The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-30 00:00:00

_MORNING EDITION

hands of the Commissioners, or in the statute books of
the realm ? If ever a law was to be well understood it was
;that, and assuredly those who were to administer it
could understand the principles laid down for their
guidance by the statutes, referring to the law. But
Lanced of that, it was now to be an appeal from the
cruel tendencies of the guardians to the Commission-
ers at Somerset-house. They were to carry into ope-
ration whatever law they might think necessary. If
that was a constitutional mode of governing the coun-
try, the sooner they got rid of it the better. It was
the creation of a despotic authority at Somerset-house
—greater than that House, or any other, could exer-
cise. He held in his hand a small book which he had
obtained a short time since from Somerset-house—it was
entitled " An Amendment of the Workhouse Rules."
Heaven only knew what the rules were which those to
which he referred were intended to amend. But what
was the nature of the discipline ? No severer punish-
ment could be inflicted than the silent system. Crimi-
nals complained of being harshly and unjustly treated
by the operation of the silent system, and yet the law
enables the Commissioners to carry out that silent
system. He believed that there was a provision in the
Poor-law Act which required, that before any general
rule be adopted, it should be submitted to the Secretary
of State ; it could then only obtain the force of law.
But in order to avoid the responsibility and incon-
venience which that would occasion, a particular rule
was in every institution made for each particular Union,
and thus no general rule was submitted to the Secretary
of State. But what did one of the rules state? It stated
that all paupers in the workhouse, except the
sick, and the paupers of the fourth, fifth, and
seventh classes, should rise and leave off work
at a time to be intimated by the ringing of a bell, and
that during the time of meals silence shall be main-
tained. They were to be kept working at all other
hours bet at meal-time, and in the workhouse silence
was to be maintained. Was this system, which was re-
garded as the most severe punishment that could be
inflicted on a criminal, to be inflicted upon the unfortu-
nate being who stretched out his hand for charity ?
Was it to enforce regulations of this kind the Poor-law
Commission was to be continued ? If not, he asked,
why was the country to be burdened with such a bur-
densome charge ? He could see no necessity for the
continuance of that Commission.—( Hear, hear.) If
he could, he would be one of the first to support it,
because nothing was more desirable than due adminis-
tration of the laws relating to the poor. But ashen it
was proposed to inflict on them the same species of
punishment as that inflicted on the worst of criminals, he
said that such a law wanted humanity in principle, and
discretion for its guidance.—( Hear, hear.) In the
office he had the honour to hold he had ample opportu-
nity of witnessing the operation of this law, and of
knowing what were the feelings of the middle classes of
society in relation to it. (Hear, hear, hear.)
He met these classes in large numbers,
almost every day of his life, and he had scarcely found
one man out of ten who approved of the operation of
this law—(Hear, hear)—on the contrary the feeling
against it was universal,—it was increasing in force,—
it was deep rooted,--it was not to be shaken ; one and
all contended there was no necessity for such a law.—
( Hear, hear.) They asked why such a law enacted,
unless it was to drive people from making any applica-
tion at the workhouse for relief ? All of them enter-
tained the opinion that they were making the workhouse
a house of torture, to prevent the poor applying for
relief. In one week he had known two persons in the
parish of Chelsea, who preferred death to going into
the Union Workhouse. They declared they would
rather die than be separated from their children, in the
manner provided by the law, and they did die, rather
than go into the workhous. And what was the humane
system with regard to the classification of the poor ?
The parish of Chelsea, consisting of 40,000 inhabitants,
was not large enough to form one local government,
but was incorporated in an Union, consisting of 120,000
persons, and thus the peer had sometimes to travel
mi!es to apply for relief from Kensall Green to Ken-
sington. There was no workhouse in the parish of Pad-
dington. He knew an instance of a chid of 12 years
of age which had been exposed at a door in the Edge-
ware.road, when found by a policeman it was lively,
and when taken to the station-house stretched
forth its hand to play with a dog, and was
capable of laughing. The policeman took it to Ken-
sington Workhouse. It was a very thick foe, and in
consequence he was two hours going there. The child
died shortly after, and the surgeon deposed that it had
died of cold, and a verdict of murder was returned
against the mother who deserted it. Here was an in-
stance of the evil of having to travel far for relief.
Those who supposed the English mind would bear such
things, were altogether deceived as to the English
character —( Hear, hear.) He entreated the House
to pause before they gave permission to introduce a Bill
continuing a Commission that opereted in this way—in
a manner which violated all the feelings of humanity.
How, he asked, were the poor classified? In the Ken-
sington Union, the separation system was carried out
with a vengeance. 'rho fathers of families were kept
at Kensington, the mothers were seat off to another
house at Chelsea ; the daughters were placed at a
house at Fulham, and the sons at another house at
Hammersmith. Thus father and soother, boys and girls,
were located in four separate houses, in four different
parishes.—(Hear, hear.) Now, if the House gave its
consent to introduce a 1311 to continue the Com-
mission, he thought the Noble Lord ought in jus-
tice to state to the House, for the satisfaction
of the public, whether the authority of the Com-
missioners was in future to be exercised in a
manner similar to that in which it had been already
exercised. He wanted to know whether a softening
hand had been applied to the new Bill, or whether it
exhtsited all the harsh and un- English features of the
existing law, Place I as he was, it was not in his power
to oppose the motion by dividing the House, because ha
was most anxious to see the existing law amended ; but
at the same time no person could be more opposed to
the continuance of the Commission, and be assured the
Noble Lord that if he introduced that portion in the
intended Bill for the amendment of the law, it was his
(Mr. Wakley's) sincere hope that even that Bill would
not be passed into a law. If, however, the first Bill
was one that contained some provisions for softening the
severities of the existing law, it should have his support.
If, on the other hand, the Commissioners were conti-
tinued in the full exercise of their authority, and made
the soaps-goats of all the Guardians of the country who
desired to act with cruelty to the poor, he would oppose
the introduction of such a 8,11, and not only would he
oppose its introduction, but he would oppose it to
the utmost of his power at every stage.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. H. HINDE fully concurred in the observations
of the Hon. Member who had just sat down, that be-
fore the Noble Lord called on the House to continue
to these Commissioners the power hitherto entrusted
to them, he shoulcfj have laid before the House
some reasons why the future administration of the New
Poor-law Act could not be safely entrusted to persons
locally interested. He thought the proper course
would have been to appoint a Committee of the House
to examine the rules and regulations of the Poor-law
Commissioners, to continue those which might be ap-
proved of, and to place them on the statute book ; and
to have the others which might be disapproved of, ex-
punged. He trusted the Noble Lord would explain to
the House his reasons for grantinc, these extraordinary
powers. He wished also to know from the Noble
Lord, whether it was his intention to continue only the
power of the Commissioners at Somerset House, or
whether he also intended to continue the vast and ex-
tensive machinery of Sub-Commissioners ? He under-
stood the object of these Sub-Commissioners was to
divide the country into unions, and if that had not vet
been done, he had no objection to continue these for a
further time, but to extend their powers for ten years
was nothing short of perpetuating them.
Captain 'ECHELL did not field fault with the
Noble Lord for having omitted to
enter into details,
'because he had stated quite enough to alarm him ; he
objected principally to the provision for extinguishing
the Gilbert unions and the other local Acts, and he un-
derstood that arose from the Poor-law Commissioners
complaining that these unions formed a blank upon their
map. He would not oppose the measure, but he sin-
cerely hoped the Noble Lord would leave out the clause
relative to the Gilbert unions.
Mr. DARBY was not quite sure that the Noble
Lord would join his two Bills, and he very much feared
that he would endeavour to carry the Tenure Bill, and
leave out the amendments. He hoped, however, the
Noble Lord would give notice when the second reading
of the Bill would come on, because it was quite clear
front the present tone of the House, that there would
be some discussion on the subject.
Sir GEORGE GREY conceived the present Bil
had worked great good by preventing the insisting upon
relief where it was not necessary, and by opposing a
barrier to the invasion of property which was threatened
under the pretence of pauperism by innumerable de-
mandants. He did not believe the Commissioners in
any instance had intended to make regulations that
were inconsistent with the spirit of the Act, to act with
severity that went at all beyond it. He thought the pre-
sent system well suited for all except those who might be
called a meritorious class of paupers. He entirely
agreed with the Hon. Member for Finsbury that there
were in the manufacturing districts hundreds and thou-
sands who were reduced, without any fault of their own,
to a state of destitution by a mere fluctuation of trade.
Could those who were connected with the agt icultural
districts deny that they had themselves expressed sur.
prise how the very labourers who tilled their
estates and raised their rents were enabled to
provide for their families ?—( Hear, hear.) They stood
on the verge of destitution, mad teas it becoming. any
Christian country to say to the meritorious pauper, the
only protection you shall have extended to you is to be
carried into a workhouse, in which the whole of your
family shall be separated into four divisions, and each
division have a separate habitation ?—(Hear, hear.)
That circumstance was a greater atil coon to a man
than the degradatien of entering the poor-house.—
(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord brought in a Bill to
prolong the present system, without making any altera-
tion.; in it, he should vote for it, because he thought the