The Sun.
London, England, 1841-05-14 00:00:00

Til sUN,: LONDON, FR,IDA V, MAY 14. 1841.

GREAT ANTI-CORN-LAW MEET-

ING AT KENDAL,

On Monday evening last, the 10th instant, in conse-
quence of a requisition presented to the Mayor, a meet-
inr.r of the inhabitants of Kendal was held in the Town
Hall, for the purpose of considering the proposed alters,
tions in the import duties now under the consideration
of Parliament. JAMES MACHELL, Esq., the Mayor, was
in the chair.

The CHAIRMAN opened the business of the meeting by
reading the requisition, and expressing a hope that the
meeting would listen with patience and attention to the
speeches of the several gentlemen who would address
them on the subject.

Mr. ISAAC lirmsoN, of Kent-terrace, rose to move
the first resolution. It gave him great pleasure to see
so numerous an assemblage on that occasion, as it showed
him that they took the same interest on the sukect now
before Parliament that he himself dicl. If ever there
was a time when it was necessary for the inhabitants of
the town of Kendal to show what were their wishes upon
the Corn-laws, that was the time. They had all seen that
the trade of the town was declining—more especially the
trade which they had with foreign countries. He was well
aware what was the cause of it : it was because foreign
countries could not send back their corn in return for the.
manufactured articles of this country. If we would take
their corn they would take our manufactures ; and both
the master manufacturers and the operatives would re-
ceive great advantage from free trade both in corn and
in the manufactures of this and other countries. On these
grounds he would move "That the meeting regarded the
exertions of all monopolies that fetter and crush industry,
and which have already told with such alarming effects
upon the trade of the kingdom as part of a system which,
if continued, must sooner or later bring ruin upon the
nation at large ; that the interests of all classes, especially
of the agricultural and manufacturing labourers, impera-
tively demanded their abolition, and required the esta-
blishment of such a system of free trade as would opt n
to the wants and products of this country the supplies
and markets of the world."

Mr. Stmrsox seconded the resolution. which, on being
put by the Chairman, was carried unanimously.
Mr. E. GIBSON moved the second resolution, " .That
the high price of sugar, the protection so long exclu-
sively enjoyed by the West Indian planters, and the
danger of entirely closing our trade with the Brazils, as
well as the financial state of the country, called for an
immediate alteration of the sugar duties to the full ex-
tent proposed by the Government, and the meeting con-
templated with indignation the possible rejection of so
wise and necessary a proposition.

Mr. JOHN WHITWELL seconded the resolution. He
did so because he conceived that the measure which had
recently been proposed in Parliament was wise, judicious,
and, above all, necessary. They were all aware that the
price of sugar was now such as to exclude many per-
sons from consuming the usual quantity. Why was it so ?
It was not because there were not consumers enough, nor
yet because there were not in the world at large parties
who would not buy the produce ; but because the markets
were closed to them by the Legislation which had hiterto
guided the Government of the country. The new sys-
tem, he conceived, must necessarily meet with the ap-
probation of all wise and sound thinking men. Govern-
ment had now come to that point when the
finances of the country were not sufficient to
defray its expenditure. Whether the affairs of the
nation had been conducted in the most prudent man-
ner or not he was not prepared to say ; but, at all
events, the expenditure exceeded the income ; and the
question was, whether the people should be called on to
pay additional taxes, or whether such a plan should be
introduced as would not only prevent the thing from
bearing hard upon the community, but would benefit
and bless them in every point of view. That was the
great scheme which the Government had proposed for
adoption. If they would look at the state of trade at the
present time, they would see gloom, melancholy, and
wretchedness everywhere pervading it. The Gazette
was filled with bankrupts—and despondency had yielded
to despair. Gloom was spread over every counten.nce
—everyone spoke of distress, and no one knew where
it would end. Why was it so ? It was because the
manufacturers of this country met with opposition from
abroad. Foreign nations were introducing British
manufactures into their looms. Indeed, by' its policy,
this country had compelled them to do so. Had we con-
tinued to take their corn, foreign nations would never have
resorted to any other mode of labour than that of raising
corn. The consumer of any produce was the person who
paid the maker of it. Those who employed the working
classes indeed paid them ; but they were not the ori-
ginal paymasters. The consumers were, and the law as
it now existed was one of the chief causes that operated
in preventing the manufacturer from carrying his labour
to the best market. He would give them another reason
why trade abroad was more plentiful than in this country,
it was because they could produce things at a much
lower price. He had got two loaves made as the best il-
lustration of the subject. " This (said he) is the six-
penny loaf which is now selling in the shops, and this is
loaf which Lord John Russell proposes. I think there
is some disparity between the two ; and I do not think
that this (handling the larger) is such a despicable affair."
—(Cheers.) That perhaps might be a homely illustra-
tion, but he thought it preferable to give them ocular de-
monstration of the fact. There must be, he contended,
a change of system if this country was to be benefited—
a system of fair play and no favour. The principles of
free trade were those which, in -the end, would benefit
the country ; they were necessary to the existence of
the people, and the continuance of the prosperity of the
country. For these, and many other reasons which might
be specified, he begged leave to second. the resolueon.—
Carried unanimously.
The Rev. EDWARD HAWKES rose to move the next
resolution, and was received with loud cheers. After
making some remarks on a passage in the Earl of Win-
chelsea's speech in the House of Lords on Monday, the
3d inst., he proceeded to remark, that the food o
poor ought never to be taxed at all, because
a tax upon the means by which people lived was a direct
cause of death. That had been practically found to be
the case, the deaths among the poor in dear years being
generally much greater. Governments ought to permit
food to come as rain does, and to be imported from all
parts of the world. But, why, it might be said, come
forward now, when Government were proposing to im-
pose a tax on bread. The reason was because the tax
now proposed was a great diminution • of the evil.
Were a repeal not to take place, and no relief given to
manufacturing industry, there was reason to expect that.
such a state of things would ultimately be produced
between the rich and the poor as would even-
tually end in the destruction of the one or the other.
He therefore begged to move " That, in the opinion of
the meeting, the indispensable means of supporting hu-
man life ought not, under a wise system of legislation, to
be subjected to a taxation of any description ; yet be-
lieving that the alteration of the duties upon grain pro-
posed by Lord John Russell would be a vast benefit to the
country, it viewed with cordial satisfaction such a change,
and would meet with determined opposition all attempts to
frustrate the approach to a more equitable system."
Mr. THOMAS WILSON seconded the resolution, and
took the opportunity of informing the meeting that the
Kendal Anti-Corn-law Association had it in contempla-
tion to extend their boundaries, and invite their country
friends to unite with them in endeavouring to obtain a
repeal. They were not afraid of throwing themselves or
the cause they supported on their agricultural friends
throughout the country, and inviting them to join and
form Associations. The agriculturists would not be in-
jured in any way, but rather benefited by a repeal of
these laws, and he had no doubt they would heartily
respond to the call.—(Great cheers.)
The Reverend GILBERT ELLIOTT, of Kirby Thore,
also spoke in support of the resolution. The statement
which Mr. Thompson, the Secretary, had just made in-
ducsd him to say a few words on the subject. He had
said it was the design of the Anti-Corn-law Association
of Kendal to endeavour to extend the field of its opera-
tions into the surrounding agricultural districts. He (Mr.
E.) had come to Kendal for the express purpose of request-
ing that such a step should be taken.. Every farthing
which he had arose from tithes or froni land, and if any
change whatever should take place in the produce of the
land he would individually suffer. But he was so much
persuaded that there was no fear of any change for the
worse, that he had himself from the first entered into
the views of the Corn-law repealers ; and he was sure
that they had only to make the agricultural population ac-
quainted with the true state of the case to convert them into
as good Corn-law repealers as themselves.—(Cheers.)
The Duke of Wellington had said in the House of Lords
that Earl Fitzwilliam did wrong in saying that the Corn-
laws had been enacted simply for the protection of the land-
owners, that they did not care at all for pelf, and their
only object was protection. But whoever heard of pro-
tection as something ultimate ? Protection was a means
and not an end ; and the protection wanted was a pro-
tection of pockets.—(Great cheers.)
The motion was then put by the CILAIR3IAN, and car-
ried unanimously.
The Rev. DAVID JONES moved " That the alarming
increase of disease in the land was attributable to the
high price of provisions and to the stagnation of trade,
and that the principles of religion, humanity, and justice
required that there should be a free supply of the neces-
saries rather than the luxuries of life."
__ _

The resolution was seconded by the Rev. J. GurHaw,
and on being put by the Chairman, was carried unani-
mously.
On the motion of Mr. Alderman R. WILSON, seconded
by Mr. JOHN JOWITT WILSON, a petition founded on the
above resolution was agreed to, and having been signed by
the Chairman on behalf of the meeting, was dispatched
to the member for the borough, George William Wood,
Esq., for presentation to the House of Commons.
A vote of thanks was then given to the Chairman, and
the meeting broke up.

DEVONPORT, MAY 12.—One of the most numerous meet-
ings ever held here was assembled in the Town-hall, to peti-
tion Parliament in favour of Lord John Russell's motion on
the Corn- aws, the Mayor in the Chair. George Leach, Esq.,
an extensive landowner, and a popular candidate on the Libe-
ral interest f, tr representing this borough at the last election,
moved the first resolution, which was seconded by John Rees,
Esq., an active supporter of the Conservative cause. In fact,
there are persons of all shades of rolitics at the rm et' ng, and
the most unanimous feeling prevailed. The general feeling
appear; fair a total repeal, and there is no doubt that the peti-
tions will be numerously signed.

MA xcitEsrra, MAY 13. The Chamber of Commerce and
Manufactures have agreed to a strong petition in favour of
Lord John Russell's measures for the relief of trade and manu-
factures. One of the paragraphs of the petition runs thus :
" Without such measures the most grave and appalling evils
Will ensue—at this moment a very large proportion of people
engaged in the manufacture of cottonV are deprived of one-third
,of their customary employment.

NORWICH, MAY 13.—The Corporation of this borough met
on Tuesday, and voted a loyal and spirited address to her Ma-
jesty, claiming her " protection against the arts and intrigues
of a desperate faction, and expressing unbounded confidence
in her thinness wisdom, and courage in the present fearful
crikis." The Corporation also agreed to a petition to the House
of Commons, in favour of the proposition submitted by her
Majesty's Ministers for equalizing the duties on timber and
•
sugar, and modifying the Corn-laws.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE DAILY rArtßs OF YESTERDAY.

GLOBE.—Lord Stanley has, at all events, a better
title than the Noble Mover of the question before the
House, to assume Anti-Slavery championship. We
suppose it was on the principle of Fiat experi-
mentum in cor porevili, that the Noble Lord, the
Member for Liverpool, was put in the front
of the battle. Mr. Gladstone too, who was last
night reminded by Lord Howick and Mr. V. Smith of
the wisdom contained in the old proverb, that " those
who live in glass houses should not be the first to throw
stones," was certainly the most curious champion that
could well be selected, considering all his past and pre-
sent connections, of West and East Indian freedom.
But Lord Stanley has an undoubted right to " star"
it in that part—the more so, as he took so brilliant a
benefit, in the same performance, some years back. The
eclat of the piece indeed was rather highly paid for ;
and the appearance of the same performer, on the
same boards, is somewhat ominous of similar results
affecting John Bull's pocket. M. Thiers was called the
Napoleon of expense during his short Ministry ; a title
equally applicable to Lord Stanley's Irish and Colonial
Secretaryships. The phrase " extinction of tithe" cost
this country the million loan to the Irish clergy ; and the
liberal indifference between the phrases of loan and gift
cost them twenty millions more to the West India planters.
It is now the question how much more Lord Stan-
ley's phrases should, in conscience, cost us ? We
concede considerable ability to the Noble Lord's
speech last night • we must also concede that it showed
more command of! reasoning, and temper than usual.
But the practical question recurs, How much must
the public pay for able speeches ? And how much for
" porter" and " champagne" to the " imitative" negro
non-labourers ? Sooner or later, evidently this
state of things must come to a termination. If
the negroes slumber on the natural bounties of
the soil, and cease to labour for others, their
probable fate will be that of Hayti—a simi:civilisation
of their own—which will soon lose its temporary luxu-
ries of imitation, and all its other. advantages of contact
with European existence. If they continue to labour just
as little as they please, that cannot go on much longer—
for every other people, including the " free and enlighten-
ed" American citizens, have to labour in good earnest
for all their enjoyments, " imitative" or otberwise. We
confess we have been rather astonished that the publi-
cation, and complacent citation of the new indulgeuces
of the free blacks (far above our own middle classes),
has not suggested rather more reflection to the authors
of such statements. It is the excess of British labour that
pays for all this tropical ease.

TSTANDARD.----One of the earliest economists on re-
cord is Judas Iscariot, he professed great interest
for the poor ; the parenthesis of the Evangelist tells
why " because he was a thief 'and carried the
bag." And exactly as sincere as his professions
are the professions of those who propose to re-
vive the slave trade for the benefit of the poor. A
good deal of sneering has been indulged in at the ex-
pense of those who opposed the abolition law, and yet now
resist the attempt to revive the slave trade. For ourselves,
we are unconcerned in these sneers—our course has
been uniform and consistent ; we have always opposed
slavery in every shape. But are not the Ministers
and their adherents now acting the apology of all who op-
posed the abolition law ? Are they not proving, first, that
some, at least, of the abolitionists never cared for liberty ;
that for money they are willing to promote a far worse
slavery than ever existed in the British colonies ; and
that as to the British negroes, so far were these abo-
litionists from really caring for them, that, having
for one consideration relinquiShed the profit of
their labour as slaves, they are now ready
to sell them to famine and barbarism for an-
other ? There is no temptation to say anything of
the qualities and merit of Lord Stanley's speech. Every
one will read it, and whatever we might venture to say in
its praise would probably fall short of the reader's judg-
ment. One point may, however, be remarked upon—
the Noble Lord's complete success in proving that he
has not departed from the principles of Mr. Hus-
kisson. It is only necessary to recur to Mr. Huskisson's
speeches on the Corn-laws in 1814, 1815, and to his
speeches on the sugar duties in 1820, to see that his
theory was founded upon the principle of vigilant and
effectual protection, how much soever he may unfortu-
nately have departed from this theory in practice.
COURIER—The lagging wearisome debate was last
evening wound up, reinvigorated, and embellishedwith a
master speech of a master spirit, that of Lord Stanley.
Rich in the graces of style and eloquence of the highest
order as it is, it may be truly said to be still more surpass-
ingly superior for the logical itecuyacy, the perspicuous ar-
i
angement, the severe andirresistible truth of its facts
and argument. It would be vain to attempt its analy-
sis, or to hope to convey by any mere outline a faint
impression only of its extraordinary ability and tre-
mendous power. In the House where delivered the ex-
citement and conviction producel went hand in hand, nor
can its influence be less over the country at large.
Leaving the argument on the main questions of sugar
duties and free trade, we would point attention to those
passages of the speech, in which he works out with ini-
mitable point and caustic effect the description of a Mi-
nistry which reigns but does not govern—which is
tricked out in the trappings and regalia, and endowed
with the honorarios of office, whilst the real effective
power is lodged elsewhere, alternately wielded by O'Con-
nell in the name of the Government, or directed by the
great Constitutional party in the State against them.

compel us once again to take arms, we tura to you,
telhow-c,untrymen, to say, that in undertaking the
greLt work of freedom with arms in hand, it is neces-
sary in order to obtain an object, that we be bound to-
:railer by the holy bond of unanimity ; that we under-
take tha contest for our religion and country, with ea-
gerress and sincerity ; that we show the greatest sub-
mission and obedience to the superior military and poli-
tical chiefs and to their just commands, that we re3pect
the honour,,,Jhe life, and the property, not only of our
br( Vler Christ!ans, but also of our ftllow-citizens, the
Turks, so long as these latter, comprehending their own
true interests, shall not oppose our undert sking, which
has in view, not only our good, but their advantage Ilse,
when properly considered. By the step we now take,
we have no other object but that we should all live as
brothers, under laws which shall secure the honour, the
life, an" the property of all the inhabitants of Crete
without exception.

Be assured, frllow.countrymcn, that in following
such a line of conduct, our enterprise will be crowned
with thl most brilliant success, through the intern-ie.
diation of the three Allied Powers—England, France,
and Russia.

The true cause and the real object of our under-
taking, the truth of which we solemnly avow,- ue
hope we shall not find our fellow-countrymen, the
Turks, opposed to us, if they reason rightly, nor any
other person whomsoever, for what we desire is most
just and lawful.
_ _

But if against all expectation we find the contrary,
we declare from this moment, that rather thau fall For
the fourth time under the Turkish yoke, where the
honour of our children was unrestrainedly outraged.
thousands of us slaughtered like cattle, where our pro-.
perty and our labour served only to supply the food
of laziness, turpitude, and iniquity, we prefer to meet
our destruction to the last man, choosing rather to
die a glorious death in our country's cause, than 'to
live a life of dishonour and reproach. Yes, fdlow..
countrymen, a a glorious death is by honourab:e souls
a thousand times preferable to a life of servitud'e and
disgrace—servitude is for the brute, but man is made
for freedom, and for freedom be should be prepared to
suffer anything, even to death itself.
Cretans! we are Greeks, and it is our proper wad he-
reditary virtue, to fight, to conquer, and to die, if neces-
tary, for freedom, and good government.
Cretans! It was our country that first promulgated.
just laws, which being spread abroad, carried- civilise.
tion and prosperity to the rest of the world. Is it then
just that she, the mott.er of laws, should be now the
habitation of lawlessness and despotism ? , •
" Fight for thy faith and country" is a religious nu'
political maxim, and death in such a cause, renders
men enviable here, and blessed in eternity. But in
going to join these brave warriors who have fallen for
their countrymen, the Protapapadukies, the Delijanakies,
the Kourdies, the Kourmoulies, the Tzelibies, the Bou-
somarcces, Zepannes S:phacas, Catzo Micale, the Ca-
and so many other brave and glorious heroes of
Crete, we will net leave unatoned their blood and dearly
wili we sell our own to those who may thirst after it.
Fellow-countrymen ! Our enterprise is the coungl
of the Lord, and neither Divine, nor human assistance
will be wanting to us. God be with us, none against us.
In Crete, Feb. 17, 1841. (Signatures.).