governed by certain principles and interests
upon which be pronounces with as much wisdom,
• and upon which he has just as much right to pro-
: nounce, as the holder of , the largest "stake in the
country." He is a lover of order and a lover of peace,
and he- upholds these principles whenever he can.

if the -universal sualage of the Empire had been a
reality instead of a delusion, the war of 1870-1
%would never have taken place. At the late
Pl6biscite the peasant was told that " Oui "
meant peace, and he was dreadfully disap-
pointel to find that it meant war. All over the
clnintry the peasantry desire was to preserve peace.
Such questions as these, affecting men's welfare most
intimately, are questions for the whole community to
decide. Most people will leave politics in general to
those persons who devote themselves to political life,
but in matters of the first importance the mass will

assert its wishes, and its instinct will generally be
found correct. As education progresses, the number
of questions in which the political atom interests
himself naturally increases ; but if he be denied re-
presentation altogether, be never will interest himself
in anything.

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

THE GERMAN TERMS.

According to the limes Berlin correspondent,
Count Bismarck's conditions- of peace include the
cession of Alsace and Lorraine, with Belfort anti
Metz, the payment of a pecuniary indemnity of
8400,000,000, the cession of Pondicherry, in the
East Indies, and the transfer of 20 first-class men-
of-war ! Probably these are the " moderate" de-
mands which the Cologne Gazette was urging the
other day. We have had, however, some consider-
able experience of our friend the Berlin correspon-
dent of the Times. Such a little bill as the above is
Inot to be accepted without some reservation.

REVICTUALLING Or PARIS.

Sir Charles Trevelvan, writing on the subject 01
revictualling Paris, says that shipments might be
made from the Thames direct to Havre and Rouen,
and thence the cargoes could be forwarded- to Paris
by the Seine or by railway. He urges that too much
provision cannot be sent, for, besides the two millions
who are left without food in Paris, there
are the tracts in the North and East of France which
have been exhausted by the military operations.
We may profit by the experience of the Irish famine,
which was stopped by sending cargoes of grain
without stint. It will also be advisable to supply
seed corn, as famine will reproduce famine
unless assistance from without is obtained. Another
correspondent suggests that the British Government
should do something to assist the French in their
terrible emergency. They must have supplies of
food at their disposal and= transports for their convey-
ance, which would be more expeditious than any
appliances of private enterprise. Any funds they
might require for this purpose would -be gladly
-voted by the House of Commons, but it will be
too late if they wait for, the assembling
of Parliament to undertake the task. With reference
to the notice of the French Embassy, that the French
Government would buy provisions at Dieppe, it has
been suggested by provision merchants that the better
course to pursue would be for the French Govern-
ment to send direct to London, where large stores of
provisions are ready for immediate shipment.
A FRENCH MERCHANT ON THE WAR.

An eminent merchant of Bordeaux, writing on the
war, says he is not surprised at the course England
has- pursued. France had put herself beyond
the pale of international law by reviving the Napo-
leonic idea. He considers, however, that the mate-
rial damage occasioned by the war to France will
never equal the advantage that will accrue
to her from getting rid of the Bonapartists.
Prussia has never lost the memory of her former
grievances with France, and the foolish attempts of
the Napoleonic party to revive the question of the
Rhenish frontier precipitated matters. He thinks
there is a risk of France falling into the clutches of
Germany, and of being as much ill-treated as when
the Emperor of Russia and the puke of Wellington
saved her from the excesses of Blucher. kt the same
time he holds that Bismarck would have made a
better bargain had ho come to terms at Ferrieres.
Business in France is everywhere at a standstill, and
a third of the country is devastated and ruined. • The
writer adds that he saw the ruins of the war of 1815.
They were great ; but the mischief now is. far more
considerable, and the extent of loss a*nd waste surpass
all description.

crieff deserves especial attention. He recommends
the decentralisation of our military system, and the
formation of Army Corps or Divisions representiig
diAricts, which will be complete theoretical units
of the whole force, and administered as
sech. The Prussian successes are greatly
due to the latitude given to each division in organ-
, ising its own resource. The central authority is
thus relieved from the pressure of details, under
which our own system in time of trial invariably
breaks down. By the plan being tried in peace ex-
perience is acquired for war. There would, if this plan
were adopted, be no more of the ambiguity now sur-
rounding all statements as to our military strength,
ambiguity which makes Captain Moncrieff say that
if be wished to obtain a correct estimate of the mili-
tary resources of England, he should look for
it rather in the War • • -Office at St. Peters-
burg or Berlin than in our own returns. Each of
the proposed Army Collis will be known to repre-
sent a complete unit of the force, its deficiencies will
not be dangerous because they will be known, and
the comparison and competition between different
districts cannot be other than beneficial.. Another
good reason for dividing the respondbility is
that the scale of operations in any future
European war is likely to be immense,
and the necessity for them immediate. If
each corps d'armee could fall back on .its own district
for the contributions of men and supplies which
were needed, the whole energy of the country
could be wielded by one strong hand with rapidity,
certainty, and power.