The Sun.
London, England, 1840-07-01 00:00:00

partition, and all the provisions necessarily consequent
thereon,' were mode by authority of that Act, to repeal
so much of the Act of 1791 as carried into effect tho Sc-

paration of the provinces, and it provides that such repeal
should not revive any former Act. It secured the con-
tinuance of the present Government till the union. It
enaeted there should be one Governor as heretofore, and

one Council, and one House of Assembly. It gave her
Nlajesty power to make laws with the assent of the legisla-
ture, with the exception of such as were contrary to that
Act, or those provisions of the Act of 1791 that were not
repealed, or any Act of the Imperial Legislature. It gave
the necessary power of appointing a Speaker, and the

other materials for carrying on the legislature of that
country, and provided that the united Legislative
Assembly of Upper and Lower Canada should be
represented by a total number of 84 members —42 from
each province. Power was given to the Legislature to
alter the system of representation and the qualification of
voters as it. at present stood ; but it required the qualifica-
tion of those elected to the Legislative Assembly to the
amount of 5001 It provided that a Session of Parliament
be holden every year, and that the Legislative Assembly
should be chosen every four years. It gave power to the
Governor to appoint one or more Deputy-Governors, with
the power of exercising all the authority of the Governor
in those parts of the country in which they were established.
The provisions relative to the Assembly and Colonial taxa-
tion were of the usual nature. The debts of the two c 010...
...

- —.-
nies were to be consolidated. A permaneht provition was
n were surrendered
to be made for the Governor and other puhlic officers, de-
terminable }'cars,unersi do
fa ctchoer dcirnog to the usual prac-
tice
in consielcration of this clvil list. The revenue was to be
tticerem:hnealh)lee r ie'd i fltav

appropriated by the Legislature of the Provinces, subject
to the most important rule, that no money grant was to
originate in the Legislative Assembly except by the re-
commendation of the Crown. Of course there were ques-
tions of subordinate importance and of detail, but tha main
question they had to determine was, whether or no they
would assent to the reunion of the two Provinces.
On this, however, bethought it would be necessary to

say a few words, and first—, with respect to the consti-
tution of the Legislative Council, Their Lordzhips

knew that this had been the great subject of discus-
sion in this country for many years, and that it was, in
fact, the great bone of contention. They might perhaps
learn with some surprise that it was recommended that it
should remain exactly as it was. and unquestionably it ap-
peared to him that decision was come to on sound princi-
ple—tbcre were many authorities on this subject. The
Noble Viscount then read some extracts from Lord Dur:

ham's despatches in support of that opinion, and also read
some extracts from the despatches of Sir John Colborne,

recommending the union of the two provinces. Governor
Thompson was of the same opinion, and although he en-
tertained it when he went out, unless he found that it

corresponded with the wishes of the colonists, he would
not have felt himself bound by his former opinion, there-

fore he ( Lord Melbourne) thought the authorities were
very strong in favour of the measure which he thought
might b-s submitted to their Lordships.---( Elear. )
The reasons for the union were uncommonly well summed
up in the report of Lord Durham. Their Lordships
could not allow things to remain as they were, either with
reference to Lower Canada or with reference to this

country. There was an impatience in the country and
au impatience in the House of Commons that the ques-
tion should be settled. Their Lordships had passed a
Bill for the. suspension of the Constitution of Lower Ca-
nada, and the [louse of Commons alio agreed to that Bill,
but their Lordships had shown their dislike to that mea-
sure by clogging it with a restriction that made it in-

effectual for its purpose. He thought that a very unwise
thing to do, and he so stated at the time, but of this
he was quite certain, that neither Parliament nor the
country would be content or satisfied who the continuance
of the present state of affa!rs in Canada. The only
course left to their Lordships to pursue was to accede
to the proposition which had been made by the Governors
of these provinces, and which was agreeable to the ma-
jority of the English there. That was the only course
they could take to settle a question that absolutely pressed
for settlement ; and it was necessary and essential they
should come to a decision upon it. On these grounds,
therefore, he called upon their Lordships to take it into
their consideration, and if they adopted it he hoped and
trusted they would lay the foundation for a wise, a li-
beral, an enlightened, and a free Government of these pro-
vinces.—( Cheers. )
The Duke of WELLINGTON felt great anxiety
upon this measure, and therefore hoped their Lordships
would indulge him with their patient attention for a short
time while he made a few observations. The Noble Viscount
stated it 'Was necessary and essential their Lordships
should come to a decision upon this question. On that
point he differed with the Noble Viscount. He contended
the time had not arrived at which they could make that
settlement with propriety. They had not got the better
of the insurrection—they had not got the better of the
temper that excited the insurrection in one province and
rebellion in the other, and the desire in the neighbouring
country to entourage both ; therefore, he contended, the
time had not yet come at which they could with propriety
proceed to a settlement of the question. The Govern-
ment ought to have taken further time to consider it before
bringing the subject before Parliament. The Bill un-
doubtedly would require some further alteration in its
details in Committee. He knew he had the misfortune to
differ with many of their Lordships in that House, and
with many persons in another place, for whose judgment
he entertained the highest respect, but he had observed in
this country for some time a growing desire to get rid of
their North American dominions, and a desire that they
should become republics. That desire prevailed among a
very large class in this country ; but he contended that the
country would sustain a great loss if separated from those
provinces. It was for that reason he would warn Minis-
ters not to adopt the hrrangement proposed, if they were
not perfectly certain, which he (the Duke of Wellington)
was sure they were not, that it would work for the
good government of the country. If they could not
govern Canada, they would lose dominion over all North
America. He had warned their Lordships six months ago
that the insurrection was put down. Since that time still
further accounts of disturbances on the frontier, and they
had scceunts of the agitation everywhere, of the question
of responsible local Government in the northern dominions.
The Noble Duke then referred to the various despatches
that had been sent out by the Government, and commented
upon the inconsistency of the different ins'ructions given
to the Governor. The conduct of the Government had
tended to encourge the cry for local and responsible Govern-
ment. That feeling had even extended to Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, and Prince Edward's I.land. The Noble Duke
next complained that Ministers had not, tyon the propo-
sition of the union of the provinces, taken the opinions of
those who, from their long residence, were well acquainted
with the Canadas. Their Lordships had not before then
the opinion of Sir Francis Head, nor the opinion of the
Legislature of Upper Canada—that Legislature which
in 1812 nobly defended the provinces of Upper and Lower
Canada almost by their own resources, and without any
assistance from Great Britain, against the aggression of
the United States. lie entreated the Government to
pause before they proceeded further into this measure,
to take it fairly into their consideration, and to sue
whether it was absolutely necessary to incur the risk that
would be undertaken by the Bill. If they saw there was
a risk, and bef :re he sat down he would show there was,
then they ought not to adopt the measure. There were
other alternatives which might be carried into execution,
which would at least be safe, to enable them to secure, at
all events, the Upper Province. If they secured the Upper
Province they would the whole.—( Hear.) He begged to
remind the Government that tiny were going to form a
legislature of three or four dierent nations, and three or
four different religions. He would now entreat their
Lordships, if they went into committee on the Bill,
to do so with a determination to weigh well the
situation in which the question stood, and to con-
sider the suggestions which he had thrown out. If
their Lordships and her Majesty's Ministers would take the
responsibility of the measure upon themselves, in God's
na ne let the ndo so. But, for his part, ace.ading to his
present opinions, he could only say non content to this
motion.._( Hear, hear.)
Lord GOSFO RD rose with considerable reluctance on
the present occasion ; but he had no hesitation in saying
that the present measure was a dangerous experiment.
The notion, that the French Canadians were in a state of
organization against this country was entirely fallacious.
He believed that the people of Lower Canada were loyal
and attached to this country. But by the present 13,11
that province was to be saddled with the large debt
which was incurred by the other. 11: had lived amongst
the people, and it was his honest and conscientious
opinion that the great majority of then were opposed to
this measure —( Hear. hear.) He believed that in the
Upper Province. in consequence of a long series of mis-
government, there was great sympathy with the neigh-
bouring ;Republic, and a distaste for the Government of
tnis country.--( Hear, hear.) There were many in that
province who would be glad cf this measure, because it
would infallibly provoke discontent. When he, said this,
he did not say that a time might not arrive when the union
of the two provinces would be desirable and safe. He
thought that by a good, firm, an 1 impartial administr,tann
of the Government, aceording to the 31st of Gco. I I 1.,
with same modifications, such a state of things would ho
brought about. fie opposed the ineasuro because he
thought it was dane;crous,iand that it was founded on mis-
representation and injustice.
Lord ELLENBORO IT G II anTeel ,antirely with every
avoid that had been said by his N Fr,nd (he Duke of
Wellington), and he was convinced that the tendency of
the Bill would be to separate the Canadas from
this country.—( Hear, hear, hear.) And yet, in
what situation would that House be placed in rejecting the
8,11. In the House of Commons it had attracted very
little attention 1.'6 having voted in its fevour against 6.
It was impossible, therefore, not to s that the maj,rity of
the liffitse of (-;',n moos was in its favour. And t a;
also supported by a majority of the [louse r f Assembly
in Upper Canada, and by her Majesty's Government
Yet if he thought i=s rejection now would be final, he
would vote for ill a rejection, but lie was convinced that if
it were rejected now, their Lordships would be compelled.
however reluctantly, to concede to the determination of
the House of C emmons and the [louse of Assembly. He
was ()PPflq.d to the Bill on the grounds stated by the
Noble Duke, and because he thought it The no st unjust
and fraudulent that ever was brought befit Parlkineut
Its object was not to give liberty to Lower Canada,
but, under the pretence of liberty, to disfranchise the people
of that province, and to place them under the Government
of Upper Canada. It would punish perpetually a whole
people for the offences committed by a few two cr three
years ago.--.( Hear.) Ir. would do so by what Lord Dur-
ham characterised as an electoral fraud. Six counties
containing 36 ono inhabitants in Uppi r Canada would re-
turn six Members to the United Legislature; whereas two
coutvios containing- 30.00' French Canadians, would be
united. and would return only one Member to the Leg.sla-
ture.— Hear.) Whatever had been the feu! t of the
Lower Canatliaes it was the duty of the British Legislature
to give them good government. Bat in the present state
of feeling between the two Provinces whit justice or im-
partiality would they experience from a Government of
Upper Canadians ?—( Hear.) In fact, if you desire to give
good government to both the Provinces you roust govern
them separately and under different forms. In Lower

Canada you could not have trial by jury; unpaid magis-
trates, or munic-pal institutions. Allowing the inten-
tions of.the House of Assembly of tipper Canada to be
the best pOssible, it was impossible that Lower Canada could
have good government from that Assembly which was
necessarily composed of merchants and professional men,
who could not have statesmanlike views, and were not

accustomed to a statesmanlike consideration of public

.....
questions. In that Bill there was no provision made for
the pure administration of justice. Give that to the Lower
Canadians, and he would answer for their loyalty, their
peace, and tranquillity.— ( Hear.) At the same time that
he thought it would be fraudulent to substitute the Go-
vernment given by the Bill for the present despotic form,
still he must admit, that in spite of all the frauds and
tricks which men put upon the French Canadians, they
must return up wards of three-fourths of the representa-
tives of the Lower Province, and it, Upper Canada, under
the most favourable circumstances, after the dissolution
by which Sir Francis Head saved Canada, the British in-
terest was able to return no more than three-fourths.
There the effect of the Bill would be to give, in every

Assembly, a majority against this country. I-I s only reas )n
for assenting to this Bill going into Committee was,
that if the Bill did not now pass it must ultimately be

carried, land that might, perhaps, happen under less

'avourable circumstances.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the speech of
the Noble Baron was directed, not so much against the

particular union which the Bill proposed to—effect, as
Against the principle of all union, and of all adjustment in
cases o' difficulty between different branches of the same

country. The Noble Baron had undertaken to prove that
Lower Canada would be defrauded by the Bill, and he
bad supported that argument by referring to the dispropor-
tion of representation and population. Now he (the
Marquis of Lansdowne) believed that the principle of
proportioning representation to population was one which
the Noble Baron would be the last to apply to the most im-
portant measure which that 'house had ever been called on
to debate. Was the Noble Baron prepared to say, that in
the case of the union with Ireland the principle ought to
have been maintained ?—( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble
Baron had proceeded to argue that those who were in the
minority would have no influence in the Government
to which they belonged.—( ar, hear.) Did not the
Noble Baron know that it was the essential character

of all representative Governments, a large minority, sub-
ject of course to what was called the tyranny of the ma-
jority, must ultimately make good their ground, ani
establish their right to th it participation in the Govern-
ment to which they were entitled —(Hear, hear.) But
the Noble Baron had contradicted himself. Having said
that the people of Lower Canada would be defrauded by
the Bill, and that it would be better they should remain

under the despotism under which he proposed to leave
them, for be proposed nothing else—( Hear, hear)—the
Noble Baron showed that they would have se much weight
in the House of Assembly, that it would be impossible for
them not to obtain the just regard of the Governor and
the Government at home.—( Hear, hear.) Although
the Bill was not based upon the principle recog-
nized in the French Revolution, of making repro.
sentation numerically proportionate to population.
The Noble Baron had overlooked this important circum-
stance that in the one province the population Has sta-
tionary ; and in the other it was increasing at a most
rapid rate, so much so that in some ten years hence the
Noble B. ron would be obliged to readjust his system of
numerical representation.—( Hear, hear, hear.) The
Noble Baron had said that the Bill passed through the
House of Commons without sufficient attention, but the
Noble Baron must know that the majority in favour of
the Bill was really an evidence of the general opinion
that it ought to pass, and that none of those who took a
lead in the proceedings of that House opposed its progress
directly or indirectly.—(Cheers.) The facts that the oc-
currences of late years had imposed upon Government and
Parliament the duty of reconsidering the state of Canada,
and the only House of Legislature which could at present
express an opinion on the subject, had given its
opinion in favour of the present Bill.--( Hear, hear.)
That Province, as his Noble Friend had observed, had
great internal resources. It was intersected by vast sheets
of water, conveying on their bosom the wealth and com-
merce of the colony ; and as increased civilization and im-
provement would become visible in the Lower Province, k
would be made a partaker in the advantages of such com-
munication. It was for the purpose of giving full effect
to the development of that prosperity—by concentrating
the life, and energies, and resources of the Province, and
by centralising the -Government—leaving, at the same
time, the local affairs of the country as much as possible
in the hands of those who were best calculated to carry
them into effect—interfering as little as possible with local
prejudices and institutions, but inviting the co-operation of
all in the general concerns and wants of the entire commu-
nity, and a substantial principle of resistance to the com-
mon enemy, that the present measure was framed. He
trusted that, by the united councils and general co-
operation of all, the permanent prosperity of the
entire colony would be secured. He would not go fur•
thee into the details of the question. He could not allow
that the question had not been already sufficiently die.
cussed, because for the last two years the subject had been
repeatedly brought before their Lordships, and various
discussions had taken place as to the proper remedies to be
applied. He could not agree with the statement that had
been made that the House of Commons had neglected its
duty. He thought the question came before them then
supported by a greater amount of public opinion in its fa-
vour than at any previous time, and understanding that the
Noble Duke did not mean to offer any opposition to the
present motion, he was ready to say that a Committee
would be prepared to make such arrangements and amend-
ments as would satisfy all parties.
The Earl of RIPON said he intended to pursue the
course of his Noble Friend the Duke of Wellington, by
not opposing the present stage of the Bill. It appeared
to him, however, that the measure was one the success of
which was extremely questionable, and if it failed, as the
Noble Baron had observed, the colonies were for ever lost
to the British Crown. He should not occupy their Lord-
ships' time at present by entering into any detail of the
many difficulties that were likely to intervene to prevent
a union of the two provinces, but there appeared to him
in the scheme an inherent vice, because it proceeded upon
the principle of a permanent, distinction, engendering,
irreeoncileabla national hatred between the two races in
Canada, which would prevent them ever co-operating
heartily for the prosperity of the colony. He feared that
feeling would make the French population permanently
discontented and disaffected towards the Government of the
country. The proportion of representation, as regarded
the English and French population, was one of the
strongest features in the injustice with which the party
had been treated by the p, oposed measure, and he feared
that the union, being proposed upon such an erroneous and
unjust basis, was in itself calculated to throw considerable
doubt upon the ultimate success of the measure. If it
were not for the prudential motives which influenced their
Lordships in bringing it forward, he would never give his
assent to the Bill, being convinced that it would alto-
'. gether fail of its object.
The Duke of WELLINGTON explained. What he
complained of was, that they had not the unbiassed opinion
of the ancient legislature of Upper Canada upon the pro-
position of a union, many of the members and functionaries
having resigned their offices. Ho did not mean to charge
the Government with corruption, but the measure had
been brought down to the Legislature cut and dry, and it
was intimated to them that if they did not assent to it
they must resign
Lord A SHBURTON objected to colonies of such vast
extent being governed by measures and despatches ema-
nating from Downing-street. If ever there was a ques-
tion in which Parliament would be anxious to set aside all
considerations of party, he believed it was the present.
It seemed to him, however, that the question was besot
with many difficulties. Hardly any two Governors had
come home with the same reports as to the state of the
colonies, or the measures which were most likely to be
effectual in remedying the grievances of which they com-
plained. The Noble Earl ( Gosford) had represented
tho population of Lower Canada as a most amiable and
interesting and peaceful people ; but he believed the
Noble Earl stood almost alone in that opinion. The feel-
ing of nationality was, in Lord Durham's opinion,
most inveterate among the French population. It ap.
peered to him questionable whether they could devise
any mca urea which would permanently preserve there
colonies to Great Britain. He thought the objections
that had been urged against the Bill extremely well
founded, and it appeared to him that the people of the
colony would never cease their agitation till they had got
rid of Briti k lamination. The Noble Viscount who had
opened the discussion, had r eferred to the conquests of
England in former times, and be appeared to regret that
they were not now able to rule Guietans, Gascony, and
Bordeaux. But he thought that the good sense of the
coot try would n.t go that length, and that it would with-
out much regret surrender many of their present posses-
sions, in the conviction that they had quite enough to do to
govern themselves at home. The most judicious thing that
could be done with regard to the Canadian provinces was to
shake hands and part good friends with them,—to maintain
friendly and commercial relations with them, but to disclaim
all idea of sovereignty on the part of England. It was the
idea of some that such a step wool I be attended with disho-
nor and with loss, but he thought everything depended upon
their previous arrangements, so that they procured an ami-
cable settlement of all former differences, and part on friendly
terms. They stood in a different relation to these colo-
nies, from that in which they stood as regarded the Ame-
rican S ate s, who were a compact and united people, reared
up in the principles• of liberty and independence by the
English reople themselves. The Canadas.ou the contrary
were a disunited people. composed of various countries
and he feared they would never be brought into a peaceable
1 and orderly obedience to the laws.
Lord B ROUG I-1 AM said, although there would be
many other opp etunitit sof discussing the measure, yet cs
the present was the stave where it could most properly be
considered, be would take the liberty of saying a few words.
What he hail to say would refer to two views of the sub-
j?et : the first place, whether the measure was justified,
—and in the next place, leaving the question of justice and
expediency aside, what could be the consequences of the
measure in future. In the fir t place, were they justified in
in proposing such a measure, and their Lordships would
pc cehe that he alluded to a question which had been very
properly broached he some of their Lordships---.he meant
the consent of parties to the measure. He held that they
could not withdraw from that consideration. They had
given the Canadians a constitution fifty years ago, and
whether they then treated them as a conquered colony
was wholly immaterial. Parliament having given them a
Consteutien, they had eejoyed und• r the sanction of that
Constitution, as two separate ..nd independent Colonies.
the Parli tmentary Constitution for somewhere about half
ato relay. They were now called upon by an Act of the
Imperial Legislature, and as he should chow, without their
consent, to abolish that Constitution, and to unite the two
Colonies, whom it was the fundamental principle of the
arrangement to keep separate, and to give se-
parate Constitutions and Legislatures to. The
question was, had they their consent ? and first he
would say that he was almost satisfied with the speech
of the Noble Duke, who had demonstratively shown that
they had not the consent of the people 6f Canada to the
proposed measure., That question lay at the foundation of
the Vtguineat of v4ether.they had the right to. propose

swia a measure. He would briefly state a few circurn-
staocrs to prove that the assent had not, and could not be
obtained. First, thr,y had been told to look to the Legis-
lative Councils. Admitting for the present that their
consent indicated the consent of the people, they had not
the consent of those Legislative Councils. Not twelve
months ago, there had come over not an assent, but a dis- I
sent from the Legislative Council of Upper Canada, and it
was upon that express ground that his Noble Friend had
answered his ( Lord Brougham's) objection to delay that
measure. He would suppose that they had obtained their
consent—but since when? Since the despatch of his
Noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonial 11.-
partment, indicating—not to ta.,e an offensive term—that
measures would be adopted which would render it very in-
convenient if they determined to hold out, and which
tended to produce a change in the opinions of a body
which had previously dissented from the measure. These
Legislative Councils were but the creatures of the Go-
vernment, and they had, therefore, but the consent of the
authors of the measure, and their ministers, and their

agents. Had they the assent of the Assemblies? It was
said they bad the assent of that of Upper Canada, but
since when? Twelve or fifteenmonths ago they were just

as much against it as the Legislative Council, but certain
charges had taken place since then. The Assembly would
have expired in 1837, but, before that period had arrived,
it had passed an Act continuing its existence beyond the
period to which it was legally entitled, and then it was
that the assent of the assembly had been obtained. Suopese,
in the case of the Union with Scotland—a measure which no
man now objected to—suppose the Union with Scotland
had taken place ten years later—namely, in 1716, in-
stead of 1706, and that the Act of Uteion had been
passed by a Parliament which had been prolonged for
that purpose, he apprehended it would not have that
weight and authority, or would have been regarded as
the sense of the people of that country, as indicated by
the representatives of the people in Parliament. assembled.
Therefore on these grounds be attached much weight
to the assent of the Assembly of Upper Canada, as indi-
cating the sentiments and speaking the sense of the people.
But now with respect to Lower Canada, as his Noble
Friend observed, they could only have the assent of Up.
per Canada, the Constitution being suspended, and there
being no Assembly in Lower Canada. The fact was,
that an Act had b:en passed, by which the Assembly of
Lower Canada was suspended and abrogated, and dude?,
the season of its existence they took the measure now
proposed for incorporating it with Upper Caned:. The
question was, whether the people might not be ie,
favour of it, although they had no otgan to repre-
sent them ; but his ( Lord Brougham's) answer was,
why had not the people been convened, and their opinion
taken ? If the Parliament of Lower Canada had not
beenesuspended, and that the question of the union came
before it, what would be their answer ? Would any man
hesitate in saying that they would have been unanimously
against the measure ? Before the last dissolution they
were divided in the proportion of 70 to 18 against the
union. An appeal was then made to the constituency, in
order to ascertain what the feeling of the country was,
and the returns showed a stll greater discrepancy, the
numbers being 80 against the union, and 8 for it, or some-
where in that proportion. No man could doubt, if the As-
sembly were still in existence. they would have unanimously
opposed it. Therefore taking it altogether there could not
be the least doubt that the opinions and feelings of the
people, by whatever means they were tried, must be taken
to be against the measure. Having stated the objection
he felt, ie point of principle, to the measure, at the present
time under these circumstances, and during the suspension
of the constitution, he had only now to say a word with
respect to the future prospects which the measure opened
to their view. It was said that there were to be 42 Re-
presentatives in each Province, and after the powerful
speech of his Noble and Learned Friend he would say no-
thing as to the proposed constitution of the new Parlia-
ment, but he wished to call their attention to what appeared
to be the inevitable consequence of attempting to amalga-
mate a heterogenous and irreconcileable mass. He pre-
sumed that the propottions for the representation of the
English and French inhabitants would still continue in
Lower Canada ; and when the forty-two representatives
were added to the latter, their Lordships would see what
a vast preponderating majority that class would possess.
So great a majority being against the colonial connection,
he thought it would be very difficult to continue it ; but it
might be said that the distribution of the franchise was
such that it would give a preponderance to one class over
the other to which they were not entitled, either by their
numbers or their wealth. But he would ask, was this
a state of things likely to produce peace or satis-
faction ? ( Hear, hear.) Was it not more likely
to shake the Government of the mother country
and to peril the colonial connexion ? There was a third
view which might be taken. It might be assumed that
although there were two races in the same Assembly, yet
all the representatives of Lower would not join with the
minority of the representatives of Upper Canada, but that
there would arise another question, that of French against
English, and thit the representatives of bower Canada,
who were in favour of British interests, would join with
the majority of the representatives of Upper Canada.
The result of this must be the splitting up of the Assembly
into two parties, a French party and an English party ;
and the French party would constitute the great majority
of the Lower Province. The inevitable result of this
must be the production of the most rankling party feeling
in the Assembly itself ; and of a feeling of party ten times
more rankling than even that in the Assembly itself
among the French population inhabiting the Lower
Province, which must produce the greatest risk and
danger to the stability of the Colonial Government.
Now, it might be naturally asked why he should
feel such apprehension for the stability of a system,
and the preservation of a connection which he freely
owned, and which he hod frequently before stated that, for
his own part, he set but little store by ?—( Hear, hear.)
Differing widely, as he did, from many of their Lord-
ships on this subject, agreeing only with his Noble Friend
whom he did not then see in his place, setting but little
value upon that system of Government, or that connection,
believing as he did that the disidvantages of it greatly
preponderated ovar any advantages which it possessed, it
might naturally be asked why he should deem it inex-
pedient to establish a system which seemed likely, at no
distant period, to subvert that form of Government, and to
sever that connection altogether? He deemed it inex-
pedient on this ground, because, in his opinion, all depended
upon the manner in which that severance might take place,
upon the events which might precede or accompany that
sepaeation, upon what might be the public feelings on
both sides of the water when that event should take place,
I which could not be long delayed. His apprehension was,
that this measure would enable party spirit in both coun-
tries to produce its worst effects; that it would divide
man against man, and race against race ; that it would
lead to perpetual heartburnings between the colony and
the mother country, and that in losing the colony we
should not have one natural ally in it, but should find rather
enemies than friends in those who had ceased to be subjects.
On that ground he considered the present to be a most in-
expedient measure, and although other opportunities might
occur of discussing the subject after the Bill had gone
through Committee, yet he deemed it his duty now to state
these objections while they were discussing the principle
of the Bill, rather by way of protesting against than with any
other view. He should not offer any opposition to
the second reading further than stating the grounds of
his opinion. As to any alteration that might be introduced
into the Bill in Committee, he entertained but a feeble cx-
pectatation of any such being introduced as were likely to
improve the Bill, although he should certainly do his citify
by attending at all those discussions.—( Hear, hear, hear )
Viscount MELBOURNE thought that although it
might be sometimes necessary to abstain from opposing a
measure which was disapproved of, yet, in a measure of
this sort, which depended principally upon the impression
it was likely to produce, he could not understand how any
one could characterize it in such language, and speak
against it with such violence, without at once opposing its
further progress.—( Hear.) The Noble Duke had said the
time was not yet come to propose it, and, according to the
NohleDuke's theory, they must wait, "ad Graecas Kalendas,"
for he had said that they should wait until they were certain
of the working of the measure.—( Hear, hear.) He had not
that connexion with the military glory of the country that
the Noble Duke had, but yet he should feel as keenly as
the Noble Duke could the disgrace which must accrue to
the country from the less of those colonies. It would be
a great and heavy blow inflicted on the honour and interest
of this country. As to an amicable separation it would
be impossible, because it would be said that we had given
the colonies up because we were unable to keep them.
The Noble Duke had said that the question of navigation
of the St. Lawrence might be settled as the question of the
navigation of the Meuse and the Rhine had been ; but was
that question settled yet? The Noble Duke had nego-
tiated on that subject at the treaty of Vienna, but he be-
lieved it was not yet settled. The Noble Duke. said this
measure had been proposed and rejected by the House of
Commons on a former occasion, but Lower Canada had
not been engaged in rebellion, nor had the constitution
of that province been suspended, and he must say that
suspension was most just.—( Hear,. hear.) The same
observations would apply to the despatch of the Earl of
Ripon, to which.the Noble Duke had alluded. The des-
patch as to responsible government was misunderstood by
the Assembly. but not by the Governor or Attorney-Ge-
neral of any of the Colonies. Sir Colin Campbell, Sir J.
Harvey, and all the Governors, had interpreted that dee:-
patch truly. The Noble Duke said that they were com-
posing an Assembly of different cl,sses ; ho always thought
that was the greet object of a As•etebiy, end the argurreeut
as to difference of religion has a very strange one to make
use of in the Parliament of this couetry, where Christians of
all denominations had seats. His Noble and Learned Friend
said that they had net even the consent of the Upper province,
because the Assembly bad continued their own exi-tence.
They had a right to do this or abstain from doing it as
they might chooses; and it could not be contended that the
Acts of Pediment of Geo. Ist, which had prolonged its
own existence, were not as valid as the Acts of any other
Parliament. Ile admitted that they had not the consent
of the Lower Province, but that previously its conduct
Is id placed it in such a condition tes rendered it ne-
e rssery tc legisl .to for it without adopting the course usual
in other cases of union, although he must say, that the
legislature of Scotland, and more particularly that of Ire-
land, eensenterl to the union under a much stroeger pres-
sure than, any that could he supposed tee be exercised on the
Canadian Assembly by the dispatch of Lord J.elin Ruse ll,'
—( Cheers and laughter.) He considered they had the
consent of the Upper Province, and he thought, although
it was impossible to say how it would work, yet he thought
it would work well. As to the getesti en of the artatege-
ment of districts, and the objection made, that so many
efeerneee r were eiven t • one couety, and only so mane to
mother. he thought the reel gstest..on was whether the dis-
tricts were not, on the whole, wisely arranged ; and he
hoped they would take the measure into their tavoerable
consideration, and not impede its progress by the charm:-
ter which they gave of it. •
The Duke of WELLINGTON said, in explanation,
that whet he had meant to say was, that the measure was
premature, because they had not yet got rid of the rebel-
lion in Canada.
The Bill was then read a second time.
The other Bills on the table were forwarded a stage ;
and their Lordships adjourned tc, Thursday next) at a (4 ear-
tee after
_Ten o'Clock.