The Sun.
London, England, 1841-04-05 00:00:00

In that circumstance we see no reason, as
some Members saw, for further interference on
the part of the House of Commons. If
the electors of either place petitioned the
House complaining of the proceedings before
the Committee, the House might perhaps order
some further investigation, but if the electors
put up with being misrepresented in Parliament,
the compromises of parties and the compacts 01
Counsel do not concern the House.
We have no intention by these remarks of apo-
logising for treating, or defending bribery ; still
less have we any inclination to say a word in
favour of a cross in an election any more than in
a pugilistic conflict; but we hold the formation of
Committees of the House to try elections to be
altogether erroneous, and we are neither angry
nor surprised at the natural consequences of
having such tribunals. It is for the electors, not
the House of Commons, to decide who shall re-
present them, and any disputes which may arise
amongst them, ought to be settled by the com-
mon law of the land and by the ordinary tribu-
nals. Justice will never be done in such cases as
long as the House of Commons forms the tribu-
nal by which they are tried.

We insert the observations of the Spectator
on " counting out," to its thriller remarks on which
we drew attention this day week. They seem to
us a far better illustration of the ingenuity with
which a strong desire can always plead its own
cause than a justification of the attack on General
JOHNSON. If the wish of Mr. GROTE, or any
other Member, to force some knowledge on an
unwilling public, can justify the House of Com-
mons in transacting business without a quorum, the
necessity of providing for the public wants will
always appear to Ministers to justify a similar pro-
ceeding. To slight so excellent a rule as that
which requires the presence of at least 40 Mem-
bers to make a House, for the purpose of allowing
a favourite of the Spectator to enlighten the pub-
lic on some subject which that Journal has at
heart, but about which the public does not care
a straw, is to sacrifice the best Parliamentary
rules to an individual's crotchet. If Mr. URQU-
HART were in Parliament, how he might, with
the assistance of the new law laid down by the
Spectator, enlighten the public as to the treason
of Lord PALMERSTON ! The Spectator's obser.
vations, however, will not bear examination.
They are merely those fallacies which ingenious
men can always find to vindicate the blunders
into which passion may betray them.

The Paris journals of Thursday, with the ex-
ception of the Quotidienne, a Royalist, and the
Commerce, a Radical paper, are in extacies about
the success of the Fortifications' Bill. They are
filled with a transport of joy at the prospect of
having freedom of discussion—the liberty of the
Press—and the countless Republican institutions
which surround the French Monarchy—secured
by two thousand pieces of cannon and a garrison
of eighty thousand regular troops ! When that
period arrives, there will be glorious times for
the National and the Republican party who
support it. Then may the Republicans laugh to
scorn threats of foreign invasion. .N o Calmuc
horde can then bivouac in the streets of Pans.
Sheltered by two thousand pieces of cannon, the
National may safely bid defiance to what has
not, and, we trust never will have an existence—
a coalition against France. But, before the walls
are up, it would be just as well if the writers in
the ii ational, and the bulk of its readers, were
to make a journey to St. Petersburg, to take a
few lessons in loyalty at the Court of the Czar.

We are quite serious upon this head. They ought
also betinie-s to educate their children in the
principles of the Imperial Catechism, which re-
cognizes as next to the Deity, and second only to
that Divine Being as an object of human wor.
ship, the sacred person of the CZAR. If the Re-
publicans neglect this, they will discover to their
cost that the walls will be more formidable to
them than to the enemies of France. If they
want to dwell peaceably under shelter of the two
thousand pieces of cannon they cannot too soon
purge themselves of their old notions about equal
rights, the sovereignty of the people, and such
i
other odd falwes as produced the revolution of
jtluielyvi There
olation of the mustn charter—notubeetlenof hintsbabbling
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thrown
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tt
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ethe
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pd
luaei n
its conceerning o.i thethe Crow
corruptionn— 11 o
of the Government, the servility of the Cham-
bers, or the inconvenience of a libel law tanta-
mount to a Russian censorship. The Repub
hear's, to keep their heads upon their shoulders,
Court,
must discover the KING, the Cabinet, the
the Chambers, and the Magistracy, to be re-
spectively models of perfection, to be studied
and imitated by all Potentates, Governments,'
Parliaments, and Judicial functionaries in the
world. Having made this discovery, and being
prepared on all occasions to proclaim it
in the ears of France, the National and its
party might contrive to live in Paris without
the risk of having the stability of their domi-
ciles tested by an occasional 24-pound shot from
the nearest battery.
The ordinary Madrid mail brings papers to
the 25th ult. Their interest, however, is taken
away by the following telegraphic despatch,
which appears in Thursday's Moniteur :
‘‘ MADRID, MARCH 28.
" THE CHARGE DE AFFAIRES OF FRANCE TO TILE MINISTER

, chances of success, as well as the very different
principles on which the two questions stand, alike
command all the Anti-Corn-law party not to
merge their definite, moral, religious, and sacred
cause in the more extensive, but merely expe-
dient, demands for the revision of the tariff.
We do not at the same time depreciate that
revision. We have heretofore shown our in-
terest in the question, and have taken
some pains to prove the folly of several
of our import duties. We will willingly
therefore exert ourselves to procure such a revi-
sion, as distinct from, and after the Corn-laws are
abolished. The farmers and landlords have an
undoubted right not to be taxed in their sugar
and coffee for the benefit of the West India
planters, but we would not hold out that redress
as a bribe for them to give up the Corn-laws.
This question stands on grounds peculiarly its
own, and all honest and religious men are re-
quired by their consciences to make an exertion
to put an end to the roguish legislation they now
sanction. Revision of the import duties will cor-
rect none of the moral disorders to which the
community is a prey. It will not be a substitute
for the Charter. It will not lessen discontent.
Far from reconciling the lower and middle

classes, it may add to their discord. The aboli-
tion of the Corn-laws is a great act of justice,
and though we believe it would effect all which
the revision of the tariff will not, we do not de-
mand it on that ground ; we say do justice, and
trust in GOD.

Since the above remarks were written, we
have seen, and transferred to our columns, a por-
tion of Mr. COBDEN'S eloquent address at Man-
chester. To that we refer for a confirmation of
many of our statements.

" The Election Committee farce" is the com-
mon head given in the country papers to the
late investigations concerning Walsall, St. Al-
ban's, and Canterbury. We own that they in-
terest us very little, because we know the cha-
racter of Election Committees of old, and never
imagined that Sir ROBERT PEEL'S new law
would make in that any alteration. It seems to
be a failure. If the Members want a reason
or an excuse for deciding one way or an-
other, the ingenuity of Counsel will not fail to
supply it. In the St. Alban's case it was in
fact the Counsel who decided ; so it was in the
Canterbury case. They agreed between them
not to go on with those cases, and there is no
means of making them. The Committee did their
duty, but they are in the hands of the men of
the law.