The Sun.
London, England, 1871-01-26 00:00:00

In his recent speech at Brighton, Mr. Fawcett, M.P.,
made a very vigorous attack upon the Government
policy :—" We have a Prime Minister and a great
Liberal majority, every member of which was returned
pledged to the principle of religious equality. Not a
single member of this party, including its chief himself,
could have been returned, in England or in Scotland, with-
out the support of the Nonconformists. Bearing this in
mind, we may indeed be disappointed that this Minister,
supported by a majority of more than a hundred, intro-
duced a measure last session which would have restricted
a considerable number of the fellowships at Oxford
and Cambridge to clergymen of the Established Church;;
that the head of the Government of the householders' Par-
liament supported provisions which would exclude from the
governorships of our most important public schools all but
members of the Church of England ; and that he also,
with his most vehement eloquence, opposed the disesta-
blishment of the State Church in Wales, an institution
possessing all the worst features of the State Church in
Ireland. An objection is, I believe, to be brought
against me because I have not more constantly sup-
ported Mr. Gladstone ; but let me tell you frankly and
unhesitatingly that rather than vote for such proposals
as those just mentioned, and for others which I shall
proceed to enumerate, and which were supported by the
Government, I would leave the House of Commons and
never enter it again. You cannot point to any vote
which indicates a change in my political prin-
ciples. The Radicals have never opposed the
Government, except when it was wandering away into
tortuous courses; sometimes bidding for Tory support;
sometimes led away by aristocratic proclivities ; some-
times coquetting with early ecclesiastical associates ; some-
times forgetting that economy, to be just and acceptable,
must not allow the rich and powerful sinecurist to escape,
whilst dealing rigorously with the poor and unfriended.
We have not forgotten the retention of the sinecure
office of Lord Privy Seal ; not with the object of securing
for the Cabinet such a statesman as Mr. Bright, who
is temporarily incapable of enduring the exhausting
work of administrative details, but the office seems to
have been retained for the express purpose of providing a,
place for a Whig Peer whose political activity had long
since ceased. Few problems are so difficult as to suggest
the motives which prompt many of the acts of a Ministry;
when one observes the strange things which are attempted
to be forced through the House, the only plausible explana-
tion is that a Minister has not time to attend to much that is
introduced, and that a feeling of false pride prompts him
to defend what has been once proposed. Unless this is
the case, how can it be explained that a Ministry placed
in power by household suffrage to defend popular rights,
should session after session exert the full influence of party
organization in assisting those who wish to despoil the
public and the poor of what remains of the common lands
of England? Upon the question of army reform, I will
content myself with observing that nothing in my
mind would more impede true cizilisation than the
introduction of the Prussian system of compul-
sory service. Make us a nation of soldiers,
and we shall then be always anxious to have some
battles to fight, and we shall become the tools
of any Monarch or Minister, who would gratify our am-
bition for military glory. Do not think that I desire to
see the country left defenceless. The money which is now
expended, if it were well and wisely spent, would make
this country as strong as the most timid could desire her to
be. It is not money that is wanted, but radical adminis-
trative reform. The purchase system should be abolished ;
the double government of the Horse Guards and War
Office should he swept away; the volunteers should
be more encouraged—their officers, and also those of the
Militia, should be selected upon the principle that trained
efficiency is of far more consequence than social position ;
and, as a necessary preliminary to all these changes,
we should have a Commander-in-Chief, not chosen be-
cause of his affinity to the Court, but because of his
proved skill as a soldier and administrator. In fact,
it is hopeless to think of reforming the army, or any
other State department, unless we are determined
to keep firmly to the sacred principle of " merit, not
birth." Of course it may be said that the consistent
carrying out of such a principle would lead in the end to
Republicanism. Some of you may blame me for saying
so, but when a conclusion is based upon truth and justice;
we ought not to shrink from it, although it may bear
a name dreaded by some, and misunderstood by many
more. Revolution is of ten mistaken for Republicanism ;
some of those, and I may be permitted to say I am
one, who are in favour of the Republican principle,
are amongst those who would be most opposed to
revolution. As practical politicians, we are not the un-
reasoning slaves of an abstract principle. Considering all
the circumstances of England, we feel that at the present
time any movement against our own monarchy could pro-
duce nothing but mischief ; and, for one, I would neither
join, support, nor countenance such a movement. The
maintenance of the monarchy in England will in the
future chiefly depend on the monarchs themselves.
It is not probable that another George IY.
would be permitted to scandalise the country with his
vices, and to demoralise society by his example ; and the
English people will have lost their spirit if they should
ever allow another George 111. to drive a second Pitt
from power because the Crown would not give its consent
to such a great measure of justice as that of Catholic
Emancipation, after it was passed by a Minister supported
by an overwhelming majority.

The great cricket match between the North and
South, to be played at Lord's Ground, is fixed for May;
29th. Willsher's benefit at Lord's will take place July
10th. The match between Eton and Harrow Schools will
be played July 14th.

THE TRAMWAYS AcT.—The Act (33 and 34
Victoria, cap. 78), which obtained the Royal assent in
August last, and has since been printed, consists of
64 sections, the substance of a few of which it may be
well just now to lay before the public. After defin-
ing certain terms, it enacts that tramways in any
district of Great Britain may be constructed by, or
with the consent of, the " local authority, or, in the
absence of such consent, their construction may be
authorized by the Board of Trade. Every tramway so
constructed is to occupy the middle of the roadway,
and a clear space of 9ft. 6in, is to be left on each side
between the rails and the pavement, if a certain propor-
tion of residents object to its formation. Where the pro-
moters of a tramway do not open it for public traffic
within two years of obtaining licence to construct it, such
licence shall be deemed to have expired ; and when any
"local authority " has constructed or become possessed of
a tramway, such authority may lease it to be worked by
individuals, with the sanction of the Board of Trade ;
the local authority is also authorized to borrow
money for a period not exceed.ng thirty years for the
carrying on of the works (the sum to be sanctioned by the
Board of Trade), where the local rate is insufficient ; and
with this object the Metropolitan Board of Works is
authorised to borrow £300,000. In the event of the guago
of any tramway not being fixed by special Act, the guage
is to be fixed at 4 ft. 8i in. Then follow regulations for
the temporary breaking up of streets, the repairs of the
roads used, the preservation of gas-pipes, sewers, tele-
graph wires, &c., from injury ; for the uniform construc-
tion of the carriages to be employed, for the licensing of
companies or persons and their servants for working the
tramway; also a clause holding the owners of carriages
liable for damage done by their servants; and
another authorising the removal of a tramway if
it ceases to be worked. The 43rd clause (perhaps
the most important of all) empowers the " local
authority to purchase the tramway, plant, &c., at the ex-
piration of 21 years, at its then actual value, and not at
its prospective value. The rest of the Act is devoted to
such questions as the power of sale, tolls, and by-laws
relating to the rate of speed, the intervals between car-
riages, their stoppages, traffic, and passengers, nuisances
and offences either against their construction or their use,
penalties for causing obstructions, arrangements between
the promoters and the trustees of turnpike roads, the right
of police authorities to regulate the traffic, and the rights of
the public to the use of the roads. The concluding sections
provide for the regulation of all inquiries relative to
matters of dispute or difference, which are to be conducted
in public by referees appointed by the. Board of Trade,
and secure to the Board of Trade powers from time to
time to make, annul, rescind, or add to the rules with
respect to matters which come under its cognizance. The
schedules appended define the " districts " contemplated,
the " local authorities " of several cities, towns, &c., and
the nature of the " local rate," and give forms of applica-
tions to the Board, and regulations for the deposit of plans
and other documents, and for duly advertising all proposed
projects in the London Gazette.