The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-07 00:00:00

SUN,

had witnessed the sacrifice of a million of their fel-
low-countrymen by famine, to meet them with a
coercion Bill. He must say he was not astonished
that Irele.nd should be a beggar at Britain's door, anti
that that country should be always in a state of dis-
tress and disorganization, when he saw such men as
the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Grattan) come down to
that House, as lie did on the debate on the Address,
and as he had done now, and turn against his coun-
try, expressing reliance on the good intentions of a
Government that had ever deceived them.—(hear.)
If they were near the period of a general election,
would that Hon. Gentleman act as he had done ?
He would ask, if the people were moved to greater
vengeance than they had yet shown, on whose head
would lie the responsibility of all the turmoils anti
savage outrages that might occur? The responsi-
bility would rest on the originators of the Bill and
those who supported them, if conciliatory and reme-
dial measures were not also introduced for the relief
of the people. They had been told that the Irish
people were very bountifully treated by the English
Parliament, but that it would not interfere with Irish
property. Was not the Tithe Bill an interference
with the landlord's property ? And when they car•
ried free trade, was not that also an interference with
land ? And would they tell him that they • were
afraid and were not competent to interfere with the
raw material, when year after year, they were med-
dling with the produce of that land, and thus de •
stroying the value of the raw material ?—(Hear.)
The Irish landlord was a poor, proud fool, who would
not engage in labour or in any course of industry by
which his circumstances might be improved.
Ireland was saddled with the law of primo-
geniture, and the people almost universally
looked to the land for support, while they bad
no manufactures. Hence, they found a poor but
proud aristocracy looking to the bounty of Britain,
instead of putting their own shoulders to the wheel,
and endeavouring by industry or skill to work out
their own salvation.—(Hear, hear.) They must not
suppose that after sowing the seeds of evil for cen-
turies in Ireland they would be able to eradicate
those evils at once, or to remove all the vices of the
Irish character in a day. He would tell them that
the vices of the Irish people were the consequence of
misrule, while their virtues were the characteristics
of their nature. They got credit in that House for
generosity and for industry and honest exertions
in any country of the globe but their own ; and
why was this ? Because their tyrants, who ruled
them with a rod of iron, would not allow them the
fruits of their own labour. The moment a man
became industrious in Ireland that moment he de-
stroyed his own prospects.—(Hear, hear.) As to
the present Bill, he contended that its very mildness
was a thing to be feared. He knew what large pro-
mises would be made as to the mild conduct of the
Government, and how these promises would be acted
upin. When weak the Whigs were always courting
the people, but when strong they ever showed the intole-
rance of a coercive Government. He remembered
when, instead of sending to an agricultural country a
Lord-Lieutenant who would encourage the pursuits
of an agricultural people, they sent Lord Normanby,
who, sporting his regimentals, and with feathers fly-
ing, traversed the country like another Don Quixotte
—(Laughter)—proclaiming everywhere a gaol de-
livery, overriding the ordinary law, and relieving
from merited punishment the theives and felons who
by that law had been imprisoned for their offences.—
(hear, and laughter.) He remembered when all this
was done to court popularity among the Irish people,
and now they came down to that House for a coercion
Bill, by which they might override the ordinary law
once more.—(Hear, hear.) He condemned the Bill
because it entrusted the law to the hands of an indi-
vidual, who, to whatever extent he might go in 'viola-
tion of the law, would be certain of indemnity from
that House.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman the Home Secretary had read letters descrip-
tive of the state of Ireland; but he knew well how
nefariously such letters, and the information conveyed
in them, were got up by parties interested. He could
relate to the House many instances to prove the base
means resorted to for the purpose of misrepre-
senting and injuring, for interested purposes, the
people of Ireland. In 1833, while professionally
engaged at Clonakilty, he was thrown from his
horse; and, while suffering under the injuries then
received, was sent home by a friend in his gig.
While so travelling, he fell into conversation with
the servant who accompanied him; and this person
told him, that at the time Whiteboyism was at its
height he was living with a captain in the army ;
that a major belonging to the same regiment was on
a visit to his master; and that they, accompanied by
two or three other persons, went out at night with
their faces blackened, andC swore in the people in
their neighbourhood to be Whiteboys, in order that
they (the officers) might thereby get employment.
lie (Mr. O'Connor) communicated this information
to Lord Hatherton (then Mr. Littelton, and Chief
Secretary for Ireland), and offered to bring forward
the man as evidence, provided measures were taken
for his protection, and the means given him of going
to a foreign country, if necessary ; but he would not
interfere in the case, because the parties concerned
were gentlemen. After narrating one or two
cases, to show that threatening letters were
got up by the police and others in order
that they might find employment, the Ho-
nourable Gentleman proceeded to condemn the lan-
guage tha.: had been used towards the Roman Catholic
priests. To calumniate those priests was the greatest
injury they could inflict upon the people of Ireland,
because they were closely connected by blood, pur.
suits, and religion, with the poor peasantry, and were
always ready to aid and console them in any situation
in which they could be placed. He would tell them
that if they hoped to destroy the religion of the people
of Ireland, or the influence which the priests enjoyed,
no attempt could possibly be more hopeless.—(Hear,
hear.) In 1822 the Right Hon. Member for Mont-
gomeryshire (Sir C. W. Wynn), who was then Pre-
sident of the Board of Control, paid a just tribute to
the character of the Irish people. That Right Hon.
(irentlernan said that, when he reflected on their mar.y
admirable qualities, on their genius and intelligence,
on their steady devotion to any cause which they
heartily espoused, on their patience under privation
and suffering, and on their generous hospitality, he
could not but condemn that policy by which all these
excellent qualities had been perverted, and all these
gifts of nature and of Providence had been rendered
the fruitful source of crime and bloodshed. But, not-
withstanding that opinion, Parliament passed a coer-
cion Bill for Ireland, and suspended the Habeas
Corpus Act in that country. In passing any mea-
sures for ameliorating the condition of Ireland, it was
necessary to enforce the rights of the people, or the
landlords would take care to derive all the benefit.
When the Legislature gave the landlords of Ireland
25 per cent. of the church property, did the tenants
gain anything ? No ; the landlords pocketed the
whole, and the wages of labour, instead of being
raised, were reduced. Of the amount which had
been recently granted for the relief of the Irish
people, no less a sum than 350,0001. had been expended
in patronage, while only 30,0001. had been advanced
to landlords for the improvement of their estates.
And why was this ? Because so many technical itn-
pediments were thrown in the way of granting such
advances.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. O'Connor) was
satisfied that they could not improve the condition of
the labourers and farmers of Ireland without improv-
ing the condition of the landlords ; and how was this
to be done ? Not by giving the landlords money, but
by inducing them to make their estates worth money.
He was ready to maintain, in spite of agriculturists,
and of free-traders, and of political economists, that
there was not an acre of land in England or in Ire-
land which was let at half its value; and that if a
better system of agriculture were established, the
value of the land would be very materially increased.
The landlords of Ireland had managed their property
according to the science of politics, instead of by the
science of agriculture; and their great object had
been to obtain bishoprics or commissions in the army
for their sons, and good matches for their daughters,
instead of endeavouring to improve their estates. In
the good old times of the Hutchinsons and Beresfords,
boys were down in the army list for promotion from
the time of their birth ; and when he (Mr. O'Connor)
was eleven years old, there were two lieutenants in
his class at school.—(A laugh.) At that time the
Beresfords got everything, and when Lord Cathcart
visited the family, as he had seen a great many Be-
resfords in the army list, he requested to be intro-
duced to the young heroes ; and, after dinner, these
instructions were given,—" When the lieutenant
wakes let him come into the room ; when the captain
wakes bring him down ; and when the colonel wakes
put him on his regimentals, and bring him here."—
(A laugh.) He (Mr. O'Connor) must say he was
glad that the Honourable and Learned Member for
Limerick (Mr. J. O'Connell) had seen the prudence
and propriety of opposing the measure now before
the House ; and he hoped the Hon. Gentlemen who
usually acted with him (Mr. O'Connell) would adopt
a similar course. He (Mr. O'Connor) had suffered
much persecution, but he was willing to forgive the
Government for their share in it if they were pre-
pared to redeem their pledges with regard to Ireland.
The fact was, that the present was a Government of
toleration ; and the best way to promote the welfare
of Ireland would be by a combined action of the
Irish Members and landlords, irrespective of politics,
of classes, and of religious creeds. If those Gentle-
men boldly stood out for the rights of property (not
only for the rights of the landlords, but also for the
rights of the labourers), they would be too strong
for the Government. He regretted that the Right
Hon. Member for Tamworth was not in his place to-
night; for, if the Right Hon. Gentleman had been
present, he (Mr. O'Connor) would have been glad to
have given him some information on the subject of
tenant-right; but, as that question was to be brought
before the House by the Hon. Member for Rochdale,
he (Mr. O'Connor) would abstain from commenting
upon it at present. He begged, in conclusionato assure