The Sun.
London, England, 1840-02-01 00:00:00

—(Continued laughter and cheering.) "No ballot Bill?")
Is there to be no suffrage Bill ?—( Laughter.) Will the
causituents of Edinburgh be satisfied with the excuse that you
entered
is thatedtheCa they n
Cabinet on
ot :
that principle of "open questions ?" My
belief
they will charge
you with violating your plightedfaith, and that they will, on the
next occasion, withdraw from your protection.—(Cheers.)
Now, the Noble Lord, in that famous letter of his to the
Stroud Electors, said, "It is for you to consider—in the spirit
of the true Whiggism which has always attended you—what is
the danger of the State, and what are the means by which it is
to be averted ? I ant persuaded you will not think of lifting the
anchor of the monarchy while signs of storm are blackening the
horizon."—(Cheers.) This being the danger, the Noble
Lord invites into his crew "an able- bodied searnan"—(Laugh-
ter )—whose only object will be to heave the anchor without delay.
—( Laughter.) He will not succeed in heaving the anchor—the
Noble Lord will neither succeed in securing it perfectly—the
result will be, that neither will be anchored—nor encountering
.in open sea-room, the perils of the sea, we shall drift on the
shoals—the muddy, dirty, sands of "progressive Reform."—
( Loud and long-continued cheering.) So much, Sir, for the
constitutional question of open questions in the Cabinet. Now
for their acts :—Look to the state of the revenue. Don't be
deterred by this short reference to accounts. There is. and has
been for some time, an increasing deficiency of revenue. On
the bth January, 1837, the excess of expenditure over reve-
nue Was 345,000/. ; in April, 407,0001. ; in July, 518,000/. ;
in October, 803,000/.—( Hear, hear.) Since the period you
have administered the publio affairs, the National Debt has
a deficiency in the year of
been augmented; There .is
1,500,000/. ; in the three yearnof 3,50t);000/. And
yet atsuch a period you have, for the sake of popu-

larity—(Loud and continued cheering)—though I regret *se will continue to devote all his energies to the propagation of
measure was advocated by some of my friends.) You have the doctrines of Socialism.—(.Loud cheers.) By whom was
consented to relinquish the Post-office revenues.—( Hear, Mr. Fair appointed Registrar of Births and Marriages? Ilir-
hear. ) I have a right, Sir, to speak with authority on this mingham, I believe, is not under the operation of the Poor-law
question. Suppose I had taken this course on the Malt-tax Act. If it va re under the operation of the Poor-law Act, the
question.—( Hear, hear.) I was in greater difficulties than you Board of Guardians would have the appointing the Registrar;
are.—( Hear. hear.) The repeal was called for by some of but as it is not under the operation of the Poo'-law Act, Mr.
the most, influential of my party. I asked the Marquis of Fair must have received his ai rpointment under the direct audio-
Chandos to give my Government his support. He was the rite of her Majesty's Government.—( Loud cheers.) Now I
representative of the whole agricultural interest. He would ask if this appointment does not offend directly against every
have consented, if I would have made the repeal of the Malt- idea of common sense or coma-non decency..—(Lou:) cheers )
tax only an open question. lat once refused. I said, the Go- I admit that it was probably through neglect that the President
vernment, with which lam connected, must offer a United of this Association was presented to the Queen—but how do you
opposition to the repeal of the Malt-tax. I would retire from vindicate the appointment of the Vice-President to this office?
office rather than run the risk of injuring the public credit. If you say that this appointment took place through negligence,
What was the consequence ? Why, the moment that was and without inquiry, then I hold you only one degree less cul-
known, my friends, rallying round me, showed that confidence liable, for having neglected to inquire into the character of a
in me which now. I am told, they will withdraw—(cheers) person before appointinghirn to an important office.—(Cheers.)
_you, throwing into oblivion, as we would have done had our How can you vote for the discountenancing of Chartism, and for
position been then, as they are now, reversed—you, forgetting the discountenancing of Socialism, when by the exercise of the '
all party motives when the interests of the revenue were con-
cerned—aidedins us, and so I- succeeded in maintaining the Malt- those doctre that you do not really wish to discountenance
tax by an overpowering majority.—(Cheers. ) And such them ? I believe that you exert your authority, not for the
might have been your success ; but you boldly and purpose of suppression, but for the purposes of lendingthem en-
unitedly declared that you considered the alteration of the couragement.—( Cheers.) I will ask now what is the state of
Post-office revenucprejudicial to the public interest..—(Cheers.)
_the country with respect to the means of repression ?
You never sought for the decision of Parliament upon it; you ( Cheers.) What is the state of the militia law ? On what
acted upon that principle which has been the ruin of this coun- ground do you vindicate the reduction of the yeomanry, with
try. You acted from a desire of conciliating support for a all the presages which you had of the coming disorders?—
temporary occasion, and while your establishments were in- (Cheers.) You may say that you consider the yeomanry a bad
creasing, while the debt under your management had increased, force to come into conflict with the people.—(Cheers from the
you consented to incur the loss of 1,500,0001. -( Cheers. ) Ministerial benches.) 1 will not now enter into that question,
Now let us look at your establishment. What were your pro- but you sent. for them to Newport—you sent for them to Bris-
fessions on entering and? —Certainly retrenchment formed tol—you sent for them to Nottingham, and you found their
one of the principal gs, and you roused the country against usefulness on those occasions.—( Cheers. ) You say you are
the Government of the Duke of Wellington and myself organizing a rural police.—( Cheers. 1 But would it not have
upon th
ea r. e • gro) un
You boastd of our waste of public money.— been better to have retained your other effective force, not for
( Hof peace at home and abr"ad, the purpose of bringing them into collision with the peg, lc,
Ido not believe your esta.ashments are too large, but when but as a resource to fall back upon in case of necessity until von
you take credit to yourselves for having preserved the peace of had some other effectual means of repression.—(Cheers.)
Europe, let me examine how it is that your establishments Sir, as I see the Noble Lord is not in a
condition to hear me,
have been going on increasing. Where is your boast of office I shall say nothing of our foreign policy. [Lord Pal:nerston
which requires ten or twelve sail of the line in the Mediterra- appeared to be asleep on the Treasury benchs, and the ob-
nean ?—( Cheers. ) What has occasioned the la, ge increase in servation excited much laughter.] I know well that I must
the establishments ? In 1835 the Army, Navy, and Ordnance answer the questions that have been put to me with respect
Estimates were 11,4 00,0001. In 1836, while ou were i" to the pelicy that I shall pursue.—(Cheers. ) I am glad to
office, it amounted to 11,800,000/. In 1837 it hail increased hear that demonstration of impatience for my answer; it only
to 12,194,000/. ; and in 1619 it had increased to 13,a60,000/. convinces me that I may expect your continued indulgence.
—( Great cheers.) In 18.?5, when you took the administra- But, at the same time, in order that I may not detain
our
mote of affairs into your own hands, when you promised to pro- House too long, I shall not enter on the questior of our
mote peace and concord in this country, and when you said that foreign policy, merely stating that it must not be inferred from
the name of England was so respected abroad, that the peace my silence that I acquiesce in the policy they have pursued.
of Europe was safe—have you fulfilled those expectations There is one only question which I have regarded with deep
You have increased the military establishments, and, I believe, anxiety. lam sorry to see. you in an irritable and uneasy
most necessarily so. I will throw no odium upon you for that state with your powerful neighbour—the most powerful, so
increase, but you have practically increased the military esta- far as regards your continental connexions, and upon the
blishments of
tote country, which, at your entrance into office, maintenance of a good understanding with whom the peace
amounted 14,430,000/. , and your yearly expenses for of Europe mainly depends. So far as one can judge of the
that branch of establishment is now 13,5611,0001.—(Heara public mind in France, although our relations are amicable in
hear)--and this during a state of peace. Then let me ask appearance, I never saw so many symptoms of growing hostility
what have you done for the reduction of the debt—do 7011 look and dissension in the great body of the people of France towards
forward to the chances of war ? What have you done to- this country.—( Hear.) Sir, I deeply regret it, because in the
wards laying the foundation of a permanent income for such maintenance of a good understanding with that country, consist-
a chance ? Have you rid the country of any part ently, at the same time, with the maintenance of our honour,
of its ineumbrances? You blame the Government and the exaction of a due attention to our just rights.--( Cheer..
of the Duke of Wellington and my Hon. Friend, the Member ing—upon the maintenance of that good understanding the
for the University of Cambridge, yet in three years they redue• peace and the best interests of Europe depend—(Cheers.)
ed the public debt—and that, before Reform was introdoced_ But I shall proceed at once to give an answer to the questions
they reduced the public debt by 20,000,0001. , and they reduced put to me in such pointed terms with respect to the course of
the charge upon that debt by 1,000,000/. per annum. T.ye was policy I may pursue,_ if called to office, upon certain of the
done by the unreformed Government which was .I's:es ed greatest ouestions that can agitate the country. The Right
with keeping up great establishments for the - par- lien. Gentleman who addressed the House last night flattered
pose of patronage and corruption. This is a questioes touch me very much by the biographical memoir which he included
more important than mere party discussion.—(Heal, hear, in his speech, and from which I must feel precluded from en-
hear.) In January 1831, your debt amouisSed to tering into any criticism. It appears rather singular, however,
783,000,000/., including funded and unfunded &eta and that at a time when the chief pressure was to defend himself
annuities, the charge upon which amounted annually to he should hire considered me of such importance as to enter-
-28,349,0001. You have had the administration of the tain the House with the life and adventures of Sir Robert Peel.
finances of the country since then have you redoced _( Cheers and laughter.) In the whole course of this debate
the debt ? Tell me what progress you have made in the reduc- the chief taunt thrown out to this side of the House is, that
tion of the public charges? Why, Sir, in place of doing stiiyou whatever dissensions there may prevail in the opposite ranks,
have positively increased the debt, and that during a state of there is much greater dissension here ; and it is said that it
peace. On the sth of January, 1839, the debt amounts to more would be utterly impossible for me to conduct the Go-
than it did when you took the management of affairs. The vernment for a month without so much of dissatisfac-
charge upon the public debt was then 28,349,000/. What Lion—and I think the Right Honourable Gentleman said
prospect have you given the country of relief? You have in- of disgust—that I must inevitably retire. It was also
creased that charge by 1,000,0001., that charge now amounts said that I should be afraid of declaring the principles on
to 29,300,000/. We reduced the capital of the debt in three which I would conduct the Government for fear of offending
years by 20,000,000/. , and the annual charge we reduced by many of my present supporters.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, whatever
1,000,0001. In seven years, during which you have may be the consequence of a frank declsration of my opinions
have had the administration of affairs, you have in- on points of public policy, I would rather incur it than attempt
creased the capital of the debt, and - you have added to conciliate support by witholding my opinions—(Much
1,000,000/. to the annual charge, and all this when you cheering)—or by pretending acquiescence in sentiments which
say profound peace was maintained. I beg pardon of the Ido not entertain.—( Renewed cheering. 1 The first question
House for entering into those details—( Loud cheers)-abut II am asked is, what am Ito do with the question of privilege?
know well enough that if Ido not, you will tell me that I have Two or three times that question has been asked.
assigned no specific ground for withdrawing my confidence It has been said, "We will take the most recent
from you, and lam showing that there are substantial grounds for instance that has occupied the attention of the House, the
that line of conduct. Comparing your conduct with that of other question of privilege. How would you deal with that?
How
Governments, I looked to the internal state of the country. would you contrive to form a united Government upon that
Let us look at the progress of Chartism. Will you give me question? And when you have proposed your measures, how
'any reason for the progress of that great moral evil ? Let me call will you be able to give effect ? The first answer is, that, at
your attention to the conduct of the Government of Eat]. Grey, least, I shall succeed in presenting the elements of a Cabinet,
who in 1634 announced that. Political Unions were dissolved. which, on the question of privilege, will be unanimous. and I
My firm belief is, that it is to the prevalence of the same prin- name my Right Hon. Friend, the Member for Cambridge, my
ciples which led you to sacrifice the Post-Office revenue, and Noble Friend near me, Lord Stanley. my Right Hon. Friend,
which, by constant eencesaons, have alienated from you the the Member for Launceston, who all take precisely the same
support of those whose support you were chiefly desirous to re- view as I do of that question, and who may be inferred to
tarn, that disquiet and disorder has arisen.—(Hear, hear, be members of a future Government, from my having pro-
and cheering.) Take the two great divisions of disorder posed them as members of the past.--( Hear, hear.) But
in this country the Chartists and the Socialists. until this debate commenced, until I heard the speech of the
Why have the Chartists been encouraged? Because you have Right Hon. Gentleman the Judge Advocate, I had been taught
not shown sufficient promptitude in discouraging the principles to consider the privilege question was not a party question._
by which Chartism has been excited. —(Cheers.) The mo- ( Tremendous cheering.) It was very convenient in that de-
merit that you appoint a delegate of the Convention, or an bate to taunt me with my difficulties on the question of privi-
advocate of Chartism to the functions of the Magistracy, you lege, and the impossibility of my giving any effect to
tend to delude the public mind.—(Cheers.) It is no excuse my views in consequence of the divided support I should
to say that a Radical Corporation recommended the receive. Supposing I was placed in that position, how
Magistrate.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It is no excuse to say would it differ from yours ? How could you have carried
that he has acted vigorously and efficiently afterwards in the your question by the mere support of those who generally as-
maintenance of the public peace. Your selection of the man sist you?—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Before this de-
possessing those principles, in the name of her Majesty, and bate, before it was convenient to taunt me, did I not receive
clothing him with the authority and functions of a Magistrate, an admission from the Noble Lord opposite, that without my
does more to encourage these principles, whatever the aubse- aid he could not carry out his views ?—(Great cheering.) I
quent activity of the Magistrate may be, than any other act. presume, from what has occurred, that the question of privi-
-( Hear.) You are abandoning the duty of a Government, lege has been made a Cabinet question. I know that you have
which is necessarily the duty of control.—( Hear, hear.) It is long before this been forced to make it a Cabinet question.
not your duty to lie seeking popularity by unjust concessions. You have called upon me to exercise the functions of a leader
Ido not ask you to pass rigorous laws—l do not ask you to in the House of Commons, and attempt to rescue the House
suspend the Habeas Corpus Act—l have every confidence in of Commons and the Courts of Justice from the difficulties of
the native vigour and the loyalty of the people, and the position in which they are placed, by proposing some defi-
the
ordinary law—(Hear, hear, hear)—but you must nite plan. You would not give me that advice, unless you
olhowgeta salotermissestion aa. .exert those powers which made this a Cabinet question yourselves ; and as you have
;YOU have, eintl abcfve all, to discontinue agitation.—( Cheers. ) made it a Cabinet question, I see the same solution for my
'Above edo not 'admit into your Cabinet him who thinks it difficulties, that you have proposed for yours.—( Loud cheers.)
his duty to extol and encourage agitation.—(Hear, hear.) I submit this to you with perfect sincerity. I wish to co-ope-
How is the ignorant man ta know where the agitation is rate withyou still in the maintenance of the privileges of this
to stop ?—(H ear, hear, hear)—says the Honourable and House; 1 suggest toyou a course which upon the whole I think
Learned Gentleman, the Member for Dublin, ‘, I am the wisest to pursue ; I think there would be danger in sending
for moral agitation ;" but then he says to his countrymen, up to the House of Lords a Declaratory Bill, danger certainly
a I solemnly pledge myself from this moment the great business there would be in :ending up any other Bill ; but I think if the
of my life shall be the pursuit of repeal—that struggle shall ter- Lord Chancellor will come forward with an authority after such
minate either in my death or my success." Why, shall vein a communication to this House as will prevent all jealousy—if
the Lord Chancellor will come forward and say this difficulty
to talk to an ignorant and excited multitude, after combining
them in oenosition to the law, that he will exercise a control, requires solution, the House of Commons will not appeal to the
and prevent mischievous and misguided men from seizing on the Court of Law. If the Lord Chancellor will submit to the House
g of Lords a Declaratory Bill containing the privileges of the
instruments he has formed, transgressing the laws, and hurryin
on to their own destruction !—( Hear, hear. X What right have House of Commons, and then let that Bill be sent down to this
yon too
complain of Mr. Oastler ? I complain of him--. 1 sane- House, that will be a solution of the question. —(Hear hear.)
tion no such agitation—l can conceive nothing megsa sale- Ido therefore rejoice to hear that you have a united' Cabinet
chievous than the appeals he makes; but observe, you cannot upon this great question. The next question asked—it was
limit agitation to those questions, the success of which serves less a question than an accusation—that. I and other leaders
your porposes._(Cheers.) You cannot have the eagigatro.n. of. the. party, though we were acquitted of encouraging
merely on your side. This and that other man avail tett agitation in respect of the. _Poor-la.ws, yet the Noble
you, that they attach the same importance to the qualitions of Lord said we had only refrained from it. On the Poor-law
which they are the advocates, that you do to the questions of Bill I gave you my support ; on that Bill, so far from showing
which you are the advocates; that if agitation is good far your you a tendency to ob,truct useful measures, that Poor-law Bill
Purpose, it is good for theirs. And 111 r. Oastler will eivalicate you would not have been ab e to have carried unless I had
his dangerous, and, as I think, wicked agitations by exactly taken the course with respect to it I did. If I had not
the same principles on which you vindicate yours.—(Cheers.) taken that course, you would not have had the most remote
If there is danger in his agitation, why is there not danger in chance of success. It has been said that I took every means
yours ?—(Cheers.) (Cheers.) You say he has excited and inflamed the in my power to profit at my election by maintaining a silence
9
people against the Poor-laws.—( Hear, hear.) Suppose on this subject. To that charge I give a most flat contradic-
hthinks the Poor-laws, as no doubt he will allege they den, and I say that that contradiction it is impossible to refute.
are, a great grievance, a greater grievance than you think the On the hustings in 1837, at the commencement of the
want of the Ballot.—( Hear, hear.) How can you deny him agitation, I was taunted by those whom I was addressing with
agitation,nister, when agitation is permitted to you a Ca- having supported the Poor-law Bill. Did I say I was not re-
'Mi
binet or involve him in the consequences sponsible for the Poor-law Bill? Did I shelter myself under
of agitation, because he inflames the passions of a deluded any subterfuge? Certainly not. And, I would ask, what
multitude, and leads them to violence ? I take the case of the course could any man take more effectual than the course I took
Socialists. Have you given them no encouragement ? Are for the purpose of marking to my constituents what my opinion
you aware of the (Minions they formed ? This debate cob- was on the Poor-law Bill ? Mine was among the earliest
me aced by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman the Member for elections. I was addressing my constituents in the public
Dublin asking you, the Secretary for Ireland, this question— streets • and I said, without the aid which was
" Has Socialism extended in Ireland ?" That was with the rendered to the Government, the institutions of the country
view of showing the good sense and loyalty of the polite of Ire- would be overwhelmed with danger by the supporters of the
land, at: he first commencement, at the first ingress of So- Government. Some one in the crowd here cried out —" Did
cialism, repudiated it. A cheer followed, and credit was given you not support the Poor-law Bill?" I stated that 1 did, and
to the people of Ireland, for this effectual discouragement. further, that my opinions on that subject remained unchanged.
Are you entitled to the Same complin.ent ? Is this House I stated further, that I did not support it for the purpose of re-
aware of the language of the advocates of Socialism ? during the rates, but because I saw the condition of the poor
(Hear, hear, hear.) Vi ho are the two chief officers of lowered by the old system—that I wanted to see them raised
tins Society, which professes to consider that the from the situation in which they were placed, of supporting
greatest evils affecting our institutions are the existence of their families from the poors'-rates. I did not shrink, there-
private rights of property and the marriage state. I- have va- fore, from my share of the responsibility of a Poor-law Bill.
ous extracts here, but I will not troule the House with Yet for the last two veers accusations have been made against
reading them, but in the strongest terms the marriage core- me that I endeavoured to hide my opinion on the Poor-law for
mony is denounced as an unnatural institution. I don't %1 ant electioneering purposes. Now, I think, in what ]have stated
you to prosecute Mr. Owen, but I would ask, is there an im- I have clearly shown that I have left no step unturned to show
partial man in this House, to whatever sect or party in this that I was determined to support a measure which I believed
country he belongs, who would not in private admit that to would be productive of the best results. I have always been
be a monstrous violation of decency and propriety ; and I do ready to vindicate the course I took on that measure, and to
ask that the Prime Minister of England shall not present to take my share in the responsibility of it, and by those
the maiden Queen of England the President of such a opinions I mean to abide. I believe the leading provisions
Society.—( Tremendous cheering.) The Honourable and of the measure to be wise, and I have no wish whatever to re-
Learned Member claimed credit, which I willingly give to trace my steps, with a view of resorting to the old order of
the people of Ireland for excluding those mischievous things, which I believe to be contrary to every principle of hu-
and wicked doctrines—doctrines which countenance, directly inanity and justice.—(Cheers.) With respect to the Reform
countenance, infidelity, atheism—the destruction of property Act, I must say that 1 abide by that Act. Then came a silly
as an institution---the abrogation of the solemn tie of marriage; taunt about a new-born zeal for Reform. 1 sin ready to abide
but if the simple-minded and ignorant then are entitled to by the Reform Act, became haying made a great constitutional
credit for their instant and indignant rejection of such shame- change, of which at the time I disapproved, 1 believe that any
ful doctrines, what think you of the Prime Minister, who pre- attempt to cancel it world be attended with a thousand times
cents to the Queen the president and patron of the Socialists? greater evil than any advantage I could derive from it. Is it not
So much for the President of the Socialists. Now, I wish to obvious, that having reformed the old system of corporate bo.
put a question to the Government respecting the Vice-Presi• roughs, I now may, without any compromise of opinion, be
aiming dent.—(Cheers.) The Vice-President. of this institution is the most strenuous advocates
reasons for de-
of the changes which
Mr. Fair, of Birmingham—and I find that, in the course of have been affected? I have additional
1833, Mr. Fair, being the Vice-President of the Congress of fending the Reform Bill, be cause I see the constant
Socialists, it was deemed expedient by the Congress of Social- efforts made on the part .of many of my opponents—
ists to issue an address to the General Convention of the La- of those who support the Government—to innovate
ot for the purpose of amending
homing Classes, at that time sitting in Birmingham. The on the Reform Act—nut
vice-President of the Socialists moved that an address be pre-
enstitution.—( Cheers. ) I believe I will
senteti to the Convention of the Labouring Men then sitting in elements intostti
the details, but
mreatce:tftor the purpose of introducing new
lairiningliarre—( Cheers. ) This address appears to have been offer the riao • . effectual resistance to what is called improve_
st.em of progressive changes in the elementary
presented, for I find Mr. Fair, the Vice-President, reporting to ments oni
the Society of Socialists that the address had been presented to princip times
Constitution, by firmly adhering, not, to every.
y. letteraneid;idetail of the Reform Bill, but by strenuously resist-
the Convention, and that it had been received very courteously,
imlua,ffvyreadtgreep—zifio,l)rraoQuilivatait‘lereniiial Parliament I
slit lion. Gentleman opposite in his measurs fur the
but very cautiously—that Mr. O'Connor had complimented the big the.
smetiaiDu ivo principlesn port eons Parliaments, and
ati°
Congress, and moved that it be received, as the Congress was extension hof the
composed of men of high intellectual attainments, whilst Mr. tAiv,etrythlinngthwilsdeilmi
and the Right lion. Gentleman the Judge-Advo-
O'Brien, I suppose he means Mr. Bronterre O'Brien, had re- Act.
premeditatedly loaded with scraps from
commended that the address should be taken into coasideration
eCatiern-leaowm-si?ng
after the simultaneous meetings. I have shown thus that the Vice- ,
President atlas institution is Mr. Fair ; I have shown that Mr.l Devonporftonretwhe purposespapers,and of the extracts
thataintracts f
mroativsoppeeincihoenssoofn atihre.
Fair moved that an address be presented to the Convention tiltl Dawson,
one some great change. The Right
sitting at Birmingham. Now, will die House believe that the Corn-laws have under
ice- Hon. Gentleman saysg
:ohloiefe
at
,heir have been hearetofoie precursors of changes of opinion
that the speeches of Mr. Dawson
Vice-President of the Congress of the Socialists—
President of that Congress which cleclai ed as on
say on my part. 1
tenets, that the marriage ceremony ought to be. d
the had :Deg, however, to state, that I have never
with, as an unnatural the House believe that recourse to those miserable expedients of putting out feelers
d •t incs oc- with respect
Vice-President of an association holding these oe r
he ,_,L.c.. to any measures.—(Opposition cheers.) And
, r Majesty's Government ?. T„I that, strange as it may appear, though I wrote to Mr. Dawson
copies a plaee undcr he
any ioteetion of at Devon or! i
sident of the Institution, I believe, withoutp , yet I not only never permitted him to express
( Hear, hear).— p melted to the • any opinion on my part with respect to the Corn-laws, but I
countenancing the doctrine—
I 3
L.
holds office
Vice-Pr esident
Queen—(Cheers)—and the never mentioned, nor had I the slightest indication from him,
(Continued cheering.) as
the
Amid
her Majesty's C °moment.—
_,
of
s_ r j to what were the opinions he maintained with respect to
And what office do you supp _
gg, he holds? The office lire's- Corn-laws. I assure the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite,
trar of Marriages in Birmingham,—(lmmense cheering.) that
when he found it convenient to change his op inions, I
Now, it appears to me, a more gratuitous insult mil .d not }never felt that, because he was the relation of the Noble
which is likely te belle_
be offered to the female part of society
I Lord opposite, or of Earl Grey, that, therefore, Earl Grey or
atel. in the laws
fit by the alterations which have been to , e.respecting , the Noble I.ord had changed their opinions on that
tat officer as the iteeistrar o ' ' credit for being
regis ' nation than by selecting tl .T ,
ceremony
lio lit Ila that the marriage la •an una I allowed, though a relation of those noblemen, to veer.
Marriages, w , s
Now gas I have a rieli
Right Honour-
natural tie.--(Loud cheers.) ,tto i cise his own independent opinion. The . , . office with
d his
know. Doss that, person hold this i your sauetion ? I able Baronet taunts Mr. Dawson with having ell:mgr..
.. .
—(Loud cheer's.) 't he office for registration is in the same ! opinion of the Corn-laws, because •he found it necessary
house in which this congy.ess_oels.s i
octa lists is held. Mr. !by that change to endeavour to secure his return. It mayt have
r acenof
Fair, who is the %I' -r the congress . been, for anything I know, a necessary proceeding onc par
same time, the ) • Bon. Gentleman's
of Socialists is, at the s . Registrar of 'of Mr. Dawson; but I must say the liagi t
Births arid Marriages. ' The office is in the :same house, ' change of opinion on the Ballot appears to have been evidently.a
although 'not in the same room. Mr. Fair finds it necessary change to scenic that very object,- name ly, the success of his
relinquish the einee of vi"-Pic,itlent, but at the same election at Da at than to have proceeded from any con-
to
voilpo. , .
was a vviae. needful
time he continues a Member of the Board, and states that he viction in supposing that the Ballot and -