The Sun.
London, England, 1841-02-25 00:00:00

past conduct. they would go on with their present po!ley
just so long as irritation in Ireland did not menace them
with convulsion—(Cheers)—juet so long es they could
avoid war, as they did in 1828, 1829, and 1830, by
truckling to every Foreign Power, paralisci as they were
by the state of Ireland.—( Loud cheers.) Bit the instant
the danger came, the instant the war threatened, the in-
stant the convulsion broke out in Ireland, that instant the
frail fabric of their wretched policy would crumble into
dust, and the rapidity of their concessions would mark
the folly of their present course.—(Loud cheers.) And
fur what wcre they encountering that certain present mis-
chief, and future humiliation ? They might suppose the
dangers were not so great as he represented them.
He wished he could thiale:so, for their own sakes. But
he could tell them that their present insane policy would
not bear so hard upon those whom they now hoped to
supplant, as upon those who might succeed them. Was
it because they might succeed by their juggling in gain-
ing a paltry dozen seats in Ireland ?—(Cheers.) Tea
times that gain would not make up for the execrations of
the Irish people which would be showered upon them.—
(Cheers.) The events cf the last six Hears had shown
how quietly they could live under a mild Government, and
with how little of justice they could be conciliated.—
( Cheers.) Had they from the first pursued the course
of common prudence—had they even given them the same
degree of conciliation which they had afferded to
the Hindot-s (A, laugh) had they respected
their prejty'ices had they conciliated their
leaders ?—( A laugh.) Had they coacili:ted them
in the same way. as all popular leaders must every where
be conciliate I ?—( Loud laughter.) He meant to say all
popular leaders except those highly di interested Gentle-
men whom he saw opposite, who had never cared far
what he was going to mention—by the power, influence,
and the emoluments of office ?--(Loud laughter.) Had
they conciliated the people, above all, by conciliating their
priesthood ?—(Cheers.) Had they attached them to their
country, as every wise Government in Europe had done,
by paying them every due respect? Had they done
that, it was only to be feared that the Irish
people would have been too easily put off._
( Ilear, hear.) Why was it they had always
devitted from that course ? and for what was it they
called upon the House now to deviate from that great
cause under consideration ; for what object that common
sense did not laugh to scorn, and common humanity and
justice did not repudiate with horror? The Hon. Gentle-
man sat down amidst loud and continued cheering.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, did he thiele that was a
mere ateea for oratorical display, he wouliTgladly;have
given a silent vote upon that occasion, ard have left the
answer to the speech of the Honourable and Learned
Gentleman to some one abler than himself ; but
as the question under discussion was a very important
one, he begged to be allowed to state bis sentiments.
When the Hon. and Learned Gentleman commenced Kith
his legal arguments, he (Sir J. Graham) did not think it
would be his duty to follow him, and certainly he attached
some importance to his legal opinion; but it was consider-
ably diminished when the Hon. Gentleman, in the can-
dour which he boasted, said that no lawyer would express
an opinion rgsinst the party with whom he acted. In
the excess of his candour he ascribed censure to the Noble
Lord the. Member for North Lancashire, for the intro.
duction into, and the continuance of, the system of regis-
tration in Leland. His Noble Friend demurred to that

statement, and with much justice, for bath his Noble
Friend and Lord Althorp most distinctly stated that they
left the system of Registration as they found it, until
they had some experience of how the system worked in
England. Then again, he wanted to fasten upon the
Noble Lord an immutable preference for the appellant
tribunal of the Judges. Now he denied that, for his
Noble Friend had distinctly stated on several occasions
that be would take any tribunal that would be more
impartial or more trustworthy that might be suggeste-d.
Then again, in the excess of his candour, the Honourable
and Learned Gentleman _suggested to the House that the
Judges might be tainted with political feelings, and ho had
not thought it beneath him to assail ore of the justest
Judges who had ever adorned the English Bench—viz.,
Lord Mansfield.—( Hear, hear.) He had also taken cc-
casion to assail the Longford Committee, and while doing
so he was happy to tee him cheered by the Hon. Baronet
the Member for Yorkshire ( Sir G. Strickland)—( Loud
laughter)—the Chairman of the Hull Committee.—
(Cheers.) He rejoiced in the allusion, and the more so
as those tribunals had been put an end to by his Right
Hon. Friend near him. Ile would not have fol-
lowed the Honourable and Learned Gentleman into those
topic, if it had not been for the excited nature of that por-
tion of his speech with which he concluded. He quite
agreed with him that the question they were now discuss-
ing was ore of the very utmost importance. He doubted,
however, whether questions, even more pregnant with im-
portant consequences, had not been discussed since the Re-
volution of 1688. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman
went on to say that many and pressing dangers sur-
rounded our country, and that it was impossible to view
the shadow of coming events without much anxiety.—( Hear,
hear.) He ( Sir J. Graham) very much doubted the dis-
cretion, if not the patriotism, of the Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman, in entering into such topics on such an occasion.
He mutt state the impression which his speech had left
on his mind, and he doubted whether on the Corn Ex-
chargo at Dublin, atany time, a greater stimulus was ap-
plied to Isiah discontent, even by the turbulent spirit of
English Radicalism.—(Cheers.) But it appeared to him
there was a similarity in the speech of the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman, with the speech of the Right Hon.
Gentleman the Secretary at War, with which the debate
last night concluded. The attack from that side of the
House, being sharp on the measure of the Government,
They Ita I thought it expedient to shift their ground—
( Cheers)—end ha I argued not as if the Bill of the Noble
Lord the Secretary for Ireland was the subject of discuP-
sion, but as if they were debatieg the Bill of his Noble
Friend (Lord Stanley). The Hoe. and Learned Secre-
tary at War, was no leis a great orator than an experienced
critic, and he designated the Legislative effort of his
Noble Friend the Member for North Lancashire, not once,
but again and agar, as a childish effort.—( Hear, hear.)
No doubt the Right Hon. Gentleman rejoiced in a giant's
strength, and might consider the puny efforts of his
Noble Friend ( Lord Stanley) as childish, but he ( Sir
J. Graham) thought his Noble Colleague, the Member
for Yorkshire, with the experience of last year, must have
discovered that this was a very troublesome child.
(Cheers) Last year he endeavoured to smother it almost
at fie birth, and this year he endeavoured to change :t at
nurse.—( Laughter.) He ( Sir J. Graham) was quite
sure that if the Right Hon. Gentleman would make just
such a speech as he made last night in some future de'eate,
and give his Noble Friend an opportunity of instantly re-
plying, he would dilcover that this child could hit some-
what harder than he expectel, and that he would
also discover th at his speech contained something
moie than light conceits and impotent puerirties.
—( Cheers.) In the eagerness of the Right Hon. Geatle-
man to attack the measure of his Nob'e Friend, a speech
which was prepared for the second reading of the Bill of
Lis Noble Friend, went off at lislf cock—( Laughter)—and
could not restrain fire far the actual division or the second
reading. lle (Mr. Nlasaaul iy) promised not to go into
details—not to touch the minor features of the Bill, but
by an oversight the greater part of his speech consisted
of attacks of this description, and more extraordinary still
from the manner in which he treated those details, it
would appear that lielbasi not read the Bill of hi.; Noble
Friend ( Lord Stanley). What were his two points? His
first argument was contained in a dissertation on the tor-
ture of annual r !gistratien. Now this torture, if such it
was, was carefully prepared by the hand of the Noble
Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, and whatever the
defects might have been of the original measure, they
were carefully counteracted by his Noble Friend; and the
Right Hot'. Gentleman had overlooked the provi•ion of
costs in the case of vexatious objections ; and to show how
the Right Hon. Gentleman understood the measure, he
idustrated it by his own vote as a Member of the Uni-
versity of Cambridge. Ile said if he were called repeat-
edly to Cambridge to defend it, he should forego his vote
from disgust at such perpetual vexation. Why that Bill
of his Noble Friend provided that if any voter should be
on the registry, ho should not be compelled to attend to
defend his vote, but that he might employ any third
party to defend it—(Cheers from the Ministerial Benches)
—and that it should not be in the power of the objector
by summons to compel his attendance. But he now
gladly paused.—(Cheere.) Had he wasted the time of
the House ?—(Hear, hear.) The, speech of the Right
Hon. Gentleman was made up of deteits, and he (Sir
J. Graham) would rather follow the example of the Right
Hon. Gentleman who bad just addressed them, and deal
with greater matters. The Right Hon. Gentleman said, ,
that the rule laid down for the franchise was the essence
of his Bill, and ho also said what he (Sir J. Graham)
confessed fixed his attention still more on the measure,
that,this Bill was in the spirit in which the legislature of the
country ought henceforth to run. Now considering the vast
importance the Right Hon. Gentleman attached to the vital
essence of this measure, he must be allowed to:call the at-
tention of the House to the late introduction of the vital
principle into the measure of the Government.—(Cheers.)
Throughout the whole of last Session the Government bad
thought it expedient to keep the subject of the franchise
totally distinct from that of registration. And what was
their conduct at the commencement of the present Ses-
sion ? Oa the first day of the Session, while the intentions
of his Noble Friend were unknown with respect to the in-
troduction of his Bill this Session, the Secretary for the
Treasury took the first opportunity on the first day of the
Session, of giving notice, on behalf of the Noble Lord
( Lord Morpeth), of the introduction of a measure to amend
the law relating to the registration of voters in Ireland.
On the 2d of February his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley)
obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend the laws relating
to registration, carefully avoiding all notice respecting any
alteration or definition of the 'franchise. On the
same evening after that division, when her
alajeaty's Ministers had made up their minds
to support his Noble Friend in bringing in his Bill,
then, and not till then, was this declared to be the vital
principle of the measure, its very essence, and that which
gave it life. And, undoubtedly, in the great attachment of
the Right Hon. Secretary at War to this which he termed
the essence of the measure, he bad hardly announced he
so considered it, before he declared (such was the effect
of open questions in the Cabinet) that it was quite open in
Committee to deal tai h the 51. qualification, or even with
the term of 14 years.—(Hear, hear.) But ke would now
proceed to state, as shortly as he could, the strong objec-
tions he felt to this measure, and they were so strong that
he agreed with his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) that if
he stood alone, he would resist the second reading of the
Bill.—( Cheers.) It appeared to him to be framed solely
with the object of adding numbers without regard to the
principle of qualification. It had been stated by the Hon.
and Learned Member for Woodstock that this principle
had been at all times recognised by the law of England,
and that the difference between the principle of qualifi-
cation in counties and boroughs was, that in counties it
had always been a fixed interest, or estate in land yield-
ing profit, that constituted the qualification, and in boroughs,
occupation with residence and with payment of rent.l!iist.%
this Bill appeared to him to be entirely subvert 0
not see
° f the
p; inciple of qualification in counties, and he u
that by the proposition of a 51. valuation without
payment
of rent and without profit, the principle recognized
was at once overthrown. —( of " Hear, bear.)