The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-08 00:00:00

r other countries." Does that mean that whatever may be- to consume nothing but what was the produce of
come of our produce, we are prepared torefuse the produce free labour, although it had pleased the Noble Lord to
of colonies where slavery exitts ? If that is the case, what do represent him as adopting that proposition, nor was he
you say to the various other articles which are the produce aware that among the Society of Friends, or by the most
cf slavery ? I believe tobacco and cotton, and other ar- ardent supporters of the cause of abolition of slavery, was
boles, may be objected to on that ground. This is a any such doctrine maintained. The principle of his prc-
que;tion which the pctitiorers from Bath justly stated may position was, were they, by what they were about to do,
be looked on not only as a commercial or financial one, but likely to give encouragement to the slave trade and to
as a national one, relating to the practicability of abolish- slavery, and were they compelled to do so by the neces-
Mg slavery in every part of the globe. Brazil coffee, shies of the country? He would unhesitatingly say that
which is the produce of slavery, was introduced they were not so compelled, and he would contend that
by a remarkable evasion into this country last year. without some such pressing necessity it was decidedly
Now, what is the history of this? We have learned that wrong to give any such increased stimulus to the slave trade.
the history of it is that this coffee is the produce of slave Was there any crying necessity for it in the present pro-
labour. Now, does the Right Hon. Gentleman propose spects of the country with regard to sugar? Was the prospect
that we shall on a future day levy the high duty of Is. 3d. of starvation, if he might be allowed the expression, of
upon coffee ? Does he mean to prohibit the people of this sugar, so overwhelming as to compel them to sacrifice the
country from consuming that coffee ?—( Hear.) I can great experiment which they were making. The Noble
hardly think he can intend that; now, cm it be contended Lord had mentioned the date when he. had made up his
that this slave grown coffee in its passage to the Cape of mind to support the proposition ; he had stated that he
Good Hope, can be so filtered as to be fit for use ? had so made up his mind some two or three months back.
If you are pursuing this course with respect to coffse, and Now, if the Noble Lord would look, he would see that
will not adept it with regard to sugar, where is your case the prices were different now, and all the circumstances
of humanity ?—( Hear, hear.) Who is the philanthropist of the ca'e were at the present moment perfectly dif_
that will tell me that he can have a cup of hot good slave- fet eat from what they were at that time. The Noble
grown coffee, and that by putting a lump cf free labour Lord had spoken with great contempt of ail associations,
sugar in it—( Hear, hear, and laughter)—he thereby and had stated that he was supported by no asscciatiom
makes the whole potation innoxious, and that no person, but stood up to support the righ.s of the great body of
whatever may he his regard for the negrcea, or however he thelpeople. There was, however, one great body or associa-
may value a black face as much as a white one, can be tion whose aid the Noble Lord might reckon to carry out
exposed to arty reproach for havisg consumed it ? But I another of his propositions, who were among his most
must refer to one other instance, the instance of sugar influential supporters, and whose assistance he supposed
itself. You have great refiners in this country, who buy wield not be repudiated.—( Cheers.) Now, was the
sugar to a great extent and invest capital to a large prospect cf starvation in sugar such as to compel them to
amount in the refining of sugar to be sent to foreign adopt the proposition of the Chancellor of the Exchequer?
countries. How do you justify yourself in being the go- At the end of zhe last year they had 35,000 tons on hand,
between in that case ? ( Hear, hear.) But there is still and if they only allowed 5,000 tons as the increase upon
a stronger case than that, because it appears that the the supply from the West Indies last year, they would
planters of the West Indies send out from this country to have 115.000 tons of sugar from that source alone. From
be consumed in the West Indies the very sugar which is the Mauritius, since the commencement of the present
refined in this country, and which is the product of these yc at, there had Lean already shipped 20,000 tone, and
very slaves. Why do you not alter that ? ( Here Lord there were 20,000 tons more in the island waiting for
Sandon made some observation across the table). The shipment at the present moment. From the East Indies
Noble Lord means to tt le that. Let him stop likewise there had already been shipped for this country, 50,000
the coffee which goes to the Cape of Good Hope. Let tons of the last year's crop, and 20,000 or 30,000 more
him stop the various other things which are sent from slave tons might be reasonably expected from the same source.
colonies. Let him interrupt and vex our trade and commerce, If all these were added up together it would be found, not
and I defy him to keep up the character of this country by any vague estimate, but as the result of accurate cal-
as a great commercial nation ; much less will it be con- culaiion, that the supply during the present )ear would
sistent with humanity to our distressed artisans.--( Hear.) amount to 260,000 tons, being more by 60,000 tons
Well, then, Sir, I come to the conclusion—a conclusion to than the annual consumption of the country had ever
which I think most of the world will come—that this re- amounted to. Where then was the crying necessity,
solution, well as it sounds, philanthropical as it must ap- where were the extraordinary circumstances, calling upon
pear, is in effect nothing but a party movement—nothing them, for the sake of the weavers of Bolton, to give up every
but a motion made to embarrass the management of the chance of the success of the experiment which had been car-
finances of the country. Besides, those who were inter- ried on with so much anxiety, and in which we had expended
etted in the productions of the West Indies, it has been so much treasure and so much blood, of raising tropical
attempted to enlist against the Government those who en- productions by free labour ? Would the Noble Lord, or the
tertain a feeling of abhorrence to slavery. But if we Chancellor of the Exchequer, or the President of the
are to consider that as a party question, I am obliged to Board of Trade say that the proposed measure would be
put another to the House, and that is, where is the party no encouragement to the slave-trade in foreign countries ?
that has been ever anxious and foremost to assist the abo- Why one of the reasons given for bringing forward the
liticitists ?—( Cheers.) I have been looking to the records measure was, that it would be a boon to the Brazils. It
of speeches made on this subject, and I find—not the was said the treaty with that country would soon expire,
Noble Lord the Member tin. Liverpool, but the predeces- and could not be renewed without making them some ad-
sor of the Noble Lord (Colonel Dalton), boasting of vantageous offer. Now, was this offer a mere mockery,
the number of ships and men that were employed pretending to be an advantage, when in reality it was none
by persons in Liverpool in carrying on the at all ?—( Hear.) Was it an advantage or was it not ?
slave trade between the coast of Africa and the West And in whatever degree it wan an advantage, it was an
Indies. Why, Sir, through the opposition cf Liver- advantage to a slave importing country to the detriment of
pool and other places, in spite of the eloquence of Mr. our own colonies.—( Loud cheers.) He could not
Pitt, who was deserted—as we have been on various oc. treat, with the levity displayed by the Noble Lord, the
casions—when be was more liberal than his colleagues— hope that we might be able to rear in the West Indian
(Hear, hear)—in spite cf his eloquence, the slave trade colonies a sugar growing population. The Noble Lord
was continued until the Whip, in 1806 and 1807, put an seemed to consider it a matter of slight importance, whe.
end to the abhorred and cruel traffic. Some attempts, in- thee those colonies grew a staple export at all. He had
deed, were made by a Tory Government to mitigate the talked of the dangers of giving the East Indies a mono-
flogging of the slaves in the West Indies, but it was not poly, but be (Lord Sandon) could not give up the hope
nil Earl Grey was at the head of the Government that of seeing an ample supply of sugar from our West Indian
slavery was finally abed shed.—( Cheers.) Sir, if we colonies, the produce of free labour—(Cheers)—and he
have made these efforts, and if I find an absence on the knew that was a feeling shared in by many who took a
trier side of any real and effectual efforts of tais kind— great inteteat in the question, and elm were political sup-
when I see those who never did anything as a Government porters, not of himself and his friends, but of the Noble
for the abolition of the slave trade. or for the abolition of Lord. He held in his hand a volume by Mr. Gurney,
slavery, come forward with a resolution cf this kind, I say it one of the most eminent of that party, in which that
is for some party purpose, with an affectation of hu- gentleman stated, that in addressing our black brethren
manity, for whi.h their past conduct does not entitle them who flecked uround him, he had stated to them how
to credit. I believe I have now stated the principal grounds gre dly the cause of emancipation would be forwarded in
silly the resolutions of the Noble Lord opposire should other parts of the world by their labouring contentedly to
nut be adopted by the House. There are various other produce the staple product of the soil. Mr. Gurney was
questions which would remain, even if the House went into actuated in giving that advice by the same feeling which
Committee. We hate thought it r.ec:ssary to propose to had aetuateo him ( Lord Sandon) in proposing his rese-
give a protection of 50 pi r teen, and of course all the luting. It was not a resolution brought forward for the
details we are aware would heopea fur discussion. With purposes of party—(Cheers)—and he appealed to his own
regard to the effect of the proposed reducrion of the duty on friends to say it the resolution had not been his own dim
colonial sugar,tirough Ida not antieinateso greaten increase tinct proposition, and if he had not urged its support upon
es my Reeht lion. Friend has stated, yet, as there is no them on the same grounds on which he now urged it upon
article %%Inch mere aff eta the comfort and welfare cf the the House, namely, the mortification with which he should
working classes, so I think there is none in which at the see a stop put to the great experiment now in progress,
pretext time it is more ads isable to make a reduction, in merely because the country had happened temporality to
the hope that there will be a very considerable increase suffer from the high price of sugar. After the Noble
in the number of consumers. There are other questions Lord had real the account of the contentment and the pros-
concerning the then state of our relations with the perity of cur blsek brethren in the West Incies he wondered
Brszls. By adopting the proposed measures an op- how tha Noble Lord could have the heart to take measures
portunity will b! afforded to us of learning how to destroy those prospects. If they considered the question
the Brazilian Government are disposed, and also, upon purely as a mercantile question he would admit that the
what grounds to renew the commercial treaty. We shall protection was higher than was required.—(Cheers.) But
be in a situation then, I think, to urge upon that Govern- he could not consider it as a purely mercantile question—
ment tire danger in which that Government, and every tire question of sugar was one by itself—it was one which
other G vcrnmen', must be placed which has a large pop._ had been set apart for.a great experiment. The eyes of
latior, consisting chiefly of slaves; or shall hove an op- Europe and of America were fixed on it, and on the peels.
portunity of pointing out to them not only the ruoral mis- glary results of that experiment would depend the future
chief—not only the guilt cf slavery and the slava trade, prospects and destiny of the negro population ali over the
but how, by another and by a difference of conduct, their corn world. If, under the pressure of temporary circumstances,
rnerctal and agricultural prosperity might be advanced, and we should throw this great experiment overboard, we
their relations with this country would be made perma- should stultify ourselves in the eyes of Europe, and give
nent and secure. But if 3ou adopt the resolution of the up all moral feeling on the subject.—( No !no !) He
Noble Lord, what will be the result? Will they at once was told that they would not he stultifying themselves
renounce slavery ? Will they become philanthropists ? but that was the statement made by an ardent supporter
(Hear, hear.) Will they not sell their sugar? At', sell of the Noble Lord and his Government, by a gentleman,
it they c in, and sell it they will to other nations. The Eng- who had, he was happy to say, been recently defeated at
dish merchants who deal with those of Braz 1, have stated Nottingham—Mr. Larpent. He had, when examined
that there are many articles which will go from Germany ; before the Committee on East India affairs last year, urged
that printed goods will go front Switzerland ; that hardware the necessity of admitting all the productions of the East
may be sent to Brazil in excha ige for sugar—sugar, the lediss at the same amount of duty as the produce of the
produce of slave labour, of which they would have the ad- West Indies, because if they did not they would have a
vantage, instead of other nations.—( Hear, hear.) I know claim for the introduction of the productions of Brazil and
not in chat way other Hon. Gentlemen may view this mo. Cuba, and would stultify themselves by giving encourage.
Lion ; but I own it does not appear to me that anything is ment to slave labour and to slavery. The mural effect of
gained to the world cr to the negreee of Africa, or the thus yielding at the first moment of temporary pros.
slaves of the Brazils, if they are told, " Ti:is sugar you sure would he to produce a general panic among
are making is not to go into the hands of the European all those engaged in the cultivetion of free labour sugar,
shopkeeper and the European artizan ; you may be im. who would imagine that on a further pressure the House
ported, you may be wcrked, you may be floggea to death, would be inclined to go further still, aid for the sake of
with this consolation, that to Germany and to Switzerland else Ter sugar would put them on a perfect equality with
will go all the products of your labour."—.(Laughter.) slave-growing countries. He could not see how those
Ido not understand what is gained to the negro by that who entertained these eentiments could expose themselves
argument, and )et such is the argument when is used. to the charge of hypocrisy to which the Noble Lord had
I own, as I stated at the commencement of my address, alluded. Those feelings were not confined to himself or
that Ido regard this as a motion of very great importance. his supporters in that House, but were entertained by
1 believe, nut only with renard to the Brazils and the many who on other questions were firm supporters of
United Sta'ea, but with regard to the Continent of Es'- the Noble Lord, and who would doubtlessly regret ex-
rope, the example which you are about to give still be of ceedingly if anything should occur which should force
the utmost consequence. If' they see that this great corp. him to Nei e from the Government; but who, neverthe-
mereial country has come to the opinion that restriction and less, on this question felt themselves bound to overlook
prohibition are the best maxims of commercial policy, they all mere party con,itierations. The Anti-Slavery Society
will quote that example to themselves, their manufacturers had felt themselves compelled to express their apprehen-
ell quote it to their Governmeats, and restriction and aloes on the subject. Looking upon it as a mere &an -
prohibition will le the rule in all our intercourse with cial question, he could not see how the Chancellor of
those countriee—( Hear, I ear. ) !slaty, is that for ycur the Exchequer proposed to make good his deficiency from
advantage ? Is it for the advantage of 'he world? !nay tail source. He proposed to raise 700,0001., but Low It
for your advantage it certainly is not, for, as a great cern- was to be raised be could not make out.—( Cheers ) As
mercial and manufacturing nation, you ought to look: to the proposition originally stood, it appeared to hint to be
the eVension el that commerce and those manu_ simply a measure for giving a boon to Cuba sugar—to the
fectures.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Is it for the berefi,. of sugar of the country which, in the most undisguised manner,
tee world? It is nor, because I believe that the cariie.l on the slave-trade, and which had profited moat
more free end unrestricted is the intercourse between na- ewe ely by the eleficiericy of supply occasioned by the great
tier's, the more they arc mingled together by the ties of experiment now carryieg on in our own colonien He sup-
e :cc and commerce, toe more you ear y, with your posed the Chancellor of the Exchequer had been mace
be et of goods arid your cases of hardware, the general aware of this, and in consequence le hat come down wit)
knowledge, the general maxims, the civilization, the his present proposition, making a difference of 6?. between
arts, winch Issloeg to a nation as stand is the the Brazil sugar and the fine sugar of Cuba. Now the
taunt rank for those qualities.—( Hear, hear.) You must wire of the Cuba sugar at Harnburgh, which was a per-
obsei ve that though you n etv stand in so proud and cirri- fecly free Fort, %lea fawn 275. 7d. to 38.5. si. per
neat a pos time your giving a pernicious example in th's cwt. ; of the best Brazil, 213. Id. to 255. Id. ;
reap c:, while it may be some disadvantage to them, eell s r teat there was a difference of 17e. 5c1., which the
finally be of the utmost disadvantage to you. We du rot Goverumwit proposed to meet by making a difference in the
stand like Rome as the conquerors of the world. duty of merely 6s. Java sugar was 135., and
" Rome! it was thine alone, with awful sway, Mantilla sugar, 155., so that it was clear that instead of
To rule mankind, and make the world obey, being really a boon to the Brazilian sugar it was, in fact,
Disposing peace and war thine own majestic way." a boon to the sugar of Cuba, the country where there was
You are, on the continrr, one among several nations of great the least possible hope of obtaining any mitigation of
with institUtioes sonic of them as free as your slavery ;so that, in fact, it was a boon to slavery in its
own, many of them bong advanced to great prosperity, worst form. He hoped mid believed that such was not the
end now compett irs and rivals with you in all the arts of intention of her Majesty's Government, but such must ne-

petce, and in all the productions of commerce. Give
them a right example, and you will still sand I should
say not only equal with them, but in the foremost rank.
—( Hear, beer.) Take the contrary course, and say that
now is the day in which you have resolved upon restriction
and prohibition, tell them that your merchants of the
ti West Indies, and of the East Indies, that your timber
merchants of North America, that the landowners of your
own seil, have placed monopoly upon their standard ; that
under that standard they are to march, that by that
standard they will abide. You will have the example
rapidly spreading—you will have that example, before
long, confirmed—and when you wish to retrace your steps
the lesson which you will base taught may ba t:o well im-
parted for it ever to be unlearned.--( Hear, hear.) Having
these views of the state of this country, having these view;
of our relations with our own colonies, and with other
countries of the globe, it was our bounden duty to state
them to the House ; our bounden duty, as we have given
our advice to our Sovereign, to produce the result of that
advice before this House, and to la this House de-
termine thereupon. If you shall adopt the plan
that we shall proposo we look confidently for-
ward to an era of prcsperity for this country;
if you do not adopt it, upon this House will be the respon-
sibility of having rejected those measures. We have dis-
charged the only duiy that was incumbent upon us, that of
not having concealed our opinions, and of having done
our best for the service of our country. ((The Noble Lord
concluded amidst loud and long continued cheei ing )
Lord SANDON said he did not feel that he was called
upon to enter into that wide &Id of discussion in which
the Noble Lord hid indulAe.l. Ile believed it was an
entirely new proceeding in that House, that when the
Chancellor of the Exchequer came down with a distinct
propoa
-Ifni and when notice had been given of an amend..
mcnt upon that proposition, that another Member of the
Government should give notice of an amendment upon that
motion. It was not ti c usual practice thus to secure a
mode of retreating from the field of bet le. But he
(Lord Sanders) would confibe himself st,ictly to the sub-
ject before the House. They were called upon that night
to consider apropos al for certain reductions in foreign sugar.
They had heard a good deal of declamationbaenthrown
tfhromwtaheawNaoyb_le
Lord, which he would not say had
( Cheers from the Ministerial benches)—because it bad
afforded considerable amnsement—(Cheers)—but which
had nothing whatever to do with his (Lord Sandon's)
proposition. The proposition which he had laid on the
table of the House, and which he believed would obtain
the sanction of the maj rity
the proposition of the of that House, was rim-ply
this :-_Did they consider that
Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer would give to the slave trade, and
compelled slave trading
to do h
trading cotunattriebsv, an
nadvantage ; and were we
ration of the wants of the country Penig Hne cdod
did not
assume the position that this country. was bound

cesswily be the result of the proposition. Nothing but the
tine sugar of Cuba could enter under the Government
proposition ; and with regard to Brezil sugar, he
believed it would not come is et all.—(hear, hear.)
He supposed the Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exche-
quer expected an increased consumption from a decrease
in price. But what was the diffe once in price to be ?
The whole difference in price calculated upon was only
Is. 6d. per cwt. ; for that they were going to unsettle all
their relations with the East and the West Indies ; this
112th part of Is. 6d. was what was to cur© all the mise-
ries, so graphically depicted by the Noble Lord, of the
poor weavers of Bolton—(Hear, hear)—that small free
tion of a reduction was to make all the difference in the
comfort and happiness of the pour of this country. lie
had to beg pardon of the House for the discursive nature
of his speech, bet some indulgence was due to him ; when
his own speech bed been taken from him, when he had
been forestalled by the Noble Lord—( Hear, hear).—
it of course ro.dered him rather more desultory
than he otherwise would have been. Now what were our
exports to our East and West India Colonies which would
he shaken and put in jeopardy by this measure ? The duty
on East India Sugar was assimilated with the produce of
the West Indies in 1836, The exports of British goods
to the East Indies in 1837 was 3,600,000/. In 1838
3,870,0001. In 1839, 4,740,000/. The accounts for
1840 were not yet laid on the table of the House, but
he knew that the exports from Liverpool alone were
4,336,000/., nearly as much as from the whole country in
the previous year. Such bad been the rapid increase of our
exports since the admission of East India sugar upor,
an equality with the West Indian. What had teen the
results in the West Indies? In 1837 our exports were
4,036,000/, in 1838 3,393,000/, its 1839 3 .986.000 i. to
our emancipated West India colonies. From those re-
turns he might deduce the advantage to our manufacturers
generally in dealing with free men. In dealing with
slaves they supplied the very lowest quality of goods. In
our own colonies, as soon as the slaves were set free they
exercised their own fancy in dress, and so far from taking
as before only the simplest classes of our manufactures,
they were now taking all kinds of fancy goods for
the gratification of their own tastes, thereby giving more
the
t extensive employment to the manufacturers and ar-
n thisvaluceounotfry the
.
Nowhe
would ask
trade they were rifkiirg
by the project of the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the
Exchequer? It was considerably more than 9,000,0001.
whatiza s
wasof
The trade which they were favouring was no doubt valu-
able, but it did not amount to more than 2,600,0001., and
when set in opposition to that of the East and West Indies
was n mere nothing. True, he would be told, as he had
been told by his Braziliao friends, that the exports were
greatly underrated in the official returns. Probably they
aught. But was this any reason to suppose that the
returns to the East and West Indies were anythitS