The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-25 00:00:00

the candidateship of the Prince of Coburg. There were
then, the Chamber sees, three courses of policy in pre-
sence. The policy of Spain, which desired either one of
the two combinations she had proposed, or the Coburg
combination, the policy of France, which refused both the
simultaneous marriages and the immediate marriage, and
which rejected the Coburg combination; and, finally,
the policy of England, which, without adopting conduct
equally clear and decided, adhered to the marriage of
the Due de Montpensier, provided that it was neither
immediate nor simultaneous. Such was the situation in
June, 1846. To have enabled a question so complicated
from those different pretensions, above mentioned, to be
easily resolved, there was evidently required the concert,
the common action of France and England ; and it was
by that concert, that common action, that we might hope
for a prompt and favourable solution. I hesitate not to
say that under the Ministry of Lord Aberdeen L had
every confidence that this common action would be con-
tinued to the end without obstacle ; and here it is neces-
sary to expose to the Chamber the motives of that
confidence. It was not simply based on the noble and
honourable relations which existed between the two
Ministers for Foreign Affairs, for whatever friendship
may exist between two Ministers, it does not suffice
to direct the affairs of two great states ; it may facilitate
the solution thereof, but it does not decide them.
But this was what made my confidence ; you have
often heard speak of a struggle, of rivalry, of influences
between France and England. I am profoundly con-
vinced for my part that these struggles, these rivalities,
are neither good nor necessary for the two states ;
and I venture to say that in this respect the convic-
tion of Lord Aberdeen was perfectly identical with my
own. What consequently gave me confidence was the
sincere desire of peace which was then the ruling senti-
ment of the two Governments ; not a peace merely
connected with the material welfare of the people, but
which proposed a higher object, and one more dignified,
founded on the respect, the moral happiness, and the
repose of men ; that was the sentiment which inspired
the councils of the two Governments. Another senti-
ment also animated them ; it was the feeling of a great
mission of civilization and of progress to be effected in
common ; it was the desire to prevent, by common
action, revolutionary overthrows, by favouring every
where the march of progress and legal liberty. These
were the sentiments which then ruled from on high all
the struggles for influence between the two countries.—
(General marks of approbation.) These sentiments in-
spired the heart of Lord Aberdeen as well as our own ;
he was as deeply convinced, as ourselves, that in it
consisted the true aad good policy which equally suited
both nations ; consequently in all the questions which
were then pending, and even in the question of
the marriages, strong in the general idea common to
the two Governments, and smoothing down all interests
of a secondary order, we were persuaded that the solu-
tion was possible, easy, and natural, and we were right
in feeling that confidence in the exalted wisdom of the
English Government. But at the end of June a change
took place In the Ministry in England, and Lord Aber-
deen retired. From that moment the face of things
changed. The Chamber will do me the justice to be-
lieve, that, finding myself in the presence of a new
Minister of Foreign Affairs, I took no notice of any
personal considerations ; I equally hastened to remove
both from the question and from the minister all sus-
picion, all idea of bad faith whatever. Ido not think
that I should be allowed to introduce such elements into
the controversy on great questions, for all discussion
would become impossible in presence of such accusations.
I will always do the statesmen who direct the affairs of
their country the honour of believing that they act with
good faith in the management of the interests con-
fided to them ; they may, like myself, be deceived,
but I look on all accusations of the kind as base
and absurd. I can readily conceive that Lord Palmer-
ston might have ideas and intentions different from
those of his predecessor ; we have some reason to think
it, and that without it being necessary to go back to
1840. The new Minister of Foreign Affairs was sub-
mitted to re-election ; lie was to appear and deliver a
political speech before his electors ; we waited to hear
the language that he might make use of. He was com-
pletely silent on the subject of the marriages. Nothing
at first made known the steps which he proposed to
follow, and it soon became evident to us that he wished
to entrench himself in an impenetrable reserve. That
was his right. Nevertheless, on the 17th July, I wrote
to our Ambassador in London to propose to the Eng-
lish Cabinet a common action for the marriage of
I)on Francisco de Assis. Two or three days after I
received communication of the dispatch of the 19th
July ; which has been laid before the Chamber. That
dispatch caused material changes in the state of affairs.
It had at first been sent to Madrid without having been
communicated to us. There was therefore a cessation
of the common action. England pursued an isolated po-
licy, and concealed it from France. So much for the
form. We will now look at the ground-work. In this
dispatch, the Prince of Coburg was not only named
as a candidate, but placed at the head of the list. Count
de Trapani was altogether excluded. At the same time
too that the Prince of Coburg was named, it was added
that he could meet with no objection. In addition to
the part which speaks of the marriage, what is to be
found in the document ? A violent attack on the
Government of another country, of Spain, and an indi-
cation of the men to be placed at the head of affairs.
So that, according to this dispatch, we found ourselves
in the face of a very notable change, both as to the
marriage, and to the condiect of affairs in Spain.
England wished to have the Progressist party advanced.
It was impossible to mistake this double change on
reading the dispatch. I should have been most culpable
had I not seen therein symptoms of a change of deser-
tion in the English Cabinet ; at the same time another
circumstance tended to irresistibly fix my conviction.
My proposition for a common action by France and
England to put forward Don Francisco d'Assis remained
for five weeks without reply. Five weeks ! I was
not, however, tired out. I informed the Minister of
Great Britain that if any project, whether French or
Spanish, was entered into against us, the French Cabinet
was decided to follow the course which it had already
made known. What the English Minister did not do, M.
Bresson, our ambassador, accomplished, and I take this
opportunity of saying, with a moderation and an ability,
in act and word, which do him the greatest credit.
Count Bresson always maintained himself within this
line, that, whichever of the sons of Don Francisco de
Paula should suit the Queen of Spain, would also suit
France. He did more—keeping in mind the realisation
of the plans agreed to at Eu, he succeeded in getting
inserted on the 28th of August, in the marriage con-
tract, though not without very great objections from the
Spanish Ministry, a clause, declaring that " the mar-
riage of the Duke de Montpensier was to take place
simultaneously with that of the Queen, as much as that
was possible. But it became so evident that if on the
sth of September all was not terminated for the Spanish
marriages, everything would go back to a state of doubt,
that the causes of disorders and insurrections would be
revived, that it was no longer possible to hesitate.
Count Bresson wrote us every day. In fine, it was only
on Sept. 4, that by a telegraphic dispatch, and in
conformity to the orders of the King, that I authorised
Count Bresson to agree to the simultaneousness of the
marriages. I shall give no detail as to what followed
that solution. There only remains a few words for me
to say. Evidently, to every impartial observer, the
conduct of the French Cabinet comes out of this
er pose as it ought to do. These are facts which I can
affirm to be true. What we said in the beginning we
have done—we have performed all we wished to do.
We have violated no treaty—neither that of Utrecht
nor any other. We have broken no engagement—we
have failed in no procede. We did all we could to bring
about a concert with Great Britain, a common action.
We have, therefore, acted in the fulness of our duty,
and of the dignity of France, without ever separating
our action from prudence or good faith.—(Loud marks
of approbation.) Now in what situation has this con-
duct placed us with Europe? With respect to Spain,
the facts are clear. The marriage was maturely and
freely discussed in the Cortes. Causes of disorder, of
insurrection, were not wanting in Spain; but all fell be-
fore the -wish of the country, and the marriage was ac-
complished. Since the marriage the Cortes have been
subjected to re-election. The judgment of Spain has
sent to the benches of the Cortes an assembly animated
by the same spirit. We have, then, the right to say that
everything passed with the free co• operation, with the
wish of the Spanish nation. As to Spain, you see, we
have only to felicitate ourselves on the events accom-
plished. Dut, with respect to the other puwete s" I
declare that no objection, no observation has been
made either by the powers that have recognised the
Queen of Spain or by those who have not. No
power has adhered, nor, I will add, consented to
adhere, to the protest of England. The powers have
remained completely out of the pale of the English pro-
ceedings. Our situation with these powers, as with Spain,
remains the same; and when they were informed of the
project of marriage between the French prince and Spa-
nish princess, all replied in the same terms, and those
terms were such as are employed in similar cases, just
as if they referred to any other marriage. As to Eng-
land, she feels serious dissatisfaction. I hesitate not,
however, to say, that if we so act, that, upon the one
hand, we do not change our general policy, and if, on
the other, we show ourselves determined to maintain with
propriety what we have done, to abstain from all con-
cessions, all advances, be assured that the dissatisfaction
of England will die away.—(Cheers.) It will die away
before the importance of superior interests, which are
equally understood at London and Paris. England and
her Government have two grand guiding principles—these
are justice and necessity.—(Hear.) The English people
are honest, they respect right, and pause before irrevocable
events. Present yourselves always before them strong
in your right, strong in the flit accompli, and be certain
that good relations between the two countries will be re-
newed. (Loud approbation greeted the Hon. Minister
as he descended from the tribune, and the sitting was
suspended for some minutes.)

CAUSE OF FEVER.—The other day a fever broke out
in a prison to the surprise of everybody. It turned out that
the cause was this : it was an old prison, surrounded by a
moat; the noxious deposit of which had been disturbed by
some works in progress, and the fever broke out in the direc •
tion in which the wind was blowing from the moat on to the
prison. It appeared that the medical men had never seen the
typhust there before, though they had been many years at-
tendants on that prison. They had never seen one case in
tLie
zeprlso_n,
--
and did not know it..3lr. Chadtviek's Speech at
.E; ter, Dee. ii, 184 g.
SOLA.TORY PRECEDENT.--" All degrees of
natAiouseb°eNg‘ in with lining in pigsties. The king or the priest
first gets out of thernlshen the noble ; then the pauper, in
proportion as
te
hacehwe'retcheYneelrs
Better tastes arise from better circumstances; and becomes more and more opulent.
aonfdanthoevlieurx.urz
the persons who
bench of Magistrages
The late Sidney Smith.
EXTREME DISTRESs.---kmonz t
ates, was a
were summoned before the Windsoij,
on Thursday last, for non-payment
poor woman, who was unable to appear before the Bench
in consequence of being compelled to pawn her clothes front
sheer digress.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Jan. 23.

The Earl of SHAFTESBURY took his seat on the Wool-
sack at ten minutes to Five o'clock. There were about
six Peers present.
CORN AND NAVIGATION LAWS SUSPENSION

BILLS.

Messengers from the Commons brought up these Bills.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said,—My Lords, I
move that you give a first reading to an Act to sus-
pend till the Ist of September all duties on the importa-
tion of corn.

The Bill was read a first time in order to be printed.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE again said,—l have
to move that you give the first reading to the Navigation
Suspension Act till the Ist of September.
This Bill being also read a first time,
The NOBLE MARQUIS gave notice that at the sitting
of the House on Monday next, he should move the sus-
pension of the standing orders of the House, with the
view of facilitating the progress of these Bills through
all the stages.
Lord STANLEY, who spoke in a conversational tone
over the table, said that if he rightly understood the
intentions of the Noble Marquis the course he proposed
to adopt had reference only to two measures suspending
the navigation laws and the laws which regulated the
importation of corn. He understood also that the objects
of these measures were merely temporary,and intended to
meet the exigencies of the time, and that therefore they
would not extend beyond the Ist of September next.
At the same time he could not help availing himself of
that opportunity to express his regret at the determina-
tion of her Majesty's Government—if really such was
their determination—not to make the measure with
respect to sugar used in breweries and
distilleries a temporary, but one of a
permanent nature. He confessed he should have been
very glad if this measure had been introduced, as
he believed it was introduced into her Majesty's
Speech namely, as a temporary measure, and
that it should have met with the entire una-
nimity of their Lordships, who could not have been
unwilling to have adopted such a step in order to meet
the exigencies of the present moment. It appeared
that there was a large quantity of sugar in hand, and
there was no reason to apprehend that there was
not a sufficient quantity to meet the demand
which the suspension of the penalties could not fail to
create. Therefore, when, instead of introducing the
measure as a temporary one, it partook of a per-
manent nature, the Government could not expect
that it would pass with as little discussion and
as little delay as the other measures—namely, the
corn and navigation laws. If it was to be a permanent
measure, in 1851 foreign sugars, owing to the equalisa-
tion of the duties, would come into competition with
home-grown sugars, and therefore home sugars would
not have the advantage of that protection to which they
were entitled. At any rate the details of the measure
would require some consideration. He did not know
what the other House of Parliament intended to do, but
he would throw out this suggestion to her Majesty's
Government before finally determining the permanency
of the measure, whether there would be any objection
to a Select Committee, not for the purpose of delaying the
passing of the measure, but for the purpose of inquir-
ing by viva voce evidence and by documents, as to the
probable effect of the adoption of the measure. If
such a course as he bad mentioned were not adopted,
this would be a measure thrust forward by the Govern-
ment on the one hand, and opposed by the Members of
that House on the other hand, as a measure calculated
to alarm the parties interested, and seriously to affect the
agricultural interest of the country. If it could be proved
that the operation of this Bill was not to increase the
prices, or better the country, they ought to let the
farmers have the opportunity of seeing the facts in
a more detailed form than it was possible for
them to see them in a mere reference to casual
debates in Parliament. Such a course would be a very
desirable one to pursue. He had taken the liberty of
throwing out these suggestions to the Noble Marquis
and her Majesty's Government, with the view of induc-
ing them to take this question into their consideration,
and not with a view of creating a vexatious opposition.
He hoped that the Noble Marquis would explain the
course intended to be pursued with reference to this and
other measures —whether it was intended to give a perma-
nent effect to this and the other measures passed with a
view to the well-being of society in Ireland. The Noble
Marquis had also said that he should move for some re-
turns. He hoped that these returns would enable her
Majesty's Government to come to a satisfactory deci-
sion with regard to the state of Ireland. He had heard
it rumoured, and it was chiefly for the purpose of ascer•
taining if that rumour was correct that he ventured to
ask the Noble Marquis, after the statement he had just
made, if it were intended to postpone any further dis-
cussion on his former motion until an oppor-
tunity occurred at a later period, or of taking
the discussion on the bringing up of the
Bill from the House of Commons. If the bringing up
of the Bill were to be considered an opportunity for its
discussion, he thought he should be able to throw out
some suggestions which her Majesty's Government
would be, perhaps, desirous to adopt. Perhaps there
would be no objection to the Noble Marquis on Monday
nest giving this information, so as to enable many Noble
Lords who were deeply interested in it to come to a de-
cision on the question.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was about to reply,
when
Lord BROUGHAM said the question before the
House had not been disposed of.
The Marquis of LANDSDOWNE said that he
believed it had. The Bill had certainly been read a first
time. With regard to the questions put by the Noble
Lord (Stanley) he would endeavour to answer the sug-
gestions thrown out by him in the order in which be had
presented them. Nothing could be more correct than the
statement whichlhad already been advancedon this subject.
With reference to what was proposed with respect to
these two Bills, it was proposed to carry them through
the House with all possible dispatch. Then, with refer-
ence to the other Bill to which the Noble Lord had re-
ferred, allowing the use of sugar in distilleries, the Go-
vernment intended that to be a permanent measure. It
was a question which had occupied considerable atten-
tion on the part of the Government ; they had, how- i
ever, finally considered that it would be much better to
make the measure permanent at once than, by passing a
temporary measure, to have the subject brought again
under the consideration of their Lordships at a future time.
It had therefore been thought necessary to make the Bill
permanent rather than cause a reconsideration of the sub-
ject in the course of the session. That Bill, however, in
consequence of the varied nature of its details, would be
one which, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government,
would not be easily disposed of, and he would not there-
fore, under any circumstances, adopt a course similar to
that which he intended to pursue upon the other Bills to
which he had alluded, via., to pass them through all their
stages at once. When that Bill came up from the other
House their Lordships would have ample opportunity
for affording to that measure their fullest consideration.
It would depend, however, upon the state of the Bill on
its arrival from the other House, and the degree of con-
currence which had been given to it, what course her
Majesty's Government would feel it their duty to
propose with reference to the progress of that
measure, and whether they would deem it
necessary to appoint a Committee of their Lordships on
the subject, and ho would be sorry upon the present
occasion to make any announcement to their Lordships
on the subject.

DISTRESS IN IRELAND.
Lord BROUGHAM—What course do you intend to
adopt on Monday next?
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had stated upon a
former occasion that it was his intention to move
for the production of certain papers with re-
ference to the subject of Irish distress. Those
papers would necessarily be of a very voluminous nature,
consisting, as it would, of the correspondence which
had takea place between the various members of her
Majesty's Government and the different functionaries
in Ireland. The effect of the production of those papers
would be to put their Lordships in possession
of every circumstance attending the numerous and
still increasing difficulties with which the Government
had to contend, in consequence of the unexpected and
unexampled scarcity of food in Ireland. Those papers,
he hoped, would be ready to be laid upon their Lord-
ships' table within a few days after he had moved for
them. He did not wish, in answer to further ques-
tions from his Lordship, to make any further statement
as to the course which her Majesty's Government in-
tended to adopt towards Ireland until some of the Bills
which had been proposed by the Government 'were
brought up from the other House. If Noble Lords
wished to take any discussion upon that subject before
the introduction of those Bills, they would of course be
competent to do so. In a short time one or two Bills
on the subject, to which no objection was likely to be
taken, would, he had no doubt, be laid upon their Lord-
ships'
table, with reference to the advances of consi-
derable sums of public money towards the relief of the
distress in Ireland.
Lord BROUGHAM said a permanent alteration in
the colonial and agricultural policy of the country was
almost as serious a matter as suspending the Habeas
Corpus Act, and he very much doubted whether they
ought hurriedly to agree to some of those measures which
had been so speedily passed in the other House of Parlia-
ment. No doubt, the corn and navigation-laws ought,
under existing circumstances, to be suspended for a given
period; but, as to the other measure, which was ie.
tended to be made permament, he was not inclined to
give a ready assent to that. On Monday, however, he
should have abetter opportunityfof going into the question.
But it should be remembered that that measure was not
a permanent measure, either with respect to the colonial
population or the slave population. He trusted their
Lordships would not allow any consideration to pre-
vent them from taking measures for alleviating the
distress in Ireland, but they should recollect, at the same
time, that they had last session passed a very important
measure, which had not yet come into full operation.
That measure was calculated to lower the price
of sugar, and he believed would exercise a very
sensible effect upon it. The price of sugar at
present was found to be much lower. He thought that
had the measure only been introduced as a tempo.
rary measure there would have been no opposition
about it. They had introduced two measures, viz., one
for a temporary measure, and the other with a permanent
object. The Noble Lord had also stated that he was

about to introdueo some money Billy. -Now the House
had no power whatever to interfere with money Bills,

except one—except that of throwing them out alto-
gether. His Noble Friend also spoke of the delay
of the remedial measures for Ireland. They

were now at the 23d of January, and if they
had met on the 23d of November, two months
would have been saved, and much distress would have
been prevented. There was another question which he
wished to put on the present occasion, as it might bring
up much discussion. That question was relative
to the Bill which was to be broug,ht up from the