The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-14 00:00:00

MORNING EDITION__

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.

CHRONICLE.—A new demarcation of parties will pro-
bably result from the present Parliamentary straeale. The
country will henceforth be divided into the;Monopolists and the.
Anti-Monopolists. The distinction is much more important
than that of Whigs and Tories.: It will supersede Conservatism
and Radicalism. The terms are intelligible, and power-
fully expressive. The difference means something that
affects every person through every day. The clothes
which any one pats on in the morning, and the sheets
between which he sleeps at night; the tea and sugar,
bread, meat, and drink, of breakfast, dinner, and supper;
the amount of money in the purse, and the cost of almost
every article on which it canbe expended; all will bring home
to the perception of the individual the influence of political
struggle, and the connection of his interests with the conduct
ef the Government by the Monopolist party, or the Anti-
losopolist party. In such a strife, there can be little space
for neutrality or indifference. The agitation which carried
the Reform Bill was a conte,t for means, rendered intense
by en expectation of their efficiency, which has not been
realised. The disappointment precludes a revival of the feel-
ing then evinced ; nor can it be excited for any larger objects
of the same kind, the effect of which has thus been rendered
problematical. What, then, remains for the people, but that
they should go at once for the good which they hoped and la-
boured to secure by organic changes? This is the railway
path to their purpose. Further organic changes may, nr may
notobe requisite to their success. That will soon appear. But
let there be no longer any confusion o' means and ends. " lip
with monopoly" is in the hearts of the faction now striving for
the powers of Government ; and the war-cry of all the rest of
the community is " Down with monopoly."
TIMES.—We do not say that Ministers have not a right
to alter their views every year, as serpents change their skins ;
nor do we mean to reproach them for this any more than for
any other natural infirmity : but when they speak (as Lord
John Russell did on Friday last) of the opposition which
they encounter on this occasion, as " the most fac-
tious that could be resorted to," and of Lord San-
don's resolution as involving the principle that re-
striction and prohibition are the best maxims of com-
mercial policy ;" when they denounce those who insist
upon keeping faith with the free labourers of the West
Indies, as monopolists and enemies to free trade, we cannot
help asking whether they perceive the consequences of their
own invectives ? If Lord Sandon is an advocate of monopoly
now, Mr. Labouchere must have been an advocate of mono- 1
poly in 1840 ;—if the principles of free trade are incompatible
with the present arguments of the Conservative party, they
must have been equally incompatible with the same arguments
when advanced in 1840 from the Treasury benches. With
respect to the logical cogency of the arguments themselves, an
incurable blindness seems to have come upon the Wbgs within
the space of the last twelve months. The Conservatives take
their stand upon a broad principle of humanity, and, looking
to the practical effect certain to follow from the measures pro-
posed, refused to become parties to an act which would inevi.
tably give a strong impulse and decided encouragement to sla-
very and the slave-trade.
HERALD.—In the resumed debate of last night, the apeeeh
of Lord Stanley proved a feature which (we may safely predict)
w:11 be studied with general interest and gratification. Ail
who desire to tee the arguments of Lord John Russell f r the
first of those destructive propositions with which he appears to
have determined to close his official existence, fairly met, man-
fully answered, and logically disposed of, will peruse Lord
Stanley's address, highly as they may have already esti-
mated -his ability, with even enhanced respect for his frank
character and admiratietedhis noble talents. His exposure of
the absurd inconsistency of contending for the Ministerial re-
solutions, as being identified with the principles of free
trade, seeing that the discriminative duties on our colonial
sugars which they were to establish and leave, were especially
in the nature of a monopoly, was in the most forcible manner
of that masculine intellect, which the Noble Lord can bring to
bear, at all times, with equal facility to the searching discus-
sion of an abstract question, or the decomposing analysis of a
fiscal joggle, however craftily concocted, or plausibly or tech-
nically propounded. He certainly riled the resolutions of all
their sugar, and left to Ministers nothing but the bitterness of
a stern rebuke, and the consciousness of having merited it , to
relieve the distress which their political delinquency has brosight
upon them.
POST.—The Whigs have maintained that under their ma-
nagement of affairs the revenue has so declined as to he in a
very deplorable way indeed. They have made this discovery
rather suddenly, and we wish the honesty of their measures in
consequence were commensurate with the truth and frankness
of the avowal. But unfortunately this is not the case. They tell
us what a very bad state the revenue is in at present, and-how
urgently necessary it is that an improvement should be effected;
and then they assume, without showing any reasonable ground
for the assumption, that certain revolutionary proj cts in
commercial affairs which they desire to accomplish would bring
in to the impoverished Exchequer all that it requires ! We
ask what precedent these Whig misiranagers can refer to which
would justify the public in believing that their financial antici-
pa.iens are likely to be correct? If they have no character as
infallible financial prophets to rely upon, as we contend they
certainly have not., then they are bound to show, in the clearest
manner that official returns and arithmetic can show it, the
probable gain of their proposed patronage of foreign labour,
whether of slaves in Southern America, or of serfs in Northern
Europe. But this they have not dared to attempt.
GLOBE.—Lord Stanley has, at all events, a better
title than the Noble Mover of the question before the
House, to assume Anti-Slavery championship. We
suppose it was on the principle of Fiat experi-
nienttim in cor porevili, that the Noble Lord, the
Member for Liverpool, was put in the front
of the battle. Mr. Gladstone too, who was last
night reminded by Lord Howiek and Mr. V. Smith of
the wisdom contained in the old proverb, that " those
who live in glass houses should not be the first to throw
stones," was certainly the most curious champion that
could well be selected, considering all his past and pre-
sent connections, of West and East Indian freedom.
Hut Lord Stanley has an undoubted right to " star"
it in that part—the more so, as he took so brilliant a
benefit, in the same performance, some years back. The
eclat of the piece indeed was rather highly paid for ;
and the appearance of the same performer, on the
same boards, is somewhat ominous of similar results
affecting John Bull's pocket. M. Thiers was called the
Napoleon of expense during his short Ministry ; a title
equally applicable to Lord Stanley's Irish and Colonial
Secretarvships. The phrase " extinction of tithe" cost
this country the million loan to the Irish clergy ; and the
liberal indifference between the phrases of loan and gift
cost thorn twenty millions more to the West India planters.
It is now the question how much more Lord Stan-
ley's phrases should, in conscience, cost us ? We
concede- considerable ability to the Noble Lord's
speech last night ; we must also concede that it showed
more command of reasoning, _and temper than usual.
But the practical question recurs, How much must
the, public pay for able speeches ? And how much for
"porter" and " champagne" to the " imitative" negro
mon-labourers ? Sooner or later, evidently this
state of things must come to a termination. If
the negroes slumber on the natural bounties of
the soil, and cease to labour for others, their
probable fate will be that of Hayti—a simi-civilisation
of their own—which will soon lose its temporary luxu-
ries of imitation, and all its other advantages of contact
with European existence. If they continue to labour just
as little as they please, that cannot go on much longer—
for every other people, including the "free and enlighten-
ed" American citizens, have to labour in good earnest
for all their enjoyments, " imitative" or otherwise. We
confess we have been rather astonished that the publi-
cation, and complacent citation of the new indulgeuces
of the free blacks (far above our own middle classes),
has
.not suggested rather more reflection to the authors
of such statements. It is the excess of British labour that
pays for all this tropical ease.
STA:',;DAIZI).—One of the earliest economists on re-
cord is Judas Iscariot, he professed great interest
for the poor ; the parenthesis of the Evangelist tells
why -- " because he was a thief and carried the
bag." And exactly as sincere as his professions
are thts professions of those who propose to re-
vive the slave trade for the benefit of the poor. A
good deal of sneering has been indulged in at the ex-
pense of those who opposed the abolition law, and yet now
resist the attempt to revive the slave trade. For ourselves,
we are unconcerned in these sneers—our course has
been uniform and consistent ; we have always opposed
slavery in every shape. But are not the Ministers
and their adherents now acting the apology of all who Ori-
posed the abolition law ? Are they not proving, first, that
some, at least, of the abolitionists never cared forliberty ;
that for money they are willing to promote a far worse
slavery than ever existed in the British colonies ; and
that as to the British negroes, so far were these abo-
litionists from really caring for them, that, having
for one consideration relinquished the profit of
-their labour as slaves, they are now ready
in sell them to famine and barbarism for an-
other ? There is no temptation to say anything of
the qualities and merit of Lord Stanley's speech. Every
one will read it, and whatever we might venture to say in
its praise would probably fall short of the reader's judg-
ment. One point may, however, be remarked upon_
the Noble Lord's complete success in proving that he
has not departed from the principles of Mr. Hus-
kisson. It is only necessary to recur to Mr. Huskisson's
speeches on the Corn-laws in 1814, 1815, and to his
speeches on the sugar duties in 1820, to see that his
theory was founded upon the principle of vigilant and
efrefetual protection, how much soever he may unfortu-
n)tely have departed from this theory in practice.
COURIER.—The lagging wearisome debate was last
evening wound up, reinvigorated, and embellished with a
master speech of a master spirit, that of Lord Stanley.
Rich in the graces of style and eloquence of the highest
order as it is, it may be truly said to be still more surpass-
ingly superior for the logical accuracy, the perspicuous ar-
zangement, the severe and irresistible truth of its facts
and argument It would be vain to attempt its analy-
sis, or to hope to convey by any mere outline a faint
impression only, of its extraordinary ability and tre-
mendous power. In the House where delivered the ex-
citement and conviction produced went hand in hand, nor
can. its influence be less over the country at large.
"Leaving the argument on the main questions of sugar
duties and free trade, we would point attention to those
passages of the speech, in which he works out with ini-
mitable point and caustic effect the description of a Mi-
nistry a+ la ni)
reigns but does govern—which is
tricked out in the trappings and
rteg-alia, and endowed
'with the Itonorarios of office, whilst the real effective
power is lodged elsewhere, alternately wielded by O'Con-
nell in the name of the Government, or directed by the
great Constitutional party in the State against them.

MONEY MA RKETand CITY NF WS.

FROM THE 31ORNIN4 rAPER% OF YESTERDAY.
CHRONICLE.—The funds emitinue flat--the business is
principally consned to sales of Stock, and money continues in
demand on the Stock Exchange, but out of doors the increase
iof the rates is trifling.
The speech of Mr. Irving in the House of Commons last
-night has attracted much attention in the City, and afforded
no small fund of amusement. The Honourable Member, it
is well known, is a leading Director or Shareholder in the
Macaubas Mining Company, which concerns, it is said, pos_
sass nearly LOCO slaves. the Honourable Member said that,
" if he had squeezed blood out of the negro race he had
squeezed no gold." The truth is, however, that he has done
bit beet to to
both, although the concerns have certainly
been losing ones. It is generaily understood that the loss ex-
perienced by the Honourable Member from his traffic in the
slave trade, has been hay ram pe tin ted by the profits he has
reallbee in eleensivv vpscilations sa su"ar,
which, owing to the
great rise in the price of that article, have brought him an
enormous return.
TlMEB...—What with the suspense of the public mind on
the issue ad the subject now before the Hotue of Commons,
and the eentiatteti demand for money, which eceereantle Moly