The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-16 00:00:00

fairs are well and successfully conducted. By persist-
ing in his present system of reserve M. Guizot will at-
tain his end more surely. A firm and prudent policy
requires not to be propped up by the ephemeral ap-
plause of giddy journalists. The political temperament
of the French people is sounder than people imagine,
and admits of such a mode of proceeding. M. Guizot,
aware of this, is much more anxious to conduct the
bark of State prudently and successfully than to vaunt
the prudence or success of his own conduct. He
waits till the favourable results he contends for are
fully realised. By trumpeting them forth the moment a
symptom or two appear he would only run the risk of
counteracting them.

(From the Times.)
We look with peculiar interest, and, we will add,
with sanguine confidence, to the issue of two approach-
ing elections, in each of which a seat about to be vacated
by a Whig Member will be the subject of a warm con-
test between the Whig and Conservative parties. Our
interest arises not only from the importance of the
places, and the peculiar circumstances under which (in
one of them) the contest happens, but also from the
personal character of the two Conservative candidates.
It is scarcely necessary to say that the elections to
which we refer are those for Canterbury and Walsall.
Walsall is an important manufacturing town, in which
the two great parties have hitherto been almost equally
divided. At the last election Mr. Forster, previously
the Conservative Member, was displaced by a very
small majority ; and Mr. Finch, who now retires, was
elected in his place. When the prospect of a vacancy
became generally known, both parties were active in
the r endeavours to procure an eligible candidate, and
in the first instance both appeared to be equally happy
in their selection. The Whig who offered himself
was the Hon. Spencer Lyttelton, brother to Lord
Lyttelton, a nobleman for whom, though opposed to
him (" prier, atquc impar congressus ffchilli ")
on a recent cccaston, we have always entertained and
expressed a sincere respect. His antagonist was Mr.
Thomas Gladstone, brother to the Member for Newark,
and himself formerly Member for Portarlington, and
1 mare recently for Leicester. Had the contest con-
tinued between those two gentlemen, we shall not
pretend to say that we could have been indifferent as
to the result. Mr. Gladstone was not only by many
years Mr. Lyttelton's senior, and a tried man, who
had fought the battle of the Constitution gallantly on
previous occasions—he was not only the man of our
own party, but, he came recommended by his close
relationship to one whose talents and virtues reflect
honour upon the Conservative cause. The name of
Gladstone is identified with almost every quality which
can adorn the man or the statesman ; and it els° fur-
nishes an unexceptionable guarantee for a perfect ac-
quaintance with those commercial interests upon which
the prosperity of such a constituency as that of Wallsall
depends. Mr. Gladstone's personal queiifica,,ions,
therefore, would have led us to take a deep interest in
his success, whoever might have been his opponent.
But in the actual position of circumstances, Mr. Glad-
stone comes forward, not only as the advocate of con-
stitutional principles in general, but as the champion of
the electors of \Valsall against the invasion of their
rights by an influence the most illegitimate and uncon-
stitutional which ever intruded itself upon any consti-
tuency. A knot of London agitators who have formed
themselves into an Association, which they call the
Anti Corn-law League, took upon themselves to inter-
fere in the Walsall election, to catechise the candi-
dates and decide upon their eligibility, and by the power
of their money and combination, prevent, if possible,
the election of any one who would not suffer himself to
be made their tool. Mr. Lyttelton, with a becoming
spirit, declined to submit to the dictation of strangers ;
and, knowing that the " Liberal" cause was not
strong enough in Walsall to stand any chance of sue
cess unless cordially united, retired in disgust from the
poll. Mr. Gladstone repudiated the questions of these
interlopers with the score they deserved, declaring
that he was always ready to explain himself upon every
subject to the electors of Walsall, but would suffer no
meddling agitator from any league or society to inter-
fere between him and them. Upon this the deputies
of the " League," nothing daunted, took the matter
into their own hands ; and having driven away the
candidate upon whom the affections of the real
" Liberals" at Walsall were fixed, undertook to hand
over the constituency of that respectable town to some
creature of their own ; and after giving the refusal
cf it to two of their friends (Mr. Forster, jun., a
youth just em tncipated from his teens, who seems to
thii.k it the best proof of manliness to differ from
his excellent father, and the omniscient Dr. Bow-
ring), ultimately determined that the future repre-
sentative of Walsall should be their own President, a
gentleman utterly unknown to fame, who rejoices in
the widely-distributed name of Smith. It may be a
question fit for the Legislature to consider whether in-
-1 dividuals shall be permitted to combine in an organized
1 society for the purpose of influencing elections in so
shameless and unconstitutional a manner as this. But,
whatever the Legislature may think proper to do, we
trust the electors of Walsall will teach those who have
dared so to tamper with their liberties, that they at
least arc not the men to be overborne by the intimida-
tion of pragmatical pedants, or be made the tools of in-
triguing adventurers. Mr. Gladstone's return by a
1 triumphant majority is the only reply to be given to
this clique of would-be dictators, and it will probably
prevent a repetition of the same impertinence in other
places. The Canterbury contest is of equal interest
and importance with that at Walsall ; for there also
the Whig triumph at the last election was achieved
1 by the smallest possible majority ; and the Conser-
vative party at Canterbury, with their excellent Mem-
-1 ber, Mr. Bradshaw, have since that time stood in the
heat of the battle, exposed to the most persevering
1 and malignant attacks of the enemy. Nowhere will suc-
cess be more valuable than where the strongest efforts
have been made to prevent it. But the Canterbury
Conservatives are of good courage ; and well they may
be, with such a candidate as the Hon. G. P. Sidney
Smythe. Of his birth, his local connexion, the public
services of his father, Lord Strangford--even of his
own disinterested surrender of his pension from the
Crown we say nothing ; he has that in him which
will be worth more to the cause than any external ad-
vantages—talent, courage, and a high tone of principle.
His speech at the meeting in question was admirable.
It is with singular propriety that a candidate who de-
clares himself " emphatically, distinctly, avowedly, and
without the least reserve, a loyalist," has chosen
the Conservative electorate of Canterbury—so foully
and unjustly maligned, as if deficient in loyalty—
to be the body from whose hands he shall solicit
' his first introduction to public life. The single
motive to those calumnies was that consciousness
which the Whigs cannot but feel that the popularity of
their Sovereign suffers from nothing so much as from
her association with them and their proceedings in the
public mind. This was well expressed by Mr. Smythe
himself on the occasion to which we refer. "If he
looked," he said, " upon one more gentle than Anne,
more courageous than Elizabeth, both graceful and
winning than Mary Stuart, more earnest and constant
in her attachment than Mary Tudor, a Queen with all
those Queens' virtues, and none of their defects, she
ought to he popular.—(General applause.) He felt
it was what she ought to be, and if she were not
so, it was Me fault of her weak Government."
We do not wonder, after this sentence, at the sore-
ness which the Whig journalists feel about Mr.
Smythe's speech, for they cannot disguise from
themselves the fact that the words which we have
quoted are most emphatically true ; and that if the en-
thusiastic affections of the British people towards their
Queen have lost anything of their original fervour, it is
owing exclusively to the chilling influence of a party
whose conduct and principles are the most perfect anti-
dote to loyal enthusiasm that can be imagined. Loyalty
to the Queen, and devotion to the Church, are Mr.
Smythe's watchwords ; in addition to which we would
venture to suggest a third, which ought never to be se-
parated from them—zeal for the interests of the poor.
Never was there a time when such zeal was more
wanted, or when it was less common. The Poor, tl.e
Church, and the Crown, are emphatically the three great
thetoruu
srthoughtsand
ectaonr sis countryothf, e principles Canterbury
of realities,
ael
ott recuse;
nrstotr aua tnt stdm. wan i:vihne
will send such a statesman to Parliament in the person
of Mr. Smythe.

( From the Morning Advertiser.)
We noticed the other day the pamphlet issued byp
• the friends and supporters of Mr. D. Urquhart, calum-
niating the policy of Lord Palmerston with regard to
the affairs of the East ; and we were in hopes that we
we were then done with the subject: but
s since that ar-
ticle appeared, a publication has made its appearance
whose sentiments we must equally condemn—
ean
those of the British and Foreign Quarterly Remvi:r
That quarterly periodical has ''upon the Foreign Po_
'icy of England" an article of similar sentiments and
opinions, which in great part is either unintelligible or
inconsistent. Like Mr, D. Urquhart, it finds fault with
everything, and yet proposes no scheme which is likely
to be more acceptable to the British public than that
which has been pursued. It blames Lord Pal-
merston for having deserted the Liberal prin-
ciples upon which the R form Government of Lord
Grey was based—of having deserted France—and
allied England with the despotic Governments of
Europe , but what is the fact ? a:gland Wc.l3 desirous
of continuing the friendly understanding which has
existed during the last ten years between her and
France ; but M. Thiers, the legitimate representative
of that country, was determined to pursue selfish and
anti-European objects—in other words, a system of
aggrandizement—and what was the Foreign Secre-
tary to do under such circumstances ? Would he
have been justified in succumbing to the will of
' in contrariety to the interests of England ?
Would he not have deserved the execrations of his
countrymen, had he for one moment allowed M.
Thiers to dominate the policy of Europe, and blot
influence
the power and of England out of its map ? !
Lord Palmerston felt his position, and acted ac-
cordingly. France refused her alliance, after re-
peated entreaties—she would pursue her own selfish
objects despite of the wishes of all the Powers of