The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-10 00:00:00

COPY.

" The following is a specimen of my punning before
taking six lessons of Mr. T. Hood :—Q. Why is a fresh-
plucked carnation like a certain cold with which children
are affected ?—A. Becaush its a new pink off (an hoop-
ing-cough.)" -

I.‘ This is a specimen of my punning after taking six
lessons of Mr. T. Hood : Q. Why is the difference be-
tween pardoning and thinking no more of an injury the
same as that between a selfish and a generous man ?—A.
Because the one is for-getting, and the other for-giving."
N.B. Gentlemen who live by their Atits, and diners-
out in particular, will find Mr. T. Hood's system of in-
calculable service.

Mr. H. has just completed a large assortment of jokes,
which will be• suitable for all occurences of the table,
whether dinner or tea. He has also a few second-hand
bon mots, which he can offer a bargain.
* * A GOOD LAUGHER WANTEto.
—London Charivari.
FREAK ov NATURE.---A person in Perth,
who keeps collections of canaries, about a month ago had
one hatched, with only one wing and one leg. It was
not supposed at first that the creature would survive, or,
if it did, that it would not be able to hop through
Hours'
Bill. The place, and a pat?kthe
cage to supply its wants, and that it would require
to
the
be
fed so long as it lived. But so far from this beingis
in
every respect as lively and as thrivi
case, it is as active as its more perfect
mates,
g . P
ates'and
erthskire
Courier.
THE TEN HOURS' SCHEME.—On Monday
evening last Lord Ashley met a party at the Crown Inn,
Deansgate to unfold
his views respecting a Ten,
ed meeting, had been pre-
paredLordsh of London, formerly of this
by. Mr. 'Turner,
Lordsh
ip's forerunner in his peregrination
county, his
districts.ip
Several of the company openly
evinced their
through
dissentthese
from his Lordship's views, which
appeared to ...a a
h 1 for restriction, and none for freedom
of trade. Mr. John 3.! D hert of Manchester, accompanied
_
b him, seconded by Mr.
his Lordship, and on a motion
Turner, a vote of thanks was given to his Lord ship for
the interest displayed by him in the question of a Ten
Hours' Bill. It is something curious, that in a meeting
of nearly 100 persons, there could be none found to move
the vote of thanks excepting his Lordship's satellites.--
Bolton Press.
TIIE WEATHER.—We have had another fickle
week ; the hay harvest is now nearly done throughout the
county ; it has been protracted and expensive, aad doubt-
lea.; a large quantity is much injured ; good hay will next
year be of high value. The temperature has been rather
warmer this week than last, which is very favourable to
the hops—we have very good accounts of them, although
in some yards the winds have done damage. The wheat s
have in many places been much beaten down by the
rains ; on Tuesday last, in the latter half of the day, the
rain came down in torrents ; the river Wye was at that
time lower than it has been throughout the summer ; on
Wednesday morning it rose very rapidly, and while it
' was a few miles below the city bridge quietly pursuing
its meandering course, a few miles above the bridge it
was swelling fast, and laving the banks in a most fretfu
mood. Reaping will commence next week in many of
the forward parts of the county.—Hereford Times.
Mrs. Catherine Ferguson, relict of the late iiev.
Leslie Moodie, D.D., minister of Inveresk, died at Kil-
kerran, on the 27th ult. Mrs. Moodie was the aunt of
the present Sir Charles Ferguson. A series of remark-
able coincidences have been noted regarding the death of
the venerable lady. She was born at Kilkerran, in the
very room where she died ; and her husband died on the
27th July, 1840, being the very day of the year on which
his widow departed this life.—Scotsman.

The Great Liverpool, Captain Engledue, left
our harbour on Sunday morning for Gibraltar, Malta,
and Alexandria. She had fifteen passengers and a
valuable cargo. Moorings are to be laid down immedi-
ately for the Oriental, and will be ready for her on her
next arrival.—Hampshire Guardian.

Mr. and Mrs. S. C. Hall have been on v. visit
for the last few days at the residence of Roger Hall,
Esq., of Narrow-water. They have proceeded. thence
to the seat of Colonel Blacker, county Armagh ; and
they may be expected in Belfast in the courtse of the
week.—Belfast Arews.

I

MORNING SUN.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

CHRONICLE.—No party is so sensitive as the mo-
nopolists. Sometimes they meet an attack by an asser-
tion, sometimes by argument, but they never omit to
impute dishonest motives to their opponents. If a para-
graph appears in a Liberal paper stating that the cold
and damp weather has been unfavourable to the growth
of wheat, they say that the Whig-Radicals are exulting
in the prospect of a deficient harvest ; if the number of
houses shut up for want of tenants, or factories closed
for want of orders, is mentioned, they declare that this
is done to excite sedition, and to array one class of the
community against the other. The Rev. Baptist Noel
gets heartily abused for his arguments in favour of cheap
bread, and is told that he is repnted a Dissenter by. the
very party which, for political purroses, insisted
that the Wesleyan. were Churchmen. On points of
orthodoxy we do not profess to give opinions, espe-
cially as Mr. Noel exercises his functions as a
clergyman of the Church of England within the diocese
of London, and, we presume, under the license of its
Bishop, who is not generally suspected of a leaning to
dissent, or of that indolence which allows it to escape
uncensured. We rather think that had the reverend
gentleman written upon the advantage derived by tithe-
owners from the high price of corn, or abused the
Queen in an after-dinner speech, his heterodoxy would
not have been noticed, and he might have been held

almost as good as a Puseyite. But the monopolists must
not be allowed to make the charge of promoting dissa-
tisfaction between classes without some attention being
directed to their constant attacks upon the commer-
cial interests. Every body remembers the candid
assertion, that the total destruction of our manu-
factures would do no harm to the country, and this
—though not repeated with so much simplicity and
candour—seems to be the tendency of the present
course of argument pursued by the monopolists. We
take this change as a proof that the labours of the anti-
monopolists have not been thrown away. The country
has become aware that should the present restrictions
continue, our manufactures must be ruined before " the
large and generous system of protection" [" hot ice and
wondrous melting snow"] recommended by the Standard
as a means of " creating a colonial trade which in a few
years will prove three times worth the trade of the Con-
tinent of Europe, and at the same time augment our
national strength in more than threefold ratio," can be
brought into action. The old fallacy, that the agricul-
turists are the best consumers, that they will support the
manufacturers by laying out on goods a portion of what
they hdve extorted in corn, has been exploded, and is
abandoned. The argument is drawing to a
,point. It
must soon be admitted in plain words that a change
must take place, or that the manufacturers must be
ruined. The change is to be resisted, and the best ap-
pearance is to be put upon the alternative.
TlMES.—Although we cannot adopt the lary-page of
an evening Contemporary, who calls the Protestant As-
sociation " a confederation of knaves and fools," we very
decidedly disapprove of the proceedings of that body,
and more especially of its interference with politics. The
violent fanaticism and vituperative fury, by which its
orators are distinguished, are in no degree talc ulated to
advance the objects which they profess to have at heart.
It is altogether deficient in that sober, calm, : and reve-
rent zeal, which ought to characterise the advocacy of
truth. Every one knows how frequently and in what
strong terms, we have had occasion to express our opi-
nion of the manner in which too large a portion of the
Romish priesthood prostitute their influence in Ireland to
electioneering purposes. When priests have been found
instigating the ferocious passions of a misguided popu-
lace to criminal actions, we have never hesited to de-
scribe ,1
them as the ruffians they are. But when we
find a professedly religious society speaking of the
collective clergy of that communion in the sister island,
as "not more honest than those of Mahomec, not more
pure than those of Paganism, not less inhuman than
those of Juggernaut," we really cannot sympa‘`.hise with
so wholesale and monstrous an accusation. It is too
like the assertion made last year, at a meetiri; of this
same society, that " Popery is the religion of th e Devil."
Words such as these are foolish, intemperate, and pro-
fane ; they excite nothing but disgust in the minds of
practical and moderate men ; their inevitable effect is
to recoil upon those who use them. We believe that
the agitators of the Protestant Association are likely to
make, if they have not already made, many more "Papists
than Protestants ; and that they are chargeable
with fanning the flame of that truculent political Po-
pery which is so grievous a curse to Ireland_ If we
were called upon to suggest the best method of convert-
ing a candid, reverent, religiously and charitably dis-
posed, but not very well-informed, person to Roman-
ism, we should advise a course of attendance upon the
meetings of the Protestant Association, as an infallible
specific for producing, in the first instance, an unfavour-
able impression of the moral character of Protestant-
ism. After this, we should throw the inquirer into the
company of some soft-spoken, subtle-minded, learned,
and unpolitical Jesuit, such as Dr. Wiseman, whose
manner would be strikingly contrasted with that of the
Stowells and M‘Ghees, and who would be able,. easily
and with unexceptionable fairness, to refute many of the
assertions which form the staple of Exeter-hall ha-
rangues. We do not, of course, think that every accu-
sation against Romanism could be thus readily eisposed
of ; but men seldom reason cautiously in such cases, and
the disproof of some strong statements would be sure to
create a general distrust of the cause with whi :-..;11 they
were identified, and a dangerous presumption in favour
of its antagonist.

ADVERTISER.—We proceed to redeem our pro-
mise of Saturday, and to mention some of the me cures
of reform which we would adjure Ministers, as th ey re-
gard their own characters, and are anxious to promote
the interests of their country, to introduce into hell- Ma-
jesty's speech °lithe opening of the new Parliament.
That Ministers will assign a prominent place in that
Speech to those financial and commercial measures
which they lately propounded, and in favour of which
they unsuccessfully appealed to the people, we assume
as a matter of course. Of these measures, there-
fore, we say nothing. We leave them in the hands of
Ministers, in the entire confidence that they vt ill be
speedily adopted ; not, of course, while the presets.; Ad-
ministration are in office, but after they shall for some
time have discharged the functions of an op posi-
tion. The great measures to which we allude. are of a
political, and not of a financial or commercial nat are.
The reforms which the fearful crisis at which we 'have
arrived imperatively demands may be all summed up in
a single phrase—an improved state of the Parliamentary
representation of the country. To accomplish this im-
provement, so urgently needed and so loudly call ed for
by the voice of the nation, a variety of measures. must
be adopted. First of all, the Chandos clause r lust be
expunged from the Reform Act. It has vitiat ad that
measure to an extent, which even those of its sup porters
who were most sanguine in their expectations of mischief
from its operation, could never have anticipated. It has
consigned over the entire county representation of
England to the hands of a landed oligarchy, pre-
viously invested with an amount of power whiy_th no
class of men in the country could possess with out a
violation of the first principles of the British C,onsti-
tution. It has converted the counties of England
into one great gigantic nomination borough—one Old
Sarum, returning its 150 Members, and neutralizing, in
their practical bearings, all the other salutary provisions
of the Reform Bill. What avails it to the people of Eng-
land that in the large and populous towns they are abla,
by strenuous exertions—oft-times accompanied by great
peraonal sacrifices—to return a majority of Members for
these places, when that majority is entirely swamped by
the operation of this obnoxious clause ? Until this clause
is blotted out from the Reform Bill, the county represen-
tion of England must be regarded as nothing better than
a solemn farce—a mere mockery of the right which Parlia-
ment professes to have conferred upon the constituency, of
exercising the elective franchise in any way which may-seem
to them most fit. If, therefore, Ministers do not avail them-
selves of the opportunity which her Majesty's speech from
the throne will afford them of denouncing and dealing a
deathblow at that vicious clause; they will subject them-
selves to the serious imputation of neglecting to perform
a duty which they equally owe to themselves, their Sove-
reign, and their country. Happily, they cannot plead
ignorance of the fact, that the Chanties clause is not only
at utter variance with the spirit of the Reform Act, but
that it is totally destructive of all real representation of
the views and interests of the nation. Lord John Rus-
sell denounced the clause in his address to the electors
of the City of London. Let him recommend its erasure
from the Reform Bill in her Majesty's Speech, and he
will at once seal its doom amidst the acclamations of a
grateful country. Then there is the duration
af oParlia-
ments.- The present term of seven years is _I
ar too
prolonged period for the representatives of the people to
be exempt from the controul of those who have vested in
their hands the legislative functions.
HERALD.—Mr. Huskisson 'is continually cited by
the Ministerial Journalists, who do not read him as a
great authority in favour of the repeal of the Corn-laws.
Nothing can be more true than that some seventeen or
eighteen years ago, he gave utterance to an aphorism,
which might serve as a justification of all changes what-
ever. " It appears to me," he said, February 12, 1824,
" that from the moment the policy of our laws is called
into question, no matter how numerous they may be, or
how long enacted, the onus of proving their necessity
rests with those who undertake to maintain them." It is
somewhat queer logic this. Others might have thought the
contray the case, and expected that the onus of showing that
laws which had the authority of various legislators—and
the sanction of long experience is enough to prove, at
least, that their existence has not overthrown the
State—should be abolished, ought to be thrown upon
the shoulders of the attacking, not the defending party.
Of very little moment this, however. Mr. Huskisson
did not always deal in such trivial generalities, and he
was of course very often obliged to come to the question
of the Corn-laws, -distinctly and in real earnest. In com-
mon with most gentlemen of his school, it was a question
which he did not by any means like to touch, and perhaps
if he had been nothing more than a sentence-twisting
essay-writer, or a word spinning lecturer, he might have
condemne I these laws altogether, as being perfectly incon-
sistent with philo.iophy, liberality, science, and so forth.
But it happcaed that he was something more. He had to
exercise the functions of a statesman; and moreover a
great commercial statesman, and he was therefore obliged
to look to living practice much more than to paralytic
theory. We may therefore ask these who are now quot-
ing his opinions with so much complacency, what they
think of such " snatches of speech " as this—" The Corn
Bill of 1815, however well intended, has certainly con-
tributed to aggravate the present distress. It was passed
under an impression of the inability of this country to
raise corn for its own consumption." This was said in
1822; and in 1841, almost twenty years after, we find
,peripatetic preachers holding out as an axiom not ad-
mitting of dispute, the truth of that " impression" the
:acknowledged cause of having passed a law which "how-
-ever well intended, certainly contributed to aggravate the
idistress of the country." This opinion he repeated long
afterwards.
POST.—The great distinction between the Whig and
'Tory parties has always been that the latter in or out of

office are equally loyal to the Crown, equally faithful to
the Constitution, equally anxious to promote the welfare
and secure the tranquillity of the country, while it is the
constant policy and invariable system of the former
whenever they are out of office to create as much public
confusion and calamity as they can ; to inflame the pas-
sions of the people as much as possible against the estab-
lished institutions of the country, against the Throne,
the Church, and the laws ; to employ all their eloquence
in preaching sedition, and all their influence in exciting
revolt ; to regard it, in a word, as their chief or only ob-
ject to embarrass and weaken the actual Government,
and to pursue this object by any means, how-
ever threatening or detrimental to the safety and
welfare of the State. This has always been the
essential distinction between the Tories and the
Whigs, and the Whigs of the present day seem
determined that they will not degenerate from that
selfish, sordid, traitorous spirit which instigated their
sires to become the abettors of the French reign of
terror, with all its atrocities and horrors ; the encouraging
encomiasts of Bonaparte in his scheme of universal do-
minion ; the promoters and patrons of every English
riot and every L•ish rebellion. The Whigs are not yet
out of office ; but the late election having made it clear
that they must soon be out, they have lost no time in
recurring to their established Opposition tactics. It
might not unreasonably have been expected that so long
as they continued to receive their pay as Ministers
and servants of the Crown and nation, they would
have continued to make at least some show of loyalty
and patriotism. Whoever expected this, however, would
have been miserably disappointed. The Whigs stand
upon no such scruples. Their doctrine plainly is this,
Let us take the money of the nation to the last penny
that we can get. But, as our places are virtually gone,
let us, while we are taking the nation's money, not lose
a moment in trying to produce as much public confusion
and national calamity as we can, since those evils hold
out to us the best chance of once more forcing ourselves
into place." We do not make these charges lightly, for
we are prepared with proof that both in Great Britain
and in Ireland the friends and connections of the present
Whig Ministers of the Crown are at this moment ac-
tively engaged in the attempt to excite the ignorant
classes of the population to revolt against the Queen's
Government_

GLOBE.— The Post of this morning has arraigned
the Government upon a new charge, and accuses its
members of meditating self-destruction, actuated proba-
bly by despair at the approaching loss of their offices.
The Whigs arc gravely impeached by our Contempo-
rary on the ground of their being engaged in an at-
tempt to excite a revolt against the Queen's Govern-
ment ; and since we as yet know of no other Govern-
ment but that of which Lord Melbourne is at the
head, we can only presume that the Post accuses the
Liberal Administration of An attempt at suicide. The
patronising, but authoritative, way in which the Tory
organ interferes to prevent the desperate act is ex-
ceedingly entertaining ; but we beg to assure the Post
that matters are by no means so gloomy in the eyes of
those who are still in power, as to induce them to take
a flying leap from their official elevation, or give with
their own hands the finishing blow to " the Queen's
Goverument." Perhaps we may be told that it is the Go-
vernment in perspective against which the Whigs are
directing their hostility ; but though it is quite true that
the coming event has already begun to cast its shadows
before, it is not with the shadows that the Liberals mean
to contend, and the substance is too remote, or at all events
much too impalpable, to be at present grappled with.
To talk of attacking Sir Robert Peel's Government
would just now be as absurd as to propose an onslaught
on a cloud of dust which a gust of wind may have car-
ried forward in advance of an enemy supposed to be
coming after it. In the first place, the foe may never
venture to come to close quarters; and in the next place,
the dust may be occasioned not by their march against
us, but by a scuffle among themselves ; and it is quite
certain that internal differences in die Tory ranks are the
cause of the present obscurity in which all the Tory
movements are enveloped. The curtain must be
kept down, or the public would perceive that the
Conservative drama never can be gone through with
while there is nothing taking place but perpetual
differences between the performers and the managers.
It is clear that Sir Robert Peel cannot make a move
in any one direction without spoiling the position he at
present occupies. He has got into one of those " situa-
tions," as the actors call them, which are highly effective,
but which are no less difficult to be got out of than to
be got into. Like the imposing tableau in the Critic,
where the uncles could not move because of the nieces,
while the nieces were at a dead stand-still because of
the lovers, and the lovers were unable to advance or re-
tire because of the uncles' daggers, Sir Robert Peel can
neither go to the right nor to the left because of his
party on the one band, and the nation on the other ; the
one threatening to desert him, the other to give him his
deserts, according as he may approach or recede from a
Liberal policy__ •

STANDARD.—The carefully organised system of
" enormous lying," by which the Whig-Radical sup-
porters of the Government are endeavouring to agitate
the country, has been visited with so many, and such
overwhelming exposures, that it seems hardly worth
while to contradict any statement, however false
and flagitious, that may hereafter be propagated
by such authorities for the purpose of pre-
judicing the Conservative party in the estima-
tion of the country. The grave announce-
ment of the Morning Chronicle that the Tory aris-
tocracy were about to form " a volunteer auxiliary
army," which was to " be ready to start into existence
the moment Sir Robert Peel should come into power,"
professing to be founded on the fact that Lord Francis
Egerton had " taken the initiative in raising a body of
cavalry," has received a still further contradiction from
the pen of Lord Francis Egerton himself, and turns
out to be destitute of even the slender thread of truth
on which it was supposed to rest. His Lordship has fa-
voured us with a letter, which proves that the statement
in question is from beginning to end a malicious and
gratuitous falsehood. His Lordship has taken no such step
as that which has been imputed to him ; and if he had,
he would have done no more than every nobleman and
gentleman, of whatever political opinions, has done be-
fore him, under similar circumstances. The lie, how-
ever, remains still uncorrected by the journals with which
it originated, and, associated with their exaggerated ac-
counts of the " alarming state of the manufacturing dis-
tricts," is still on its tour through that portion of the pro-
vincial press which devotes itself to the promulgation of
their slanders. What the nature and extent of their
next fabrication may be it is difficult to conjecture. The
failure of the harvest, or, " at least, a very late crop,"
has been already anticipated by them with no little
exultation, but with no more tangible pretext than their
apprehensions on the subject of the " volunteer
auxiliary army ;" whilst every petty failure that
has taken place in Glasgow, Leeds, Manchester, or
Birmingham, has been magnified by them into an
alarming additional proof of the approaching ruin of
the town in which it has occurred. The industry with
which they multiply these consoling consequences of
Whig misrule is only equalled by the pertinacity with
which they persist in referring them to every cause but
the right one.

:110NEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

Tntr.s.—Some surprise is expressed in the City that
the French Minister does not come forward more speedily
with the loan, when it is notorious that there is the
greatest want of money in the French treasury. It
seems, however, to be pretty generally believed that the
Minister has not yet found terms sufficiently favourable
to conclude the loan, and that he is waiting for something
better. In the English market there is, as is well known,
an increasing apathy with respect to every deScription of
foreign security, and the European money markets are
by no means considered to be in a condition to supply
the capital required. To the French capitalists alone,
therefore, is the Minister confined, and, as' they find no
competitors abroad, they will probably be as cautious in
making terms favourable to themselves as the Minister
will be in watching the most favourable opportunity.
These circumstances may serve to explain the delay, but
otherwise it may seem singular enough to find a projected
loan, which was so frequently a topic of conversation in
the City, and the expectation of which some time ago
partially affected our own funds, sink altogether into the
background.

POST.—It is curious that the notification by Mr.
Thorntou's Committee of its acquiescence in the Three
pera:te Cd eunpto. ohnyv esresio oonr
Bull,sch aes of
giving. 11 i Ga
na mi
obsota about a
lm e nt
t of the
be
t h e
arrear
.of interest due to the bondholders, should have
had so little effect on the price of Spanish stock. The
financiers
the
beena
no
cts hioee rirso
upondfaat
infamously
oo
wcircumstance only proves the accuracy of what we said
n we stated that the bondholders had
all
iy duped and trifled with by the Spanish
promised payments,occasions, that they will in no
ilet them come from what Minister
discharge ofAthdiv continuousdend and punctual attention to the
they may.
.s must be paid for many years
Spain can be in any degree re-es-
before the credit of
The failure of a house itnailt,ehde shipping interest for a
of on 'Change. There
prospect of effecting an ar-
rangement of precaution, from go-
ingsctaeoebnTmlsihissdetorabhleavaemohuenent was
t present,
reens
ea
ob enable
ai
st tao
particulars connected with -h
etnahntey
added, on, and we abstain there-
however, that the party referred to is not
nlfr
arn
may be
oefbomtero
e matter. It
understood to have been in the enjoyment of a very ex
tended credit.
ADVERTISER—Should unfortunately the
weather
continue unpropitious for the harvest, it is important
to
direct attention to the sources whence a liberal supply
of flour can be obtained, and at the cheapest rate.
The
last advices from Canada represent that not less that
600,000 barrels were expected to be received at Montreal
this year, a great proportion of which will, in all pro-
bability, find its way into this country, especially should
the lowest impost upon it be levied. It is not, we believe,
very generally known, that United States flour is a more
marketable commodity than that ground in the Canadas;
and the reason is, that the standard of the produce of our
colonies is higher than that of the States ; or, in other
words, the latter is much finer. It is now, we learn, seri-
ously contemplated by the Canadian growers, to obtain
an alteration in the standard of Canadian flour, in order
to assimilate it with that of America.
The attempts that have been made by speculative
operations to keep up the price of sugar, are likely
shortly in part to be rendered futile. The Stocks are
rapidly increasing of all descriptions excepting West
India, the market for which has, it is believed, reached
its maximum, as far as price is concerned. Up
to the latest period when returns have been made out, it
appears that of West India sugar there were at the end
of last month 17,500 hhds. and tierces, against 12,800
hhds. and tierces at the same period of last year. The
deliveries this year show a falling off of nearly 17,000
hhds. and tierces. Of Mauritius sugar, the stock now is
very nearly 120,000 bags, whereas last year at this pe-
riod it was but 29,000 bags. The dehveries last year
up to the same period were 360,000 bags, and this year
they have only been 225,000 bags. The stock of Bengal

sugar shows a great increase, viz., from 17,000 bags on
the ISt of August last year, to about 93,000 bags at the
termination of last month. The importation of sugar
from our East India possessions this year, will be more
than that received in the two previous seasons.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
COURT OF CHANCERY, Aug. 7.
BOWER V HARRIS.

This appeal was argued in July. In 1805 a Mr. Dent
lent money on bond to Thomas Marris, a banker, at
Boston, in Lincolnshire. Marris became bankrnpt in
1812, and Dent proved, under the commission, for a sum
of 13,6001., principal and interest, then due on
the bond, and carried in a charge to that amount in
the Master's office, under the authority of a decree
made in 1816. Since that time various dividends
have been paid to the amount of twenty shillings
in the pound on the original debt. In 1840 the Master
made his report, and in applying the dividends due to
Mr. Dent, he first calculated the sum due for interest, and
then appropriated the surplus to the reduction of the
principal. Exceptions were taken to this report, and the
Vice-Chancellor allowed them, declaring that the ac-
count had not been taken in the usual manner, because,
by the mode in which the appropriations were made,
there was a sum now due equal to the original debt,
although twenty shillings in the pound had been paid,
while, if another mode of calculation had been adopted,
the debt would have been extinguished.
The LORD CHANCELLOR now gave judgment, and ob-
served that if the existence of a surplus in a bankrupt
estate, after the payment of twenty shillings in the pound,
was not a thing of very rare occurrence, the case before
him would be a very important one. The appropriation.
of a surplus in such cases was regulated by the statute
6 Geo. IV., c. 16, sec. 132, and in his Lordship's opinion,
there was sufficient in that to regulate the ease without
any other authority. It had been contended, however, that
the practice which was laid down by Lord Hard wicke,in the
case of Bromley v. Goddere, 1 Atk. 75, had been modi-
fied by what was done in exparte Higginbotham, 2 G.
and J. 123. His Lordship said he had directed in-
quiries to be made on the subject of the practice, but
the cases where a surplus arose were of such rare
occurrence that the inquiry produced no satisfactory
result. It had been contended that the practice was also
altered by what took place in " Devaynes v. Noble," but
his Lordship thought that case made no alteration. Lord
Hardwicke, in the case referred to, held that the interest
was referable to the original debt, so long as that remained
undischarged. But the principle Itself was older than
the time of Lord Hardwieke, and derived from the civil
law. There was, therefore, nothing to support a con-
trary opinion, except the case of ex parte Higginbotham,
and his Lordship was of opinion, both on principle and
authority, that the mode of computation adopted by the
master was the proper one, and that the order of the Vice-
Chancellor, allowing the exceptions, must be overruled.

AUGUST 9.
PEYTON V. HUGHES.

In this case, which had been partly heard on Satur-
day, the arguments were resumed this morning, and had
not concluded when we went to press.

VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, Aug. 9.

His Honour was engaged all the morning in hearing
motions and short causes, none of which were of any
public interest.

COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, Aug. 9.
No public business was entered upon to• day, the Court
being occupied in auditing the accounts of Thos. Arnold
and Wm. Bell, booksellers, both of Paternoster-row.

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.
HOME CIRCUIT.—Croydon, August 9.
The Commission for the county of Surrey was opened
this day by Lord Chief Justice Tindal, with the usual
formalities.

The calendar of prisoners is not, numerically, heavy,
but some of the charges are of a very seriops character.
On the Civil side the business will be very heavy. Nearly
a hundred causes are already entered, several of which
are Special Jury cases; and one, transferred from Maid-
stone, by consent of the parties, to set up a modus, is
likely to excite some interest, and will probably occupy
the Court two or three days. It is expected that the
business will not be concluded for nearly a fortnight.
Both Courts proceed to business this day at ten
o'clock. Lord Chief Justice Tindal will preside at Nisi
Prius, and Mr. Sergeant Taddy will sit in the Crown
Court.

OXFORD ClRCUlT—Gloucester, August G.
CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Justice COLTMAN.)
Moses Harwood and James Andrews were indicted for
burglariously breaking open the dwelling-house of Sa-
muel Young Griffith, at Cheltenham, on the night of the
12th of July, and stealing therefrom a writing desk con-
taining 57 sovereigns, a 5/. bank note, a grand cross of
the Bath, with star and badge, a grand cross of the Doo-
ranee Empire, a commander's order of the Guelph of
Hanover, and various other articles, the property of Ma-
jor-General Sir Wiloughby Cotton.
Mr. C. Phillips and Mr. Greaves conducted the prose-
cution ; Mr. W. J. Alexander defended the prisoner.
This case occupied the attention of the Court for
nearly six hours, and excited much interest, from the
value of the property stolen and the daring nature of
the robbery. It appeared from the evidence o Sir Wil-
loughby Cotton that he way staying at the Queen's Ho-
tel at Cheltenham, of which Mr. Griffith, who formerly
kept the angel at Oxford, is the landlord. On the 12th
of July Sir Willoughby retired to his bed-room at about
half-past nine at night, leaving in his sitting room, ad-
joining his bed room on the first floor of the hotel, a de-
spatch-box, containing the property mentioned in the in-
dictment. The following morning this box was gone,
and also a hat belonging to the General. Barrows, the
porter of the Queen's hotel, stated that about two o'clock
on the morning of the robbery, he heard, as he fancied,
the sound of footsteps coming down stairs, and a .door
open, and whisperings in a small room, No. 85, on the
ground floor. Upon entering the room he saw the forms
of two men escaping through the window into the gar-
den of the hotel. He followed them across the grass,
but could not overtake them. They dropped, on their
way in the garden, a military cloak and three hats. The
evidence to connect the prisoners with the robbery
was circumstantial. Harwood had formerly been
for some years in the service of Mr. Griffith as porter at
the Queen's Hotel. Andrews is a shoemaker, and was
in the habit of frequenting the tap of the Queen's Hotel,
and of mending the shoes there. The two prisoners
were in company on the night preceding the robbery,
and had supped together at the tap, which Andrews left
at half-past eleven, and Harwood an hour afterwards.
Both prisoners were apprehended the following morning,
and their shoes corresponded with the footmarks in the
garden. It was also sworn by several witnesses that one
of the hats found in the garden belonged to the prisoner
Harwood. The evidence was made perfectly conclusive
against Andrews, by his own confession, after his appre
hension. He directed the Governor of the gaol to go to
his house, No. 11, Union-street, Bath-road, and in a box
in the back kitchen were discovered the missing orders.
They were produced in Court, and were identified by
Sir Willoughby Cotton. They appeared of considerable
value and great beauty.
Mr. W. J. ALEXANDER, for the prisoners, objected
that Sir Willoughby Cotton was improperly described in
the indictment as " Knight" only, whereas he should
have been described by his proper title, as Knight Grand
Cross of the Bath, who take precedence of other Knights.
He urged that a Peer of the realm could not be described
as simply Lord, but must have his title, as Baron,
Viscount, or Earl, appended to his name.
Mr. Justice COLTMAN over-ruled the objection, and
Mr. ALEXANDER then addressed the Jury, contend-
ing that the evidence connecting Harwood with the rob-
bery was wholly insufficient, and that there was no proof
of the burglary.
Mr. Justice COLTMAN summed up the evidence, and
the Jury found both ,the prisoners guilty of stealing the
articles in question, but not guilty of the burglary.
His Lordship sentenced Harwood to fifteen years, and
Andrews to ten years' transportation.

In the Civil Court, Mr.-Justice Coleridge disposed
of all the cases in the list, excepting two, soon after 12
o'clock. and then proceeded to assist Mr. Justice Colt-
man in the trial of prisoners. No other case of general
interest occurred in the course of the day.