The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-08 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION

not bestowed these advantages in order that one class
Might live in magnificence and splendour and the
great bulk of the population starved. It was never intended
that machines which gave a productive poWer to this country equal
to that of the population of the whole world, should cause men to
work twelve and fourteen hours a day at machines that never tired,
for paltry wages, which, when they had obtained, they were not
allowed to spend where they could get most in exhange.—(Hear,
hear.) But the agricultural districts were in no very prosperous
condition. In Wiltshire, at the present moment, one man out of
•
every seven was a pauper, and in all the agricultural counties the
Pauperism was double what it was in this district. Surely this
ought to be enough to convince even the Duke of Buckingham of
the impolicy of the Corn.laws. The other day he (the speaker)
said toe gentleman of Sussex, when speaking on this subject, the
Scotch never applied for a Corn-law, and they say tnat they can
live very well if they get 40s. or 50s. a quarter for the wheat.
"Oh," said the gentleman," we cannot do that in Sussex, we should
have to improve our agriculture wonderfully." And why should
they not improve their agriculture as much as the Scotch had done
The farmers of England had this advantage, that they were
able to buy all the things not produced on their
own farms at the cheapest market in the world, and sold
their produce at the highest rate of any other country on the face
of the earth. The rent of land here was also higher than in any
other country, and this could be attributed to nothing else than the
manufacturing and commercial prosperity of Great Britain. One
thing was certain, that ilmanufacturesavere destroyed, and undoubt-
edly they would; be if this tax en bread was continued, the prin-
ciple of the old and new Poor-law, that the poor have the first
right to the soil, must be adhered to; and if paupers become so
numerous that they would swallow up all the produce of the soil
of a given parish, they must take it, and the landlord would have no
rent. This result had already been wiinessed at one place in
Buckinghamshire, where the landlord had refused to own the soil,
saying, " No, no, don't tax me with the rates." He was sure,
however, that the present system could not continue. Neverthe.
less, if it did continue for another fifty years, and the population
went on increasing, as it had done during the last fifty years, every
• green thing in the land would be eaten up by paupers, and
not a single estate would be worth sixpence of rent to
any man who might call himself the possessor.--(Hear, hear,
hear ) Solemnly convinced as he was of these .kings, the meeting
• need not wonder that he should feel deeply interested its this ques-
tion. But should not Liverpool feel deeply interested in it as well
as Manchester. Should the latter town alone bear the burden of
the contest, raise its thousands at a time in support of the opera.
tions of the league, and alone produce men who subscribed their
100/. and 2001. a year to spread information ? In wealth this town
was equal to Manchester—for enterprise it was not surpassed —its
lame was known in every part of the globe—and was it right that
such a town should stand by while a contest was going on in which.
it as well as every ether. part of the empire, was vitally affected?
• Why, if he were an inhabitant of Liverpool, he should be ashamed
of its—(Applause.) Rochdale contained at the last census a po.
pulation of 25,000 persons, and there was in the neighbourhood
also a considerable population. There in a few days a petition
, against the Corn.laws received 12,200 signatures. He believed that
, not a single man within the sound of the old Church bells
neglected to sign it. If Liverpool, Hull, Birmingham, and other
large towns had made one half the stir that Manchester had done,
the Corn.laws would have been repealed long ago. They ought to get
every man to speak, and every clergyman to preach on this all ab-
sorbing question. There was hardly a party in the House of
Lords or Commons, barely, indeed, a single individual that would
stand up for the present law. An alteration must be made, and it
depended much upon this town, which had great influence, whether
the duty, which Ministers proposed, was merely a registration duty
or not. If it were, then the League would die a happy death, but
.if not, it would continue, and the meeting had heard sufficient of it
dlrringt he last three years to know that it contained men who had
courage enough to proceed, and intelligence enough to disdain and
thwart all sophistry.—(Very loud and Imig-continued cheers.)
JOHN BROOKS, Esq., late Boroughreeve of Manchester, next
' Stepped forward, and was much applauded. He addressed the
meeting in a homely but very very argumentative style, on the
evils of the present Corn.law, and particularly addressed himself
to the .following effect, that the repeal of that law would be
detrimental to the working classes and cause a reduction in the
amount of their earnings. His observations occasionally exhibited
• /Math humour as well as force, and excited mingled laughter and
• ?MIMIC.
RICKARD COBDEN, Esq., was then introduced by the Chair.
Man, who spoke of his literary talents, his great and continued
exertions for the abolition of the Corn laws, and of the vigour
and ability which Ire had manifested as a member of the Anti.
Corn.law League. The Speaker on presenting himself was most
raptuously received. After a few words of introduction, he
proceeded to say, that after so much had been said, and well
said on this subject, it would be quite unnecessary for him to
Walt at any length. There was a word ortwo, however,to besaid,and
by way of being systematic, he would begin atthe beginning. This
Corn-Jaw, this bread-tax, which he hoped they had met to pass
judgment against was, he most of the meeting were aware, passed as
the year 1815, and he would tell them under what circumstances.
England had been engaged for twenty years in war; some called it a
glorious war, but he himse f was not fond of such glory. By that
war the prices of all sorts of commodities were stimulated to an
artificial extent. There was a perfect fever. As soon as peace
came a great depreciation tack place in all kinds of goods. Men of
business, those, for ins ance, engaged in the cotton trade, imagined
In 1817 and 1818 that peace was going to bring great prices, but a
Sudden collapse took place, and to their amazement down went the
prices of all kinds of gr'ods. Many merchants and wholesale ma.
nufacturers were ruined by this depreciation. Others struggled on,
and by dint of increased exertions, diminished expenditure,
improved machinery, and economising in every possible
way, succeeded in adapting themselves to the circumstances
.of the times. They did not appeal to Parliament to keep
em their prices, and if they had, very little attention would
arrive been paid to them by the 658 sworn landowners,
Who ;„ were at that time busy in keeping up the prices
of their manufacture, corn, to the price it was during the war.
That was the origin of the law, and the nature of it was well un-
derstood by the millions at the time, for it was passed at the point
of the bayonet, and amidst such tumults, riots, and bloodshed as
had not been witnessed since the House of Commons was sur-
rounded by a dense body, infuriated against the Bill, and the
I.l.oUse, contrary to the Constitution, was surrounded by armed
soldiers, to keep off the people whilst the law was ! eing passed.
For three days and three nights London was one scene of riot ;
the house of the mover of the Corn-law, Mr. Robinson, now le rd
Riponewas gutted ; so also was that of Lord Eldon and of others.
In the Noah of England there was an universal ris-
ing against the measure two millions of persons,
he believed, against it ; and the people surrounded
the House of Lords to protest against it Was not that
a protest loud and deep enough to warn the landowners that they
Were infringing upon the sights of the people, to how that in
the opinion of the people the law was an unnatural and unjust one,
and had been passed in fraud and in violence ? Though he was
just old enough to remember these scenes, he was not then old
enough to raise either his hand or Isis voice against the passing of
the measure; but he had never lost sight of the impression which
was then made upon his mind of tho injustice of that law ; and
molten he arrived at the years of citizenship, he never allowed an
Opt sortuality to pass of protesting against it. Two or three years
ago he was one of the first, though not the first, as had been stated by
the Chairman, to join a chosen hand in Manchester in a movement
age inst it, to disseminate information, and to raise an agi. tati on throughout the country in opposition to the law. He corn.
Ineseced with furious tir .des against the authors of the law, and many
of leis friends would recollect that he shocked them with the strong
language which he employed both against authors and benefitters.
His _language bed now become cooler, because in 25 years there
had ;grown up a generation habituated to this law. They did not
feel its injustice because they were not at its birth. The conse-
quent e was that he had found to his astonishment that Englishmen
Thema elves had to be converted before they could begin with any
'how ,of fairness to attack the aristocracy. Two years and a half
ago, a large majority of the spinners, manufacturers, and other
capitalis 's in Lancashire would, if appealed to, have voted for the
law as it sands. This was not so now, and he doubted whether
one capitaliat could be found to vote for it. How had the con-
version beae effected? Not by the humble advocacy of the
members of ahe Anti Corn.law League. There had been ut work
a much harder, a much more efficient agent, adversity had held
her school every slay in the week on the Exchange, and taught
the capitalists, that this was a law which grinds them to dust,
and inflicted pauperism on those dependent on them for la-
bour. But they had found another and snore lamentable feature
its the course of their agitation; they had discovered that the
Younger men had grown up almost unconscious of the operations of
this law. The old working men were well aware of its effects on
them, but the young men, the active spirits of the day, did not pos-
sess: that knowledge, and they had raised a cry, " You wain' to get
rid of the bread-tax to reduce wages," He asked them, " flas the
law -served to keep up your wages ?" and they replied, No, they are
reduced constatr ly." " Very well then," he asked, " of
Iv bat use is the law to you ? In this dilemma
they
re. torted to declamations against machinery, and he would
aslt them whether machinery would not be a very good thing
if iis produce were fairly divided ? The reply would be yes. And
lam is it, Ire went on to say, that you do not get a fair share of its
Pet elueing? Because you are not allowed to exchange your pro.
dut ee for tile food of other countries, which would be glad to teem
abu edance into your lap. Machinery eats nothing and drinks no-
thing; and would you not he more able to compete with it if you
got yen r bread at half the price you now pay ? These ignorant
errors .ef the people it was the intention of the Anti-Corn-law
League so do away with. Mr. Brooks had glanced at the high
Psi ce bread as affecting wages. He (the speaker's) own trade
*meld ar. 'era as good an illustration as any other. lie was a
cabers psi,. 'Cr, employed 500 or 600 people regularly, and had paid
20, 00001, a '.year for wages for many years. The scale of
wasees had b. en the same fur the last ten years. How did
he s how the eft 'set of the high price of corn on wages ? In 1835
he I aid 20,000/. to his workmen, and the same sum in 1839. In
the 1 rat year the food that the men were obliged to consume
colts torn 6,0001. to 5,000/. m-re than in 1835. Where went the
differottice ? The Arlene amount of food roust be obtained, and less
would consequently be expendod on manufactured articles. It was
a mist.. Se to suppose that the higher classes supported the menu.
facture, elf this country. They were supported by '20,000,000 of
people a acti if they were obliged to pay for their food nearly
twice ass anuoh in 1839 as in 1835, was it not clear that they must
have so entreat less to expend with the draper, the hatter, the shoe-
Maker, mad so ,sn ?—(Cheers). The consequence had been, that from
the rise in the' price of food in 1839, trade had been much
aliminished. He ,had fortunately been able to find employ for his
Men for the last ten,' years, but many manufacturers of the coarser
kinds of goods had n. of been able to find the workmen half labour.
Where could the fall. scy ever have been bred—where in the world
could such an insane no. 'lon have originated, or that the workmen
could be in any way benelitted, protected, or relieved, by having a
tax placed on his bread? Of all conceivable follies or fancies this
was the last that he shoual have expected to take root in the minds
4.)f working men of common sense. To those who were still in-
clined to place faith in the t fallacy lie would say, " Go down to
Yonr own quays on any day between this and September—look at
the ships conveying away hundreds of emigrants from your shores—
itiok upon the scores of Tamil, es transported to other lands in order to
.get bread to eat, and their you will see a specimen of tine protection
ht it is afforded to you.—(Cheers.) His friends had said a good
den I about the distress of the manufacturing districts, and had
tal iced to the meeting as though they were residents of a kind of
El) 'sium, where serest pigs ran about the streets, where no want
was experienced, and where people lived in palaces. Now it was
a fz ct which appalled some of the gentlemen of the meeting of the
Brit soh Association in this town, th at 50,000 people were living in
cella rs in Liverpool. Oh ! this is • ery deplorable, said the Cone
mitts e of the House of Commons, wt, en the fact was made known
to the m, and forthwith sur representatives proceeded to pass laws
proved 'sag that the people should have better houses, that towns '
shoo Id b a batter drained and cleaned, and that proper sewers should
be ms tde. Now how were those 50,000 employed ?—(Hear, hear.)
They wee, principally, aro doubt, carters, porters, and others
worm ng at t `le docks. What did the breach tax do for them ? It
att a penny 0, t every pound of flour tisey bought. Take the prise
Nose York a. id at Liverpool: at New York the ballet of flour of
1961bs might be .had for 18s, or 195., and might be sold here for
225.—( A cry of .64 20a") He would not exaggerate, and would
say 225• but when it arrived here it had to he locked up in what ;
was call rod the Queen 's
warehouses, which would be better deno.
Wanated the werehoue es of the landed aristocracy. It was put
under th e Queen's key,
,which would be better styled the Duke of
Bucking ham's key, arid a iuld net be taken out of the Duke of Buckin gharn's purgatory tie til it had paid a duty of 14s. or 15s. a
S. mposing this system were done away
hushel.—(Sname, shame.)
With, what a forlorn and des elate creature the poor man would
be ! In every shilling that` he now expended in food he
might save fourpence at the least; and what harm would
that do to the working men ?—(liear' hear.) But they were told
that t lie merchants would make a monopo'y. Did they think that
Sir, Sanders and Sir Joshua Walassley would lay their heads to.
gether to starve the people? That was very unlikely, The bar.
rel of flour might be, obtained ft am their warehouse at little more
than one half, list say two-thirds, or the price that was now paid,
and what effect would this have The increased importation
Would demand more ships the arra val of more ships would make
swore hampers, perterse and carters n ecessary—more shops welsh' be
tee:attired for vending the additional rsuantity of flour, more shop.
keefasts and shopmen would be neessasery, and was not this the way