The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-25 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDA-s, AUGUST 25, 1841.

MANCHESTER & LEEDS RAI t-4WAY
TENDERS FOR LOANS.
The DIRECTORS of the MANCHESTER and LEEDS
RAIL WAY COMPANY are prepared, under the powers of
an Act passed in the Fourth Year of the Reign of her present.
Majesty, intituled ‘‘ An Act for enabling the Manchester and
Leeds Railway Company to raise a further sum of money,"
to RECEIVE TENDERS for the LOAN of MONEY, in
sums of not less than One Thousand Pounds each, on-interest
at the rate of Five per Cent. per annum, for the terms of
or seven years, at the option of the lender, the repayment to
be secured by mortgage of the property of the undertaking
and the rates, tolls, and other sums, arising or to arise by vir-
tue of the several Acts of Parliament passed relating to the
said Railway.
The Tenders are to express the sums and the term of years
for which the same are proposed to be lent, and are to be ad-
dressed to the Chairman, at the Company's Offices, Clowe's-
buildings, Hunt's Bank, Manchester.
Dated this 4th day of June, 1841.
H. HOULDSWORTH, Chairman.

ITERARY ASSISTANCE, in the Ar-
rangement and Correction of Works, popular or pro-
fessional, by a Gentleman, who has had much experience in
Practical Literature, and who, in proof of abilit;, can either
refer to published works of his own, or will correct, at sight,.
any part of those which are laid before him. He also
charges all the duties connected with the press, and. negotia.ces
the disposal to publishers of such works as he has r evised.
Application (only by letter, post paid) to A.M., 15, Upper
Charlton- street, Fitzroy-square.

ITALIAN .ALABASTER, BLACK
MARBLE, BRONZE, and DERBYSHIRE SPAR
ORNAMENTS. -- An Extensive Assortment of the.
above is Manufactured and Imported by James Tennant,
149, Strand, consisting of Groups, Single .Figures, • In-
laid Mosaic Tables, Candlesticks, Vases, Obelisks, Ink-
stands, .Pen-trays, Watch-stands, Paper-weights, &c., for
the Drawing-room, Library, or Dining-room. A Great Variety
of SHELLS, MINERALS, and GEOLOGICAL SPECI-
MENS, can also be had, either in single Specimens, or care-
fully arranged in Collections for Beginners, from Two to
Twenty Guineas each,—by J. TENNANT, Mineralogist to
her Majesty, 149, STRAND, LONDON.

FROYI LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE.
WHITEHALL, AucUST 23, 1841.
The Queeu has been pleased to direct letters patent to be
passed under the Great Seal, granting the dignity of a Baronet
of the United Kingdom to the following Gentleman, and the
respective heirs male of their bodies lawfully begotten, viz.
Henry Dymoke, of Scrivelsby-court, in the county of Lincoln,
•
Esq.
Thomas Jeseph Trafford, of Trafford-park, in the county pala-
tine, of Lancaster, Esq.
William Lawson, of Brough-hall, in the county of York, Esq.
Charles Tempest, of Broughton-hall, in the county of
York, Esq.
Andrew Armstrong, of Gallen-priory, in King's county, Esq
William Clay, of Fulwell-lodge, in the county of Mid-
dlesex, Esq.
John Itl'Taggart, of Ardwrll, in the county of Wigtown, Esq.
Henry Winston Barron, of Bellevue, in the county of Kil-
kenny, Esq.
George Gerard de Hochepied Larpent, of Roehampton, in the
county of Surrey, Esq.
Denis Le Marchant, of Chobham-place, in the county of Sur-
rey, Esq.
Isaac Lyon Goldsmid, of St. John's-lodge, Regent's-park, in
the county of Middlesex, and of the Wick, Brighthelmstone,
• in the county of Sussex, Esq.
John Easthope, of Fir-grove, in the county of Surrey, Esq.
John Power, of Roebuck-house. in the county of Dublin,
and of Sampton, in the county of Wexford, Esq.

IMPERIAL .eARLIAMENT.

Parliament was tl• As day opened by Commission, with
'JF LORDS. Aug.. 24.
HOUSE
the usual, termalit res.
It having been generally known
for some droys P.: ast, that the state of her Majesty's health
,nit her to open. Parliament in person, the
p ee
atteacted comparatively little- ititereg. AS
early as t welve o'clock, a considerable crowd had' col-
lected the neighbourhood of the two Houses ; and
would.
when Ai', galleries were opened at half-past one, there
t
was.s, pretty fair sprinkling of ladies on the back
bane Iles. The scene was by no means so brilliant as on
the, occasions when her Majesty came down in state.
I 'lost of the ladies wore bonnets; and with the excep-
tion of the Commissioners, who wore their state robes,
'all the Peers present were in plain dress.
Among the earliest arrivals was Lord Campbell, who
was warmly congratulated by several of the Peers.
Their Royal Highnesses the ,Dakes of Sussex and Cam •
bridge arrived shortly before two o'clock. The Duke of
Sgiu;sezz shook hands very cordially with Lord Campbell.
At two o'clock the Lords Commissioners entered the
. House. At this time there ware about 60 Peers present.
Prayers having been read by the Bishop of WORCESTER,
The Usher of the Black Rod was directed to summon
the House of Commons, and shortly afterwards the
Speaker and a large body of Members appeared at the
Bar.

The LORD CHANCELLOR then read her Majesty's
Speech; for which see Commons Report.
The Lords Commissioners were—the Lord Chancellor,
the Earl of Clarendon, the Marquis of Normanby,
Viscount Melbourne, and Viscount Dancannon.
The Commons having retired, the swearing in of
Peers was then proceeded with.
Therelvas a considerable crowd assembled in Palace-
yard to witness the, arrival of the Veers, but there was
no demonstration of approval cr disapproval manifested,
except' towards the Marquis Isformanby, who was.
loudly cheetcd.

The LORD CHANCELLOR resumed his seat on the

Woolsack a few minutes after Five o'Clock, and imme-

diately proceeded to read her Majesty's Speech.
The Speech having been again read by the Clerk at
the Table,

Earl SPENCER rose to move the Address, but spoke

Ln so low a tone as to render it almost unintelligible

in the gallery. The Noble Earl was understood to say
that, in his opinion, the best mode in which a person
standing in his situation could perform his duty on or-
dinary occasions was to avoid, as much as possible, all
topics calculated to intercept the harmony of sentiment,
so 'desirable on . those occasions. But the present was

not an ordinary occasion. The questions which her Ma-
jesty had directed the Lords Commissioners to sub-

_
mit to their Lordships' consideration, were ques-
tions some of them involving the best interests
of the country—interests, many of them of such
immense importance to the future prosperity and
stability of the country, that he feared it would be neces-
sary for him, in addressing the House on that occasion,
to enter more into detail and argument on those
occasions, than he would otherwise have done.
He would, however; endeavour so to discharge his
duty as to lay himself open to as little objection as pos-
sible. There were many topics in the Speech which he
was quite sure would meet with the concurrence of their
Lordships. He was quite sure he should meet with
concurrence in expressing the satisfaction they
must all feel at the friendly communications
her Majesty had received from foreign Powers.
He was sure they would all express their satis-
faction at hearing that a state of peace was preserved
in Europe. He was sorry that they could not also con-
gratulate her Majesty on the favourable termination of the
warlike measures we had adopted for our defence in China.
That was certainly a point of great difficulty, and one re-
specting which he 'was sure their Lordships would unite
in the feelings of regret expressed by her Majesty. With
respect to other topics ; respecting the mediation
of her Majesty between Spain and Portugal, he was
sure, also, of the unanimous expression of their satisfac-
tion. With respect to the debt of Canada, it was al-
luded to in such a manner as to be, he apprehended,
a subject more proper to be brought forward
originally in the other House ; but he was sure they
would concur with her Majesty's recommendation to
contribute as far as was consistent with the interests of
this country to complete the union that had taken
place between the two countries.(Hear, hear, hear.)
On this subject he could not avoid expressing
his gratification at the ability his Noble Friend the
Governor-General, had shown in the conduct of his
government.—(Cheers.) It was impossible for him
(Lord Spencer), intimately as he had been acquainted
with the Noble Lord, not to feel deeply upon this subject.
The next topic to which he wished to call their attention,
was the effect of the treaty of July. The object of that
treaty had been fully attained without involving us
in an European war. He confessed that when he
was made aware that this country had concluded a
treaty to which France was no party—a treaty which
involved the necessity of employing force—he con-
fessed that' he" feared-- it: cold' never be carried out
without leading its and Europe into war, one of the
greatest calamities which could be' inflicted upon the
world. He did feel great raga when he found that the
treaty had been entered into, and that France was ex-
cluded from it—he regretted that his Noble Friend the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs had abandoned that line
of policy which, during his administration of
that office, had secured the peace of Europe and of the
world. But he must confess that although he did feel
that regret, he did not' do so now. When he read the
candid avowal of M. Thiers—(Cheers)—of his motives,
and when he considered the weakness, much greater
than he had imagined, of the Pacla of Egypt—
when he considered the whole course of events, he
confessed that he had been mistaken—(cheers)—and
that the Government had taken the proper and only
course necessary for the best interests of the country.
(Cheers.) He was perfectly ready to avow that he had
been mistaken in his views. He was most happy that
we were now again connected with France in amity, and
were acting with her in our system of European policy.
He thought it was the greatest object for the preserva-
tion of the peace of Europe, for the best interests of
both countries that France and England should be
united in the closest amity—(Cheers)--in all negocia-
tions wherever it was found to be possible ; it was of
the utmost importance that we should endeavour
to keep on friendly terms with each other,
and so really and truly maintain the peace. of
Europe. e His firm opinion was that so long as they were
united there would be no fear of an European war.—
(Cheers.) War he looked upon as one of the greatest of
calamities. He did not fear it for he believed that this
ceuntry was as prepared for war as ever ; but he con-
sidered war not only as a
great calamity, but unless it
could be most fully Justified he considered it as one of the
greatest of crimes.—(Cheers.) He would repeat that be
fully believed that this country was not unprepared for
war—on the contrary, the state of the country was such,
that if the necessity for war should unhappily arise, the
state of our resources was such that we could enter upon it
quiteasevell, if not in better, circumstances-than formerly.
,rt ii-aa-tina that the debt of the country was greatly in-
creased—it was true that their engagements with the
public Creditor were much greater than when they com-
menced the last war ; but he was sure that, look-
ing. at 'the state of the country and the resources
that were at their command comparing the
present wealth and strength of the country . with
what it was in 1792—he believed he was
justified in saying that the 'wealth of the country had
increased much more in proportion than the amount of
the debt, and he did not 'apprehend that they had any
reason to fear a war. But, as he had said before, war
was ' a great crime fo.r any country to be guilty of engag-
ing in, and therefore it was with the greatest satisfaction he
was enabled to congratulate them that they were again
united in friendly relations with France, and that the
peace of Europe was likely to be preserved.—(Hear,
hear.) As he had before said, he believed that the
wealth and resources of the country had increased in a
greater proportion than the amount of the debt, but, in
order to give that wealth its true effect—(Hear, hear)—
in order that that wealth might tell, as it ought to tell,
upon the prosperity of the people, and in order
that it might tell, as it ought to tell,
on the burdens that were imposed upon
the people—it was necessary that they should take fully
and calmly into consideration the mode in which these
taxes were imposed—(Hear, hear)—so that they might,
if possible, make them press with less severity upon the
people. With regard to that question it was rather a diffi-
cult topic to deal with, and one not very agreeable to any
assembly, and to their Lordships it could not be more
agreeable than any other—namely, a discussion of the
. general principles of taxation and commerce. But it
was the duty of the Legislature to look at these ques-
tions, in managing the affairs of that great country—
it was their duty to look at them fairly and
steadily, and to see what were the principles
upon which the commercial prosperity of the
country could be best founded, and to consider whether
these. principles were carried out by • the mode in which
the' taxation of the country was at present imposed.
Their taxation was at present upon the principle of re-
striction. They had undoubtedly, of late years, to a
certain degree, relieved the country from those restric-
tions ; but they had yet a great deal to do before they
were justified in saying that the taxation of the country,
and the mode in which it was levied, was based upon the
principles of commercial prosperity--(Cheers.) He believed
no one objected to what were called the general principles
of commercial prosperity. They Is ere founded on argu-
ments so clear and convincing, that it was impossible for
any one to resist them. Every one was agreed that
the best course to pursue was to give commerce its
free course—not to interfere with the distribution
of capital, but allow every man to apply his resources
in the manner he thought most advantageous.—(Cheers.)
'this
which t principleho
resohuracdes of
been
proved to be the best mode in
the country could be supplied
It had generally been admitted in arguing this
question that general principles were best, but
he had found that particular interests required
particular principles to be applied. He had had the
honour of being a member of the Committee on Fo-
reign Conitnerc!, and in that Committee, although
all, agreed that- general principles were best, yet
.
he had continually , to contend with differentsections of the Committee on different subjects.
It was admitted that general principles were good, but
England, it was said, was so situated that they could not
be generally applied.--(Hear, hear.) Now what, he

would ask, was the situation of England. It was
true it was peculiar in having to pay to th 3
public creditor a great amount ; it was peculiar also in
having to pay a large amount of taxes. There was also
other peculiarities, but those that he had , referred to
were the great ones.—(llear, hear.) It was said that
England was so situated that it .was impossible
to compete with foreign countries without protection. If.
such was the case, was it not, he would ask, most
desirable that the burthen of the people should be
lightened.—(Hear, hear, hear.) That might be
done better by redeeming the annuity which the
country had to pay, or to increase the commerce
of the country. Such being the case the GP-
vernment, under the hope of increasing the wealth
of the country, and thereby enable it to pay the
public creditor, with greater ease, had brought
forward in the last Session certain measures : and for

his own part he felt bound to say that the very amount
of the debt added to the importance of adopting such
measures as would increase the means of the country to pay
the public creditors.--(llear, hear.) The country was
now in a situation in which it ought to endeavour as
fast as it could to apply the true principles of free trade.
With that view her Majesty had directed the Lords
Commissoners to call the attention of the House of
Parliament to the subject. In the course of the last session
her Majesty's Ministers had brought forward seve-
ral measures for the purpose of taking of the restrictions
on trade, among them was a new arrangement
of the Timber Duties. The law with respect

to that subject, caused parties in the country to use the
worst of timber, &c., may, notwithstanding it had been
found even politic to take timber across the Atlantic,
fling it back again.—(Cheers.) Was not such a state of
the law absurd ?—(Hear, hear.) Now the measure,
which had been brought forward by her Majesty's
Government would, ff carried, have the -ef-
fect of giving to the people of England the
power of selecting. timber of the beat- description
at a reasonable price.—(Hear, hear.) Another measure
that had been brought forward in the last session was
with respect to the Sugar Duties, and the same obser-
vations that applied to the Timber Duties applied
equally to the Sugar Duties. The effect of the
present Sugar Duties was to increase greatly the ex-
penses of the middle and lower classes, and thereby it in-
jured the revenue. But it was said if the present restric-
tion on the . introduction of certain sugar was taken off
it would have the effect of interfering with that noble
measure which was an honour to this country—he al-
luded to the abolition of the slave-trade. Now, for his

own part, he believed it would have no such effect, and
if he thought it would he would be the last person to
advocate it. That great measure had done much good ;
aut it could never be carried fully into effect until
the counrty succeeded in getting other countries to follow
its example.—(Hear, hear.) In short, until slavery
was extinguished over the whole world.—(Hear, hear.)
They must remember that whenever there was a compe-
tition between free labour and slave labour, free labour
always had the advantage. The next question was that
recommended to their attention specifically in the
speech from the Throne, namely the state of the laws
regulating the importation of corn. On this subject
the most extravagant opinions had been entertained.
The statements on both sides were many of them incon-
ceivable and impossible. He believed them to be complete
and entire exaggerations.—(Hear, hear.) If lie could
believe either of them on the one side or the other, al-
though lie had long been a decided advocate for the re-
peal of those laws, he certainly should pause be-
fore he could consent to it.--(Hear, hear.)
Depending, as he did, entirely on the produce
of the land, and having been always closely con-
nected with those interested in its produce, he might be
biassed in his opinions, but he should say that if any-
thing like what was alleged by those who promoted
the repeal of these laws, or by those who opposed
it could take place, namely, that the price of corn would
so fall as to throw thousands of acres out of cultivation
—he said that in his opinion nothing could be more disad-
vantageous to the country.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But
he was perfectly satisfied that the Corn-laws were no
protection to the agriculturists(Cheers and counter-
cheering.) He did not believe that by the abolition of the
Corn-laws the price of corn would be materially altered
in this country. He believed there could he no doubt—
indeed it was a mere question of common sense—that no
article. could .he materially reduted in price, unless in
tho course of years the price of. cost was greater than
that of produce. Therefore, , whatever might be the
most expensive mode of cultivation necessary to supply
the wants of the people it must be at a price that would
regulate the price of corn. The price in this country
depended on the expense of cultivation of the land, on
the cost of production. When it was said that the re-
peal of the Corn laws would throw land out of culti-
vation, it was forgotten that the worst land, if
thrown out of cultivation; because a barren waste. If,
therefore, from any change, it was found less profitable
to grow wheat, the first land that went out of cultiva-
tion was anything but corn land.—(Hear, . hear.) , He
thought it utterly impossible that the price of .corn
should be diminished in any material degree by the pro-
posed alterations in the existing laws.—(hear, hear.)
During the period which the Corn-laws had existed we
had imported no less than 11,300,000 quarters of foreign
corn, and only 1,300,000 of the whole quantity had been
introduced when the duty was above 13s. 3d., that was
to say, when the price of wheat in this country was
above 695. Their Lordships would see by that calcula-
tion that from 1515 up to the present time it had never
been worth the while of the foreigner to import, corn,
unless he was enabled to obtain at least 565. for it free of
the duty. These were facts which could not be disputed by
any one, although some of their Lordships might
contend that • they did not contradict any of
their favourite theories. But another case was
often stated. It was often said that .in the
Channel Islands, the average price of corn did not ex-
ceed 41s. No doubt the fact was so, but they would
.find that whenever the ports in this country were open
the prices in those islands immediately rose, and when they
shut they as immediately fell. • Their trade and prices
depended on this country, and he (Earl Spencer) did not
believe it was possible that any large quantity of corn
could be introduced at any materially reduced price.
More corn would undoubtedly be grown, but their Lord-
ships need be under no apprehension of the result. He
felt painfully sensible that his arguments would have but
little weight with the majority of their Lordships. He,
however, had someconsolation in the fact, that during the
greater part of his life he had been one of a minority ;
but he had always seen that those measures which had
been most strenuously urged by him and his friends had
been successful.—(Hear, hear.) He felt confident that
the question of an alteration in the Corn-laws, and free-
dom of trade would yet, and soon, be triumphant.—
(Cheers.) It might be asked of him what great advan-
tages he expected from an alteration in the Corn-laws,
when he did not expect any great reduction in the price?
The advantages he cpntemplated were to be obtained by
raising the price of corn on the Continent--(llear,
hear.) He wished to see the price raised there, in order
that their manufacturers .might not be able to compete
with ours, with such advantages as they now possessed,
and that they might not be induced to turn
their attention so exclusively to manufactures. In his
opinion the opening of the trade upon a fixed basis would
prove of the utmost advantage to all the interests of this
country ; it would increase the prosperity of our
manufactures and, consequently, although indirectly,
increase the prosperity of the agricultural interest, for
in a very great degree they did and must depend upon
each other.—(Hear, hear.) But the plan proposed by
the Government would directly benefit the agriaulturel
interest, for what had the Corn-laws done ? They
might prevent prices from falling a little when they
were high, but when they were low, the effect was to
depress them still further.—(Hear, hear.) Since
1815 there had been no such thing known as any
large speculation in English corn. From the uncertainty
of the present laws all speculations were confined to
corn of a foreign growth. If these laws were abolished,
and the prices on the Continent were brought upon
something like an equality with those in England specu-
lations would go on in English corn as well as i*
foreign, and that would tend very greatly:
to relieve the farmer in depressed ". .j•ears
He only hoped that if they did not apprUe of thesq-doe-
trines at least they would remove them ;Inti'd hesVerot as
a landed proprietor, and as one interested in theAftiva
tion of the soil. He hoped they would *dire th.erktioitt
the unmitigated evil of the Corn-laws'--Vit ears) -.l.'filiAl
i
law, :as it at present stood, by its sudden- staniks; ieWi,
out such temptations to fraud and to' fnifpinf, thee
markets of our country that it was bec&rne It's:seriont
evil, and he might add hardly bearable. These 'rnetsnt-ei.
he felt confident, would ultimately be carried, ,hnt'lie o.iie:
fessed he feared that before the country wasimpr4sYti tvtilt;
the truth of these principles the sufferings of the yteflple 41
would be fearful. The people were at present in a state of '
suffering, and that the carrying of the present question
would be ultimately beneficial to them and to all parties,
he had not the slightest doubt. • (Hear, hear.) He was
sure they would prevent the recurrence of many evils
engendered by the late contests in the political world,
and that could only be effected by a jut and good Go-
vernment, and by concessions on both sides. But if these
measures were delayed too long—if they Olayed to gma that
freedom to the commerce of the country. which would
enable the persons engaged in it to sit_,seniployment
and to circulate capital, the result,' avpnlel lle
to drive that capital abroad, and the manufacturing-
prosperity of the country would be destroyetlHs(Xsoud-
cheers.) He could hardly conceive anything more cala-
mitous to that country than such an event.---;.(Loud
cheers.) When they considered the vast mass of their
population, and the artificial state of society in which
they lived—when they considered that such an event
must deprive vast numbers of employment—he could
hardly conceive anything more disastrous than such an
e timeven t
was. ( event.--(Loud
notou d
far c h
distante er s . )
whenil;
inslhney tthihhfeotey pleasure
wouldhpt
Speechhee hoped
sea n
ieirab mneegdeei
Lordshipstrustednnpafwesururor
armspleupower
would that
h theo
carried, for. whenever the capital of the country
beveegnantua to diminish
annishendit
towtohuel.dprogsopeorinty ionfcrtehyewat
deis,:tiecornaoogiennui 1 1
concur
ntoathtchrnni
;auaseade•
r.t.
other House of Parhamenintusshtoustladundotoragfraelel
itno tchoenrsee.-
HcqsHauonueembdienrwme act
mccoeetunaloj.
wdefais. re-
commendations rnsthhsameedct coursemoi
nn.ebitxse
ea:ilvernnwr
seemhhdhei
tiiihneethstearumm,setanecdodntfithhdaeatntcCheoeninfisdhteohnuewelde
lifaelalitvlt
atiiseevt7reaabbt"leeenttocosehlifinakt dereetaiann,ce

PRICE 5d

that he had done hitherto. The. Noble Lord sonclue•l
by moving the Address.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said be could
assure their Lordships that he felt most deeply the
;very, difficult and disadvantageous position in
which he was placed in rising to second the Address,
and how much he needed the indulgence of the House.
His Noble Friend who had moved that Address had ad-
duced sufficient reasons for supporting the only parts
upon which any difference of opinion was likely to be
entertained ; and as whatever came from him must come
with weight, not only on account of his eloquence and
ability, but also on account of the important posi-
tion which he held in the country, as a Peer, as
a landed proprietor, and as a statesman—anything
which came from him (the Marquis of Clanricarde) on
the same subject must appear tedious to their Lord-
ships. Still, such was the importanee of the topic con-
tained in the Address, that he could not help stating some
of the principal reasons which induced him to give it his
cordial support. Upon a great part of the Address he
apprehended that no difference of opinion has likely to
arise. No one could deny that it was satisfactory to re-
ceive assurances of pacific inclinations from foreign
Powers. It must be gratifying to all that the
treaty which was in progress last year had now been
virtually ratified. The policy of that treaty had been
more than once discussed by, and had received the sanc-
tion of, the late Parliament. He need not, therefore,
detain their Lordships at any 'great length on that sub-
ject ; but it was satisfactory to know that the difficulties
which had occurred in the execution of the treaty had at
length been surmounted. It was an act of notoriety that
a treaty had been agreed upon between the Four Powers
and France in reference to the Dardanelles. The for-
mal ratification of it, however, had not been received

in the last Parliament. It was now, for the first time,-
formally announced that the separation of France from
the other Powers was completely at an end ; that the
dangerous and isolated position in which that country
had placed herself had at length been chinged, and that
they might now reasonably hope that all those doubts,
jealousies, and anxieties, which had been excited in the
public mind would quickly subside. Neither could any
difference of feeling exist as to the state of our relations
with Persia, the evacuation of Ghorian, and the
return of the Consul to Teheran.—(Hear, hear,. hear.)
In relation to all these subjects there was the best rea-
son to expect unanimity. But he could not disguise from
himself that, in touchinc, upon those other portions upon
which the Noble Lord had dilated with so much effect,

the sentiments which he would have to express would
differ from those of many of their Lordships,
and therefore it was the more necessary that
he should claim their indulgence.—(Hear, hear.)
These topics were unpleasant for him to approach, and
he did not know what arguments to select on a subject,
on which so much had been written and said by great
authorities who had fairly exhausted the subject. But
in maintaining his opinions on the subject, he hoped, if
he was not unbiassed, his bias would be found to be
on that side on which it might be least expected. It was
usual for persons talking on these subjects to disclaim all
personal feelings, but he confessed that he greatlydistrusted
all such disclaimers. Yet, as one whose property and pros-
perity were involved in land, he implored their Lordships
to accdPe to the opinions expressed in the Address, and
to the alteration in laws which, in his opinion, did in-
juriously affect the landed interests. He said the land-
owners had the greatest of all interest in an alteration
of these laws because they affected the prosperity of the
whole empire, and if there was one class more than
another deeply interested in the general prosperity and
wealth of the empire it was the landed interest.—(Hear.)
It was true that no portion of the country could profit
so directly by the increased wealth of the country as
the landed interest.—(llear, hear.) They could set no
bounds to the expansion of the commercial interests of
the country, but the land could not increase. Expe-
rience had shown that as the commercial class increased
in wealth a portion of their wealth was invested in land,
' and therefore land must increase in value in proportion
to the increase of wealth in the commercial class. But he
'contended that the landed interest suffered directly
from the operation of these laws. Under them there
must be either regular business of a steady, regular
Iprofit, or there must be fluctuations. Now, he would
I venture to affirm that all reference to the experience of
I the present law would show that iu the fluctuations to
I which the trade in corn was more or less subject, the
profit had never gone to the British farmer ; while the
loss, when there was loss, had fallen upon him.—(Hear,
hear.) If their Lordships would refer to the tables re-
turned to Parliament, they would find that of wheat and
wheat flour the quantity imported since the passingof this
law was nearly thirteen millions of quarters. At the
' same time the average price of corn had been from 565.
to 575. But their Lordships knew that this was not the
steady price of corn, for in 1834 the price of corn was
down to 355. to 365. per quarter. If, therefore, the farmer
was to gain, he ought to have gained on those prices, but
he (Lord Clanricarde) would show their Lordships that
the farmer did not gain by the high price, but lost
almost all by it. He found that in the year 1834 the
import of corn was only 11,000 quarters, and if they
would turn to 1839, they would find the quantity
entered for foreign consumption was 594 quarters.
But from the returns he found that, of nearly
fifteen millions of quarters imported since these
laws had been in force, ten millions had been im-
ported at an average duty of 2s. 100. Now this was
what they called the protection of the present law. It
was clear from the returns, that when in 1834 the price
was as low as he had stated, the British farmer sold all
his corn, but when it was at a high rate, foreign corn
came in on a sudden, the averages were worked up pur-
posely to let thorn in (but that was another considera-
tion), and whon the people had been kept in want sonic
time, foreign corn came in, and was sold at a high price,
while that of theießritish farmer was sold at a low price.
He said, thereate, that the British farmer sustained a
loss, and that the protection at present was entirely ficti-
tious. But another view to be taken was that of supply.
If they wished to give the British farmer a monopoly to
supply the market with corn, they ought to see that the
market was supplied by the farmer, and that they
were able to derive a sufficient supply from home
to meet the wants of the people.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, it was notorious that the harvest of 1838 was a
deficient one, while that of 1834 was a most productive
one. ' It was clear that the harvest of 1834 did not pro-
duce more corn than the people wanted for their con-
sumption • and, according to the calculations that had
been made, there was a deficiency of no less than five
millions of quarters in 1838. 'Now, such being the fact,
what was the inference to be drawn from it ?
Why, that there was not a sufficiency of
corn in the country at that time to feed
the people, and that consequently they were starving.
The fact was, that this country at the present moment
was dependant foi corn upon a foreign supply, and the
question was, whether they should still keep up the re-
strictive system, or by new laws enable the country
always to have a sufficiency of wheat for its consump-
tion. But then it was said that the alteration of the
laws might have the effect of closing foreign ports
against this country. He could not believe
that any such result would ensue. Among
the many evils of the present existing laws was the
derangement which they occasioned to the commerce of
the country, and he thought that it would be admitted by
all that the sooner the cause of that derangement was re-
moved. How were our manufactures to prosper if the
Corn-laws were to be maintained? He agreed with his
Noble Friend who preceded him, that even if the propo-
sitions of the Government were to be carried into effect,
the price of corn would not be lowered to such an extent
as many feared; but still if our manufacturers had fair
play, by being allowed to trade in corn with the fo-
reigner, the markets for their productions would be very
greatly extended, for the invariable answer of foreign
Governments, when asked to alter their tariffs, was,
" Look at the duty you place upon our staple commo-
dity." The consequence of these laws was, that foreign
countries drew from us our best mechanics and artisans.
They imported our skill and machinery in order to enable
them to make these goods for themselves, which they
would be most happy to take from us ready made if they
were allowed to pay for them by their produce. It
might be said that might be done. All the good might
he effected by altering, by lowering the sliding scale ;
Iz
;but if they lowered it so far as to be of any use,
delusion practised upon would be a mere
he farmer.—(Loud cheers.) He
1
lor trusted their
dships would speak out fully and freely. The Ad-
dress before their Lordships spoke frankly,
freely, and
Mainly—rnore so indeed thaw any document of a similar
*l
elature which had ever come before their Lordships. Let
their Lordships imitate it, and if they were determined
'not to agree to the principles it embodied, let them say
t lo boldly, and carry out their intentions by introducing
4the word "not' in a few placess—(A laugh.) Ile called
i iiipon their Lordships to take that course, because, in
watching the conduct of the leading men in the political
world, lie thought that they had treated that most im-
portant question in a very unbecoming manner, Such a
course would be unworthy of that House; therefore he
trusted their Lordships would speak out and tell the
people plainly what it was they intended to do. Some
1 time ago many predicted that the House of Lords was
I to be annihilated, and the aristocracy- abolished ; he had
never participated in those fears, but he would say that if
men in high places practised such evasion upon the people,
`they would give a. greater blow to the aristocracy than
any which it had yet received. The party who sat op-
,osite might Say their conduct was well known, and
they would continue to give that protection to agricul-
ture which it required, but that would mean absolutely
nothing. It became them, filling such a high station, to
come forward, and setting aside all subterfuge or evasion
to state plainly and without reserve what their intentions
were. He was most anxious that they would avoid
taking such a course of evasion as had lately been
pursued. Let them agree to the Address whether they
meant to alter the Corn-laws or not, and if Ministers
were to be turned out their Lordships might do so upon
a vote of confidence immediately after.—(Laughter.)
All ho wanted was, that that House should not equivo-
cate upon a matter so important ; that they should
speak out openly and plainly, and not take a course
which would deceive the agriculturalist; yet at the same
time leave it open to them to see whether it would be
better for them to please the country or their party.—
(Cheers.) If the Ministry were to be overthrown, he
was glad that it was to be upon so very important a
question. When he looked back at what they had done
1 . within the last ten years—when he saw they had carried
' .. a Reform which, twelve years ago would nave been
thought chimerical—when they had rendered a

return to the old borough system impossible—
when he saw the Municipal Corporations vehn had
much money in their power, and which it was proved
they had frequentlyspent in corruption, fully reformed--,
when he saw the manner in which the Tithe question.
had been settled both in Ireland and England—when
he saw the Church in both countries put on a better
footing—when he recollected that the Ministry had ef-
fected all these and other great changes which had
been for the benefit of the country—he did feel that they-
could not finish their Ministerial career in a more credit
able or more fitting manner than by falling in a struggle:
against an unnecessary, and therefore unjustifiable and,
odious monopoly. Therefore it was that he prayed
their Lordships to meet the question at once—to state,
if they could, their reasons against the opinions he had ut-
tered, and by freeing the energies of the people,
and enabling them to pay into the Treasury
a sufficient revenue in a manner that would not be bur-
densome, to avoid the necessity for further taxa--
tion.—(Hear, hear.) He wished their Lordships would.
state their opinions and objections to these measures in.
a manly, firm, creditable, and straightforward manner„
and not to leave the country in doubt as to their inten-
tions, if, unfortunately, they should reject the Address.
(Loud cheers.) .
The Earl of RIPON agreed in the opinions expressed
by the Noble Lords who had moved and seconded that.
there were matters in the Speech delivered by the. Lords
Commissioners to which it was not at all likely their
Lordships would be at all disposed to object, and cer-
tainly he would have been prepared to follow the ex-
ample which of late years had been generally fol-
lowed, of acquiescing in the whole of the .Address,
except in so far as any particular qualification or re-
servation of opinion might deem fitting. He confessed
he should rather have pursued that course' at present.
than take the course he was about to take, of objecting'
to certain portions of the Address, and submitting to.
their Lordships an amendment upon this. The portions.
to which his Noble Friend referred as likely to receive
the general concurrence of the. House were those refer-
ring to the state of their foreign relations, and un-
doubtedly he must say that he had heard with great
satisfaction that these relations which happily for many
years existed between France and other countries, more
especially England,had been restored to the State, notwith-
standing the casual interruptions which had last yeer
taken place. They owed much of that to the prudence,.
the discretion, and the judgment of his Majesty the King
of the French—(Cheers)—they "owed much to the en-
lightened Ministry by whom he was surrounded, who
had by their discretion and just appreciation of the po-
sitionl of France with regard to the rest of Europe put
an end for a time at least, and he hoped for a long time,
to those dangers upon which rasher counsels and less.
scrupulous minds would have risked the peace of Europe-
-(Cheers.) Therefore he was rejoiced to find that they-
were relieved from any ground of apprehension on that
score, and he should be still more rejoiced if the actual
result of the arrangement for what was called the paci-
fication of the East should turn out to have had that
effect. But their Lordships might find that after all
the Pacha of Egypt was a most powerful vassal, and the
Grand Seignor a most powerless Sovereign, and that the
integrity, and the maintenance of peace depended not.
only upon him, but essentially on the permanent inter-
position of the great Powers of Europe. It was not
permitted by them to say how long that state of things
might last. He was sure it was for the interest of all
parties that it should last, and he believed that all the
Powers bound in that league had shown no disposition
to part from its provisions. He concurred also in think-
ing that it was a fortunate circumstance that the relations.
with Persia appeared to be restored. His Noble Friend.
seemed to intimate that some matter still remained to,
be adjusted, and he hoped speedily this would be the
case. But he attached the more importance to the
settlement of that question, because it had a very great
bearing upon another matter connected with their his-
tory, with respect to which, to his great surprise, the
Speech was entirely silent. He meant that extraordinary
war which was goiner on in Afghanestan, the
object and results of which were equally obscure.—
(Hear, hear.) True, there had been a certain flush of
success, and it was true that British arms had placed
upon the throne a miserable degraded puppet, totally
unfit to administer the affairs of the country over which
he ruled. A British army was still maintained there
hundreds of miles from their own territory, in no
small danger, and surrounded by parties who looked
with jealousy upon the puppet they had placed
upon the throne. What was the state of the Punjaub ?
In consequence of a treaty which they had entered into.
with Shah Shooja and their dearly-beloved ally Ilunjeet
Sing, they had made war on that territory;
they had incurred an enormous expense, which he be-
lieved had absorbed all the spare treasure of India, and
had compelled the Government to have recourse to a great
loan, not a very respectable position to be placed in. The
Punjaub was in a state of confusion, and there they were
planted, and no man could say how soon they might think
it wise to retire, or how difficult they might find it.—
(Hear, hear.) Not a word of these matters was men-
tioned in the Speech, or of the great armaments got
together to carry on these undertakings. The next
matter was the war in China, and that was a war of a very
curious kind. It was carried on at a vast expense, under
many very great difficulties, and against an enemy who,
would not fight. They knocked his castles about his
ears, they burned his ships, and called on him to sub-
scribe to terms, which they said their dignity
compelled them to exact—he promised to do so, they be-
lieved him, and it all came to nothing. They had sent
a large force there which took possession of an unde-
fended island. Hundreds of men died there—(Hear.
hear)—and the rest were sent away under the impres-
sion that everything was done. They then went to
Canton, and a treaty was made, which ended in no-
\ thing. They were told by her Majesty's Government.
last year that they had ratified a treaty, and their si-
I tuation was, not that they were at war, but that
their negotiations for peace had not succeeded.
' They were again at war, and her Majesty's Government
had not told them what the war was about. He knew
not why they had failed—whether it was the blundering
of the instructions or of those who were to execute
them. Now there were two questions, the war in
Affghanistan and the war iu China, which would justify
him it' they stood alone in moving a vote of want of eons
fidence in her Majesty's Government. There was an-
other point, the state of their affairs in the Mediterra-
nean, about which he would not say one word, as it was
calculated to be productive of serious evil. He now
came to that part of the speech on which
his Noble Friends anticipated that there would not be an
unanimous vote, and he was not surprised at the anticipation,
as under all the circumstances it was impossible that it could
be an unanimous vote. It embraced the revenue, the general
trade and commerce of the country, and, according to the
views of her Majesty's Ministers, these three questions were
linked together. it was said that these measures were pro-
posed to meet the difficulties of a great financial crisis, and if
he thought they were cab ulated to do so, he should hesitate in
proposing any amendment. But it was beeause he believed
that this wes the greatest possible mismanagement of the public
finalises that he called upon their Lordships to say that
her Majesty's Government did not possess the confidence of
the country.—( Hear, hear.) For the last four years the re-
venue had been constantly less than the expenditure, and the
excess had been less that five millions up to the sth of April
last, and it was most singular that the measures taken to meet
the exigency were nothing unjustifiable. How had the de-
ficiency been supplied ? Principally by tampering with the
savings, banks, by borrowing money from them, or a process
equivalent thereto, and changing the Exchequer Bills into a
part of the permanent debt of the coon ry. He admitted it
was competent for the Treasury to do so; but to do it without
the knowledge of Parliament for a series of years was, in his
opinion, an unconstitutional proceeding.—(Bear; hear.) These
savings banks were the places in which the hutribler classes
placed a portion of their savings, in order to gild the evening
of their laborious lives, being induced by the Acts of
the Legislature to entrust those savings to the pub-
lic custody. But if the Government has the power
to take them tar other purposes, what security had these poor
people? He thought such conduct was quite unjustifiable.
Another mode adopted by the Government was diminishing
the balance in the Exchequer, which he thought a very impro-
vident mode of dealing with a deficiency. During the course
of the last ten years, an addition had been made to the funded
debt of about one million per ennum,"for which no provision
was made. That was first done when there was a positive sur-
plus ; but for the last four years, when there was none, it had
added to the deficiency. If to thoseeneasures were added the
h74otyo,aoodowpt.ioonr onfearly the Post-office scheme, it would amount to
2
all that was required to meet the defi-
ciency in the last Parliament. In all these matters it appeared
to him a want of common foresight and precaution.—(Hear,
hear.) He had referred to thesem attersonorw:
occasion, and his Noble Friend opposite had admitted
most of his facts and statements ; and although he had not ad-
mitted all of them, he had not refuted any. When he found
the finances of the country so mismanaged,t he thought. he was
)
justified in asking their, Lordships
her r.dshipsoF a vote of want of ti-
dence.—( Hear. 11Majesty's Government pro-
posed to meet 1
the exigency of the case by a considerable addi-
tion to the taxes. That had been done in a very clumsy and
common-place manner, and it was ultimately admitted that it
had not answered the proposed object. There was one eircum-
ceconnected with this matter which was announced on the
2t of the Government, so far as the finances were concerned.
tie event the negotiations for a commercial treaty with
France, which were then going on. This announcement
took place when the Budget was opened, and there
taxes were imposed. Now, if that treaty had been carried
into effect he would undertake to say that it would have
been absolutely necessary to have called upon Parliament to
undo a great part of what they had done; but, however, that
difficulty did not occur, because the treaty was put aside.
He now came to the present year, and nere he found that
the deficiency remained the same—no, not the same, for
it had accumulated; and then the Government came for-
ward with a plan which they professed to consider as one
which would put the revenue on a sound footing. That
plan consisted in an alteration of the duty on the three ar-
ticles to ahich his Noble Friend had alluded ; and it was
stated on the part of the Government that the alteration would
have the triple effect of improving the revenue, extending
commerce, and benefitting the consumer. It would not be
difficult to show that not one of these measures
could by possibility have effected these of jects.—
He would point out, for example, the mode in which it was
proposed by the Government to deal with the question of tim-
ber. They said, and said truly, that the proportion between
the duty on foreign timber and Canadian timber was unduly
great. lie was not disposed, in the abstract, to deny that the
duty might requi -e recision—(Ministerial cheers)—but what
he questioned, was the policy and prudence of the mode in
which the Government proposed to do it. They proposed to
increase the duty on Canadian timber from 10s. to 205., and
to reduce the duty on Baltic timber from 555. to 50s. Now,
his Noble Friend stated what was perfectly true, that although
Canadian tineber was not fit for certain purposes, there was a
great deal that was exceedingly useful, and in exact proportion
as ihe duty had the effect of causing people to substitute
Baltic timber for Canadian timber, would have keen the
effect of the measure in increasing the revenue ; but it would
not increase the interest of the consumer, so far as related to
colonial timber. Then, how far would it affect the interest of
the consumer of importsre tiber? Mr. Macgregor, in his evi-
dence before the I Duties Committee, propounded a
scheme for altning the duties, which he (the Earl of Ripon)
believed was the 5, undation of this Budget. lie stated that the
duty on Baltic timber varied from 50 to 200 per cent.
Now take 100 per cent., was there
any person who did not
, know that a reduction of ss. in Ws. in an article like that
might go into the pockets of the builder, but could be of no
I benefit to the consumer.—( Hear, hear.) Therefore in his
oi,inion, the scheme could never answer the three ends
! proposed ; and with respect to the trade, is exact proportion as

IVI ORNING SUI 4:

it inArea sed i A this one branch it must diminish in the othfrl
He the. •efore called this a complete fallacy as a scheme of
finance. Thi 3 next thinrr was sugar. He thought in this re-
sp is,vernment scheme of finance could never succeed,
uecause. it v as admitted by the Governrre it that the effect
wonl i only be to reduce the price of sugar some fraction if a
farthing pet pound. avow, unless the price of sugar was re-
one 7 penny in the pound, the consumer could gain no
advantage. He was not prepared to say thilt he thought no
time could . occur in which the duty en foreign grown
sugar oug trot to be reduced, but then there was the
question th at bad been alluded to by his Noble Friend, of
;!avert' and the slave trade; and, although his Noble Friend
had told th, tun, that if he thought these would be promoted by
the measure with all his love for free trade, he would not

consent to i t. He (the Earl of Ripon) thought it must have
'h tt effect,- —at all events, there was great danger cf it. The
Paperiment cal emancipation had not been fully tried. He be-
lieved it w a 9 working remarkably well, and would entirely
..ucceed • 1 'tit he thought it would be unwise, in the greatest
:--szible de. ;re e, to risk its success by such a measure at the
present mi,mei nt. He came now to the most important part
this am?ly, to the alteration in the Corn-laws. The
lbject, was so inclosed in difficulties, that he hardly knew how
I)..tst appros ~:11 it. He thought he should be able to show
that the props sed plan was one in which they ought not to ac-
His :l N'oble Friend, who opened the debate, talked of the

iportanre of free trade in everything, but, above all, in corn,
znEl very fairly stated what exaggerations prevail en this sub-
uoth sides. Rut might not he (the Earl of Ripon)
u. -i, was the It oposit.on of the Government a bona fide one,
nd, if not, ss bat might be the result, and to what might it be
,!ended they shor.ld come ?—(Cheers. ) If the argument of
Noble Fri mt.l.prevalled, it would come to an atsolition of
protectim t..—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.)
;ere ! The mystery was unveiled.—( Cheers.) The mover
seconder A' the Address, before they came to the House,
:,..tst have ma lJ observations on the subject, and he there-
;ore must sui pose that his Noble Friend at the head of the
rras perfectly aware, when he selected them fee

(,ov,:rnment

purpose, that the miner and seconder of the Address

argue ' 3w. question on the -principles of free trade and no
o l:er ; and. therefore, it was not unjust or uncharitable to in-

that that was the end to which this scheme tended.—
`.sheers.) There could not be the slightest doubt of it. whe-
they a egarded this circumstance, or what had been said in
,• ',smirch pamphlets, in the newspapers, or in the outpourings
site Anti-Corn-law League.. If this were indeed a bona fide
cation of a fixed duty, instead of a graduating scale, was that
Taedioa on which to atg•Jate the country to its foundations,
to excite all the wo-.st passions of our nature ?—(Cheers.)
how could they settle such a question as this on a fair and
reasonable baiis, when all parties were maddened respecting
by a violent agitation, which produced disorder
and broke up every social feeling. This charge appeared to
ti:ro to be on the side of those who clamoured tor what they
••-..lied cheap br a,acl, and never thought of what his Noble
F.-iervl who m, ived the Address, with all his knowledge.and ex-
v-rieirae, had told them--that cheap bread it would not bring.
i-i ! did not chink that the institutions of the country were
cure when. insinuations were spread abroad by persons not
.ithout. respecting the disinterestedness of those to
mom • cat committed the task of framing our laws. Insinua-
,ns of: this kind were contained in the Report to which he
ha,i ai'.uded. It had been stated that the existing, laws had
ly failed in producing the objects sought to he obtained
i;, but he would show Hot only that it had not failed, but
a?'. it had produced exactly the effect desired.—(Cheers.)
roe l: Lordships would find on the table, that :here was

,tare: ent of the weekly averages of corn for a series
years, going down to the end of the last year, and
.a the course of the 12 years inelnded in those tables, the
.tverage price was s~s. and :3-10ths. Now that was not
.I.t :di an extravagant average ; but if that period was
itividPd into two parts, the average of the first six years

'mould be found to have been :-.39Z Id. and the next six
i7s. G,;(1. Now from that he thought it might be said that
the sr,hcine of the Corn-laws had not failed. If the 12 years
were divideA in-o three the same result would be bound to
!a.ke place. The Noble Lord opposite had all ided to another
irgument, and that was with reference lo the errantry being
ic:,endant upon foreign supply, nod i.e had denied that
atry danger would ',stilt Sr: in that. Nor: he ( Lord
Kiva) tett convince that there was danger in such a
at, of things, and that was thn real grounds
• iid justification in his rdnd fur supporting any Corn-laws
Latever. He could not divest himself of the most grave ap-
,i•hension, that if they depended upon importation from
broad for the supply, they would thereby cause the neglect of
to growth of e'rn in this country, rand would impose great
ilificulties, and difficulties that would increase every year ;
iddod to which, he thought it extremely likely, if they admitted
'oec4,n corn into this country, and thereby injured the cultiva-
wn of corn here, the time would come when foreign countries
could not have corn to send them. He believed if the mea-

•es proposed were carried, a great portion of the land of this
,entry would be thrown out of cultivation. Looking at the
abject in a mercantile point of view, it was said, if free trade
n corn was given, that the manufacturers of the country
would flourish in a much greater degree. Now for his own part,
he thought there was great reason to doubt that. By tar the
gr eter part of the nat lons of Europe had Corn-laws for their
eiseteteion, and how -,vas it therefore to be supposed that those
reentries, if the Corn-laws in this country were repealed,
il4l take the goods of this country at a greater price then they
tee, ld manufacture them themselves ? It was said
steit the Prussian League was the result of the Corn-
laws. He as,ertect that it was no such thing. It was a great
sei:eme devised ler the purpose of nationalising the north of
Germany, and it was one of the best guarantees for peace that
hail existed for ages.—(Hear, hear.) He would venture to
say that no man who Fad been in Germany would fail to have
discovered that t pr"inciple that animated the German people
wee to protect tl:eir own manufactures : they might be wrong
in that, and this, country might be wrong, but it was a feeling
rracting all nations in all times. He believed from all he
need heard, thr.t not one of the Governments of Europe would
make any relaxation in their restrictive laws, merely because
this counto-y had thrown the trade in corn open with them.
:Much had been said about Russia, but their Lordships must
know that the laws of Russia were most restrictive. Great,
exertions had been made in that country to establish manufac-
tines in e- very part of it, and what reason was there, he would
ask, fur supposing that merely because this country had granted
a free trade in corn, they would unsettle and abandon all
these things ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Under all the
eircums :ancee of the case, looking to the course that
find been taken by her Majesty's Government, and look-
in o to the fact stated by the two Noble Lords., that they
intended to stand or tall by' those propositions, anti those pro-
positions being liable to the doubts he had mentioned, he should
move an . true adment to the address, expressing a want of con-
fidence on the part of that House in her Majesty's present
Cevermen.t, and he trusted that their Lordships would adopt
it. In th at amendment he proposed that they should state
to her Majesty that they approached her as her devoted ser-
vants, and. as a body of men who, whilst they respected the pre-
sad dignity of the Crown, arid the person of their
Severeie n, knew how to. appreciate the duties which their
station i .nposed upon them, and how to maintain the rights
and lib erties of their country. He should wish that they
should approach her Majesty with these feelings in their hearts,
and the fear of God before their eyes, to assure her that they
joined with her in her earnest prayer, that all their councils
and deliberations might be guided by wisdom, and might con-
duce to the welfare and happiness of her people. The Noble
Earl concluded by moving an amendment to the effect, that
their Lordships begged humbly to represent to her Majesty
that the public expenditure had for several successive years ex-
ceeded the income, and begged to assure her that they were
deeply sensible of so great an evil, and would do all in their
power to remedy it : and that in deciding on the course which
it might be desireable to pnraue, especially with respect to the '1
laws relating to the trade in corn, it would be their ardent de-
s es to consult the interests and promote the welfare of all classes ;
bit they felt it to be their duty to state to her Majesty, that
in doing so it was essential towards arriving at a satisfactory
result, that her Majesty's Government should possess the con-
fidence of that House and of the country, and respectfully to
represent that that confidence was nut reposed in the present
Government ; and that they cordially joined in her Majesty's
prayer that all their deliberations might be directed with wis-
dem, and conduce to tine interests of the people.
The Marquis of CLANHICARDE explained. He was not
present in favour of the total abolition of the Corn-laws.
I-n was in favour of a moderate and low fixed duty ; but he
hoped that in a •,tiort time they would be altogether abolished.
We coulee not see who seconded the amendment, but it was
pot into th a hands of the Lord Chancellor, who, having read it,
rut it to ine House. Some moments elapsed, when Lord Mel-
o .fired to rise, but was stopped by
:art VITZ WILLIAM, who said he had listened with some
-iosi' yto the speech of the Noble Earl. It was excited at
beginning of the speech; but it was not entirely gratified
no conclusion. Ile had hoped the Noble Earl would have
ed what measures he would propose to remedy the present
nrastances of the country; but, in place of it, he concluded
eese an amendment, is which he did not point out any ono
pile-, but confined himself to the enunciation of the long
known fact that the Ministry did not possess the tee&
are the
Tof that House. There was no important proposition in-
dNerclieency of
. eed in the amendment. It said, merely, o eve
e are the many, you are tl -•. you are the weak—we the few ;
us the Government." The Noble Earl was evidently de-
a of concealing the mode in which he would propene
difficul to
cafe the country from its acknowledgedowhat
tie& He
not deign to give even a sketch fmeasures he
Earl ae.
._ght necessary for that purpose.
Thethe
enewledged the difficulty-- he admitted the
resentse, for it was made the very ground-wort' of his amend.-
merit. The logical conclusion, then, ought to have followed,
eret their Lordships put in possession of the measures the
.l'eble Earl thought necessary to meet the exigencies of the
eo-. But, nil horum, the Noble Earl contents himself with
"6 We are the many, you are the few," &c. That
not the usual course pursued on the eve of a change of
..4slusenistration. He would refer the Noble Lord to what took
plsee ten or eleven years since, when, as now, the Noble Earl
was one of the party coming into Power. The Noble Earl
formed one of the Cabinet upon that occasion ; but there was
ci" mystery then as to the measures to be proposed. No ; the
Government then coming in stated that there were certain
principles which they adopted, and certain measures arising
ore <1 them which they intended to carry into effect. So
, in 1807, when Lord Grenville'a
Administration was
ov limed, Mr. Perceval stated his pe'deciples distinctly, and
the manner in which he proposed to carry them out. He said
th. Government were proposing measures which were danger-
oio 'o the Church and State, and against the wi.hes of the
emietry. But ihe Noble Evel was a prudent man in his gene-
rate, n. He knew and admitted that the country was
difficulty—he kereev that some measures must be
n to ev.ric2..e us trom these difficulties, but he keeps Par-
, ent is profound ignorance of what he would propose those
sures to be. Did he intend to sweep away great num-
of the taxes which now pressed most heavily on commerce,
pr 4
p0r,.1 a new tax en land, or a property tax, to replace
I' Was that any part of the Noble Earl's plan? Let him
tie:, House yes or no. If their Lordships thought that was
~ the proposition, would they be so very anxious to give
' 7 confidence to the incoming Government? They would
see se large a majority, at all events, as they would see be-
- the night was east. Well, if it were not to be so, what
the Noble Earl propose? The difficulties were acknow-
h, and great distress in our manufacturing population was
, yet the Noble Earl objects to any alteration in the
.ewe, and he would maintain them because he would riot
iti.;:;-!and dependent on foreign countries for a supnlv of
:sow that was a very good topic on which. to found a
sang speech in the I-lou e, but how stood the facts? Was
ceuetry t r could the country be independent of foreign
P—( Hear, hear.) Let the Noble Earl divide the last
century ii ith as many cycles as he pleased, and he would
el that our dependance on foreign supply had increased in
ices.—( Hear.) In the twelve years, from 1775 to 1786
ielusise , the general average in port was 179,000 quarters. In
es !teceedines cycle, inding in 1798, it amounted to 324,000
martors ; in The next cycle, ending in 1810, the importation
17;5 t 93.000, and in the 25 years since 1815 up to 1819 it was
6 i4,6‘0, while the average during the last 11 years of that
period was no less than 863,000 quarters, co that that item in
• commercial concerns was totally reversed to the view
taken of it by the Noble Earl It was obvious then that the
Tees 4f our independence of a foreign supply was a talk of a
Vnizg which could hare no existence, and, therefore, it was
or
. not to talk about it at ail. The simple question they
o', .:hz, to les,aleaspon was the terms upon which foreign corn
it to come into this country, whether under a sliding
• cr law dui
populajnia or no duty at all ? The increa,
rete--y than it was going on at a much
,ee4seathatb. Tbe.was eossible for them to in-
than 25t001i i•year.ereCeeeoull the
population was, not
1 quarters of whtat ? ,s they provide so many addi-
Lu 'to se, they must cultivate the

4; ,litit!