The Sun.
London, England, 1823-05-05 00:00:00

AIR. lIUSKISSON.

THE SUBST.,•INCE OP
•
Krlt. SPEECH, •
AT TliE DINNER IN THE COUNCIL CHAMBER?
In the CITY of CHESTER,
On Thursday, the 3d of April, 1823,
when the
11-4sz leas presented to th 51,
And his Health proposed, .
- By the Chairman, FRANCIS DIGGEN, Esq. -
" GENTLEMEN--It has sometimes been my lot in another
place to rise with the duty imposed upon me of discussing
some complicated and difficult question, and with the certainty
that my view of that question would be encountered with all
the ability of p6Werful adversaries, sharpened by all the accri-
mony of party feeling ; but I own, that on these occasions,
however inadeqUatc to the task, I felt less embarrassment than
I labour under the present moment. There is something in
political conflict which creates energy, and stimulates exer-
tion ; but kindness, at leas; such kindness as I have now re-
ceived at your hands, is overwlx*ing. 'Whilt T feel it to be
so, I must claim your indulgence, if, under the influence of
that feeling, I should not be able, in terms of suitable grati-
tude, to acknowledge all the honours which you have conferred
upon me.

Gentlethen, when I received your Address, so gratifying to
me, at the close of our political connexion, I justly considered
it as the highest distinction and best reward, which any Re-
presentative, under such circumstances, could receive from his
Constituents. The sentiments of that Address,—the nume-
rous and respectable signatures to it, are, I am proud to say,
permanently recorded upon parchment :—A parchment which
I shall preserve and cherish as one of the most valuable Title
Deeds which a public man can possess. To this written record
of your friendly feelings, you are this day pleased to add, a
more splendid and conspicuous, but (however imperishable the
materials of which this elegant Vase is made) not, I trust, a
more durable testimony of your approbation. For this further
memorial of your good-will; 1 can only repeat those thanks
which your uniform kindness has so often elicited frOrn nie on
former occasions. I trust that I may be allowed; in all times
to come, to look to this Vase, as a proof that, in your jtidg-
went, I was not deficient in the rule which I had prescribed
to myself in the discharge of the important duties of your` Re-
presentative. That rule was simply this. To be diligently
attentive to your peculiar interests ; but at the same time to
be true to what, according to my honest conviction, were the
general interests of the Country. For my conduct, in respect
•to the latter and more extensive part of my duty, I am not
more responsible to you than to the whole of the people of
England ; but in respect to the former, I hope I may say, with-
out fear of contradiction that, for the ten years, during which
I represented this City, its local interests, and the interests
of every individual connected with it, have had, when required,
my..best assistance and most unremitting attention. I will only
add that those interests, however now committed to other,
bands, will always have a share in my most sincere and earnest
good will. , '

In adverting to the ten years which have elapsed sinceyou
first called upon me to represent your City, it is impossible al-
together to forget what portentous years they have been.
Perhaps the History of this Kingdom could scarcely furnish
another period of equal duration so fertile in, events of the
greatest importance, or marked by such vicissitudes of for-
tune—of threatened destruction and providential deliverance
—of danger and glory—of Alternate alarm and security—of
peace won by British perseverance, and secured by the down-
fal of our most formidable enemy—of War again renewed"by
the Restoration of that inveterate Foe,—and of Peace agaili
conquered by British valour and again secured by Briaih
Victoiy:

When our connection began in the autumn of. 1812, how
awful was the situation, how appalling the prospects of this
country. We were then in the twentieth year of a War, un
paralleled in its character and magnitude, and which had called
forth, and then more than ever required, the greatest exertions
and fortitude on the part of this country. The efforts of the
Tyrant of Europe, of which our destruction was intended to be
the final triumph were of the most gigantic nature. At die
period to which I' have referred, he was absolute master of all
the resources of the Continent from the Baltic to the Mediter-
ranean, from the Western Coast of France to Moscow ; whilst
England at War with Him, was, as the consequence of that
War, either engaged in actual hostilities, or at least shut out
-from all friendly intercourse with the other nations of Europe.
From Archangel to Bayonne, from Gibraltar to Trieste, not a
port which was not closed against our Flag,—not a mile of
Coast from which English Commerce, even in the hour of ship-
wreck and distress, was not repulsed with more than barbarian
inhospitality.
Gentlemen, you all recollect the rancour with which Buona-
pane persecuted Commerce:—partly, perhaps, because it has
been one of the great means of civilizing and enlightening
Mankind, of diffusing liberal ideas and of creating a commu.
city of Interests between Nations for their mutual benefit and
improvement ; but mainly, I apprehend, because, with all
these blessings in its train, it was, at the same time, the great
source of our power, anti of that maritime superiority which
appeared to be the only remaining barrier between.liberty, and
the.estahliahment of &system of universal unmitigated rani-
tary despotism in Europe. Such was our situation in 1812 ;
a situation of such imminent danger, as other countries, per-
haps would have attempted to avert by compromise. -Jut this
was not the feeling of England even at that crisis. Some few
among us, it is true, deprecated the continuance of the struggle
as hopeless ; but the Government, the Parliament, and with
them the great body of the people, true to the characteris-
tic firmness of Englishmen, proclaimed that the road to peace
lay not in submission but in victory. By the influence of
our example, and by our exertions, the prostrate nations
were roused to vindicate the many sufferings and insults which
submission and compromise hard brought upon. them ; they
rose against their oppressor; from that moment the recovery
of their independence became to us and to them a common
cause:—the result was victory, and' that, which to a Chris-
tian people must always be the great end, and only just use
of victory—security and the restoration of peace:--a peace,
of which, whatever may have been its benefit to the otheraNa-
dons of the World, impartial History will assign th (llory and
the achievement, to the vigour, the fortitude, and th exertions
of this country.
Gentlemen, when I am rekrring to our exertions in the
late War, if, instead of a Retrospect to the ten years of our
political connexion, were to look back to the longer period of
twenty-seven years that I have now sat in Parliament, and
been more or less actively engaged in the public concerns
of the Country,'—what, I might ask, has been the leading
feature of these eventful years ? My public life began nearly
with the commencement of that revolutionary effort, of which
the almost avowed object was the subversion of every civilized
Community in the World ; and of which the mighty means,
physical and moral, appeared, for a long time, but too adequate
to the end.

Before this dreadful scourge the most extensive Monarchies,
and the most ancient Republics, the greatest and proudest
States, as well as the most humble and unoffenchng, the
widely spread Empire of Austria, and the little Republic of
St. Marino ; the military•Eingdom of Prussia, and the peace.
ful Republics of Switzerland, equally bowed their heAds,—
Amidst this devastation alike of all that was most stately and
all that was most humblei one edifice• alone stood tirm and
erect, affording at once a refuge to the fallen, and succour to

those, who though broken and scattered by the storm, had
still, like the gallant Spaniards, the courage to' brave its &so-
' letine fury, Well, Gentlemen, was that unassailable Buf-
warkdistinguished for its superior sizeand dimensions ;.--by
the greater number of its garrison ; or by its position cora-
mantling a far greater range of territory ?*Certamly not. lit
all those respects, many which had fallen were far. superior;
but it was a fortress so happily put together, so strongly t on-
fleeted in all its parts, so wonderfully combining all the means
of interne' security and external defence, that its gallant gar-
rison was able to defy the power which had laid waste the ci-
vilized world. That fortress, Gentlemen, was our Country,
and the secret of all its strength and greatness, the sacred ce- •
meat 'which binds together that impregnable work, is the Bri-
tish Constitution. 'lO that Constitunon the people of Eng-
land are, I trust, all equally attached and devoted, however, •
as free-men, we may sometimes honestly differ as to the best
mode of practically applying it in the detailed administration of
our publick concerns. But, after it has withstood so many
storms, after it has enabled us to overcome so many danger,
and difficulties from within, and to repel so many assaults
from without, during the last thirty years, I cannot believe
that a sober arid reflecting people will easily be seduced to at-
tempt any great, and undefined change in the structure -a the
fabrick itself. When men deal in loose and general th upon such a subject ; when they glibly talk of the most
diflicult and fearful question which human ingeouity can cone
ceive, and the most Intricate which human wisdom can tn.
vestigale—the formation of a new, or the entire re-modelling of
the old Constitution, in any country—es of a plain, self-evi-
dent proposition ; I own that I feel very little respect for their
understandings; or, if lam compelled to acknowledge their
intelligence, I can only do so at theptice. of assuming, (what
I fear is too eften the case) that they themselves have very
li t'e respect for the understandings of those to whom they
address such 01-servations. Least of all would they be found
applicable to our own Constitution, the w, rk of the accumu-
lated experience of ages, favoured by chance and circumstances,
and progressively improved and matured by the cautious wis-
dom of all the great, Legislators and Statesmen, who have
served and adorned this happy country. But in the logic of
these wholesale Reformers, you would suppose that the Brie
fish Constitution was something, the merits or defects of
which might be exactly measured by a rule and compass, or
determined. by a comparison with some universally acknow-
ledged, and long ascertained standard of perfection. If a dif.
ference existed between us as to the relative distance, by two
distinct roads, to any given point, a simple admeasuiement
of both, would settle this difference for ever. If we wanted
to know the exact weight, or the precise degree of fineness of
that splendid Vase (the selection of which does so much ho.
nour to your taete) a pair of scales, and a Crucible would en-
able us accurately to determine both those points. But where
arc the scales by which you would weigh the British Consti-
tution ; where is the Crucible in which you would venture to
melt it down ? I do not say that, like this Vase, it is without
a flaw, or a blemish ; but I do maintain, be those flaws and
blemishes what they may, it is still the best condition of civil
society which has ever yet existed in the world r—that, in
which life, and liberty, and property are most secure, in
which industry is best protected and rewarded, and ire which
talent and virtue are most promoted anti most frequently at-
tain their fair share of honour, ascendancy, and influence in
the state. It is by these tests, Gentlemen, and not by any pre.
conceived theory, or any imaginary standard of political per•
fection, that I would recommend to you to try the Constitu-
tion under which we live. It is somewhat a homely saying,
hut one to which, perhaps, On a convivial occasion, I may be
allowed to refer—that the Proof of the Pudding is in the
I eating. So I say of Constitution. Let ~,us have no new
cooks, no new Receipt Books, greatly altering either its pre
' sent ingredients, or the due proportion of each. At least let
us cling to our English diet, till they can shew us some
other people habitually fairing better, and permanently
thriving titan ourselves. I mistrust those who make
it almost the business of their lives to inculcate an oppo-
site doctrine ; 1 neither envy than the task of incessantly la-
bouring to persuade the people that they ought•,not to be cone
tented,- or to depreciate their own Country in the estimation
of other States. I leave to then uoliappy tempers the en-
joyment of the pityful satisfaction of pointing out imaginary
Lop incurable imperfections, and of suggesting vis;onary and
unattainable improvements. Perhaps you have heard much
lately of these imperfections and of these improvements.—
Near as much as you please. But let me intreat of yott be-
fore you decide to look well to all the poesible consequences of
the chenges which are proposed, and above all, to weigh well,
against the uncertain benefits which are held out to you, the
certainty of what you are called open to give up as the• price
of these Innovations. Is it not rather the more prudent course
to preserve those blessings, which the Comaittmon, as it now
exists, has secured to those who have gone before us ? ,And
if it be, let 113 feel contented—and try to inculcate in others
that feeling to maintain the Institutions: and Establishmentswhich we hive received front our forefitthers. This appeari en
one the safe line of an. Englishman's duty it is one which' ex-
poses him to no risk, by which lie can incur no reproach, -and
by which, I conscientiously believe, lie will afford himself the
best chance of leaving England what he found he—and what
long, very long, may it continue to be—to his. children, arid
children's children, the best and richest inheritance of freedom
and happiness in this world.
Gentlemen, having adverted to the immense exertions made
by this country fur the restoration of peace, and the settlement
of the Continent, it is, with great grief, that 1 must add, that
its peace, there is too much reason to apprehend, is again
about to be interrupted. The most anxious endeavours of this
Country have not been wanting to prevent an oecurrence
which, 'in the present state of the world, may lead to such
fearful consCquences. The Parliament of this Country will
'soon have an opportunity of judging of the conduct of the
Government at this crisis. I have no 'doubt that you will
find that the same men who were so properly alive to
the honour of the British name, during the late War, have
not compromised it on the present occasion. Without an- .
ticipating the decision of Parliament, we can have no
a 3 'Englishmen.; in forming our opinion of the grounds
on which the attack upon Spain has hitherto been justified.
I all not prepared to contend that France, from- its vicinity,
might not have found in the proceedines of the Spanish
Government* and the disturbances in Spain contiguous eo
her own frontier, reasons for vigilance, and jealousy, and
precaution :—possibly gretieds Slur strong remonstrance,
and, if explanatisu and satisfaction were refused,.Whilst her e.
own institutions and internal security were endangerd by the
j
conduct of Spain,—the care of that security would have ose
titled, if' it could not be otherwise provided tor, her having
course to War. But France does not rest bet' aggression ou
these grounds. In common with the late Congrese at Verona,
she claims the right to interfere, not for the safety of France,
but for the purpose of deciding in Spain by Foreign bayonets,
whet share of the public power of that Kingdom shall belong
to the monarchial, and what to the popular branch of her In-
stitutions ;—or rather that there shall be no popular Institu-
tions, except such as Ferdinand the Seventh may be pleased
to bestow upon his subjects. The principle of this doctrine,
not only forms no. part, but is utterly subversive of the Law
of Nations:--aprinciple as revolutionary as any which was
ever promulgated in the wildest exesses of the French Revo-
lution. By what authority are all the Independent States of
the World to be placed under the perpetual guarditinehip of
this new ..Court of Wards lately erected at Verona ? Who
gave it a eight to take other States into its tindery protection,
to manage, or to interfere in, their interanl concerns, and to
treat them as in a state of political inicoritv and incapacity ?
Who is to decide when that minority and incapacity mine
mence, when they terminate, and by what criterion a nation
is either at one time to be deprived of, Or at another intrusted
again with, the management of its own estate and internal con-
cerns ? Slid% a system, Gentlemen, never tan be recognized
by independent States, apd the moment it was avowal, in re-
spect to tipain, all the sympithiee of England were awakentd
in favour of that couotty. If there must ba a struggle, I trust
it will-end in the establishment of her independance, and or a.
Government of rational freedom in that tine portion of Europe.
I trust it will entl in the disavowel by all Governments of those
principles which are so dangerous to the Peace and ludepentl-
ance of all nations i—unel lastly, from my sincere love of
Peace, from my great anxiety that nothing shou ild occur to n.
terrupt the growing prbsperny of. this country, do. I itravntly
pelted,upa yet,u that her
re
ndv. goodien°
fir (}fliers iactsciiggi
re7raii.ctioirridflotuilven/wwth,eajtoni
otilirlo:uorrrogi
nin
ttig)::(,„vel.nnii,lci:
of our own essential interests, again to embark in war.
Gentlemen, I have dentioed yoo too long. Once more ace
inekceeoeicsrPtyttdiels loid:tg:yYnstoear tutsiwetsitht:olincith,filleitiaiYialtriletittiftziecyeleil 1041fet;:yel;:itlhn:ncatkillo:Itteinpnid:ptrfiresuoailytbli6laronnit4hie.ole:tn:06.11c:oinisTi:letkiilerlautc:
conscience,
antrilvel