The Sun.
London, England, 1847-12-31 00:00:00

INADMISSIBILITY OF THE MEXICAN
TERMS.

The terms of a treaty proposed by the Me.tecan
Commissioners were wholly inadmissible. They
negociated as if Mexico was the victorious, and
not the vanquished party. They must have
known that their ultimatum could never be ac-
cepted. It required the United States to dismem-
ber Texas, by surrendering to Mexico that part of
the territory of that state lying between the Nueces
and the Rio Grande, included within her limits by
her laws when she was an independent republic, and
when she was annexed to the United States and ad-
mi ted by Congress as one of the states of our Union.
It contained no provision for the payment by Mexico
of the just claims of our citizens. It required in-
demnity to Mexican citizens for injuries they may
have sustained by our troops in the prosecution of the
war. It demanded the right for Mexico to levy and
collect the Mexican tariff of duties on goods im-
ported into her ports while in our military occupation
during the war, and the owners of which had paid to
officers of the United States the military contribu-
tions which had been levied upon them ; and it offered
to cede to the United States, for a pecuniary consi-
deration, that part of Upper California lying north
of latitude 37 degrees. Such were the unreasonable
terms propose i by the Mexican Commissioners.
The cession to the United States, by Mexico, of
the provinces of New M• xico and the Californias, as
proposed by the Commissioner of the United States,
it was believed, would be more in accordance with
the convenience and interests of both nations, than
any other cession of territory which it was probable
Mexico would be induced to make.
It is manifest to all who have observed the actual
condition of the Mexican Government for some years
past, and at preient, that if these provinces should he
retained by her she could not lung continue to hold
and govern them. Mexico is too feeble a power to
govern these provinces, lying as they do at a distance
of more than 1,000 miles from her capital, and if
attempted to be retained by her, they would consti
tute but for a short time, even nomitally, a part of
her dominions.

This would be especially the case with Upper Cali-
fornia. The sagacity of powerful European nations
has long since directed their attention to the commer-
cial importance of that province, and there can he
little doubt that the moment the United States shall
relinquish their present occupation of it, and their
claim to it as an indemnity, an !effort would be made
by some foreign power to possess it, either by con-
quest or by purchase. If no foreign government
should acquire it in either of these modes, an inde-
pendent revolutionary Government would probably be
established by the inhabitants, and such foreigners as
may remain in or remove to the country, as soon as it
shall be known that the United States have abandoned
it. Such a Government would be too feeble long to
maintain its separate independent existence, and would
finally become annexed to or be a dependent colony
of some more powerful state.
Should any foreign Government attempt to possess
it as a colony, or otherwise to incorporate it with
itself, the principle avowed by President Munroe, in
1824, and reaffirmed in my first annual message, that
no foreign Power shall, with our consent, be per-
mitted to plant or establish any new colony or domi-
nion on any part of the North American continent,
must be maintained. In maintaining this principle,
and in resisting its invasion by any foreign power,
we might be involved in other wars more expensive
and more difficult than that in which we are now
engaged.
The provinces of New Mexico and the Californias
are contiguous to the territories of the United States,
and if brought under the government of our laws,
their resources—mineral, agricultural, manufacturing,
and commercial—would soon be developed.
Upper California is biunded on the north by our
Oregon possessions, and if held by the United States
would soon be settled by a hardy, enterprising, and
intelligent portion of our population. The Bay of
San Francisco and other harbours along the Califor-
nian coast, would afford shelter for our nary, for our
numerous whale ships and other merchant vessels
employed in the Pacific Ocean, and would in a short
period become the marts of an extensive and profit-
able commerce with China, and other countries of
the East.

These advantages, in which the whole commercial
world would participate, would at once be secured to
the United States by the cession of this territory ;
while it is certain that, as long as it remains a part of
the Mexican dominions, they can be enjoyed neither
by Mexico herself, nor any other nation.
New Mexico is a frontier province, and has never
been of any considerable value to Mexico. From its
locality it is naturally connected with our western
settlements. The territorial limits of the state of
Texas, too, as defined by her laws, before her admis-
sion into our union, embrace all that portion of New
Mexico lying east of the Rio Grande, while Mexico
still claims to hold this territory as a part of her do-
minions. The adjustment of this question of boundary
is important.
There is another consideration which induced the be-
lief that the Mexican Government might even desire to
place this province under the protection of the Govern-
ment of the United States. Numerous bands of
fierce and warlike savages wander over it, and upon
its borders. Mexico has been, and must continue
to be, too feeble to restrain them from committing
depredations, robberies, and murders, not only upon
the inhabitants of New Mexico itself, but upon
those of the other northern states of Mexico. It
would be a blessing to all these northern states to
have their citizens protected against them by the
power of the United States. At this moment many
Mexicans, principally females and children, are in
captivity among them. If New Mexico were held
and governed by the United States, we could effec-
tually prevent these tribes from committing such
outrages, and compel them to relea le these captives,
and restore them to their families and friends.
In proposing to acquire New Mexico and the Cali-
fornias, it was known that but an inconsiderable por-
tion of the Mexican people would be transferred with
them, the country embraced within these provinces
being chiefly an uninhabited region.
FURTHER MILITARY OPERATIONS.

These were the leading considerations which in-
duced me to authorise the terms of peace which were
proposed to Mexico. They were rejected, and nego-
tiations being at an end hostilities were renewed.
An assault was made by our gallant army upon the
strongly fortified places near the gates of the city of
Mexico, and upon the city itself; and after several
days of severe conflict the Mexican forces, vastly su-
perior in number to our own, were driven from the
city, and it was occupied by our troops.
Immediately after information was received of the
unfavourable result of the negotiations, believing that
his continued presence with the army could be pro-
ductive of no good, I determined to recal our Com-
missioner. A dispatch to this effect was transmitted to
him on the 6th of October last. The Mexican
Government will be informed of his reeal ; and that
in the existing state of ,things, I shall not deem it
proper to make any further overtures of peace, but
shall be at all times ready to receive and consider any
proposals which may be made by Mexico.
Since the liberal proposition of the United States
was authorised to be made in April last, large ex-
penditures have been incurred, and the precious blood
of many of our patriotic fellow citizens has been shed
in the prosecution of the war. This consideration and
the obstinate .perseverance of Mexico in protract-
ing the war, must influence the terms of peace which
it may be deemed proper hereafter to accept.
Our arms having been everywhere victorious, hav-
ing subjected to our military occupation a large
portion of the enemy's country, including his capital,
and negotiations for peace having failed, the impor-
tant questions arise—in what manner the war ought
to be prosecuted ? and what should be our future
policy ? I cannot doubt that we should secure and
render available the conquests which we have already
made : and that, with this view, we should hold and
occupy, by our naval and military forces, all the
ports, towns, cities, and provinces now in our occu-
pation, or which may hereafter fall into our pos-
session; that we should press forward our military
operations, and levy such military contributions on
the enemy as may, as far as practicable, defray the
future expenses of the war.