The Sun.
London, England, 1841-08-26 00:00:00

ELECTION PETITIONS.

10,344.1301.1.0:17LERE said.- tho -House ought now to
'decide on the course to be taken with respect to elec-
tion petitions. He apprehended the House would be
disposed to adopt that taken on former occasions, and
lie would therefore move that the old rules respecting
election petitions be adopted.
Petitions against the returns for Great Marlow, Not-
tingham, and Weymouth were laid on the table.
On the motion of Mr. LABOUCHERE, the order of
the day respecting election petitions was discharged.
CASE OF ISPLEOD.

Mr. EWAItT having moved the order of the day for
the Adjourned Debate on the Address,
Mr. ROEBUCK said, before the order was read, he
wished to remind the House that last night he gave
notice of important questions which it was his intention
to put to the Government respecting the case of Mr.
M`Leod.—(Hear, hear.) But notwithstanding that
formal of notice neither of the Noble Lords the Secre-
taries for the Colonies or Foreign Affairs were present.
(Cries of "Hear, hear," from the Tories.)
ADDRESS—ADJOURNED DEBATE.
Mr. EWART rose amid loud cries of " Spoke," from
the Opposition, upon which the Honourable Gentle-
man appealed to the Speaker, who said that the Hon.
Member having spoken last night only on the
question of adjournment, had a right to be heard. The
Hon. Member then said that, after the interruption,
which certainly proved the inexperience in the Par-
liamentary usages of that House of him who made
the motion, he should proceed with the discus-
sion of the subject before the House. Whatever
different shades of opinion might be entertained by
different parties in that House. it had been to him,
and to many of those around him—he might say
to all of them—a source , of real congratulation that
the important principle of free trade appeared to be on
the advance. He had gathered. as . much as this
from the speech of the . Honourable Gentklnan the
Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, who
moved the amendment. He drew the same inference
from the speech of the Noble Lord who seconded his
motion. Indeed, that Noble Lord, if he (Mr. Ewart)
understood him right, plainly and unhesitatingly ex-
pressed himself to be a friend to the principles
of a free trade, while the Honourable Member for
the West Riding of Yorkshire, declared himself to
be nothing less than a disciple of Mr. Huskisson.
He must receive that declaration with peculiar satisfac-
tion, because if he was a real disciple of that dis-
tinguished statesman, he had to hail, in the Hon. Gen-
tleman the Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire
a friend to the final, though gradual, abolition of the
Corn-laws. If he had read the opinion of Mr. Huskisson
aright—if he had read rightly the celebrated Report of
Mr. Huskisson, second only to the works of Adam
Smith, which was produced on the evidence before the
Agricultural Committee in 1821—if he had read
that Report of Mr. Huskisson aright—he contended for
the final extinction of the Corn. laws.—(Hear.)
He rejoiced to think that in the objects they
had in view, of establishing a free trade in corn,
they had with them the Hon. Member for the West
Riding of Yorkshire. On another point, too, he was
glad to' be able to coincide with the lion. Member.
lie had expressed his admiration at the working
classes during their recent privations, and stated
that they had endured almost without complain-
ing those privations and distresses. He agreed with
him that they had borne these most patiently, but he
thought that the working classes had a right to expect
more from the lion. Member for Yorkshire, and those
who sat on that side of the House, than the
mere cold expression of sympathy and commiseration.
It was easy for him to bestow that cheap compassion, but
the working man had a right to ask him for more than
that. He had a right to demand from the Hon. Gen-
tleman opposite the suggestion of some special remedy.
But the Hon. Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire,
with respect to the special remedy, was most mysteriously
but discreetly silent. That silence distinguished the
conduct of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, and
that silence was calculated to deceive, had it not
been accompanied by commiseration. As lie had
said before, the country had a right to expect
from them something like a remedy, instead of
the easy commiseration of a few
.Conservative fears.
But it was said that the country hadgiven its confidence
to the party opposite, through the cries of the con-
stituent body. Those gentlemen, however, refused
to declare the use which they would make of
their newly acquired power. In the language of the
Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamworth,
and to use the new metaphor which he, with less taste
than usually distinguished everything which flowed from
his lips—that Hon. Gentleman said they were not called
upon to prescribe' a remedy, until they had received the
medical perquisites. He (Mr. Ewart) admitted that,
as far as the constituencies were concerned, they had
returned an answer to the appeal from the Crown which
the Ministry could not resist, and he fully agreed with
Hon. Gentlemen opposite, that seeing the relative numbers
of parties in that House, they had a right to call upon
any Government to adopt that constitutional course,
which it would be unsafe and improper 'of a Government
under similar circumstances not to take. But he saw in
distinct perspective before him, that the Right Hon.
Baronet would be called on to adopt the very course
of those Ministers whom he wished to replace. He
might, indeed, do it with some slight modification
in the details of the Ministerial measures, but with
their principles lie must coincide. The present Minis-
try had been vanquished by those measures. For a time
they had given them a still and silent opposition, but
the truth had at last forced itself upon their minds. In
the course they had taken, he felt assured the Right
Hon. Baronet would yet be constrained to follow.
He (Mr. Ewart) thought he could see in the distance
a repetition, with respect to the present measures, of the
drama performed some twelve years ago upon the ques-
tion of Catholic Emancipation. To the true principles
of religious freedom the Right Hon. Baronet had gradu-
ally come round ; and he (Mr. Ewart) believed
that in the true principles of commercial freedom he
would gradually acquiesce. The time would come when
the Right Hon. Baronet should treat them to a remedy,
medical or political, of the present commercial
distress of the country.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
Whatever might be his medical scruples—whatever his
reluctance to prescribe, even after he had been called
in—still he would find an empty exchequer. Like
another celebrated medical character, the Apothecary in
Romeo and Juliet, he would be compelled to say,
" My poverty, not my will, consents." He would
find the exigencies of the nation to be such
that he would be compelled to do something; he would be
compelled to come forward like the celebrated character
to whom he alluded, and propose some measures of alle-
viation. He must come before them and state in the
words he used on introducing the Catholic Relief Bill ;
he would be compelled to come forward and say some-
thing must be done. He (Mr. E.) only hoped that when
he did come forward and say so he would not be met by
his Conservative Friends in the same violent manner as
he was upon that occasion. He would then allude to the
other details of the Speech of her Majesty, and he
must say that lie regretted that it had seemed to be ne-
cessary, to make some omissions. The state of
the representative system in this country was in anything
but a satisfactory state, and the exercise of the elective
franchise had been such during the late elections, he
was sorry to say as an Englishman, as to excite, not only
the astonishment, but the disgust of every foreigner.
The disgraceful fact had been commented upon in
almost every foreign journal. Such a system of
corruption and intimidation, and the exercise of undue
influence, had never been seen in any country, aril he
believed never before in this. Had any such mention
been made of those gross evils as to have led 'to
I a hope of such enactments passing as would remedy
such a colossal moral, and political evil, he
would have felt the utmost satisfaction.—(Hear.)
He was firmly convinced that the maintenance of the
best interests of the country would be best secured by a
new apportionment of the electoral constituencies ; and
he believed that no benefit could accrue, or justice
be done to the people, until such an apportion-
, ment had taken place.— (Hear, hear, hear.) With
the spirit which breathed through the Address,
he warmly concurred, for it was the spirit of peace. His
Hon. Friend die Member for Manchester knew too well
Ithe constituencies of the manufacturing districts of that
country, and he (Mr. Swart) knew too well the feeling
of the cominercial and manufacturing community not
to feel that they attached the 'deepest interest to the
preservation of the peace of the world, and there-
, fore that pardon of her Majesty's Speech found
a ready echo in the bosoms of all those

representing manufacturing constittencies, such as his
Hon. - Friend represented. He particularly rejoiced
that her Majesty had been able to announce to the House
that relations of peace had been restored with France,
a country with which it was the desire, as
it was the interest of that country, to # 'main•
taro the strictest connections of amity and friendship.
He was sure that he spoke the sentiments of that portion
of the country with which he was connected, when he
said that Englishmen deemed their interests closely
interwoven with the maintenance of the dig-
nity and independence of France, and, therefore,
they hailed with peculiar satisfaction the statements from
the Throne which confirmed the concord previously
existing, and dispelled the unhappy shadows of discord
which had begun to hover over the political horizon.
There was another portion of the world with which he
trusted our relations would continue to remain undis-
turbed ; need he say that he allieled to the United
States of America. The kindred ties which united us
with that country rendered it a matter of feeling
as well as of interest to do everything to maintain those
ties undissolved ; and although, he was sorry to say,
there appeared to be cause to apprehend the amicable
relations between these countries might be interrupted,
partly in consequence of the legal constkution of the
United States, and partly in respect of the unhappy dif-
ferences respecting the north-eastern frontier, yet he
trusted that the mutual interests of both countries would
induce them to approximate, so that no disturbance
might take place in the harmony subsisting between
them, any disturbance in which must distract the peace
and commerce of the world ; for if England and
America should ever be seriously at issue, the
peace and commerce of the whole world must
be endangered. He trusted that such a misfortune
would be avoided if it were avoidable in any manner con-
sistent with the honour and permanent interest of the
country. He rejoiced to find that in her Majesty's Speech
her Majesty had expressed her warm sympathy for her
suffering people, and that sympathy had not been
confined to mere cold and formal words, nor, like the
Honourable Gentlemen opposite, did her Majesty
confine herself to the mere expression of sympathy
while the remedy was postponed to a distant day. Her
Majesty suggested that they Should take what, in his
opinion, was the best and only remedy, viz., the adoption
of a system of commercial retbrm. In the cause of that
commercial reform—in the attempt to lower the duties
both on articles imported from our . own distant colonies,
and on those produced in foreign countries—many poor
friends with himself had been doing their utmost, although
for a considerable portion of time without success. In
that great cause they had been the pioneers, or he might
more properly say, the forlorn hope, and he was happy
to find that others were now advancing onward in that
career which they had so long prosecuted. These
measures might be said to have been begun in the me-
mory of those now in Parliament by a reduction of the
duties on the East India productions—measures of a
more extended nature than had then been adopted
by the Government of the day. (Hear, bear.)
The great question of the Corn-laws then came on. In
the last session there was presented to the House the
celebrated Report on the Import Duties. That Report
had awakened the attention of the country in such a
manner that he, trusted it would not slumber until all
the restrictions on commerce had been removed.
He was convinced that there were scarcely any Ho-
nourable Members connected with the landed in-
terest who did not feel that nothing was more im-
portant even to their interests than the prosperity
of trade and manufactures. He hoped he should
be excused if he referred to the conviction on this sub-
ject which was entertained by Members of that
House a century ago, showing that the same truths
existed in all time. So long ago as 1732 he
found the landed gentry who sat in that House
expressing their sense of the importance of the manu-
factures to the prosperity of the country. He found
one of the honest country gentlemen of that day stating
his opinion that the landed estates would not, without
manufactures, produce one-fourth of their present rent.
Such opinions were as true in the year 1841 as they
were in the year I.732.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
His Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester had re-
ferred on the previous night to the opinions which had
been expressed by a person deservedly of the highest
commercial consideration when he sat in that House, the
late Sir Robert Peel, and had quoted the observations
of that experienced manufacturer and trader on the sub-
ject of the Corn-laws. He..(Mr. Ewart) would go still
further—he would quote the opinions of another
person on the importance of extending commerce and
manufactures, namely, those of the present Sir R. Peel,
and if the advice of the father were lost upon any Hon.
Gentleman opposite, at all events they would listen to the
more recent and equally valuable counsel of the son of that
father. Sir R. Peel in the year 1836, gave the following
sound advice to the landed interest of this country.
'Toe Right Hon. Baronet could not, he said, help think-
ing that he saw in the great prosperity of our
trade and manufactures a more encouraging prospect of
the improved condition of agriculture than in any
other definite-cause.... (Jl24,l:wart) trusted that now
when Honourable Members were called on to ad-
vance that trade and those manufactures they would
consider that, in the opinion of the Right Hon. Barone',
they would, in effecting that object, advance the agri-
cultural interest of the country. He trusted that they
would at least have some respect to the . opinions
of the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth. The Right
Hon. Gentleman said that he was perfectly satisfied that
the hopes of the agriculzurists should rest on their
own exertions—that from them they would derive
their best success. He thought it necessary to
call the attention of Honourable Gentlemen opposite
to the opinions of one whose wise counsels they gene-
rally followed. He had ventured to refer to the &offish
farmers, to whom the Right lion. Baronet referred, and
with whom the principle of free competition succeeded.
They had found that commerce was their best friend.
It was well knoWn to every Honourable Gentle-
man who was at all acquainted with agricul-
tural matters, that the cultivators of • the soil
derived from commerce the most signal advantages. To
commerce they were indebted for the introduction of such
improvements in agriculture as bone-dust,, and nitrate of
soda. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire, at
a recent meeting of the Agricultural Association at Li-
verpool, alluded to another article which was likely to be
of the greatest importance in the improvement of agri-
culture, namely, guana, which was imported from
the shores of the South Pacific, and for the in-
troduction of which the agriculturists were in-
debted to the sagacity of an enterprising merchant.
Nor was it to commerce alone, but also to manufactures,
that agriculture was indebted. The steam-engine
was now to be seen in the farm yard assisting in the
operations of husbandry ; and he was convinced that the
largest advantages would be derived from the more ex-
tensive application of the steam-engine in this branch of
industry. An engine of six-horse power could be put up
in a farm-yard for 1501., or even for less, and the farmers
would find that cheaper than the kind of power which
they now employed. He hoped that the present race
partook of the improvement of the times, and were more
enlightened than their fathers, who rejected every im-
provement. lie hoped that the landed proprietors did not
still bear out the assertion of the most illustrious of Irish
orators, the late Mr. Grattan, that in his days they
" represented the inert capital and the inert talent
of the country." Agriculture, like all other trades, was best
promoted by free competition, and a steadiness of demand.
The President of the Board of Trade had entered into
elaborate, but conclusive calculations, to show that the
present system of averages encouraged gambling, and was
favorable only to the speculator in corn. The figures
laid before the House last night were amply confirmed by
the facts which he knew from his connection with many
persons in the corn trade in Liverpool. The Hon. Member
for Manchester went further than the President of the
Board of Trade, and showed that not only trade,
but the circulation, suffered in consequence of the uncer-
tainty
attending the present system of averages. The best
basis for a satisfactory currency, as in commerce, was in
having the interchange as steady and permanent as possible,
and this could only be done by a system of free interchange,
or in other words, perfect freedom of trade. He was
convinced that the only system for a sound basis
for the currency was a sound system of free trade.
He went further than either of his friends expressed
themselves, because it was his opinion that it would not
be sufficient to introduce those commercial reforms, but
they would eventually have to be based upon a change
in the system of taxation ; in short, he believed
they would have to adopt a property tax—(Cries of
" Hear, hear")—and take off the tax from labour.
He believed that the commercial changes that were
taking place had a tendency to that end. Besides
these reasons that existed at home, there were many
other reasons which led him to that conclusion, and
among them the state of their foreign trade. They had
to encounter a most formidable foreign .com-
petition • since their machinery and manufactories
had been so generally adopted in foreign
. countries.
Rapid advances had been made in Switzerland
and Belgium in competing with the manufactur-
ing prosperity of this country. The manufac-
turers in those countries were enabled to enjoy
the advantages of combining patents which could only
be used singly in England, and that was a very material
advantage. His Honourable Friend the Member
for Manchester had adverted to the increase of
• the production.of cotton goods abroad ; and his state-
ments were confirmed by the authority of. the Hand-
loom Commissioners. 14Ir. Symonds stated upon
that Commission, remarkable circumstances with re-
spect to the spinning of yarn ; and he (Mr. Ewart)
felt most confident that at no distant period all Eng-
lish yarns, at least all under 150, would soon find
no market in Switzerland. He might observe that,
Switzerland, though possessing a barren soil;
now possessed a population better clothed and better fed
than any other people in-Europe ; and he was glad to
be able to offer that evidence of the value of free trade.
The export of our own yarns had very materially de-
creased within the last year, which was the first time
that this had happened, and he thought it a very alarm-
ing circumstance. The foreigner had the great advantage
over us of being enabled to adopt all our best machinery
which it had taken us upwards of 50 years to
bring to its present perfection. Again, they had the
advantage of at once adopting the system of railways
without the long and expensive experiments made
by this country in bringing our turnpike roads
to their present state, and they possessed the advantage
of having greater perfection in the art of design. But
there were other and more momentous oonslilerations

than these. The Continent had found out the necessity
of forming extensive confederations for the protection
and nourishment of their trade a,nd manufactures, to
which they had_ been driven by our prohibition system.
That system of confederation was now extending itself
still further—Holland had already adopted the system,
and it was possible that a confederation of the same
nature might take place between Belgium and France.
Now what did all these confederations fur commercial
purposes prove ? They proved that the persons who had
undertaken them were convinced of the advantages and
benefits of free trade, for so far as the circle was extend-
in-, it was the adoption of the principle of free trade.—
(Hear, hear.) He therefore accepted these confedera-
tions as a silent homage
.to the principles of free trade.
They were political satellites, which, combined together
as a whole, diffused a more brilliant and a more benefi-
cial light than they could do separately. Now how could
these extensions of the system of free trade be met. by
this country ? The only way in which they could be
met was by extending our trade all over the world by
adopting a free trade policy. If we did not adopt that
policy we should suffer permanently and severely, but by
adopting it we should disarm those Powers, and extend
the commerce and glory of the nation through every part
of the world. Another reason why he approved of the
system of free trade was; because he was convinced that
the principles of commercial freedom were favourable to
the peace of the world. He hailed the day when the
mutual interchange of their productions should bind 'the
nations of the earth still yore to each other. He denied
the principle held by some of -the Gentlemen opposite,
that it was desirable that no country should be depend-
ent upon another ; on tho contrary, he thought a system
of mutual dependence on each other had been de-
signed by Providence to bind the nations of
the world more firmly together. Why should we
not take the corn of America, as well as the cotton of
America ? We took their cotton, and that commerce
tended to bind the nations together in feelings of amity ;
if we took their corn in.addition, it would increase the
feeling of union between the two countries, and raise in
the new corn-growing States of America a feeling bene-
ficial to the interests of this country. He, therefore,
trusted that so far from seeing the iron fetters of re-
striction more firmly riveted on the commerce of this
country, he should zee-them ere long struck off, and free
play given to the unfettered energies of this great com-
mercial country. There is yet Inother view in which he
supported the commercial system of freedom developed iu
the Speech from the Throne. It was because he believed
that if the principles of commercial freedom were gene-
rally adopted, this country would become the entrepot
for the different trading articles of the world, the great
Market of the world. Great Britain was the capitalist
of the worid, and where capital was, if it had a fair field,
there would be the market of the world. This was the
great reason why he supported the principles developed in
the Speech of her Majesty, because he believed that,
if adopted, Great Britain would become the market for
coffee, corn, sugar, and all other articles of commerce.
Such was the opinion of Mr.liuskisson, and such, he
believed, would be the result. But it was not from any
narrow or isolated view that these principles would be
applied. Individual success was closely interwoven
with the advance of the nation, and he was firmly con-
vinced, and he believed it would be proved by experience,
that there was no other solid foundation for the splen-
dour and duration of our commerce, and for the peace
and prosperity of the world. A'
Captain HAMILTON said it' would be some relief to
the House. if he assured those Members that he was not
going to follow the Hon. Member through all the topics
of his speech. The Hon. Member had carried the
House through our policy at home and abroad, through
the Corn-laws, the duties which related to commerce,
and to many other subjects ; hnt, although he had made
a speech extremely advantageous to those who had heard
him, he had not alluded to the real question before the
House, namely, the want of confidence in Ministers.
The Hon. Member had said very little in allusion to the
Queen's Speech, Of that Speech. he (Capt. Hamilton)
desired to speak with the greatest respect ; but un-
doubtedly the conclusion of it had thrown down the
gauntlet to the House, and the question to be decided
was, whether confidence was or was not reposed in the
Government by the majority .• of that House.—(Hear.)
The Hon. Member who just sat down alluded to the
speech recently made by the Right Hon. Baronet .the
Member for Tamworth. He (Captain Hamilton) was
not there as the defender of the Right Hon. Baronet.
He could not carry the House through the vicissitudes
of doctrines of which the Hon. Member had pro-
pounded ; but he would . tell the House the invariable
answer which he gave to the inquiries made of him re-
specting what the Righ t. Hon. Baronet intended to do.
His answer was, that he could not say what the Right
Hon. Baronet intended to do, but this he knew, that
whatever the Right Hon. Baronet meant to do, it could
not be worse than what was done by those on the other
side. He (Captain Hamilton) found that all intelligent
men were satisfied with that explanation.—(Hear. hear.)
After he (Captain Hamilton) had ventured to address
the House on the occasion of the Vote of Confidence in
-the lata Parliament, the then Hen. Member for Kil-
kenny (Mr. Hume) taunted Hon. Gentlemen .4)11. the
Opposition side of the House with what their constituents
would say to them at the, hustings on the questions ofsugar,
corn, and timber. Surely that Gentleman (Mr. Hume) must
have made a miscalculation, else why was he not now a
Member of the House ?—(Laughter.) He (Captain
Hamilton) believed that the Hon. Member who just suit
down was one of those Gentlemen who spoke in a simi-
lar tone as the late Member for Kilkenny. It was, per-
haps, presumption in him to allude to the speech of the
Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies at the hust-
ings ; but the approaching division would develop what
the result would be. Hon. Members might speak against
time—they might go into any abstract question they
liked in order to draw away public attention from the
real point at issue ; but every individual was aware that
the long and the short of the present debate was, did
the Ministers of the .Crown possess the confi-
dence of the country ? He should say, decidedly not.
The allusion to the Corn-laws was introduced into the
Queen's Speech to enable Hon. Members to make
speeches upon that Speech, so that their views might go
forth to the public ; these were his reasons for voting in
favour of the amendment.

Mr. WARD conceived it to be the duty of Members
on this side of the House to endeavour to ascertain the
opinions of those who were the present 'candidates for
power.—(Hear, hear.) He found a justification for that
opinion in the speech of the lion. Member for the West
Riding of Yorkshire, who said that the policy of the
future Government formed no part of the debate. Yet
that Hon. Gentleman at the same time affirmed that he
was sent here as part of the answer which the people
gave to the appeal of her Majesty's Ministers.—(Tory
cheers.) He (Mr. Ward) was as much a part of that
answer as the Hon. Gentleman, and he must say that
if the Noble Lord, whom the Hon. Gentleman then
succeeded, had exercised his influence as others did, the
West Riding of York would have returned a very
different answer.—(" Oh, oh," from the Tories, and
cheers.) The return of the Honourable Gentleman
was one of the greatest mistakes ever made by the
people of that riding.—(Loud cheers and laughter.)
They had returned the party which had two sets of lan-
guage—one for the hustings and the other for the
House.—(Cheers.) The. Noble Lord who seconded the
amendment, and had shown great power and talent, was
afraid to damage his character for free trade by assailing
those parts of the Address in which that principle was
recommended, but on the hustings at the West Riding
the new Representatives appeared as the farmers' friends,
and styled themselves the protectors of the agricultural
class against the insidious attacks of that discreditable
body the manufacturers.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh,"
from the Tories.) It was not on such grounds that the
Hon. Mover of the amendMent presented himself last
night.—(Cheers.) He avoided all discussion of the
Corn-laws and questions of commerce and revenue.—
(Hear, hear.) But he drew- a bill of indictment against
the Government of Lord Grey, and he descanted largely
upon the appropriation clause, with which he did
him (Mr. Ward) the honour to connect his name.
lie spoke of the tergiversation of Alinisters
in respect to that clause, and he (Mr. A.) wondered that
the Hon. Gentleman could venture to speak of tergiver-
sation on Irish affairs, whet! he looked upon those who
filled the benches behind him:—(Cheers and laughter.)
Did he not know that Ireland was the classic ground of
tergiversation? The Hon. Gentleman himself had, and
much to his honour, changed his mind upon the affairs of
Ireland, for which he was not yet forgiven,by those around
him. The Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) near him (Mr.
Ward) refused to join the Government of Mr. Can-
ning because Catholic emancipation was made ever an
open question. Yet in no long time afterwards the
Right Hon. Baronet was mainly instrumental in carry-
ing that measure as a Cabinet Minister. These things
should be borne in mind by those who reproached Lord
John Russell for his abandonment of the Appropriation
Clause. For his part he (Mr. W.) thought that all such
changes in public men were disadvantageous, when they
found themselves compelled to give way upon measures
shoulditot.
a Yeel atvhi edye t
heto their opponents.—(Hear, hear.) In the case of Sir
fwcoaurlrdybinegbseutteehr
measures
that
course would have been better in the case of the
err:II: responsibility
opposed.boifli ellingten's Cabinet, that
Catholic emancipation, which caused dissension in their
party, which had not yet been reconciled, and led the
way for the breaking up of the Government. In reference
to the appropriation clause it would have been better
if Lord John Russell had resigned when he was defeated
on that clause. The country would have. seen what
measures the Right Hon. Baronet would propose for
Ireland—how he woalis egitlate on the corporations,
the elective franchise, and that monster grievance the
Irish Church.—(Great Cheering.) On the opposite
banches was now assembled the coalition of mono-
poly of all kinds. The time would come when they
would have opposed to them the coalition of consumers.
—(Cheers.) A day like this out of doors would cause
that coalition rapidly to spread.—(Cheers.) This day
was doing incalculable mischief all over the
country. It was blighting the hopes of the
husbandman, and spoiling the crops which
were already scanty.—(Hear; hear.) It would do more'
to destroy the effect of the majority for the amendment
than all the speeches that could be made in that House.
—(Hear.) The crop was already considerably below
the average, and was now materially damaged by the wea-
ther.—(Tumultuous cries of " No, no," from the Tory
benches.) They must not make the weather a party
question in that House.—(Great laughter and cheering

from the Tory benches.) Why, Hon. Gentlemen made
it so, and it was singular enough that all sides reported
the weather according to their wishes.—(Cheers and
laughter on the Tory side for some minutes.) Why,
Hon. Members met him with a direct contradiction of
a fact for which he vouched from his own observations
over that large tract of country with which he was con-
nected. The crop would there fall short of the average
by 1-6th or 1-Sth. If he took the latter and smaller
amount, there would be a deficiency of two millions of
quarters, which would require five millions in gold to be
sent to the Continent, and we should be obliged to go
into the worst market at the worst time, when the people
of the Continent were themselves suffering from
a bad season and a deficient crop.—(Hear, hear.)
These were serious considerations, because a drain on the
Bank operated on every branch of the industry of the
country. They would have a repetition of what they
said last year—they would have money going out that
they could not spare,--they would have the currency
embarrassed during the worst period, when the people
were most in want of labour, food, and constant work.
Of twenty millions duty that was paid on corn, six :pil-
lions might as well have been thrown into the sea. It
was necessary then to have recourse to some better and
more reasonable course. Now, what was that course to
be ? He did not care one pin about the men who go-
vernal the country, but he did care much about the
principles on which it was governed.—(Hear, hear.)
What had they to decide on ? On one side they had a
distinct and intelligible proposition, from a Govern-
ment" which told them they were willing to propose
an Bs. duty on wheat, leaving the trade freefrom any other
imposition,—on the other side they had a statement that
gentlemen opposite were " willing to consider" of and
" deeply sympathized" with the distresses of her Ma-
jesty's subjects, but they had also from the leader of that
party a most distinct opposition pledge—the only one
that he had been ever brought to give—that he meant to
adhere to a sliding scale, which was adhering to a system
which could never coincide with commercial interests.
He (Mr. Ward) found also that significant words had
been used in another quarter last night. He found that
a Noble Duke was reported to have said that "M those
absurd reports which are in circulation were well-
founded,—namely, that the opponents of the present
Government would themselves propose a similar measure,
I say, in the name of the landed interest, that should they
do so we will turn them out. Let them only say that there
shall be an Bs. duty, and after that free trade, and we
who put them now in will put them out again."—(Hear,
hear.) Now, how was the future Cabinet to be com-
posed ? The Noble Lord the Member for North Lan-
cashire, at his election, talked of the proposition of the
Government as the destruction of agriculture. The
Right Hon. Baronet had pledged himself to an indisso-
luble alliance with the sliding scale. The Noble Duke
wished to adhere to the averages, and other Hon. Mem-
bers had told them that they regarded the proposition of
an Bs. duty as an absolute insult to the landed interest.
Now, let him inquire what was the amount of the Bs.
duty ? Why it was equivalent to two rents for every
acre. And could they ask more in the face of a suffer-
ing community ?—(Hear, hear.) What was the conse-
quence of this ? Why, that other parties were obliged
to imitate the example. The result was, that manufac-
tures declined, and parties were obliged to seek refuge in
other lands from the cruel effects of the Corn-laws.
Now, what were the remedies which the amendment to
the address proposed ? Why, simply this, that they
were to put implcit faith in the good intentions of those
whom a majority of that House were shortly to trans-
plant to that side of the House. What was there, he
would ask, in the conduct of the Gentlemen On the
other side of the House, to justify them in adopting such
a course ?—(Hear, hear.) He did not see how they
would improve the financial state of the country by
placing in power men who had pledged themselves to the
Hon. Member for Oxford to deal tenderly with the
Church, and who had gloried in the short Con-
servative victory they had obtained with respect
to the Poor-laws at Nottingham.—(Hear, hear.)
Now lie (Mr. Ward) had never shrunk from maintain-
inghis opinion upon the subject of the New Poor-law.
He had doubts, however, as to the line which the
Right lion. Bart. opposite would be allowed to pursue
by the bulk of the party which he led with respect to
that law. He knew that many of them had committed
themselves against the measure during the elections and
during the debates which had preceded the dissolution
of the late Parliament, by expressiog opinions which
they now perhaps regretted. And, therefore, he saw no
reason on that account for transferring power to the
hands of the Right Hon. Bart. There was one more
subject to which he wished to refer—the condition of
Ireland. It certainly appeared to him very singular I
that not a word had been said upon the subject of Ire-
land in the course of that debate. If he recollected right
the Right Hon. Bart. opposite had declared in 1839, that
Ireland was his great difficulty ; but had anything been
done up to the present time to diminish that difficulty ?
Had anything been done to facilitate the possibility of
governing that country upon principles of justice and
policy ? Ile imputed no intentions to the Right Hon.
Baronet, with regard to Ireland, which were
not politic and honourable ; but he should say
he must govern that country through instruments which
must fail in carrying out the moderation of his views.
He was distrusted by the Roman Catholics and the Libe-
ral Protestants, and lie would be compelled to throw him-
self back upon the Orange party, with what result lie
(Mr. Ward) would not undertake to say. Ireland, in-
stead of presenting the spectacle of a country whose
people, after a few years of conciliatory legislation,
would have amalgamated together, had lately exhibited
among its inhabitants the wildest joy on the part of one
portion of the population at the prospect of a restoration
of the Tory ascendancy, while another portion had been
driven by the violencle of their feelings to the verge of
violating the law. He did say, therefore, he saw a thousand
reasons for regret and none for rejoicing in the prospect
of the consequences which would follow in Ireland from
a transfer of power into the hands of Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite. He saw the possibility of the Irish people being
goaded into' acts of violence which would serve as a plea
for a reiteration upon the part of the British Govern-
of those fearful scenes which had been enacted in 1798,
as one of the necessary, though, perhaps, not immediate
consequences of the restoration of the Conservative party
to office Their ablest men, with the single exception
of the Right Hon. Baronet himself, had unfortunately
committed themselves in an almost personal struggle
with the Irish people. Let them look to the position
of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Stanley) , the most
brilliant of their Parliamentary supporters, and they
would find that his name was identified in Ireland with
a Bill whose tendency was to cut down the franchise of
the people, and to make it utterly unworthy of a coun-
try which claimed an equality with England.—(Cheers
on the Ministerial benches.) They were told that they
were about to have a Government which would at least
have the power of carrying their own measures. But the
first measure to which the party was pledged, because
it was that upon which their principal triumphs had been
won, was that Registration Bill which made the Noble
Lord's name be held in detestation by one portion of the
realm. Again, one of their leading supporters else-
where was a Noble and Learned Lord whose name was
associated with words which had sunk deeply into the
breast of every Irirhman.—(Hear.) These were the
things which made him tremble for the consequences of
the accession to power of the party opposite. He found
the Right Hon. Baronet pledged to no principle of com-
mercial legislation save the maintenance of the sliding
scale ; he saw danger in Ireland ; and he knew of no
possible expectation of good which could induce him to
vote in favour of the amendment before the House.
Mr. M. SUTTON felt that he was not called upon to
follow Han. Gentlemen opposite through the various
topics which they had discussed, not because he did not
admit their importance, but because he thought her Ma-
jesty's Ministers could not take these subjects into their
consideration unless they possessed the confidence of the
House.-7(Cheers.) The verdict of the last Parliament
had been decidedly against them. An appeal was then
made to the country, anti the Noble Lord, the leader of
the Government in that House, admitted, in his address
to his constituents, that ,the country was against them_
that he thought it behoved that House, before taking
any measures into consideration, to decide whether they
placed any confidence in the present Ministers of the
Crown.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted the House would
allow him to allude to a subject rather apart from the
question before the House ; but, its it was an important
matter to him, he trusted the House would bear with
him fur a few moments. On a former evening, when the
Noble Lord was congratulating the Speaker on his re-
election, in which he (Mr. M. Sutton) would have cor-
dially concurred had he been present—(Cheers)—
he was reported to have said that he had opposed the re-
election of his Noble Relative (Lord Canterbury) in 1835
on other grounds than political ones. Now, the dimness
and perfect indistinctness of this charge had given pain
to his Noble Relative, who was not afraid of any charge
that could be made against him ; but he complained of
its indistinctness.. He (Mr. M. Sutton) flattered himself
that the Noble Lord would be much obliged to him for
giving him an opportunity of stating fully and fairly the
nature of the charge to which he bad alluded.—(Hear.)
Lord J.RUSSELL—Perhaps the House would allow him
to answer the question which had been put to him with-
out interfering with the debate.—(Cheers.) On the oc-
casion of the election of Speaker, the Right Hon. Baronet
Sir R. Peel assumed that the sole reason why the N.
election of Lord,Canterbury in 1835 was opposed, Was,
that his political opinions did not agree with the majo-
rity of the House. As he (Lord J. Russell) had made
a different statement. he did not think it right tes allow
that statement to pass without remark, and therefore he
stated that that was not the sole reason, but that there
were other matters connected with the conduct of Mr.
Manners Sutton which made him oppose his re-election.
As far as his recollection served him, he stated at that
time that that Right lion. Gentleman had not com-
mitted a positive breach of duty ; yet his conduct he Con-
sidered to be unbecoming the part of a Speaker of the
House of Commons. In 1834 thffeWtta a great majority
which supported the Government, of which Lord Althorp
was the representative in that House. During the re-
cess that House was dissolved, and at the Privy Councils
where that measure was decided upon, attended by the
heads of the re;:ty, which was in a small minority, Mr,
Manners Sutton took his place. It was Ilia (Lord John
Russell's) opinion that stleh conduct was improper—that
ho ought 04 have submitted to the Crown, that 1- •
the organ of the House of Commons. ,eing
be fl ought not to
say nothin of llovo—
.made a party councelling its '•
....ssolution. He would
g ,i g
—taunt which had proposed and

ing which he had obtained from authenticated sources,
it would feel that something must be .doe, and that
immediately, in order to remove the mountain mass of
misery that existed.—(Hear, hear.) The poor were wil-
ling to labour, but for the produce of their hands they
could find no market. Many countries were producing
excess of food, but they could not obtain it in conse-
quence of the restrictive laws of the country. Why, he
would ask, should not the people be able to go to any
country they thought proper, -and'bbtain its produce for
their labour ?—(Bear, liar.) The Hon. Member hero
read several instances of cases of the most extreme dis-
tress in the manufacturing districts, and stated with re-
spect to Bolton, though its population had in-
creased 4,000 or 5,000, the employment of its
artisans had fallen off in a frightful degree.
—(Hear.) He agreed with many of the observations
of his Friend the Member for Bath, in which he stated
that he felt great ground to complain of her Majesty's
present Government in too frequently- following the
example set them by the other side °rale House. He
could assure the Gentlemen opposite that if they chose
to go beyond the present Government in the alleviation
of the distresses of the people, they would be the re-
cipients of the public benediction.—(Hear, hear.) But
he had no such hopes. He should liked to have heard
from the Right lion. Baronet that he intended to go
further than the present Government, for if he had none
would have gone further than himself (Dr. Bowring) to
support him in so good a work. With respect to the state
of the foreign relations with this country, he would venture
to sayi f the House examined into them theywould find great
cause for fear. In Germany, America, and other places,
there was growing up a spirit against this country, from
which the worst results might spring. He was not one
that much valued reciprocity, but he was desirous that
this country should, at the present time, hold out the
hand of fellowship to those countries that were willing
to meet it. There had been a great and alarming change
in the articles of exportation within the last few years.
Instead of sending to foreign countries as formerly the
fully manufactured articles, we now exported machinery.
'rho example of England with her high duties would be
followed by other countries ; the poisoned chalice would
be returned recommended to her own lips. He had
stated that the aericult-ural interest need not be alarmed
at the proposed Change ; there would not be more than
from four to five million additional quarters
of wheat grown, and that quantity would
soon be consumed in consequence of the
increased comforts of the people. They feared a great
reduction in the price, but such a fear was without
foundation, for the price must rise abroad with an in-
creased demand, and the duty, together with the expense
of transit, must render any change but trifling. He had
performed his duty in informing the House that there
was a fearful mass of misery and discontent in the coun-
try; he would abjure them not to turn from them with
an unwilling and unlistening ear—give them hopes of a
redress of their grievances—tell them that the field for
their labour will be extended—associate with their hap-
piness the political and financial well-being of the coun-
try, for so only could they participate in peace and
prosperity.
Mr. P. M. STEWART would follow the ex'ampl'e of the
mover, and his Noble Friend the seconder of the amend-
, ment, and state the reasons which gave him the victory
in the large and important county which he represented,
The. first that he would merely mention was, that his
known determination to stand by the Church of Se,(4-
land in her present trials, and to rescue her in!-,lepee-
dence. The other was his well-known character; as an un-
flinching advocate of free trade in every that could
be taken of it. He let ould limit duties nearer to the
exigencies of revenue; and the sooner that principle was
acted upon the better for the country. He could not
agree with the Gallant Member who had said that all
discussion should merge itself into the question of yes or
no. Had the House confidence in her Majesty's Minis-
ters or not ? The questions had been fairly raised by
her Majesty's Speech, and in his opinion the House had a
right to speak to them as direct questions. In accordance
with that opinion, he would, as the representative of a
large and important county, embracing the agricultural,
the commercial, and the manufacturing interests, every
one of which were in a state of extreme distress from
vicious legislation—he would address a few words to the
House respecting the Budget., as it was called, and few
they would be, because, from the state in which the
country now was, it was perfectly clear that many occa-
sions would occur for discussing the question seriatim.
The first qnestion that presented itself was that of the
sugar duties. He did not know whether many in the
House remembered his former appearance there ; if so,
they would know that he had a deep stake in the colo-
nies ; that he must stand or fall along with them ; that,
according to their prosperity, so would he be prosperous ;
and as a colonist he felt constrained to thank the
Ministers for the principle of the commercial code
offered by them. He approved of the principle
involved, but he opposed the details ; but,
it had been said in another place that the prin-
ciple of commercial freedom was what was wanted to
be established, and the details could be settled here-
after. In his opinion, and speaking as a colonist, he
said the proposition for reducing the distinctive duty on
the staple duties of the colonies, was one fraught with un-
mixed good, and would tend much to their prosperity.
He congratulated the colonial interests on it, be-
cause it was a proposition to make the colonies an in-
tegral portion of the empire. As a matter of course their
produce must be admitted to all the manufactories of the
country the same as the produce of Britain. Then with re-
gard to the timber duties, he said those connected with
Canada were mad, or as they would more expressively say
in his country, demented. If they did not at once close with.
the proposition made to them—they were offered a differen-
tial duty oflso percent., just what the country complained
the colonies enjoyed, but they were quite willing to take
50. So absurd were the present duties that it was a pay-
ing trade to take Baltic timber to Canada eta then smug-
gle it in at the low duty. It was too absurd a system to
last, and must sooner or later fall, and he said the sooner
the better for all parties. Now with regard to the Corn-
laws. It appeared from the tone of the debate as if it was
thought that there was an extraordinary opposition between
the views of each party. No one was found seriously
to advocate a total repeal of the Corn-laws. The pro-
position made was a fixed duty instead of a sliding scale ;
and he said, that considering that the latter had been
tried for 200 years—ever since the time of Charles tho
Second, during which period there had been 40 changes
of the law, they were now entitled to a trial of the fixed
duty. , In 18
Act,adm2iBt
admitted
that
aCt.
i t
wGrant,as ain bringing q
u estio in the
nofmino pre-
sentrinl
psloidrtiannesec‘avllel.ethsero tahlseopsraoitedciltliorn.
Ixivuasskissa
ofinx. edlideu tsya• i
do r
heit
lamengted the errors of the Bill of 1815, which had caused
pricesor to be lower than they would have been had the
n trade been free and unfettered since that time, and
e
he said he would be prepared to concur at the beginning
of next Session in any measure for fixing the duty at a
rate that should gradually descend to its proper level.
lie would remind the House that no commercial reform
had ever been proposed, but had been denounced in the
same manner as the present questions by the monopolists.
of that day. He was perfectly convinced that, in a very
short period, the Corn-laws would be settled on a satis-
factory basis. Even the Mr. Peel of 1828 said a sliding
duty would lead to a gradual importation. Now, had it
not led to the very evil which he thought to obviate from
1815 to 1828—thirteen years, we imported three- ale."
half millions of quarters ; and from 1828 to 1840 J'a-
-,-° but theirt
thirteen years—the importation was 11,200
was not gradual • for, in six years ofahei ,000
less than ten million out of the eleve- utter period,'no
Hon. Gentlemen complained the' i were brought in.
try.; but if ever there wo.'
-e:ihtiezyn•aatge question uponitated the coun-
which the -cOuntry a ,
that question,
ght to be agitated the present was
T.
vital in:11)914. 4 appeared to him that on all matters of
nee agitation was exceedingly beneficial ;
and, in corroboration of that opinion, he would quote
six 'words from Mr. Burke, who said he was not of the
opinion of those gentlemen who were unwilling to dis-
turb the public repose. Ile liked clamour when publi c
abuses were under consideration. The fire-bell disturbed
their sleeep at night ; but it kept them from being burned
in their beds. The hue and cry spread alarm through
the country ; but it preserved their property. All these
clamours led to the redress of evils and abuses--(Cheers)
—and that brought him to the point which formed ilia
main accusation against the Government—viz., that they
had dissolved the Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Y: ow, he
was one of those who had come to the cone]"asion that
the Government would have been unpardoneile if it had
not done so. Before they had taken that Step their re-
sponsibility was serious ; but now that responsibility was
light—(Hear, hear, and a laugh)-4rad although the
prospects might be more
.denary, the responsibility of
the rejection of thes":, measures was with the people,
and redress wa', in their own hands.—(Hear, hear.)
His Noble 7riend, the seconder of the amendment, had
"I'3 that he was a disciple of free trade, but he be-
lieved his Noble Friend had qualified that expression by
that he was a disciple of free trade, with the ex-
ceptionsay-
g
nof those articles in which 'particular interests
were involved.—(Hear, hear.) Now, so far as he under-
stood his Noble Friend, he would not interfere with any