The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-29 00:00:00

and what great national benefits would accrue from their and with the aid of their own money, they succeeded in
being opened up by means of railway communication; he Iconstructing the line ; and if the lines in question were
also referred to the last report of the Irish Railway C ,m- left unaided and unassisted by Government, the Quer-
missioners, which was to the same effect. All other gies and exertions of private enterprise would in the
statements efts' reports he had seen, strongly urged the course of time construct them. He contended, then.
extension of railways in Ireland as a great means of im- that independently of its being opposed to all sound
proving the wle le country. He said there was nothing in , principles, there was no necessity for the vote.—
the Irish character to lead one to believe that if facilities (Hear, hear.) They were told the rails and lo-
were afforded them, they would not become as industri- comotive powers had already been purchased for
ousand as enterprising as theirfellow-subjects in England. the railway, and the money to be voted would be
The port of Galway was one of the most important expended in the continuation of earthworks. Now that
ports in Ireland, and presented an eligible situation for was directly opposed to all past experience, and if it
a harbour of refuge and a packet station—(Cries of were true, it was certainly the first case where the rails
"Divide.") The Hon. Gentleman cited, amidst loud and locomotives had been purchased before the perms-
calls for a division, the opinions of the Duke of Welling- "lent way was constructed. It was proposed to take this
ton, Sir John Burgoyne, and Professor Ford, in favour grant from a balance in the Exchequer; but how had
of the construction of a harbour of refuge on the western that balance been obtained? Why, through the medium
coast of Ireland. The railway communication between of a loan.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that was another
Dublin and Galway would, he said, render that port one strong objection against this measure, and he
of the most eligible for this purpose on the western coast could not help thinking, that if they carried it, they
of Ireland. would find in October next that there would be a
Mr. TRELAWNY considered that the Bill would good deal more coin to be paid than they
create a dangerous precedent, as in any season of pros now anticipated. It was, therefore, highly desirable
sure they would be called upon to take a similar course, that Government should give them some further expla-
and this country would be impoverished fur the purpose nation upon the subject. Was this rate intended to be
of feeding the famishing poor of Ireland. Ireland should the commencement of a new system for improving the
support her own poor, and this she might be enabled to condition of the people of Ireland, without the aid of any
do by removing the disabilities under which landed pro- exertions on the part of the people themselves? Was
perty laboured. They should emancipate promis•ng Ireland to be told that, although the people of England
land, and support the strong arm of the law, in order and the people of Scotland had got rid of their difficulties
that capital might circulate and labour find a market. solely by their own energy and industry, she need not
At present, in many places in Ireland, a " reign of exert herself in the least, for the Government were pre-
Terror" existed, as mobs of desperate men and women pared to come boldly forward to her rescue at the ex-
had, by force and menace, regulated the price of bread, pense of the other two members of the kingdom? It was
and rendered, in consequence, life and property pre• a dangerous policy, and though he was not disposed to
carious. become the slave of any pedantic political principles of
Sir JAMES GRAHAM had observed the impatience economy, as the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury had de.
of the House, and should not, therefore, read any docu- scribed it, he should, nevertheless, vote in oppositioa to
ments —(Heer, hear.) He had not the pleasure of the Bill.—(Hear, hear.)
hearing the whole of the speech of the Hon. Member The House then divided, when there appeared—
for Dungarvon (Mr. Shell) ; but it appeared that For the second reading
he made two statements, one of which he considered Against it
apposite, and the other inapposite. lie (Sir James Majority
Graham) had had the misfortune to differ with MASTERS IN CHANCERY BILL.
the late Mr. O'Connell; but it appeared to him The House then resolved itself into Committee on the
that it would not have been altogether just in Masters in Chancery Bill.
a Roman Catholic Member of that House, who had The Chairman reported progress, and the House
for so many years taken an active part in the resumed.
struggle for the liberties of his fellow citizens of the
same religion in common with Mr. O'Connell, if he had
allowed this, the natural opportunity of paying a passing
tribute of gratitude to that distinguished person, to pass
unheeded; and, though they might differ as to certain
portions of his public conduct, every Member of that
House who had had an opportunity of sitting with him
in that or in any former Parliament could not fail to
admit that it was not unseemly that some passing tri-
bute should be paid to the talents of Mr. O'Connell by
some one, but no one more appropriately or eloquently
than by the Hon. Member.—(Cheers.) The inapposite
portion of the Hon. Gentleman's address was this—that
be hoped before the session terminated, that this coun-
try would do something to relieve the distress of Ireland.
Already they had voted 8,000,0001. for that purpose,
and this, he believed, was the first measure that bad
met with any share of opposition. He was at a loss to
know the principle on which this Bill was supported, as
the Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
had
opposed a similar, nearly similar one, brought for-
ward by the Hon. Member for Lynn. He supposed,
however, it was brought forward for the purpose of
meeting the present condition of Ireland. 260,0004
derived from the Exchequer fund was, it appeared, ap-
plicable for the extension of public works, and out of
that sum he supposed the grants would be made. If he
was right in saying that every shilling should be ad-
vanced for the purpose of increasing the amount of food
in the country, then he would just say in passing that
the Government in withdrawing the Bill for the cultiva-
tion of waste land, appeared to have themselves been of
a different opinion. lie agreed with the Hon. and
Learned Member for Bath, that all the arguments which
were directed against the proposition of the Noble Lord
the Member for Lynn, were equally applicable to this
Bill, and the Noble Lord, in his speech of that evening,
had clearly shown that the Bill should not be
confined to three railways in Ireland, because, if
the principle holds good in one case, it ought
to do so in all, and it was proved in this
House that the case of these three lines was peculiar to
the whole of Ireland. He should, before he sat down, wish
to notice one or two other points brought under the notice I
of the House by this Bill. There were inconsistencies on
this subject. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had
lately told the House that green crops were flourishing,
that the disease in the potato had not re-appeared, that
the deep sea fishing was in a state of improvement, and
that, generally speaking, the country was in a better
state than it had been before; then why, he would ask,
did they urge on this measure, when their financial affairs
were in:such a state of embarrassment, and when, in the
opinion of all right-thinking men, the resources of the
country ought to be husbanded? This measure was, he
thought, fraught with all the dangers which the Govern-
ment had themselves pointed out
.on former occasions,
and thinking, therefore, that this measure was opposed
to all sound principles of Government, he should feel it
his bounden duty to vote against the second reading of
the Bill.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did
not anticipate that the Bill at present before the House
would have met with the opposition which Hon. Mem-
bers gave it, nor did he imagine that the objection would
have been raised that this was not the best time for the
introduction of the Bill. Many objections, it was true,
had been urged against the measures that had been
adopted by the Government ; but these measures, he
conceived, were the very best which could be adopted
under the circumstances. He would not retrace the
weary course of the discussions in the House on this
pt,stion, but he thought at least that no objection
should he urged against a measure like the present,
which proposed only to lend li.oney on undoubted secu-
rity, and which would be altogether expended in
remunerative labour. However much they might differ
as to the measures best fitted to relieve the distresses of
teat country, in this at least they were all agreed that it
was essentially necessary that the population should have
profitable labour provided for them. Did the Ministry
content itself with railway Bills only? Were there no
fishery Bills introduced ? no Bills for the cultivation of
agricultural produce ? no Bills for the encouragement of
manufactures and the extension of trade ? The Noble
Lord and the Right Hon. Baronet charged the Govern-
ment with having exhibited a favouritism in the advances
of these meneys, and they instanced the Waterford and
Limerick as one of the railways which should feel ag-
grieved by this state of things. But the reason why the
Government chose to advance these sums to the Great
Eastern and Western was, because they thought the
effect of the completion of the line would be to increase
the national wealth and afford employment to the starving

SUPPLY.
In answer to questions from Colonel Sibthorp, Mr.
Osborne, and Lord G. Bentinck,
Lord J. RUSSELL said that if the House would get
through the Bills before it, they would go into supply
on the same day. Wednesday, after some discussion,
was fixed upon.
DRAINAGE OF LANDS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
_ _ _

This Bill was read a third time and passed.
POLLING AT ELECTIONS (IRELAND) BILL.
Lord J. RUSSELL moved that this Bill be read a
second time.

Mr. FREWEN suggested that the provision. should
extend to counties as well as boroughs.
After a few words from Mr. LABOUCHERE, the Bill
was read a second time.
TURNPIKE ROADS (SOUTH WALES) BILL.
The House then went into Committee on this Bill, and
passed its several clauses.
The House again resumed.
BANKRUPTCY BILL.

This Bill was read a second time atter a short discus-
sion, in which Sir James Graham, Sir George Grey, and
the Attorney-General took part.
NAVAL MUTINY BILL.

This Bill passed through Committee.
HERRING FISHERY BILL.
The Committee on this Bill was deferred till Thursday.

CANADA CONSOLIDATED FUND.
This Bill passed through Committee.
HOLYHEAD HARBOUR.

The Committee on this Bill lit7t;ini been proposed,
Colonel SIBTHORP moved that the House be counted,
and tbere not being forty Members present the House
immediately adjourned at One o'clock.

population.
Mr. DISRAELI said that this question had occupied
the attention of the House at the beginning of the ses-
sion, and it appeared to be likely to occupy the attention
of the Legislature to its close. But he could not un-
derstand how Hon. Members, who were so eloquent
against the proposition of his Noble Friend in the month
of February, who had represented in such brilliant colours
the injurious tendency of the principle of the Govern-

went relief, should now come forward and vote for this
measure. The Right Hon. Baronet had placed this ques-
tion in its proper light, and had maintained his consis-
tency even to that hour upon the subject. Hon. Members
for Ireland said, " Why do you not legislate for Ireland
as you do for England," and the Noble Lord at the head
of the Government for the first time that evening,
admitted that the fact was so. He (Mr. Disraeli) denied
it. He maintained that the English people did that for
Ireland, which the Irish people did not for themselves.
here was a statesmanlike measure brought forward by
his Hon. Friend in February last, a measure which was
a practical one, and opposed to mere abstract notions of
political economy—here was a measure, which was de
seated by a majority brought to the vote by her Ma-
jesty's Government—here was a measure which, at the
beginning of the session, was defeated by the Ministry,
who now brought forward at the fag end of it at the ter-
mination of the session, and when they were about to
appear before their constituents, as the panacea for the
miseries of Ireland. He aad the party with which he
was connected were contented with the result at which
they had arrived, and they were prepared to vote with the
Government, but how were the Hon. Gentleman oppo-
site the Member for Southwark, and the Gentlemen who
agreed with him in opinion to answcr to their consti-
tuents for their votes on this occasion ? These consti-
tuents would not be satisfied with dry and musty
apothegms of political economy; they would tell them
that Ireland was now a portion of the common country,
united ininterests and friendship, and they w ould also tell
them that the time was gone by for mere political enun-
ciations taking the place of action.
Mr. HUME acknowledged that the Hon. Member who
had just sat down had made out a triumphant case against
the Ministry and those who with them had voted against
the Noble Lord the Member for Lynn's motion in Fe-
bruary, but who were prepared to vote for it on that occa-
sion. lie was anxious. however, to state to the House and
the country the reason why he opposed this measure. He
considered it to be a violation of principle. The Right
Hon. Gentleman opposite had challenged the House to
go to the country upon the question. Well, he for one,
was prepared to do so. His principles were based upon
equity and justice, and he could see no reason why
money should be granted to one railway in preference to
another. The granting of this money was opposed
to every principle to which the public purse
ought to bo applied. It was against all principle
and reason, and if this Bill were carried, Go-
vernment could not refuse to grant money to
English and Scotch railways. Government were getting
into a maze, out of which they would find a difficulty to ex-
tricate themselves, and he considered this a most unprin-
cipled and unconstitutional vote; he should give it his
decided opposition.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. CARDWELL said, before they went to a division
on the question, the House ought to know whether this
vote was an exceptional case, arising out of the evils and
miseries of Ireland, or the commencement of a new policy
under which the country was in future to be governed.
It would seem, from one part of the Noble Lord's speech
(the First Lord of the Treasury) that it was, but after the
address of the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Shrews-
bury, it became the more necessary that they should have
the question more definitely explained to them. With
regard to the vote itself, why could not the Dublin and
Cashel Com.p.lny make their own line. The lines which
were intended to connect the metropolis with the towns
of Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Holyhead were at as great
a discount as the Dublin and Cashel Railway, but they
did not ask the assistance of Government, and why
should the Dublin and Cashel Railway" Compny have
it? When the London and Leeds line was being made
there was great and pressing
country—there was great difficulty
distress
in
employment for labour the moneymarket
in a most depressed state, in
the proprietorswas
of the London and Leeds line did not come to the Go-
vernment asking, for assistance. They exerted them-
selves to the utmost degree, and by dint of great energy