The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-13 00:00:00

GROUNDS AND OBJECTS OF THE

BUDGET.

The Edinburgh Review, No. 148, just published. con-
tains-an appropriate article on the Ministerial proposi-
tions, from which we make the following extracts :

OUR MANUFACTURES.

" In Britain, particularly in England, • the very large
majority of the population consists of labourers hired by
the week or by the day, dependent for subsistence solely
on their wages, and for their wages solely on the will of
their master. Both the skill and the diligence of the
British workman are unrivalled ; hence, when these ad-
mirable qualities are well directed, the high value of his
labour, and the large amount of his wages. But the skill
and diligence of each individual can be applied to only a
few purposes, and are useful only under numerous and
complicated conditions. The Continental workman
may in general be compared to the tools which he
uses—his axe or his spade—an instrument of no great
efficiency, but always fit for independent use. The
British workmen, and more especially the most nu-
merous classes, those employed in manufactures, re-
semble the component parts of the vast machines which
they direct. Separately taken, they are as useless as a
single wheel or a single roller. Combined with many
hundreds or many thousands of others, each helpless
when alone, a hundred families can produce results
which could not have been obtained by the individual
labour of a thousand. But the instant the moving power
that animates one of these great bodies ceases to act--
the instant the engine ceases to be supplied with water,
or the factory with capital—the component parts lose
their mutual support, and, with that support, their va-
Ine. The engine becomes old iron, the spinners and
weavers become paupers.

" It might be supposed, that classes exposed to such
contingencies, would save in their prosperity a fund to
support tbem in adversity. But such is not the habit of
the English. They have not been accustomed, like their
continental rivals, to treat their earnings as the means of
further production, or even of future support. When
wages are high, they work fewer hours, and inhabit
better houses ; and if there still remain a superfluity,
the women and girls waste it in dress, and the men in
drink or luxurious living. When wages fall, they en-
deavour to increase their earnings by more assiduous la-
bour, and to economize, first in house-rent, then in
dress, then in fuel, and ultimately in food. When their
earnings become insufficient for a maintenance, they
throw themselves on the parish. The virtue which they
possess the least is providence.
We have already remarked, that the greatest of all
improvidenCes is improvident marriage. But among
many classes, perhaps among most classes, of mere labou-
rers, although it may be clear that the usual period of
marriage is far too early, and that the welfare of the
whole liod3 would be much promoted if that period were
generally retarded, it is difficult to say that any given
marriage is improvident. The great object of machinery
is to supply strength and skill ; its great triumph is to
render the labour of women and children as efficient as
that of men ; and in many extensive branches of manu-
facture this has been effected. A girl of eighteen can
attend to a power-loom as well as a full grown man ; a
child of thirteen is more valuable as a piecer than an
adult—its touch is more sensitive, and its sight is more
acute. A factory lad of eighteen who marries a factory
girl of the same age, finds himself immediately richer ;
and although he may be pinched during some of the fol-
lowing years, yet as each child attains the age of nine
years it can earn more than its support ; and the earnings
of three children between the ages of nine and sixteen
can, in prosperous times, support the whole family. It
was under the influence of this enormous stimulus, with
some assistance from immigration, that the population of
our manufacturing districts increased during the thirty
years that elapsed between 1801 and 1831, the last period
for which the returns are published, at a rate equalled
only in some portions of America. During the ten years
between 1801 to 1811, the population of Lancashire in-
creased at the rate of 23 per cent. ; during the next ten
years at the rate of 27 per cent. ; and during the last ten
years also at the rate of 27 per cent. That of Lanark
increased at the rate of 31 per cent. in the first period ;
of 27 per cent. in the second ; and of 30 per cent. in the
third. At the beginning of that period, in 1801 the two
most populous counties in Scotland were Lanark and
Perth ; the former containing 146,000 inhabitants, the
latter 126,000. At the end of the period, in 1831, La-
nark contained 316,000, and Perth only 142,000. While
the population of the manfacturing county increased at
the rate of more than 100 per cent., that of the agricul-
tural district increased at the rate of less than 14 per
cent. During the same period, the population of the
North Riding of Yorkshire, a district chiefly agricultural,
rose from 158,000 to 190,000 ; that of the West Riding,
a manufacturing district, from 565,000 to 976,000.
" It is scarcely necessary to remark, how much the
habits which we have described must aggravate the suf-
ferings incident to any serious interruption of our manu-
factures. The millions whom we have crowded into
densely-peopled districts are accustomed not merely to
prosperity, but to constantly-advancing prosperity. All
their calculations assume a constantly-increasing demand
for labour—a demand which shall absorb a supply quite
unrestrained by any prudential checks. A painful ques-
tion follows, as to the temper and the conduct which
may be expected from them under a reversed state of
circumstances. If the demand for British manufactures,
instead of increasing, should diminish ; if the new
swarm of candidates, which every year throws into the
labour-market, should be rejected ; if the employment of
all should become precarious ; if many establishments
should be discontinued, and others give work only for
three or four days a-week ; if the wages for this dimi-
nished and irregular work should themselves be dimi-
nished ; if a family, accustomed to earn forty shillings
a-week, and to a proportionate expenditure, should NI
to an income of nine or ten shillings, and no prospect of
improvement were afforded—what, we repeat, is the
temper and the conduct to be expected from the suffer-
ers ? Are they likely to treat these evils as mere ca-
lamities, or as injuries ? If as injuries, are their habits
likely to induce them to patience, or to attempts at re-
dress, or resistance ? If patience is not to be expected
from them, are their struggles likely to be formidable ?"

is sugar. We imposed on all foreign sugar prohibitory
duties. The north of Europe, then the great market for
our manutlictures, and within a week's sail from our
shores, sold to us the best timber and at the cheapest
rate ; the Canada:, a distant, thinly peopled country,
offered us timber almost worthless for building purposes,
And at a much higher price. By imposing differential
duties, rising from 100 to 500 per cent. we forced the
community to resort to the bad customer instead of the
good one—to use the distant market instead of the near
one—to take the inferior instead of the •superior corn-
moditv, and to pay for it a larger price. We repealed
in words most of our prohibitions, except where -food was
concerned ; lsut still subjected foreign manufactures to
duties scarcely ever falling below 20 per cent. on their
value—that is, on their value here ; all expenses of com-
mission and conveyance being added to their original
cost, and. generally rising above that extravagant rate.
"It is difficult to say what would have been the whole
effects of these regulations. it' foreign nations had sub-
mitted to them. That they must have been highly
mischievous, is indeed obvious. As every regular trade
is a trade of barter—as every thing that we regularly
import is, in fact, received in exchange for British manu-
factures which we export—every obstacle to importa-
tion must be an obstacle to exportation. Every
diminution of demand for foreign commodities, must he
a diminution of demand for the British commodities
with which the foreign commodities wonld have been
purchased. They must, therefore, under any circum-
stances, have retarded the growth of our manufactures and
commerce. Still, if we had been able to force foreign
nations to take our commodities, and to .pay for them in
the forms which we chose to approve, our condition,
though far less favourable than it would have been un-
der a system of free trade, would still have been safe.
But for this purpose we must have been able to apply to
them the treatment which drove our North American
colonies to resistance and separation. 11;, must have
been able to prohibit them from manufacturing for them-
selves; or from trading with any manufacturing country
except ourselves. To do this was quite in the spirit of
our commercial policy ; but, luckily far the rest of the
world, we .had not the power. The agriculturists whose
produce we rejected, of course turned their surplus labour
and their surplus capital towards manufactures. You
New-Englander, into independence,
taxed us,' said a
you fought us into a maritime power, and you now enact
that we shall be manufacturers.' _ _

" The new interests which our folly had created, fol-
lowed our example where we were wrotv, more eagerly
than where we were right. They saw that our industry
had flourished in the midst of prohibitions and restric-
tions, and they believed that it had flourished in conse-
quence of them. To these fetters they gave the name of
protection, and called on their Governments to impose
them. Their Governments, with the instinctive love
of regulation and restraint by which every Govern-
ment is infested, were ready enough to answer the call.
In one country indeed, whose staple produce, since it in-
terfered with no class interest of our own, we freely ad-
mitted, those who benefited by our commerce resisted
the alteration. The southern Anglo-American States,
whose cotton and tobacco we consent to receive, would
have separated from the Union if the Anti-British tariff
of 1828 had been persisted in ; and if we had continued
to receive the flour of the northern States, that tariff
would never have been imposed. But we deserved no
such support from any European people. Foreign legis-
latures could lay no duties on our products, they could
impose no restrictions on our commerce, which they
could not justify, and more than justify, by our own ex-
ample. A network of tariffs is gradually excluding us
from our nearest and natural customers, our European
neighbours ; and confining us to our own colonies and
dependencies, to the semi-barbarians of Africa and Asia,
and to the young communities of America."

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.
LIVERPOOL JULY MEETING.
The following entries, made on Saturday afternoon,
complete the list:—

WEDNESDAY.

The Croxtetl} Stakes of 15. sovs. each, 19 ft, and 30

added. Mile and half.

Cornuto, 4 yrs—Dr. Caius, 4 yrs—The Potentate,
aged—b fby Colwick, out of Sister to Ainderbie, 3 yrs—
Bloomsbury, 5 yrs—Orton, 3 yrs—ch c by Zealot, out
of Zillah, 3 yrs.
The Maiden Plate of 70/.; the second to receive 10 sovs.
out of the Plate. Heats once round and a distance.

Nightshade, 3 yrs—Gammon Box, 3 yrs—Georgiana,
3 yrs—Dervigild, 4 yrs—Barelegs, 3 yrs—Hawksburv,
4 yrs—Myrtle, 3 yrs—ch c by Bsttledore or Peter Lely,
out of Augustina, 3 yrs—Muleteer. 4 yrs.

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 13, 1841.

CIVIL TRIBUNAL OF THE SEINE
(From Galignanes Messenger.)
-.iSOCIALIST EDUCATION.

An interesting case was opened before the Tribunal
Civil of the Seine on the 29th ult., and decided on the
6th ult. The plaintiff was M. Phiquepal d'Ai•usmont,
the husband of Fanny Wright, who has made some noise
in the United States, and also in England, by her public
lectures on political economy, and her enthusiastic adop-
tion of the doctrines of Mr. Owen ; the defendant was
the Baron de Beausejuur. The facts, as stated to the
tribunal by .111. Durand Saint-Amand, the plaintiff's
counsel, were as follows :—ln the year 1823 the de-
fendant, who was at that time a Deputy and an intimate
friend of Lafayette, of whose extreme opinions he par-
took, wishing to give to his nephew an education accord-
ing to his own views, placed him, with the plaintiff, who
had strongly imbibed the Owenite doctrines, and was
endeavouring to form an establishment in France similar
to Mr. Owen's " New Harmony" in the United States.
The Baron de Beausejcur was to pay for the education
and board of his nephew 1,200 fr. a-year. M. Phiquepal,
failing in his efforts to form an Owenite establishment
in France, turned his eyes to America, and went thither
with the nepheW of the defendant and other
pupils. At New Harmony, the plaintiff formed
an intimate connection with Mr. Owen, of whose
character his counsel gave a most glowing account, de-
scribing him as a reformer of the highest order, with
whom Sovereigns did not hesitate to correspond, and on
whom the King of Prussia had conferred a gold medal,
and became acquainted with Miss Frances Wright, the
friend of Bentham, and the assistant of Mr. Owen in
the propagation of the new lights. In 1830, M. Phiquepal
thinking his presence necessary in France, and a mar-
riage having been decided upon between him and Miss
Wright, quitted New Harmony with that lady, leaving
his pupils under the care of the son of Mr. Owen, and,
arriving in France, the marriage ceremony was per-
formed in the presence of General Lafayette. At this
time the defendant, wishing to have his nephew at home,
recalled him from America, bat gave a most friendly
reception to the plaintiff, and settled his account,
amounting to 7,200 fr., by a bill. When the bill
given by the defendant became due it was dishonoured,
and the defendant, not content with refusing to pay,
brought a cross action against M. Phiquepal, in which
he laid his damages at 25,000 fr. for the injury inflicted
upon his nephew by a vicious system of education.
M. Dufour, the nephew, had also demanded damages,-
but this demand, said M. Durand, was refuted by the
mere fact, that he was at this moment in possesion of a
lucrative place, which he could not have filled, if his
education had been neglected, as was pretended by the
opposing party.

" The ileienciant's- counsel, M. Flandin, in reply, stated
that, when his client gave the bill for 7,200 fr., he had
not seen his nephew, and was not aware of the neglect
which had taken place. M. Sudre, -the counsel for M.
Dufour, said that, previously to the departure of M. Phi-
quepal in 1823, the education of his client proceeded
satisfactorily enough, and this was also the case for nine
months after his arrival at Philadelphia ; but that, at
the expiration of that time, he had conceived a passion
for the social theories of Mr. Owen, and from that mo-
ment the education of his pupils took a vicious turn.
M. Phiquepal, having resolved upon joining Mr. Owen,
dismissed his American pupils, and embarked with those
whom he had brought from France in a large flat-
bottomed boat, to perform a voyage of 500 leagues on
the Ohia and Wabash rivers. They had hardly however,
been embarked 24 hours in their frail vessel, when they
were stopped by the ice, and compelled to winter for
three months in an almost deserted village. Having at
length arrived at New Harmony, the pupils were put to
the rudest labour, such as ploughing, masonry, smiths'
work, &c., and had to make their own clothes and pre-
pare their own food, everything else being neglected.
Their food consisted of Indian corn slightly boiled, and
made into cakes, to which was added, on Sunday, a little
game when they were successful in shooting. Two years
afterwards the printer of the New Harmony Gazette hav-
ing quitted the colony, his compositors were replaced by
the pupils of M. Phiquepal. In the mean time, said
M. Sudre, the pecuniary resources of M. Phiquepal
being exhausted, he associated himself with Miss Wright,
a female of fortune, who was a great reformer, and
anxious to propagate her ideas among the blacks. The
pupils of -M. Phiquepal were now embarked on the Mis-
sisippi for New York, where they arrived after a fatiguing
journey, and were set to work as journeymen composi-
tors on a new journal called the Free Inquirer. During
the whole of this time the parents and friends of the pu-
pils were ignorant of what was passing. M. de Beause-
jour, in his anxiety, addressed himself for information
to General Lafayette, who made many fruitless inquiries.
M. do Beausejour, added M. Sudre, having learnt indi-
rectly that his nephew had been at New Harmony, wrote
letter after letter, to know if he were still there, or what
had become of him. It was not until three years after
that he received the following letter :
" New York, October 11, 1829.

"My dear Uncle,—l hasten to reply to your last let-
ter of May 28, 1829. It only reached me last week,
after having been taken to New Harmony, and brought
back here. You tell me that you have written more than
ten times, but I can assure you that those are the only
two letters I have received from you.: M. Phiquepal
has every reason to believe that his and our letters,
during our sojourn at New Harmony, have been inter-
cepted. We now reside at New York, on the bank of a.
pretty river, five miles from the city, in the same house
with Mr. Owen and Miss Wright ; you must know them,
at least from reputation ; they edit a journal, which my
comrades and I print. We have learnt a variety of little
things which I think will contribute to render us inch-
pendent, in whatever position we may be placed. I shall find
no difficulty in making my own shoes, my coats, my cap,
my bread, butter, soap, candles, brooms, or, in a word,
to do anything useful in household affairs ; to. cultivate
my garden, or my farm, to.construct my hut, my boat,
and to save myself by swimming, if it were necessary.
This latter was of essential service to me on a late oc-
casion, when our boat having upset in a squall, it was
not without great difficulty that M. Phiquepal and our-
selves were able to save our lives. M. Phiquepal and
my comrades are very well, and desire;'to be remembered
to you."
As soon as M. de Beausejour was informed of these
facts, he recalled his nephew to France. M. Phiquepal,
after a voyage to St. Domingo with Miss Wright, where
they had in vain attempted to inculcate the philosophy
of Owen in the minds of the blacks, came to Paris, and
having tranquillised the mind of the Baron as to his
nephew's education, he received the bill for 7,200 E But
the arrival of the nephew having dissipated all the illu-
sions created by M. Phiquepal, the bill was dishonoured
when it became due. M. Sudre having thus stated the
facts of his case, concluded by calling upon the tribunal
to annul the demand of the plaintiff, and give damages
to his client, M. Dufour. The Avoca du Poi followed
M. Sudre. He censured in strong terms the conduct of
M. Phiquepal, in giving to M. Dufour the education of a
mere labourer, and recommended to the tribunal to an-
nul, or at least diminish considerably, his claim.
The tribunal, having heard the parties, adjourned the
cause for a week, for the delivery of the judgment.
On the 6th instant it was delivered, to the following
effect, viz.:—That the defendant, M. de Beausejour,
might have authorised the plaintiff to adopt a peculiar
system of physical education; he never understood that
there was to be an exclusion of all those studies which
develope the moral and intellectual faculties; and that
M. Phiquepal having neglected all these branches of edu-
cation for a period of six years, could only claim pay-
ment for his expenditure in providing for the physical
wants of the pupil. The tribunal, therefore, condemned
the defendant to pay only 2,500 E, instead of 7,2091., the
amount for which he had given his bill, but rejected the
claim for damages made by the Baron de Beausejour,
and his nephew; M. Phiquepal, however, to pay all
the costs.

THE YOUNG IDEA i—A few days since, in
the neighbourhood of Dam,lish, a female servant was out
with a little boy, three years old, when on seeing some
black sheep in A field, divested of their fleeces, he ex-
claimed, " Oh, there's funny sheep !" " Why, said the
servant, they have only been shorn." " What's shorn?"
inquired the little fellow. " Why they've had their
coats cut off," was the reply. The next day the maid
heard a black kitten belonging to her mistress crying
dismally in the court ; and on going to see ivkt was the
matter, she found that the little boy who was sitting on
a step, had the head of the kitten between his knees,
having nearly finished the operation of sheering little
puss on one side. On asking the little fellow why he
could think of serving the kitten so bad ? he promptly
answered, " If the sheep have their coats cut off, why,
shouldn't the cat be shorn too?" The maid was dumb-
foundered ; and little puss runs about with half a coat.—
Sherborne Journal.

NORWEGIAN CLIMATE.--The coast of Nor-
way is remarkable for its climate and atmospheric phe-
nomena. Corn grows in the same latitude as in the most
northern part of Iceland. At Alten, higher still than
Greenland, there are to be seen both corn and larches.
In Asia and America, countries in the same latitudes are
covered with eternal snow, where man cannot live.
Hammerfest, a town with 600 inhabitants, stands in lat.
71 deg. This is the most northerly town in the world.
The copper works of Kaffiord are in lat. 70 deg. The
coal mines of Spitzbergen are the only works under
ground so far north. Human beings live even at the
North Cape. In Russia; again, every harbour is blocked
up in winter, whilst no, ice is to be seen in any port of
Norway. At Tromsoe, in lat. 69 to 70 deg., the mer-
cury rarely falls, in winter, below 12 deg. of R. ; and
even within the arctic circle, it is rarely lower than 2
deg. of R. It is a law of nature that heat increases as
we recede from the pole ; how, then, is this exception to
be accounted for ? It is explained as follows. A con-
tinual elevation process of the earth, such as can be
proved to exist in Sweden, is also at work in Norway.
A marine alluvial stratum, and extraordinary old water.
marks are to be seen 500 feet above the level of the sea.
The necessary concomitant, subterranean heat, is nearly
the only solution of this remarkable phenomenon.—
Athenceam.

WHY ARE WOMEN LONGER LIVED THAN
MEN ?-It cannot fail to be remarked as a striking tact
connected with human mortality, that notwithstanding
the peculiar and more severe diseases to which females
are necessarily exposed, and their more delicate consti-
tution, they are longer lived than males. The average
age of males in England and Wales in. 1838 was 44,
while that of females was 47. giving an average of 7 per
cent. of excess of mortality of males over females. This
fact hi the more remarkable, when we consider that up-
wards of a hundredth of all the deaths in the metropolis
arise from diseases peculiar to females, while they ars
equally exposed to all other dizeaJ.es of a mortal nature.
To what are we to ascribe the circumstance, then, that
the lives of females are three years more valuable than
those of males ? We believe that temperance and more
regular habits are among the causes, and that our view
will be borne out by the opinion of those who have eon-
sidered• the- subject with. attention.—Lecturf by Dr. R.
D. Thompson.