The Sun.
London, England, 1840-11-07 00:00:00

the cause? Was it any shadow of predilection be-
trayed by Lord Palmerston for Russia, as contra-dis-
tinguished from France ? No, decidedly ; for, so far
from desiring to make a breach with France, or to °s-
troll-go Great Britain from her alliance, Lord almer-
ston had offered--nay, pressed upon the French Go-
vernment, a proposal to risk, to sacrifice everything, for
the permanency of that ostensible union, by .:ctually
sending a combined fleet into the Sea of Marmora,
and employing force to rid both countries of the
fears with which the known schemes of Russia had
inspired them. But again, France, after the battle of
Nezib, says M. Thiers, prevailed upon Ibrahim
Paella to relinquish his march to the shores of the
Bosphorus, and a vast service, the ex-Minister de-
clared, had been thereby rendered to Europe. But
what M. Thiers forgot to state in either of his pub-
lished notes to Lord Palmerston was the prodigal and
ruinous price which, without consulting either England,
her " Ally," or the Porte, which she thus made a merit
of protecting, France secretly took upon herself to
make Turkey, England, and Europe pay for this much-
boasted arrest of Ibraham's preparations. The Times
two or three weeks ago alleged that the manoeuvres of
the French Ministry were altogether unaccountable,
except on the belief that France was bound by
some secret and self-seeking engagements to Mehemet
Ali, without the privity of any one of those four Go-
vernments with which in the autumn of 1839, she was
professing to co-operate. Behind the back of England
too, whose signature of a Treaty for the accomplish-
ment of objects recognised as valuable by the French
Government itself did not take place until the summer
of 1840, and was then made a subject of reproach
to this country, as being the sole origin of a
rupture of their formal alliance ! Do we bring
forward these facts as charges against any one
French Minister or succession of Ministers? Not
at all ; but the Constitutionnel has done so—hitting in
all directions, eight and left, like a man struck blind
with passion. It is with a view to the controversy car-
ried on between Lord Palmerston and M. Thiers, as
respectively the representatives of English and French
policy, that we now advert to these disclosures, made
within the last eight-and-forty hours. If they prove
that England has little, 'on the score of good faith,
wherewith to charge herself, they do not certainly go at
all to deny that she has a great deal to regret in the
absence of that :practical. support and cordial unity of
purpose which she hoped atone time would have been
the rich fruit of the formidable French and British al-
liance. It must now be the business of both Govern-

meets to obliterate as much as possible these unhappy
traces of the past, or to recollect them onlyas lessons of
future wisdom. We have no doubt that the signal suc-
cesses obtained by the joint arms of Britain and Turkey
in furthering the cause of :a just and moral policy wi►l
have removed from the shoulders of King Louis Phi-
lippe and of ,his Minister a load of embarrassment not
less perplexing than that which the British Government
itself must have suffered under had their enterprises
faded instead of triumphed.

(From the Morning Herald.) 1
As a literary composition the speech of the King of
the French is below mediocrity. As a State document
it may possibly be indued with recondite wisdom, which
is purposely kept at an unfathomable depth below the
surface. Like the Vicar of Wakefield's cautious pre.
diction, it may mean anything or nothing, just as events
happen to turn out ; but he who expected to derive
from this emanation of the political genius of the new
Cabinet a light to enlighten the future, will find that he
has bean plunged in a depth of " mystification" through
which it is impossible to catch a glimpse of a solutio❑ of
the '• complications of the Levant." The French di-
plomatist who said that language was given to man to
enable him to conceal his thoughts, would have bee❑ de-
lighted at such a practical illustration of his maxim as
that which the Speech of the King of the French pre-
sents. No specimen of Royal elocutio❑ delivered of
late years from the British throne, and combining in its
composition the united contributions of the members of
the Melbourne Cabinet, has displayed more meagre
resources of political ingenuity, or a greater poverty
of intellect, than the opening Speech to the French
Chambers exhibits. Sure we are that such a Speech
cannot please any party, while it is evident that it has
been drawn up with a view of giving satisfaction to
all. Thus the war party are endeavoured to be con-
ciliated by the following passage :—" The measures
which the Emperor of Austria, the Queen of Great
Britain, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor
of Russia have taken in concert to regulate the rela-
tions between the Sultan and the Pacha of Egypt,
have imposed serious duties upon me. 1 have the
dignity of the country at heart as much as its secu-
rity and repose." Next, both the war and peace
parties are addressed together i❑ the ensuing sen-
tence. " In persevering in this moderate and
conciliatory policy, of which we have reaped the
fruit for the last ten years, I have plc.ced France
in a position to face the chances which the course of
events in the East may produce." Then comes another
soothing application to the anxious sensibilities of the
tremlh•ng capitalists :—" I continue to hope that the
general peace will nos be disturbed. It is necessary
for the general commit:a interests of Europe, the hap-
piness of its population, and the progress of civilisa-
tion. I depend upon you to assist lire to maintain it."
Lest 99 pacific an invocation as this might render the
war-party utterly disconsolate, notwithstanding the
hope which a previous part of the Speech had inspired,
a vista of battle and glory is dimly opened in the suc-
ceeding portion of the sentence, which runs thus :
" As I should rely upon you if the honour if France
and the rank which she holds among the nations coin-
wan-led us to make new eArts." Thus the State-
(factors who compose the doctrinaire Cabinet have pre-
scribed to the (Lstempered body-politic of France seda-
tives and stimulants alternately. What operatio❑ these
conflicting prescriptions will have remains to lie seen.
It is not necessary to follow the Speech in the rapid
bathos which it commits in its descent from the ques-
tion of a European war to a war with the Argentine
republic ! This is the second republic with which the
Citizen-King has been at war, besides threatening a
quasi war, or hermetical blockade of the Swiss republic.
Spain, from which both Carlos and Christina have been
driven, and where the standard of military rebellion
floats triumphantly over the captive child of Ferdinand,
comes in, of course, for a share of Royal notice. But,
no doubt, Lord Palmerston will have settled the in-
ternal affairs of that country by the time he shall have
settled the " complications of the Levant."
(From the Morning Post.)

We communicated yesterday to the British public
the Speech of the King of the French on the opening
of the S2ssion of the Legislature of this country, acce-
lerated by circumstances in the relations of the Ewe-
r), an States which had been thought to portend war.
Tl,o language about to be employed by the Sovereign
of France on so important an occasion could not fail to
cxeite among the nations of Europe an nacre:A, gene-
ral auk/ intense, in proportion to their estimation of the
blessings and advantages of peace. We knew that the
virtuous and wholesome, the magnanimous and patriotic,
love of peace prevailed no where more absolutely than
in Great Britain, and we therefare deemed it our spe-
cial duty to provide with diligence and care the means
by which o'ir countrymen should receive with all pos-
sible celerity a report of what the King of the French
had addressed to the Peers and Representatives of
France on a crisis so full of interest. The Speech of
Louis Philippe is calculated at once to sustain the
honour and dignity of his own country, and to gratify
every lover of justice and of peace.
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
In the speech now before our readers of the King of
the French, on opening the Chambers, is to be found
the most gratifying assurance of the preservation of the
public peace, so far at least as the King of the French
can give a pledge for the conduct of the nation over
which he presides- In reference to the measures taken
by the Powers contracting to the Treaty of London,
Louis Philippe merely, observes :—" I have the dig-
nity of our country at heart as much as its security
and repose. In persevering in this moderate and con-
ciliatory policy, of which we have reaped the fruit for
the last ten years, I have placed France in a position
to face the chances which the course of events in the
East may produce. The extraordinary credits
which have been opened with this intention
will be submitted to you, and you will ap-
preciate the motives of them. I continue to hope that
the general peace will not be disturbed. It is neces-
sary for the general common interests of Europe,
the happiness of its population, and the progress of
civilisation. I depend upon you to assist me to main-
tain it, as I should rely upon it, if the honour of France,
and the rank which she holds among nations, com-
manded us to make new efforts." Here the necessity
of peace, and the utter absence of all cause of war, is
expressed as broadly as the phraseology of Royal
Speeches would at any time admit, even when public
feeling were less goaded than it is at present by
incendiary stimulants. The King of the French
broadly announces to the French people that he de-
pends upon thorn now to assist him in maintaining
peace with as much confidence as ho would, if
need required, or, as it is is expressed, " the honour
of France, and the rank which she holds among na-
tions, coParaanded them to make new efforts." All
that Europe looked for, or that the interests of France
required, is expressed in this paragraph. Louis Phi-
lippe, with afra
ekness the more commendable, as it
may incur a
temporaryloss of popularity, and even in-
crease the danger of i commotion, boldly pro-
fesses his adhesion to te policy of peace. This bold-
ness, however, is the result of a just discrimination,i not
of a rash and wilful impulse. it is a policy in which
the King of the French will be
supported by all that
is sane and salutary in the intellectual organisation of
France, and by the preponderating influence of every
b e
s t
other state in Europe. In makitnegr
tdiaetopnledstrgeat'e,
Louis
Philippe has, as we shall hereafter
consulted his own interest. In the meantime we con-
gratulate France and Europe on the fact without insti-
tuting a too close analysis of motives, and we trust that
the pacific policy of Louis Philippe will be as success-
fully responded to by the French people as it is sure to
be by the intelligent portion of every European com-
munity,