The Sun.
London, England, 1841-09-09 00:00:00

ceed in silence with his Amendment to the I
Address, if he thought it was imprudent to sup-
port him. He might have suggested an altera-
tion in the Poor-law without making the propo-
sition to place all its • 'vast powers over the
persons of paupers, and the property of rate-
payers, in the hands of the Home Secretary. He
might last night have shown his contempt for the
Times ; he might even have brought :the case of
that journal before the House without losing his
temper, and might at least so have managed his
case as to ensure a seconder for his motion.
Questions of privilege are generally attentively
listened to by the House, and he must have
failed very much in bringing his case under
its notice, to make ititurn a deaf ear to his state-
ments.

Nobody can defend the attack of the Times.
It was wanton, uncalled for, and altogether per-
sonal. It was not dictated by any defence of a
principle. Mr. ROEBUCK offends the Times,
like every other person in a similar situation, by
possessing power. That is an unpardonable of-
fence. Mr. ROEBUCK has now only added to its
triumph, and strengthened his enemy. He has
given it additional notoriety; he has paid a mortify-
ing homage to its power, and he has failed to inflict
the smallest wound on it. The Times will have
reason te-day to laugh at Mr. ROEBUCK. Such
indiscretion on the part of the Hon. Gentleman,
who seems, we are afraid, irritable from disease,
will have a considerable influence on his future
position, and prevent people placing that confi-
dence in him which in general they think they
must place in some one.

The Morning Post of yesterday places its de-
fence of the Corn-laws on a ground which is
worthy of notice. We quote the paragraph :
If it were true that no principles but the principles of
trade were fairly applicable to the Corn-law question,
then there would be an end of the controversy. The
Corn-laws are undoubtedly a restraint upon trade. They
are unquestionably a limitation, and a very important
limitation, of its freedom. But other things more im-
portant to this nation than absolute and universal free-
dom of trade demand that native agriculture should be,
up to a certain point, guarded from the probable effcct
of unrestricted foreign competition.
Our party does not try the question of the Corn-laws
,by the principles of free trade, for we admit that the
Corn-laws are in direct oppo;ition to these Rrinciples,

It is not because we think -we can reconcile the Corn-
laws with free trade that we support them, but it is be-
cause we have grounds of policy to urge in their support
which completely overbalance in their Weight and co•
gene', the disadvantage of making corn an exception to
the operation of free trade principles.
Free trade recognises nothing beyond the policy of
obtaining what you want, wherever you (the indicivdua
engaged in traffic) can obtain it best and cheapest at the
moment. Upon merely mercantile principles there is
nothing to be said against the sound policy of this plan.
But they who have to watch over all the wants and in-
terests of a nation, and not only their immediate but
also their prospective wants and interests, must look to
something far more important than that which upon
mere mercantile principles is best. They must look to
the employment of the people—to the security of a suffi-
cient supply of food in luturo as well as in prcesenti—
and -to the guardianship of great capital vested in
concerns which are not purely mercantile. And be-
cause they hold these considerations in view, and deem
it politic to allow a greater weight of importance to
them than to the principles of free trade they uphold the
Corn-laws.

If the opponents of the laws will fairly meet the sup-
porters of them, they are bound to show either that the
.considerations above stated are less important than those
which belong to the universal maintenance of the prin-
ciples of free trade, or that the ebjects we have set forth,
namely, security as to the national supply of. food, em-
ployment of the people, and guardianship of vested
capital, are as well promoted by free trade as by pro-
tection of native agriculture against foreign competition.
For these admissions this paragraph is valuable.
" The Corn-laws are a restraint upon trade."

" The Corn-laws cannot be reconciled with free
trade." " Upon merely mercantile principles
there is nothing to be said against the sound
policy of free trade." So far the Post. Now no
one doubts that commerce is beneficial to man-
kind. It forms a great part of the natural order
of society. It is as much ordained by the GREAT
CREATOR of man as the appetites and wants to
which it owes its origin. Mercantile principles
are nothing but the principles or rules on which
beneficial commerce must be carried on. They,
therefore, are parts of creation, like commerce
itself, and are ordained by the wisdom of Pro-
vidence. But commerce concerns some of the
greatest and best interests of the human race.
The Post admits that the Corn-laws contravene

these interests, and we must therefore conclude,
were the other interests it refers to really in con-
tradiction with these important interests, which
they are not, that there is discord in the crea-

tion, and that the ALMIGHTY had given his
creatures contradictory rules to walk by, or bad
imposed on them contradictory laws. We hold
the admission that the Corn-laws contravene
mercantile principles, which are admitted to be
sound policy, to be fatal to the Corn-laws.
But the Post flies front the solid interests of
mankind, which are connected with commerce,
to principles of greater weight than the prin-
ciples of free trade. The Pro-Corn-law men
undertake to " watch over all the wants and
interests of a nation," and not only their imme-
diate but prospective wants. " They, therefore,
must look to the employment of the people—to
the security of a sufficient supply of food in
futuro, as well as in prasenti, and to the
guardianship of great capital vested in concerns
which are not purely mercantile." On these
grounds the Corn-laws are defended. They
give employment and secure a supply of food
in future, and protract capital not mercantile.
We hope we may be indulged in examining
these assumptions, and if our examination should
go beyond the Corn-laws, it will be because the
statement of the Post naturally and necessarily
involves the general principles of legislation:

The Pro-Coro-law men " must look to the em-
ployment of the people." That is the first
proposition. If it be valid, it applies to the
whole people, not merely to the few persons em-
ployed in agriculture. The Pro-Corn-law men
undertake, by adopting that principle, to pro-
vide employment for all the people, and they
are consequently to blame for the want of em-
ployment, which is at this moment felt in almost
every branch of society except that of manufac-
turing modern machinery. They arc responsible
on their own showing, fur the condition of the
starving hand-loom weavers. Mr. MA LTHUS
has clearly • demonstrated the absurdity of
the State taking on itself to provide em-
ployment for all the people, though the
wisdom of the masters of political science
seems wholly unknown to the gentlemen
who write for the press. The vast responsibi-
lity which is involved in the Post's statement,
and the present condition of many labourers,
ought to make the Pro-Corn-law men start
back with affright from the load they have
most unthinkingly taken on themselves.
But when the Post says that the Legislature
is to look to the employment of the people it can
have
.formed no correct notion of the knowledge
of the Legislature, and of the means of employ-
ing the people. Much more than half our popu-
lation are now engaged in mannflActures, and
they find employment in them from the number-
less beautiful contrivances which facilitate human
labour. Before the steam-engine, the Spinning
mules, or the locomotive engine were brought
into use, how was it possible for the legislator
to know any thing of the number of people he
would employ and feed ? How is it possible for
him even now, as the applications of machinery
are infinitely various, to tbrm the least notion of
the quantity or the nature. of the employment
they will provide in future for the population?
How, too, can he tell that there are not at this
moment machines coming fbrward which• may
extend manufacturing employment as much
during the next fifty years as it has been extended
during the last fifty? He knows nothing what-
ever on the subject. And to make laws with a
view to provide employment for the people,
orae to
itn e
independently of numerous other
objectionsignorance
of is making laws in complete
of the subject on which the laws are made.
That, unfortunately, is a frequent error, or fre-
quent crime of legislators, who are far more
ignorant than the most wretched quacks, who
exhibit at a village fair the vast phenomena
they pretend at once to arrange and settle.
At the same time, supposing that the legislator
had any knowledge of the means of employing

the people, and supposing that it waSliisduty.to
interfere in any way with their employment,
which we positively deny, how does impeding
them. in getting food add to their employment?
The first and immediate effect of the Corn-law
is to put a stop to the interchange of the cottons
of Manchester and the cutlery of Sheffieldtbr
•
the corn of Poland and the United States. It
puts a stop, therefore, to the employment of
manufacturing cottons and cutlery, and it will
require more ingenuity than the Post possesses,
to prove that the Corn-law 'may at any future
time create a quantity of employment equal to
that it interdicts. Supposing it has that effect,
by what right does the Legislature curtail employ-
ment i❑ Sheffield and Manchester, to add to it in
Sussex and Kent? By what right does it take
away a day's labour from a hand-looin weaver or
a knife-grinder, to giVe it to a ploughman or a
ditcher? It has no right so to act, particularly
when it is ignorant of the consequences, and the ii
weaver and grinder may properly Stigmatize . it
as an unjust Legislature, which forfeits its claims
to their respect and obedience.
At the same time it is certain that the attempt
of the Legislature to add to the whole amount
of employment by Corn-laws has not had any
such effect. What may be the result of the pre-
sent census cannot yet be known ;_ but the last
census showed that the increase of families em-
ployed in agriculture was as • nothing compared
to the increase of families employed in manu-
factures. In fact, all the improvements of which
we hear so much from Agricultural societies tend
to diminish employment in agriculture, and con-
sequently, while the Corn-law obviously curtails
employment in the manufacturing districts, it
has not added, and does not add, to employment
in the agricultural districtS. The produce of one
labourer is in all cases the market for'another,
and unless it can be shown that by preventing '
the growth of manufactures the amount of pro-
duce to he exchanged for the produce of the
agriculturist is increased, it is impossible that
stopping employment in the manufacturing dis-
tricts can stimulate agriculture, or increase in
the smalles degree the employment of the agri••
cultural labourers.

The Post further says " that the Legislature
must look to the security of a sufficient supply
of food in futuro as well as in prwsenti." To
that doc►sine similar objections apply. What
does the Legislature know about supplying the
people with food, •either now or hereafter ?
Chemistry is continually revealing new princi-
ples of cultivation, and the mechanic arts are
continually bringing new powers to bear even in
agriculture. What did the Legislature of the
year 1790 know of many of the processes now
employed in agriculture; such as the use of
bone-dust as a manure? But those processes,
and diligence in applying them, with skill to
invent improved processes, are the great means
of securing our ever-increasing people a supply
of food in future. If the Legislature now know
nothing of the processes that will be invented
within the next fifty years, how can it make
laws to promote them? The supposition that
blind groupings in the dark can in any way
tend to the national welfare, is an insult to
rational beings. It is one of those routine or
traditional opinions which are received from
generation to generation, and are no sooner sub-
jected to examination than they are discovered
to be plain and palpable errors.

There is an idea lurking in the doctrine of
the Post which must be dragged into day. What
does it mean by security ? Not the continuance
of the skill of agriculturists, and of their never-
failing- desire to apply it. To have any appre-
hensions on that score would be to violate the in-
structive belief, by which one class of producers
continually labour in perfect confidence that what
they require and do not themselves produce,
will, in the meantime, be produced by another
class. What the Post is afraid of, or pretends
to he afraid of, is that at some time or other some
rival politicians here and abroad—some TRIERS
and PALMERSTON, some ABERDEEN and NES-
SELBODE, may quarrel and choose tointerdict the
exchange of spun and woven or forged ar-
ticles for bread.. To be provided against that
future possibility they interdict the exchange
now. They trcat man, with all his feelings and
interests, as made for their stupid system, and
they crush the commerce which would knit na-
tions together in the bonds of peace, and thus
annihilate the wealth which would make nations
happy, in order to maintain their own power.
Let them take care lest, by pushing to extremes
the power which men have hitherto respected,
and the systems they have rather obeyed than
understood, they destroy themselves. If men
must be enslaved to give a fancied security to
politicians, men will doubt whether politicians he
not injurious rather than beneficial, and they will
ask themselves can they be dispensed with?
The third statement of the Post is, that free
trade, which it admits to be a wise policy, must
be sacrificed to give security to capital not vested
in concerns purely mercantile. What does the
Pro-Corn-law writer mean ? How will any kind
of capital not mercantile be rendered insecure by
the.abolition of the Corn-laws ? The capital in-
vested in land consists in the farm buildings
erected on it, and the labour invested in it. How
Will any alteration of the Corn-laws destroy farm-
houses or stop up drains ? Not one particle of
the capital invested in land would be destroyed
by a perfectly free trade in corn. It might be one
of less exchangeable value. At present that
value, of which we complain, is raised by the
Corn-law, which is- expressly passed to enable
the owners of capital invested in land to obtain
more of other things in exchange for it, and for
its produce, than other men would freely give.
The diminution of the exchangeable value which
would result from the abolition of the Corn-law
is only the consequence of the fictitious value
given by that law. To assert that the Legisla-
ture must maintain this fictitious value under the
fine phrase guardianship of capital, is to assert
that it must maintain the unjust Corn-law. If
the Post have no' other reason to give than that,
it ends where it began, and merely echoes the
landlordS' arrogant words, " I will have the
Corn-laws because I will."
When the legislators set blindly about regu-
hating employment, securing a supply of food,
and guarding capit4 they and the public semi
to forget that they are subject to passions and
impure desires, like the meanest of the people.
It is very true, though very trite, that when they
debate and argue, they are no more under
the influence of pure reason than a com-
pany
,of ladies at Billingsgate. The victor
rious party, in a legislative conflict, when it
blindly plunges, with its dictum engrossed
on parchment, into the unknown future, essaying
to bind the yet unborn and unknoWn, only
tbllows the dictate of its own desires and passions.
It endeavours to make them the rule for the
conduct of future generations. In the present
case the fact is palpable. The law-making land-
owners knew nothing whatever, when they passed
the law ; they know nothing now about finding
employment and securing food for the pee-
Ile. What they knew was, that they wanted
higher rents, or wanted to 'prevent rents from
falling ; they wanted to maiotaih a superiority
over other men, and to gratify that want they
passed the Corn-law. It had ne other origin; it
has no other justification. It is their avarica
engrossed on parchment, and is no more deserving
the public respect than the. lust which led Mr.
FAUNTLEROY to the gallows. The Post must
find some other • grounds on which he defends a
law opposed to the wisnpolicy of free trade, than
the propriety of looking to employment, looking
to the means of securely feeding the people, and
the maintenance of the landowners' rents at their
present level.

We have received the PAtis Papers of Mon-
day, which are unusually barren. For some time
past the change in our Ministry has formed the
principal topic of discussion for them, but that
seems now exhausted, and tliey have not yet
found another subject of equal interest. The
disarmament recommended by Sir ROBERT
PEEL, which is so truly a Whig sentiment, and

and so truly conformable to Whig policy, that it
was much ,more cheered by the Whigs than by
the Tories, continues to be discussed by the Na-
tional, and is noticed by the Presse. Between
the Liberal or Democratic Journals of France
and England, each speaking, we believe, the sen-
timents of the people, there is this differ-
ence, that the former hate disarming, and
are all fbr war, while the latter are all fbr peace
and the cultivation of conunerce. The National
sees, on the accession of the Tories to power—and
in this takes a juster view than when it con-
demns disarming—the complete reconstruction
of
.the Holy Alliance of the Restoration against
all that appertained to the Empire. The Presse,
speaking, we believe the language oftthe Fina' •
Minister, and expressing his. hopes, takes an op-
posite view. It says:—
The political horizon was lately rather overclouded.
The elections in England, and the advent of a Tory
Cabinet, might have given. rise to some agitation
abroad ; and with us the census had produced dis-
turbances which, though not serious, still kept the pub-
lic mind in a state of alarm. But now all appre-
hension, all uncertainty has vanished. England was
never so tranquil. The Tory Cabinet proclaims the
policy of peace, and as a manifest token of its
intentions, gives the first example of disarming. By
the Ist of January the British navy will be reduced
one-third. On the Continent we behold the same spirit
of peaceful policy. Prussia will disband the greatest
part of her army, after the autumnal reviews of this
year. We learn from Vienna that the Austrian army
likewise will be considerably reduced. In France the
Government will have the good sense to follow such
salutary examples. The disturbances that had but lately
agitated some parts of the kingdom are appeased. Never,
in short, has our external and internal situation been
more satisfactory, or held Out better prospects for the
future. And it is at so favourable a juncture that our
Three per Cents. are kept clown to 76, when only a year
ago they were at 83, and at this very moment the Eng-
lish Three per Cents. are at 90. Is not such a rate in
complete contradiction with the tendencies of public
opinion and the state of public credit ?
" The budget of 1843 is balanced. Our attention,
then, is now drawn to the wants of the Treasury for 1841
and 1842. After paying' off the half-year due on the 22d •
September, the Finance -Minister will still have at his
disposal a sum of 100,000,000 francs, to which must be
added the daily receipts and the produce of taxes. With
this capital before him, the Minister, who doubtless
knows how to count, does not think it necssary to listen
to the advice of those who are Continually crying out to
him to make haste. More confident, and
,better able to
judge, than those adVisers of the future destiny of France,
he hopes that our funds will rise to be more on a level
with our resources and our great national riches.
We are not, therefore, surprised at a delay of which
others seem to complain. We rather rejoice to see it
adopted, because it proves that Goverment sees no dark
cloud on our political horizon, and fears no chances un-
favourable to our general prosperity, which would of
course influence the price at which money might be
raised when it shall think proper to make a loan. 'Know
hoe to abide your time and good will come.' was the
motto of a very able predecessor of M. Humana, Count
de Villele; the maxim is, at the present day, both useful
and easy of practice, for no situation calls less for haste
and hurry than the actual state of the country."
Whence the Presse may have derived its in-
formation of the reduction of our navy we are
not aware, but if Sir R. PEEL take any such
step, where will be the thunder of the Times, and
the lightning of the other Tory Journals, which
• have incessantly demanded a great increase of
• the navy. The Presse is probably completely
misinformed on this point, and has interpreted
Sir R. PEEL'S verbal communication to the
French Government, that the English fleet in
the Mediterranean will be reduced, into a pro-
mise of a general reduction of our navy, which
'the circumstances of the country and the policy
of the Tories will not warrant.

Some excitement had prevailed at Paris, in
consequence of a report that the French corvette
Victoricuse had been seized on by the Spanish
Government at Mahon, but the Moniteur has
twice denied the statement, which seems there-
fore unfounded.

The following are all the miscellaneous extracts
which are of any interest:—
M. Testi , Minister of Public Works, is -at present at
Lyons, visiting the most remarkable of the manufac-
turing establishments in that city.
According to the Magdeburg Gazette two capitalists of
Leipsic have obtained from the Russian Government the
contract for making a railroad from St. I'etersburgh to
Moscow, the conditions they offered being much more
favourable than those of the Russian speculators.
M. Saglio, Deputy and Vice-President of the Council-
General of the Bas Rhin, was coming &An the sitting of
the Council, a few days since, at Strasburg, when he
fell down in an apoplectic fit, and died immediately.
The members, of the bar of Agen have pronounced
their opinion against the legality of the Ordonnance for
dissolving the Municipality of Toulouse.
The Civil Tribunal of Caen has recently decided that
the 29th of July being a legal fete day, no debtor is lia-
ble to be arrested upon it.
Prince Milosh," says a letter from Vienna, " wore a
most magnificent costume when he was presented the
other day to the Emperor. He had a sort of tunic of
sky-blue, .embroidered with gOld and pearls ; on his
breast were the insignia of several orders in diamonds,
and the Grand Cross of the Iron Crown ; on his head
was a kind of Slavic kolpack of the finest sable, to
which a heron's feather was attached by a magnificent
diamond agratie ; by his side he wore the sabre, studded
with gold and precious stones, which the late Sultan
Mahmoud sent him six years ago. his appearance has
produced quite a sensation in our Court circles."
The Director of the central House of Detention at
Clermont has contradicted the statement of several apart-
ments being prepared there for Mme. Laffarge. So far
from this being the case, he states that it is impossible
to allow her even a cell entirely to herself.
Various papers in Normandy, and in the'north-east
of France, state that the harvest has turned out much
better than was expected. The graziers near Caen have
had every reason to be contented. with the season.
The Courrier de Lyons relates an anecdote of the Duke
d'Aumale, who was marching some days ago near 'Chain-
forgueil, aczompanied by two of his officers at a little
distance from the regiment. His Royal Highness was op-
pressed with heat, and thirsty, and meeting two country-
women carrying milk, asked them for some. He was at first
refused, the women looking at the young dusty soldier with
suspicion as to his means of payment. At length they gave
him 'some, and the prince having taken a hearty draught,
gave a piece of gold to the woman to pay for it. - The
latter, nut having anything like sufficient change, said
to her companion—" This is always the way with these
soldiers ; they offer you money which they know you
cannot change, and so they 'get off without pitying at all,
but I shall not be caught again," and she was going to
give the money hack ; but the Duke, who had been
laughing heartily at her, said—" Never mind, my good
woman, keep it, and give me the change .When 1 come
this way again." The woman overwhelmed her customer
with thanks, and left him without the slightest suspicion
as to he was.

" At St. Petersburgh, on the 18th ult.," says the Pea
Amt Gazette, " the audience at one of the principal
theatres, perceiving a great light behind the curtain, an-
ticipated some grand
.display of fireworks, and began to
express their delight by clapping and shouts of applause.
This delusive joy was only increased, instead of being
converted into terror, by the appearance in front of the
stage of an actor, vociferating the house was on fire ; for
the people believed that this was a trick of the
scene, and continued their noisy acclamations. To unde-
ceive them, the manager ordered the curtain'to be raised
and exposed to them the flames, which soon invaded the
. .

. ..
whole building. The rush to the door became instantly
so violent, that many persons were killed or dreadfully
injured before they could make their escape. There
was another issue, but it was closed, and in ordinary
times is not to be opened• without the authority of the
police-officer, who had not yet arrived. A man, seeing
the urgeney of the occasion, rushed through, the flames,
and, at the risk of his life, forced the way open,- and thus
saved many from destruction. We have not heard the
details of the results of the accident, but have learnt that,
on the following day,
to him a pensi:in for litfheeof brave
others owed their lives, was invested with an honourable
distinction by the Emperor's own hand, and had secured
oeoomf.a„n, to whom so many
On Saturday an experiment was made, on the Meudon
and Versailles railroad, of an engine made by M. Pau-
wels. The Ministers of the Interior and Commerce,
M. Legrand, Under Secretary of State for Public
Works, M. Bineau, Chief Engineer of Mines, M. Se-
guier, of the Institute, and other personages, had been
invited to witness the experiment, and were con-
veyed by this engine in two waggons to Versailles and
'
back. The traject ft-Jill Paris to Versailles was made in
15 minutes, giving of 64 kilometres, or 39
miles 6 furlongs
per hour. At Bleutlon the feeding pipe
thence burst, and from .a velocity
to Versailles little or no power
was derived from the steam. The return was effected in
14 minutes, the . hole in the pipe having been stopped.
If the pip., had not burst, there ts no doubt but that the
distance would have been done in 'l2 minutes, being at
the rate 0180 kilometres, or 55 miles 7 furlongs per hour.
PAuts, SEm 6.--211'he Monitoir of this mornin has
no official part. Wo . find the following article in the
Moniteur Aijerien of the
g
30th of August :
" All the latest accounts front .Oran agree in stating
that the nomination of 1101ji Mustapha Ouli d'Osman
Bey to the post of Bey of Mostaganem and Mascara,
has given the greatest satisfaction to the tribes which
live near the Chelif.

" At the departure of the packet Mostaganem was full
of Arabs, who came to pay their respects to the new Bey,
and to offer him hostages as pledges of their submission.
The number of the partizans who have already declared
for him, was already sufficiently considerable for •him,
if he had thought fit to put himself at their head and
shown himself in public, but he had judged it best to
wait for the return, of his brother, the Klialifa Ibrahim,
who has come . to Algiers for the standard, the band of
music, &c. with which it is usual for the Bey to be ac-
companied. Ibrahim, trho left Alg►iers on Tuesday, pro-
bably arrived at Mostaganem on the 25th of this month.
The Muniteur AlgeriZt subjoins to this article extracts
of letters received from Mostaganem, which describe the
actual departures of the. tribe. • The same journal says,
that some tribes in the province of Constantine had ma-
nifested intentions xo rebel, and had committed depreda-

tions, which were speedily put a stop to.—Le Cons!iu-
tiounel, Sept. 6.
PARIS, Str-r. s.—We have spoken of the report,that
the Municipal Council of Paris would shortly be dis-
solved. From the further inquiries we have made, we
believe that we may affirm that this report is wholly un-
founded. The Minister was much vexed, as we know,
bY the protest of the municipality on the subject o? the
census, but his vexation has passed over, and he would
imprudently strike a bloW at such au Assembly. In pro-
testing, whether with or without reason, against the mea-
sures which alarm it, the Municipal Council of Paris only
exercised a right. We may blame the use it has made
of it, but not punish it for it. It is not such protests
that the Government should repel, but those that. are
armed.—Le Temps, Sept. 6.

BOURSE—PARis, MONDAY, SEPT. 6.

that.

Highest Lowest

Prire'ice. Pricy. Price
ere .ch 5 per Cents ll6 85 ... ;16 90 1 6 85 116 85
4 per Cents 99 70 99 70 ... SM 70 .. 19
3 per Cent,. ex. div 77 45 . 17 45 ... 76 40 ... 77 45
Laffitte hank I,ooot. hi arcs 1(35 ...1f35 ...1C35 ...1C35

5,00i1 Shares himi ...5160
Belgian ?lank
New Loan II:4 ... 14 ... 164 ... IE4
ip.ri,sh +AMlye '4,14

Passive 59.; ... ... 514 5q
veapOtAn loo 70 Iv 4 70 ... 70 ... iv 4 70

Roman

... Ha

- 113

- 103

VAii.wqt qi4Arti..B
Vecf.attles.L.B 987 . 207 50 ... 207 CO .. 207 50
K IS 325 .. 325 ... 325 ... 32.5
toucn
.t-,-.11• 478 75 480 75 —... 75 .. 478 75

Montpellier to Cette 215 .. •26 ... 213 ... :225
Strisourg to bait.... 340 . 340 • ...::34 i 5.... 3,3:3 .13
AUSTRIAN FUNDS.—VIENNA, Attu. 2,
f tve per Cents. Metalliques
Foist pet Cents.
I time iy.r Cents.
(Mali Sliar,s
Allgemezn: Zetzumg. Sept. 2

We have accounts from Madrid of the 30th
and 31st ult. The representative of France has
expressed much displeasure that the lease
of the Isla del i,ey, at Mahon, has not
been renewed. Some apprehensions were en-
tertained that the anniversary of the Conven-
tion of Bergara might give rise to tumults,
but it passed over quietly. Preparations were
making to celebrate the anniversary of the
Pronunciamento of September, but that was to
be all festivity. The Spanish Five per Cents.
were 26 3-16 for cash, and 26,, I at 60 days.

EX PRESS FROM PARIS.

The accounts from Madrid of the 21st ult.
state that the anniversary of the conclusion Of the
treaty of Berbera had passed over without 'any
official manifestations, but that great prepara-
tions were making for the celebration of the an:-
niversaty of the pronunciamento of September.
The Government had not yet obtained the ad-
vance of 00,000,000 of reals.
The Commerce states that the...orders for the
French ships stationed off Barcelona to stand out
to sea was probably caused by the French Go-
vernment wishing that they might not be obliged
to take part in the celebration of the anniversary
of the revolution of September.
The Moniteur of Tuesday contradicts the re-
port of the detention of the war corvette Victo-
rieuse by the authorities of Mahon. According to
accounts from Toulon of the 2d inst. eight ships
of the line are to be placed in ordinary, and a
squadron of six others, commanded by Admiral
Casy, had been ordered to Brest, to be held in
observation of events in America until the final
result,of the affairs of IVl'Leod bedomes known.
The fiscal measures of M. Ilumann were be-
ginning to encounter less opposition in the de-
partments. The National Guard of Villenou-
velle had been dissolved by Royal ordinance, for
having expressed a decided opinion against them.
The weather had again become fine in Paris. The
accounts of the crops in Britanny and the north of France
continued to be satisfactory. The price of wheat had
increased in seven of the provincial markets of France,
and fallen in thirteen. There was no chalig,e in the Paris
market on Monday.

MONEY and COMWERCIAL NEWS.
CITY, WEDNESDAY EVENING.

There was very little animation in the English Stock
Exchange to-day, and before the close of business prices
bad a downward tendency. For immediate transfer
Consols were 89i- to 1, and for Account 89i to 90, and
time bargains were even made as low as 89fil- to the
latest bargain for money being 898 buyers. Exchequer
Bills were Hs. to 13s. premium, and East India Bonds
par to 2s. premium. The New Three-and. a-Half per
Cents. were heavy at 988 to
The market for Foreign Stocks exhibited no improve-
ment. Active Spanish Bonds for account were at 218 to
22*. The money bargains were at 21i to 22. Alto-
gether speculation is much less animated than it was.
Mexican Stock was dull at 2.5 to 234, and Brazilian at
66-4, but Chilian was firm at 70 to 71. Dutch T•wo-and-
a-Half per Cents. were worth 51-a to ti ; the Five per
Cents. 102 A, and Russian 1124.
Shares were offered rather freely, and this brought
down the quotations a little. Great Western were at
12 to 13 ; the New at 4 ; Birmingham 68 to 69 ; the
South Western at 12* ; and the York and North Mid-
land at 251 premium ; Brighton Shares were 31 ; Croy-
don z ; South Eastern 21, and Birmingham and Glou-
cester 42 discount ; London and Westminster Bank
Shares were 2+ premium, and Union of Australia 5 to 6
premium.

(From The Sun of Last Night..)
LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, SEPT. 7.—The mar-
ket to-day, as is customary on Tuesday, has been fiat,
in consequence of the thin attendance of buyers ho at-
tend the Manchester trade. The sales are 2,500 bales,
of all kinds. •

LIVERPOOL SHARE MARKET, SEPT. 7.—The buoi-
neAs at the Stock Exchange is again extremely limited,
there not being more than two transactions to report.
SHARES.—Eastern Counties, 7-1- ; Great Western, 55.
'MANCHESTER STOCK EXCHANGE, SEPT. 7.—We
have no material theration to report in our Share Mar-
ket :—Manchester and Leeds, 601 ; Eastern Counties,
74 ; North Midland Shields, 9i- ; London and Birming-
ham New 32/. Shares, 24 ; ditto Quarters, 221.

There are no arrivals to-day from any quarter.
The Foreign Exchanges were not quite so firm yes-
terday on liamburgh. The rates were 13 101 10 ;
Amsterdam, 12 44 to 41 ; Rotterdam, 12 5 to 44, all at
three months.

There was but little business doing in the English
market to-day, but rather more business in the Foreign
Securities. -

The unsettled state of the weather has given mere
firmness to the corn market, although the arrivals of
foreign wheat reported to-day are large—viz., 17,180
quarters.

Tile Tea Market is looking firmer again.
""Consols, Account, 89k 90 ; Spanish, 21k 22k. Na
business whatever doing.

CLOSING PRICES.
BRITISH FUNDS.
Bulk Stock - India Stock ..........«
3 per Cent Red — Ditto Bonds
3 per Cent Cons B9i Ditto Old Annuities ...
3i per Cent Red......., 983 Ditto New Annuities...
New 34 per Cent 96* Ex. Bills, 1,000/....2id 13 pm
New 5 per Cent — Ditto 5001 l3 pm
Long Annuities toexpire I I)itt
Jan. 1860 .. Bank Stock for 0pg....
Oct 1859. l2 11-16 India Stock for Acct ...
Jan. 1860.
FOREIGN FUNDS.

Austrian, 5 per cent Portuguese, 5 per cent.
Belgi.n, 5 per cent Ditto, New Ditto
Brazilian 80nd5.... — Prussian, 5 per cent.
Buenos Ayres, 6 per cent Russian, 5 per cent ll2i
Chilian, 6 per cent...... 71 Ditto, Nletallic
Colombian, 6 per cent... !Spanish, 5 per cent 22
Ditto, 1824 ... (Ditto, Deferred . .
Danish, 3 per cent French, 5 per cent. —f. —c.
Greek, 18:45, 5 per cent — Exchange .. —f. -c.
Mexican, 5 per cent.... French, 3 percent. —f. .—c
Ditto, 6 per cent, 1525. Dutch, 2i per cent. ... 511
Peruvian, I 825; 6 per ct. 'Ditto, 5 per cent 1021
SHARES
Birmingham and Gloucester Railway (100 p) 58
Bristol and Exeter (60 paid) .
Great Western Itailway (65 paid) 73
Ditto New Shares (50 paid 54
London and Brighton (50 paid) 4sit,
London and Blackwall Railway (25 paid)... 111
London and Birmingham Railway (90 pd) 158
London and South Western
Ditto Tenths (21 paid)
London and Croydon Railway (Trunk) l3i
Manchester and Birmingham (40 paid) ... .. 20i
North Midland Railway (100 paid)
Ditto New Shares (40 paid)
Ditto Thirds (10 paid)
South East.!rn and Dover (38 paid).,. 17
York and North Midland Railway (50 paid) 751

IMPORT DUTIES.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sin—The duties levied on sugar and molasses in 1840
appears, by a return recently published, to have been
four millions, eight hundred thousand pounds sterling,
On spirits two millions six hundred thousand pounds.
On tobacco three millions and a half sterling. The prin-
cipal consumers of these articles are 1143 middle and
lower classes of society, a very large section of whom
are unrepresented in Parliament, myself among the
number. I would suggest that a strong and convincing
demonstration of the impulicy of high duties may' be
conveyed to the minds of the new Ministry by the lower
and noddle classes of society abstaining as much, as pos-
sible (totally, if possible) from the use of these articles
until our legislators see tit to materially reduce the cost
of them to the consumers. When the revenue falls short
a few millions. per annum more than at presmt a change
in taxation will be inevitable, and John Bull may perhaps
be able to purchase coffee at Bd. per lb., retail sugar at
4d., as at llamburgh, and spirits, tobacco, and other
articles -in proportion. Let all zealous reformers speak
through the revenue as well as through petitions , and
public meetings on a large scale, and the result will be
a pretty considerable fall in the prices of many articles.
With regard to sugar I have began what I recommend—
namely, to drink none in my tea and coffee, though I
use it with acid fruit. A few years ago we paid 6d. per
lb. retail for sugar, now nothing unde'r 9d.
Your constant reader,
Torquay, Sept. i, 1841. A FAMILY MAN.

•
We have before us a very large cherry, recently
pulled from a tree in Captain'llrien's garden. From its
sue, and the lateness of the season,. it has been a subject
of admiration to several who have seen it.—Enni.sl"lien
Chronicle,