The Sun.
London, England, 1847-06-15 00:00:00

AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL.

Lord STANLEY rose to make his promised motion—
That the House was of opinion that the interference of
her Majesty's Government in the affairs of Portugal was
unnecessary and uncalled for—and said, that from the
course which had been pursued in the present session of
Parliament by those who had been unable to repose
perfect confidence in her Majesty's advisers he was
quite sure that they would have the credit of modera-
tion from their opponents. If they had been unable to
support some of the legislative measures which the
Ministers had brought forward, they had on no occasion
suffered their objections to degenerate into factious
opposition, but, on the contrary, had, whenever occasion
had offered, taken the opportunity to support rather
than to oppose the Government—and that whenever
they hail felt it their duty to propose amend-
ments to the measures, those amendments bad
been framed so as to show their effectual
desire not to embarrass her Majesty's Government.
Such had been particularly the case in the great and
important subject which had chiefly absorbed the atten-
tion of their Lordship's during the present session.
And if several of the measures, which had chimed
their Lordships attention, had, from peculiar reasons,
been decidedly objectionable to those with whom he
acted, and if the results of those measures appeared to
be fraught with these difficulties to a remarkable, if not
to a dangerous extent, all had been particularly
careful
not to increase the difficulties of the Ministry by any
expressions to which they might give utterance in the
statement of their opinions. If he might adduce an
instance, he would allude to the course which had been
adopted by this country with respect to the affairs
of a great and neigbhbouring nation, in which
he was himself deeply interested.—(Hear, hear.)
It did appear to him to be inconsistent with the first
principles of justice, a violation of all international law,
and in contravention of positive pledges already given
by this country to the various European powers. lie
found that their interference in the internal affairs of
Portugal had been undertaken in a manner not
only at variance with the rights of that independent
nation, but also in a spirit, he must say, far from that of
impartiality between the two contending parties; and
when he believed that the admission of the principle
upon which this interference was based was likely to
place this country in a position of serious embar-
rassment, he did feel that it was their duty no
longer to be silent upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.)
It was their Lordships' duty to vindicate themselves in
the eyes of the country, in the eyes of Europe, and in
the judgment of the present time and the judgment of
posterity, and to free the world from the impression that
they participated in the principle or approved of the
course which had been pursued by her Majesty's Go-
vernment in relation to the internal affairs of Portugal.
It was their Lordships' duty to take care that their
silence shonld not subject them to misrepresentation,
and they could only fulfil that duty by expressing an
opinion as ono branch of the Legislature of this Great
Empire, upon this most important subject, and in his
judgment, the present was emphatically the time when
that expression of opinion ought to be given to the world.
No vote of their Lordships could interfere with the
existence of that treaty—it was a treaty binding upon
this country, and the Government themselves in laying
that treaty upon the table of the House, had announced
to their Lordships that they had performed their func-
tions, and they appealed to this House for their
judgment—they challenged their decision, having
offered a fair and a full exposure of all the
facts ; and they asked their Lordships to pro-
nounce their judgment in the matter, and whether
they had rightly, wisely, and discreetly, exercised the
trust which the constitution had placed in their hands..
His charge against the Government—for he did not dis-
guise that it was a charge which he brought against the
Government—was, that the treaty into which they. had
entered, was a violation of the principles of international
law, a violation of the great fundamental principles,
.that
it is repugnant to the spirit of all the treaties into which
this country had entered ; that this mode of interference
was not impartial, and that the execution of the
treaty in good faith, as ho doubted not it was
their desire to execute it was diffiieult, if not altogether
impracticable in itself, and likely to lead this country
into a perpetual labyrinth of complication, and threat-
ening the most serious embarassments to the diplomatic
and foreign relations of this country.—(Hear, hear.)
He could not conceive any people more closely esta-
blished and universally recognised. That with respect
to the domestic and internal arrangement of any state no
other country had a rsght to interfere in any way, but
least of all by force of arms ; and the only qualification
of that universal principle was, that whenever the so-
called domestic or internal affairs were in their nature

likely to endanger, if not the instutions, at least the
great interests of that country. He trusted that he
should be forgiven if he adverted to ciraumstances
which were in the memory of their Lorships, and within
the limits of what may be called their own time, for the
purpose of showing the unvarying and constant
course of precedent and policy adopted by statesmen of the
present century of all shades and distinctions of politics.
In France, during the internal commotion which had
prevailed in that country during the last century,
England did not feel herself called upon to interfere. In
1792, when the French revolution was at its height—
when the Sovereign was deprived of the exercise of his
regal functions—and when the events of that period excited
feelings of alarm throughout Europe, the language from the
Throne in this country with reference to those events was,
no doubt, the language of apprehension and of alarm, but
it was the language of nonintervention.—(Hear, hear.)
The Noble Lord here read extracts from the speech
from the Throne at that period—" that this country
entirely abstained from all interference with the
internal affairs of France." And afterwards, when
the King of France was brought to the block and judi-
cially murdered, the war which ensued was declared, not
by England against France, but by France against Eng-
land.—(Hear, hear.) During the long period of dismay
which followed, even up to the time v hen Charles X.
was obliged to give up his throne, did they ever
dream of interference.—(Hear, hear,) No, it was
never thought of, and in the speech from the throne
at e'nostatsiunegh that the King regarded with
pleasure
principle was enunciated.
It
concluded
convocation of the Cortes. At a somewhat
earlier period the great principle of non-interference
was laid down by his Noble and Gallant Friend on the
cross-benches (the Duke of Wellington). When
that
time,
by
tht ie
at the congress of Verona, he addressed a memorandum
to the French Ambassador, stating that he bad availed
himself of every opportunity of recommending to his
Majesty, wholly to abstain from all interference in the
internal affairs of Spain, because he believed that
any interference could only place that monarch
in a worse position, and prevent him from promoting the
internal amelioration of that country.—(Hear.)
.One
other great authority—one with whom, in many respects,
he differed in political opinions—one to whose memory
he looked with affectionate reverence—one whose
opinions Noble Lords opposite were bound to
receive with great weight, and one for whom those who
differed the most with him in political opinions, he did
not in his life, and would not now hesitate to declare
that he Was a statesman keenly anxious for the welfare
of his native country and of other nations.—(Hear.) In
the year 1830, when negotiations were entered into with
the five great Powers of Europe, in pursuance of the
obligation of a treaty, for the purpose of settling the
arrangement between Belgium (which was then vir-
tually separated from Holland) and Holland. The
speech delivered from the throne on that occasion an-
nounced in distinct terms the principle which he was
anxious to lay down to their Lordships the principle
adopted by the advice of Earl Grey was non-interference
with the affairs of Belgium as contrary to the laws of
nations, and by that advice Earl Grey waa enabled to
strengthen his Cabinet. They could not justify interfer-
ence on the part of another country on the pretence of
danger, and he would go further, and say, that if
the Belgians had adopted a republican form of
Government, instead of a monarchy, he did not
think it would be justifiable to interfere, nor
would he consent to such interference." Such was the
language of Earl Grey, and at what time ? Why the
revolution was not twelve months old ; the con-
stitutional, vet nevertheless revolutionary throne
of Louis Philippe was barely established ; and
Republicanism was neither dead or asleep in France.

(LEFT SPEAKING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four
o'clock.

REPORTS.

The following Reports were brought up, and ordered
to lie on the table:—

Caledonian Railway (Purchase or Lease of Wishaw and
Coltness Railway). •
Leicester Wat( rworks.

London (City) Improvements.
York and Newcastle Railway (llartlepool Dock and
Railway, and Great North of England, Clarence, and
Hartlepool Junction Railway Lease and Purchase).
York and North Midland (East Riding Canals Purchase).
The reports on the following Bills were further con-
sidered and agreed to:—
Chester and Holyhead Railway (Extension at Chester
and Alteration of Levels).
East of Fife Railway (Markinch Deviation).
Edinburgh and Northern Railway, Saint Andrew's and

Newbiirgh Harbour Branches and Road Crossings
(Newport Railway Extension).
Fleetwood, Preston, and West Riding Junction Railway
(Burnley and Colliery Branches).
Great Northern Railway (Deviations between Gains-
borough and Doncaster).
Guildford Extension and Portsmouth and Fareham
Railway.
Huddersfield and Manchester Railway (Deviations and
Alterations in Oldham Branch, &c.)
Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester Railway (Ossett
Branch and Dewsbury and Morley Stations.)
Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Harrogate and Pateley
Branch, &c.)
Leeds and Thirsk Railway (Branch from Melmerby to
Northalli rton &c.)
Leeds and Think Railway (Eaglescliffe and Stillington
Ex elision.)
London and North-Western Railway (Lease and Pur-
chase of the Huddersfield and Manchester Railway
awl Canal, and the Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester
Railway).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Ash-
ton Canal Purchase).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway
(Branch to Chapeltown and Thurgoland Coal Branch).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Shef-
field Canal Purchase).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Junc-
tion with the Midland Railway rid Barnsley and
Branches therefrom).
Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railways (Sta-
tion at Sheffio.'d, and Branch to the Sheffield Canal).
Midland Railway (Extension of the Nottinghani and
Lincoln Branch at Lincoln).
Midland Railway (Masbrough and Normanton Stations
Enlargement).

Tyne l)'(')cks.
Wear Valley, Bishop Auckland and Weardale, Wear-
dale Extension, and Wear and Derwent Railways and
Shildon Tunnel Amalgamation.