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UNDER the MANAGEMENT of MADAME VESTRIS
THIS EVENING, JAN. 19

Will be presented Shakspere's Comedy (with Music) of
THE MERRY WIVES OF WINDSOR.

Sir John Falstaff, Mr. Bartlev ; Master Slender, Mr. C. Ma-
thews ; Ford, Mr. Cooper ; Fenton, Mr. W. Harrison ; Mrs.
Ford, Mrs. Nisbett ; Mrs. Page, Madame Vestris ; Ann Page,
hiss Rainforth, Mrs. Quickly, Mrs. C. Joncs.
After which,

The NEW GRAND CHRISTMAS PANTOMIME will be
repeated, entitled
THE CASTLE OF OTRANTO; OR, HARLEQUIN
AND THE GIANT HELMET.

Ilarlequin, Mr. C. J. Smith ; Clown, Mr. T. Ridgway ;
Pantaloon, Mr. Morelli; Columbine, Miss Fairbrother.
To-morrow, The Mithummer Night's Dream, with The New
Pantomime.

tmori to be opened at half-past Six—the performances to
commence at Sevon o'Clock.

Tisket•s and plat es for the Boat; to be taken of Mr. Grogan
&I the Box-office, from Ten till Four, where Season Tickets
may ue had upon application.
Dress Boxes, 7s. ; Second Price, 3s. 6d.; First and Second
( 53. ; Second Price, is. 6d. ; Pit, 36. ; Second. Price.
; Gallery, Is.
Private Box, 6 to be had so'ely of Mr. And' :yrs, bookseller
167. New Bond-street.

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.
Triumphant again ! Overv‘belming Success of Ainsa-orth's
'rower of London. Nightly overflows. Upwards of 37,000
Persons have already witnessed the best Pantomime in
London.

THIS EVENING, JAN. 19.
Will be acted a Grand. Historical Romance, founded on and

entitled
THE TOWER OF LONDON.

The Tableaax Vivans, splendid Costume, and Appointments,
from the Designs of the celebrated George Cruikshanks.
A fter which will be repeated the Grand Traditionary Pantomime,
entitled
HARLEQUIN AND MY LADY LEE; OR, GOOSEY
GANDER AND THE SPELLBOUND GOSLINGS.
In which the unrivalled Artistes, the Boleno Family; Mr.
S,ontliby, the Original CloAn ; Miss Sharpe, Columbine ; and
the ast.nishing Gyrenastique, Signior Felix Carlo, from Fran-
cord's, at Paris, will perform : concluding with Brunning's
Grand Dioramic Synopsis of Syria.

HIGH' WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE THIS AY.
P o-nnig...... 6 minutes after 11. f Evening a minutes after O.

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LONDON:
TUESDAY, JANUARY 19, IE4I.

The Times yesterday, with a masterly hand, in
an article transferred to our pages, drew a contrast
both as to principle and success, between the colo-
nial policy of France and of England. The for-
mer, founded on the principle of conquest or national
aggrandisement by violence, has been from the
commencement of the eighteenth century a complete
failure ; the latter, undertaken by individuals or
companies, on the principle of gaining wealth by
acquiring a country and cultivating it, or carrying
on trade with its inhabitants, has been almost uni-
formly successful. Considering the United States
as springing from the loins of England, and in-
cluding our Indian empire, our colonial offsets com-
prise the most astonishing dominion of knowledge
and art over ignorance and barbarism, and over the
elements of the material world that ever existed•
If in the prosecution of the great object, of obtain-
ing wcaltit by industry and commerce, our Indian
countrymen and our several colonists have been
sometimes obliged to have recourse to arms, and to
carry on war in a spirit of aggrandisement, that was
subsidiary to the main object, and the " principalities
and powers we have conquered, have been taught by
our rule to share, not perish by the arts of Euro-
pean warfare." Some memorable lessons are taught
by this contrast, and we willingly avail ourselves of
it to state the suggestions which it forces on us.
All our vast colonial empire, which now consti-
mass of greatness, is quite
tutes such an imposing
distinct from the soil of England. It has nothing
to do with the landed gentry. The squires had no
hand in founding it. Its origin lies in the mercan-
tile community. It has sprung from commerce.
Mien Mr. M'QuEEN and other statisticians again
enumerate the sources and amount of Britain's
wealth and power, let them not forget to give our
trade the credit of our colonial empire. If the ba-
lance then be properly struck, the squires, and
their co-extortioners, the priests, will probably hang
their heads abashed, at the little, comparatively,
they have done for Britain's greatness.
The mercantile principle, which has led to the
f noration of our colonial empire, must, it is clear,
from the results, by which aloud any political prin-
ciple can be tested, be comparatively an excellent
principle of Government. Our country is mercan-
tile, France is agricultural. Freedom is the soul
of commerce, agriculture can be carried on by slaves.
The West Indian islands have been cultivated by
them. Slavery existed till the decay of the Roma,
empire ; and though it be not our opinion, it is
the opinion of good judges, that agriculture has been
little improved since the days of CATo and
VIRGIL. In many parts of France, and some parts
of Italy, agriculture is quite as rude now as it was
in the time of the Romans ; and, 'could the system
on Ca.To's pet farm be universally adopted in those
',l4lSl`coargr. :, we are not sure on an average that they
t,,-, wage. . - lain by the change. Trade is based on
~i %.- ',,.1:: •;''..041 Competition, and inconsistent with
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slavery. It is the peaceful conflict of ready•witted
men, who shall gain most. It cannot exist, much
less prosper, under the trammels of ignorant legis-
lation. We not only owe, therefore, our colonial
empire to the mercantile principle ; to that we are
indebted for much domestic freedom. The keen
minds and the bold hearts it has engendered in our
cities have been the stays of Britain's moral great-
ness and her political freedom. Yet the imbecile
squires and their allies, linked in an unholy
league against Britain's material greatness, and the
mental freedom of her children, decry the mercantile
spirit. They must put restraints on commerce for-
sooth I They write about burning down a third of our
cities, and restoring the glorious days of unlimited
squirearchy and priestcraft. They follow out their
principles, and starve the people while they peril
Britain's future fate. If successful, they will slowly
squeeze her to death ; if not successful, it will be
because discontent will generate revolution, and
their murderous power will be shaken off, and meet
the fate it intends for ourgreat and glorious country;
France is agricultural, and Britain mercantile .
and the former is thoroughly monarchical and cen-
tral in her institutions, while the latter, with the
name of monarchy, is in many respects democratic
and republican. The colonies of France were in
the main set afoot and organized by the Govern-
ment—they proceeded from the central authority,
and looked to it for support and success ; the co-
lonies of England were the work of private indivi-
duals, and local in their origin. Even our Indian
empire was built up by a mercantile Company, with
scarcely any assistance from the Government.
The principle of centralization, from the very
impossibility of any individuals mastering all the
details of an empire, must of necessity be con-
ducted in ignorance and by arbitrary means. The
Government of France, as contrasted with that of
England, growing from an agricultural community,
was founded on the principle of centralization ; the
Government of England as contrasted with that of
France, growing partly from a mercantile commu-
nity, is founded on the principle of local, dispersed,
and republican authority. The results to which
those systems lead, are well exemplified in the colo-
nial success of the two nations. The British sys-
tem is followed by great success, the French is a
complete failure. This is only a type, we believe,
of the general results. When we look at the com-
parative wealth, knowledge, tranquillity, obedience,
and morality of the two nations, we shall probably
conclude that in all things these two systems of go-
vernment lead to similar results to those which are
traced in their colonial policy.
We wish we could persuade the Whig party to
look at this picture, and ask themselves whether
their present conduct be consistent with their own
principles, and their future success ?
A long career of mischievous legislation on the
part of the Tories seems to have inspired the Whigs
with a notion that they, too, must make a great
number of regulations to counteract the mischievous
regulations of their predecessors. This is a great
error. They are they organs of the mercantile
community, as contradistinguished from the squire-
archy—of the principle of competition, not the
principle of restraint—of the principle of free-
doom, not that of slavery—of the principle of local
and republican government, as contrasted with the
principle of centralising and monarchical govern-
ment ; and their business is to repeal laws, to set
men free, to localise our institutions, to diminish the
power of the Government, and to avoid, above all
things, the practices of the Tories. But, many of
them belonging to the squirearchy, they have for-
gotten the principles of their existence as a party,
and have followed their class and personal interest
as squires.

The Whigs should not have multiplied laws
somewhat different from the Tory laws, but con-
tented themselves with abrogating the mischievous
Tory legislation. If the new Poor-law in the abstract
and on principle be a wise measure, in conjunction
with the Corn-law it is a mere means of lessening, by
cruelty towards the squire's people, their claim
on the squire's estate. If the centralization of that
measure, contrary to the principles of the Whigs,
was demanded by an imperative necessity, it ought
not to have been establislitd till the Corn-law had
been abolished, and ought to have been temporary.
At the meeting at Hertford, a few days ago, the
just cry of the people was " Give us more pay, and
you will not require a rural police." To support
the cruelty of the Tory system the Whigs, contrary
to all their principles as a party, have borrowed
from France a centralized rural police.
In the same way Mr. HAWES has borrowed
his Police Act, and some Whigs in Parliament,
led astray by some schemer, have demanded that
the Government should meddle, like the French
Government, more and more with the colonies, and
bring our colonial empire to ruin, like the colonies
of France. But we cannot be much surprised at the
folly of Whig Members, when we find a writer in
a Liberal Journal—writing too from the City, the
heart of our mercantile system—calling for the ap-
pointing of a Governor and Deputy-Governor of
the Bank by the Government, or the establishment
of a National Bank like that of France.

In all the points we have briefly hinted at ;there
has been of late a tendency to follow the principles
and plans of that Government which, in its results,
is so mischievous. It is for us a matter of deep
regret to perceive that the Whigs, and even the
more than 'Whigs, have been the leaders in this
bastard imitation. A silly love of arbitrary and
sickly uniformity has usurped in their minds the
admiration of the rough, irregular, but vigorous
freedom which our forefathers admired. They are
doctrinaires in a small way. They can see nothing
in society but what emanates from Government ;
and they have sought, like the late Emperor of
France, and like the present King—though they*
have neither the genius nor the power of those
monarchs—to regulate every thing. They have mis-
taken their vocation, and their mistake causes the
declension of their power, while it enables the
Tories now continually to reproach them that their
political system, in all its parts, is hypocrisy and
fraud. We say with sorrow that the Whigs, as a
party, have too often forgotten the principles to
which they are indebted for their power, and so
they appear as if they were false both to themselves
and their friends.

The letter which appeared in our Journal of Sa-
turday, from a Member of the League, advocating
union of all Reformers for the repeal of the a
bread-
tax, was judicious and well-timed. The Weekly
Chronicle, we observe, advocates a similar policy.
It is quite certain that unless the Reformers are
united they will gain nothing, and equally certain if
they can unite on any given subject, be it what it
may, they will command success. Their opponents,
divided amongst themselves, distracted by the con-
flict of their dishonest practices with the principles
they pretend to teach, cannot offer any determined
resistance to men enthusiastic in the cause of free-
dom. The one thing essential for the Reformers,
therefore, is unity—or resolved unanimity in seek-
ing one object.
From the programme of the great meeting which
is to be held at Leeds, we see that different subjects
are appropriated to different speakers. Mr. HUMS,
for example, is to speak to the condition of the
people, Sir W. MoLEswortTrt is to handle the de-
licate question of the Suffrage, but we do not see
the important subject of unanimity appropriated to
any speaker. Perhaps Mr. WARD) though not the

very likeliest man to bring it to pass, may think the
subject worthy of his talents, and on no occasion
can it be more fitly urged than at the Leeds meeting.
On what Reformers are to unite, is the difficult
question. It augurs ill for the household suffrage
that the Chartists of Yorkshire are to meet on the
same day as the Leeds Reformers, in order to
oppose household suffrage, and foster agitation for
the five points. They think that it is impossible
to have organic changes every Session, and that
consequently such a change as household suffrage,
which they denominate unjust—though we believe
it could be shown that household suffrage would
embrace all classes—would impede their chance of
obtaining the suffrage for every adult male, and
therefore they are resolute in opposing household
suffrage. In the same manner many of the Char-
tists believe that the repeal of the Corn-law, giv-
ing the people good wages, and filling their bel-
lies, would put an end to discontent, and
take away the food of agitation. They
oppose the repeal of the Corn-law, but the
reason why they oppose it ought to recommend
it to those who wish to see our institutions calmly
reformed, not swept away by a revolutionary whirl-
wind. On every question there are great obstacles
to a union between all classes of Reformers ; but
as union is the one thing necessary to success, all
honest Reformers, who prefer the good cause to a
personal triumph, should essay, above all things, to
bring about union.

The Tories, very much to our satisfaction, are
becoming quite prists in election matters. If they
will only be consistent in their purity, there will be
no need of the Ballot. Every man will be allowed
to vote just as he likes, and the meanest tenant of
the Duke of NEWCASTLE will never again even
receive a hint of the manner in which his Grace
expects him to vote on pain of ejectment. Mr.
SCHOLEFIELD, for example, the Member for Bir-
mingham, has addressed the following letter to Mr.
SMITH, the candidate for Walsall ; and the Tories
cry out against it as intimidation, as an unwar-
rantable interference, and as calling for the severest
reprehension :

" Birmingham, Jan. 4, 1841.
"My dear Sir—Most heartily do I rejoice in your
coming forward to represent Walsall, believing, as I do,
that unless the cruel and unjust Corn-laws be repealed,
one.half of the manufacturers and operatives of England
will be left to perish for want of employment. Almost all
the nations of the earth would be our customers if we
could take in exchange for our goods the only commodity
which many of them have to give in return. A long pull
and a strong pull to get rid of these iniquitous Corn-laws,
and England may once more see what she has long lost—
commercial prosperity. Any friends with whom lam ac-
quainted, or with whom my house has dealings, cannot
better promote their own interests, and gratify my feelings,
than by voting for yourself. Sincerely wishing you success,
" I am, dear Sir, your sincerely,
"JOS. SCHOLEFIELD."

If it be intimidation to tell the people of Wal-
sall, who deal with the men of Birmingham, that
they cannot better promote their own interests, and
gratify the feelings of their customers at Birming-
ham, then we are afraid that every newspaper has
been guilty of the same offence. Scarcely one of
them, we believe, but has addressed stronger repre-
sentations to the men of Walsall, than those Mr.
SCHOLEFIELD expresses to the candidate. But
when honest and just remonstrances awaken the con-
sciences of the electors, they become intimidation
We suppose, from the anger of the Tories, that Mr.
SCHOLEFIELD'S letter has had a good effect. It has
contributed to open the eyes of the electors to their
true interests. What injures Birmingham does not
promote prosperity at Walsall. Similar assurances
to those given by Mr. SCHOLEFIELD are given to
the electors, by addresses and deputations from all
parts of the empire ; and should they not listen to
such friendly remonstrances, and elect Mr. GLAD-
STONE, they will injure, if not destroy, their own
prosperity, and the prosperity of the rest of the
country.

The Irish Reformers are opposing a bold front
to the STANLEY attack upon their liberties. In
our columns of this day will be found an abridged
report of the proceedings at a public meeting of the
Irish Reformers held in Dublin on Friday last, at
which the Earl of CHARLEMONT presided, and
which well represented the Liberal aristocracy, clergy.
landowners, merchants, the learned professions, and
tradesmen of the sister kingdom. The requisition
calling the meeting was only eleven days before the
public, and in that brief period was signed by forty-
four peers, nineteen baronets, sixty deputy-lieute-
nants, three hundred landed proprietors, an equal
number of magistrates, three hundred Protestant
and Catholic clergymen, and four hundred mer-
chants and members of the legal profession—an irre-
fragable proof of the detestation with which STAN-
LEY'S Bill is regarded by all classes in Ireland. At this
great meeting the utmost unanimity prevailed. Minor
differences of opinion were forgotten in the general
determination to peril life itself sooner than submit
to any abridgement of the electoral franchise. One
speaker only, Mr. LETHBRIDGE, mooted the ques-
tion of the Repeal of the Union, of which he ap-
proved, and the announcement was received with
thunders of applause. What stronger proof is ne-
cessary to show that Mr. O'CONNELL has not a
more powerful supporter in his repeal agitation than
Lord STANLEY ? But for STANLEY'S Bill it
would have been as difficult now to gather a Repeal
meeting in Ireland as in England. The Repeal fever
had passed away ; Ireland, annually increasing in
wealth, in intelligence, and in the comforts of ci-
vilized life, had begun to enjoy some repose after
her powerful and successful struggles to obtain an
Emancipation and a Reform 1301, when Lord
STANLEY'S genius for mischief contrived to set the
country once more in a blaze. He blew the embers
of discontent into a flame, and now capers with
fiendish delight round the dangerous conflagration
he has raised.

If, however, the Irish Reformers, following the
excellent example of the Meeting in Dublin on
Friday last, will confine themselves to opposing
STANLEY'S Bill, and to the obtaining of equal
rights with their English fellow-subjects, they may
rely upon the most complete success. So long as
they limit their demands to equal rights and privi-
leges with their British fellow-subjects, they will
find ❑umerous and powerful supporters in the Re-
formers of England and Scotland. With less than
equal rights it would be a disgrace to Irishmen to
be content ; but more than justice is sought—the
dissolution of the Monarchy is aimed at by the
Repeal of the Union.

Madrid Journals of the Bth inst. have reached
us. The Regency was doing all in its power to
suppress the
.fueros of the Basque Provinces.
War preparations were going on at a rapid rate in
the Portuguese Provinces adjoining Spain. The
Fives rose on the Bth to 29 for cash.

The French Journals of Friday have been re-
ceived, but those of Saturday are in arrear, owing
to the boisterous state of the weather on Saturday
night. They bring no political news of the
slightest importance except the following confirma-
tion of the intelligence which we published on
Saturday from Buenos Ayres :
" Lieutenant-de-vaisseau Page arrived this afternoon
at Paris, with the convention signed on October 31, on
board the French brig La Boulonnaise, between Rear-
Admiral de Makau and M. Philip Arena, Minister of
Foreign Affairs to Governor Roses. This convention
stipulates, Ist, An acknowledgment of the indemnities
due to the French. 2d, The raising of the blockade,
and the evacuation of the island of Martin Garcia. 3d,
An amnesty for the Argentine proscripts. 4th, A.
confirmation of the absolute independence of the Ori-
ental Republic of Uruguay.
.sth, That the French