The Sun.
London, England, 1841-07-28 00:00:00

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

A general impression exists that Parliament will meet
for. the despatch of business oii the 19th of next month
(August), but that is by no means certain. The writs
are returnable on that day, but the meeting of the Legis-
lature must be convened by proclamation, agreed upon
by her Majesty in Council. On the death of his late
Majesty, William the Fourth, in 1837, Parliament was
prorogued on the 17th of July following; and on the
same evening an Extraordinary Gazette was published,
dissolving it. On that occasion the writs were made re-
turnable on the 11th of September following. On the
21st of August (three weeks previous) a Privy Council
was held at Windsor Castle, when a proclamation was
agreed upon postponing the meeting of Parliament until
the 2d of October ; previous, however, to that day, an-
ether Privy Council was held by her Majesty, at Wind-
sor (Wednesday, the 20th of September) when a second
proclamation :was issued, further postponing the meet-
ing of Parliament, from Monday, the 2d of October, to
Wednesday, the 15th of November, then to meet for the
despatch of business.
On the 2d of October the Lord Chancellor, Lord King,
and Lord Foley, as Lords Commissioners, took their
seats in the House of Lords, when the officers of the
Commons having appeared at the bar, the- Queen's
" writ" was read, commanding the Lords spiritual and
temporal, and the Members of the Commons to give their
attendance at Westminster on Wednesday, the 15th day
of November, for the dispatch of divers urgent and im-
portant affairs. On the last mentioned day both Houses
met, the Commons at one o'clock, and the Lords at a
quarter before two o'clock, when shortly. afterwards there
was a Royal Commission in the House of Lords, to which
the Commons were summoned. The Lords Commis-
sioners then informed the Members of the Commons that
their first duty was to elect a Speaker, and as soon as one
of their body had been appointed, he must be presented
for her Majesty's approbation ; they would then proceed
to take the oaths of allegiance, &c. &c. ; that being done,
her Majesty would come down and open the business of
the Session with a speech from the Throne.
The Commons immediately afterwards retired, and
Mr. Abercromby was proposed by the late Speaker (Mr.
S. Lefevre), seconded by Mr. Strutt, and elected with-
out any opposition being offered. The remainder of the
week, from Wednesday, the 15th of November, was oc-
cupied in administering the oaths to Members ; and on
Monday, the 20th, her Majesty opened the first session
of her Parliament with a speech from the Throne. On
Saturday, the 23d of December following, her Majesty
went down •to the House of Lords and gave her Royal
assent to several Bills, but there was no speech from the
Throne, and on that day both Houses adjourned until
Tuesday, the 16th of January, 1838.

RELEASE OF MR. MEDHURST FROM PRl-
soN.—This person, whose case has lately acquired re-
newed interest in the eyes of the public, in consequence
of the erasure of the name of Mr. H. Moreton Dyer
from the commission of the Peace for the county of Mid-
dlesex, was on Saturday last released from his confine-
ment in the House of Correction, Coldbath-fields, upon
an order sent down from the Home-office. It appears
that for some time his health had been on the decline,
and that, since the interference of Mr. Dyer in his af-
fairs, the symptoms of an internal disease, the early
stages of which had previously manifested themselves,
have been greatly aggravated. To such an extent had these
symptoms increased, that it was found necessary to
call for the advice and assistance of an eminent physi-
cian, whose opinion was of a nature to induce the Visit-
ing Justices of the prison to forward a certificate as to
the state of the patient to the Marquis of Normanby.
Subsequent visits tended to confirm the original impres-
sion of the medical attendant as to the danger of the at-
tack, and further certificates were sent to the Noble
Marquis, describing the character of the disease, accom-
panied with the expression of a conviction, that unless
Mr. Medhurst were set at liberty the worst result was to
be anticipated. The excitement created in the mind of
the prisoner by the recent proceedings arising out of the
alleged proposition of the ex-Magistrate is supposed to
be the cause to which his present condition may be at-
tributed.

THE Goonwobp CUP.—The piece of plate
w i .h, in accordance with the language of the turf, is
th's year called the " Goodwood Cup," and which will
be run for at Goodwood on Thursday next (to-morrow),
is a very elegant group in silver, designed by Mr. Cottc-
rill, and executed at the manufactory of Mr. Gar-
rard cf the Haymarket, . representing one of the
most important passages in the battle of Bosworth
Field, viz. the onslaught made by Richard 111., and
the moment in which he cut down Sir W. Brandon,
standard-bearer to the Earl of Richmond (afterwards
Henry VII.) The group depicted by Mr. Cotterill,
consists of two figures—Richard 111., who is on horse-
back, and Sir W. Brandon, who is dismounted, and whose
horse is represented as in the agony of death. The
tyrant Richard has caught hold of the standard of the
Earl of Richmond, and is wrenching it from the reluctant
grasp of the intrepid standard-bearer, who has lost his
helmet, and is in vain defending himself against the
vigorous attack of the last representative of the house
of York. The group is full of vigour. The com-
position is exceedingly pure, and the details of the
armour and the peculiarities of the costume are
admirably represented. This group is worth, without
reference to the intrinsic value of the silver, as estimated
by the owner, infinitely more than a mere "racing cup"
of the olden time. It not only confers a boon upon art,
but it enables the fortunate winner to place amongst his
plate an elegant and a refined ornament. Our ancestors
were accustomed to make too free an indulgence from the
contents of racing " cups," but fortunately for us, their
descendants, we can appreciate genius in the prizes of
modern races, and whilst drinking to the success of for-
tunate winners, reward them and encourage art at the
same time, by a judicious selection of the prizes which
form the stimulants of their endeavours.
EDINBURGH AND GLASGOW RAILWAY.—
In reference to the interdict which has been granted by
the Court of Session, against the Board of Directors of
this Company proceeding to act under the resolutions of
a meeting of the shareholders, held on the 22d February
last, by which difficulties in the future management were
intended to be removed, we understand that the interdict
is restricted to the first two resolutions ; the first author-
ising the Board to take upon itself the superintendence
of the whole affairs of the Company, remitting only
matters of a purely local character to the Edinburgh and
Glasgow Committees, and the second, authorising the ap-
pointment of certain Committees to expedite the busi-
ness of the Company. The Court has not extended the
interdict to the other resolutions of the shareholders, one
of which is to erect all the workshops at Glasgow, in-
stead of dividing them between Edinburgh and Glasgow.
The decisions of the Court, and the opinions of the
Judges, as reported, leave still undefined the powers and
duties of the two statutory Committees, as distin-
guished from the powers and ditties of the Board
of Directors, and leaves uncertain whether the in-
terdict refers to the Committees as deliberative or execu
Live. The Act of Parliament on the points in dispute, it
would soon seem, like most Acts of Parliament, admits
of two interpretations ; meanwhile, we understand, that
in order that no obstruction be made to the opening of
the line, the Board, at a meeting held this week, consist-
ing of most of the Edinburgh and Glasgow members,
unanimously agreed that the superintendent, and other
officers of the line, be immediately appointed by the
Board, and that it proceed to enact the regulations for
the management of the whole affairs of the Company.—
Glasgow Herald.

GUANO AND NITRATE OF SODA.—.A speci-
men of guano, or of the dung of the guano a South
American sea-bird, was shown at the agricultural meet-
iug last week, by Mr. Shirring. It is likely to become
a considerable g
article of commerce, as it is found in great
quantities on the rocky coasts of the Pacific, and is said
to be the most powerful and concentrated of all manures.
Applied at the rate of about two cwt. an acre it produces
very fine crops of turnips and grasses, and is particularly
suited for the light lands, on which these crops are
usually reared. The wonderful effects of the sea-fowl's
dung are mentioned by Sir Humphrey Davy, in his Agri-
cultural Chemistry. Together with nitrate of soda,
which is obtained from the same quarter of the world, it
is likely to have a great effect on English agriculture.
Some of the farmers who were at the meeting last week,
spoke in the highestlerms of the effects of nitrate of
soda, particularly on their wheat crops.—Liverpool Times.
EFFECTS OF DISSIPATION.—In the Glasgow
Police Court, on Thursday, a poor dissipated wretch
presented his haggard countenance, supported by two
trembling hands—the elbows resting on the bar—and
heard, with rueful expression, the charge of abusing his
wife. She appeared in the witness box, a clean snod
body, and not at all disposed to be severe on her decid-
edly worse half. According to her evidence he had
fasted for nearly twenty months—taking nothing but
whisky—until his stomach refused food, and his senses
denied him the knowledge of the days of the week ? She
did not want to be separated from him; all she wanted
was him to sapurate himself from " that cursed whisky."
" If he does not," eaajahned she, growing warm in her
feelings, " he will take what God gage me ; and that is
my rational judgment !"—(Sensation.) ConKtz,--You
should really take your wife's advice, and abstain from
drinking. Prisoner (head and hands shaking)—l will ;
I will. Fiscal—And join the teetotallers ? Prisoner—
Yes, yes ; this will never do t i 4ye been in
dream, destroying and breaking my poor a horrid
w hpgrt,
ruining my children and blasting my constitution,
mcha-
racter, and prospects ! (Slowly and gloomily turning
his palsied head De 0149 to side, and, hissing for
burning words.) I shall go mad I I shall go mad ! th the
" The
Court soothingly recommended him 6 reforillt k/Ifl his
wife hurried to his assistance, and tenderly led him away;
he regaining composure, and she deeply affeeted.—Edin-
burgh Courant.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM TINE MORNING PAPERS or THIS DAY.

TIMES.—We yesterday endeavoured to sketch out
the limits within which it would be open to the Conser-
vative Ministry to pursue a variable line of policy, ti
accommodate themselves to circumstances, and to make
considerations of immediate expediency their rule of ac.
tion. Those limits were sufficiently wide, embracing,
as our readers will have perceived, the whole class o.
subjects relating to trade and revenue, which the Whigs
have recently endeavoured to draw into the category o'
party questions. There is something in the very nature
of those queStions which obviously distinguishes them
from such as are capable of being determined by fixed of
uniform principles ; and it would be an absurdity to deal
with them by any inflexible method. The fluctuations
of price and supply, the vicissitudes of seasons, the
state of the producing countries, and our moral, social,
and political relations with them,—the revenue laws
and commercial systems of foreign states, the pro-
spects of peace and war, the state of credit and cur-
rency at home and abroad, the exigencies of the Ex-
chequer— these are all circumstances which -must
be taken into account in settling the time, the
manner, the direction, and the degree, in which those
commercial maxims on which all parties are agreed, and
which were first acted upon under the Tory Govern-
ments before 1830, are to be practically applied. To fa-
cilitate the operations of trade, and to provide for the
necessities of the public service in the manner the least
burdensome to the community, are objects which recom-
mend themselves so plainly to the ordinary sense of man-
kind, that no Minister, however stupid, could avoid ap-
nreciating them, or, however dishonest, could have any
motive for disregarding them. There can never be any
fundamental difference between Whigs and Conservatives
upon points like these ; and it is idle for either party to
seek to invent one. The. only difference is, that the
Conservatives desire to promote the interests of com-
merce without hazarding any disturbance of the
framework of society, without doing injustice to one
part of the nation under the pretence of conferring a
boon upon another, and without holding out to the
people the promise of utopian advantages which no
Legislation can ever confer. The Conservatives do not
aim at accomplishing everything at once ; but they will
do what they can—discreetly, cautiously, and gradually,
with a constant regard to circumstances, and with a re-
solution not to sacrifice commerce to agriculture, or agri-
culture to commerce. It is not by class-interests, either
of Manchester or of Kent, that a Conservative or any
other Government can be pernianently supported ; it is
only by giving all their due, and governing for the be-
nefit of the entire nation. What we have exemplified in
the instance of fiscal and commercial questions is equally
true of every other question which cannot be referred to
the category of fundamental principles. Upon all such
questions the Government of Sir R. Peel must be a reform-
ing Government; by which we mean not a Government
which presumes that " whatever is is wrong," but simply
one that does not make the contrary presumption,—a Go-
vernment which knows that society cannot stand still—
that human institutions are corruptible and imperfect
at the best—and that in things indifferent statesmen
can hardly do better than pay homage to public opinion.
There may be even many things not strictly indifferent
in which opposite considerations may be so nearly ba-
lanced that public opinion is entitled to turn the scale.
It would, however, be the greatest possible mistake to
suppose, that because in such 'matters as these Sir
Robert Peel's will be a reforming Government, it
will therefore be a Government of concession. No
man can be fit to goVern any country, who fancies
himself to be making concessions when he is removing
abuses, remedying imperfections, or earring into effect
improvements. Concession implies a departure from
a man's own judgment in consequence of a pressure
from without ; and he who makes a " concession ' when
he follows the dictates of reason and common sense must
be either very dishonest or singularly foolish. Conserva-
tism does not mean the preserving everything, but only
such things as are worth preservation ; and, in many
cases, this cannot be done without cutting off a mortified
member, paring down an excrescence, scraping away an
accumulation of time, repairing a breach, or adding a
support. A stationary policy is impossible, and even if
it were possible, it would be not conservative, but de-
structive. Advance, we must ; the only question is, in
what direction ? and when means not ends, the physical
and not the moral department of politics, are under
discussion, all must agree to answer—in the direction of
the greatest practicable utility. But there are ends as
well as means, principles as well as details, fundamental
as well as secondary institutions. It is here that the
true difference between the Conservatives and the Whigs
is to be found, and this difference must be exemplified
by a widely, an essentially different scope of policy.
In being " not disposed to resist such changes as the
altered circumstances of society may require," the Con-
servatives merely agree with every other class of poli-
ticians, and the profession of such a principle would have
been ridiculous if the misrepresentations of the opposite
faction had not made it necessary. The peculiar and
distinctive character of Conservatives consists in this—
that they are the champions of those positive principles
of Government which we have inherited from our ances-
tors—the principle of civil liberty under the supremacy
of law, and of religious liberty consecrated and justified
by'the homage of the nation to religious truth. They
are," determined to maintain on thir ancient founda-
tions the institutions of the country in Church and
State." "On their ancient foundations." Not because
they are ancient, but because they are wise, and safe, and
good ; because they answer the purposes for which they
were intended ; because experience has shown that
every encroachment upon them has done nothing but in-
troduce confusion and promote demoralization, retrench-
ing liberty without adding to the strength of Government,
and pandering to popular passions without increasing
public happiness.
CHRONICLE.—Sir Robert Peel, we are told, is to
have a giant's strength, and intimations are given, that
if he expects to retain the confidence of his party he
must " use it like a giant." Speculations are afloat as to
the theatre on which the first grand exhibition of
dynamics is to take place. The Emperor of China is a
protege of the Tories, and Young France is in a less
pugnacious humour than he was a year ago. Besides
this, it is more agreeable to stand by and abuse others
for not fighting than actually to engage in battle, and the
time is past for embarking in a foreign war to withdraw
attention from misgovernment at home. In this exi-
gency, we think Ireland will be selected as a scene for
military operations and vigorous government, and an
effort will be made to grow war as well as corn at home.
But times have changed ; the Irish cannot be dragooned
without some plausible pretext, and the immediate doub-
ling of the army in Ireland, would excite a commotion
here which might weaken the strong Government.
Preparations are, therefore, made, by giving horrible
accounts of outrages at the late elections, most of which
we suspect are grossly exaggerated, and some. we have
reason to believe, purely fictitious. That an election in
Ireland should go off quietly we did not expect. The
prospect of Lord Stanley's Bill, and the recollection of
the continued pourings forth of scorn and contempt upon
the whole nation, in which the Tories have indulged for
some years, might have excited the irritability of a much
milder people ; but had the violence which has been
talked about really occured, we should have had a much
fuller account of the persons intimidated, and the atroci-
ties of the Teetotallers would have been put in a more
tangible shape. It is remarkable, that in most of these
accounts the Orangemen are represented as going to the
poll well armed, and as generally overcoming the obsta-
cles opposed to them. In none of the contests does it
appear that the " mob " used fire-arms ; but in seve-
ral they were fired upon with very telling effect.
At New Birmingham the Conservatives are said to
have retreated " with the loss of two car-
riages," after firing twice, and bringing down five of the
rioters. In the neighbourhood of Nenagh a contest took
place, and " the multitude, finally foiled, withdrew to
look after their dead and wounded." At Borrisoleigh the
Conservatives routed the mob with their levelled guns,
and found on the heights "barrows of paving-stones [this
looks like London manufacture] ranged on the moun-
tain's brow," and " a huge rock was detached from the
cliff' and bounded down in the direction of one of the
carriages," still " the electors reached the end of their
journey without the loss of any of their number." Now,
from this account, it is clear that, whichever side gave
the provocation, the Conservatives were the better pre-
, pared for action, and that among the mob many were
killed and wounded. The writer who, belonging to time
victorious party, must have had ample opportunity of as-
certaining the amount of loss, omits the names of the
Magistrates and others who were wounded by the mob,
but makes honourable mention of "police constable
Lyndon," which is very like a bulletin reporting time
loss of Corporal Stubbs and several general officers. We
strongly suspect that, on this occasion, police constable
Lyndon does duty for the whole "casualties" of the
Orangemen of Tipperary.
lIERALI).—A healthy re-action appears to be gain-
ing ground upon the moral constitutions of the Whig-
Radical organs of Ministerial opinion. -We are glad of
it. It is a symptom of most favourable augury for them;
and of very agreeable promise to us. They seem to be
impelled, at last, to make admissions which embody a
great deal of truth. Whether they do so from the love
of truth itself, or under a force greater than truth itself,
we cannot yet determine. Are these admissions gra-
tuitous advances, on their part, to a principle from which
they have been so long estranged ? Or are the parties
we speak of but unconscious recipients of the sacred influ-.
ence ? Are they magnetised into a state of passive vera-
city ; and only giving active indications of the new intel-
ligence within them, at the pleasure of some unseen
master of the informing spell, who, like M. La Fontaine
at the•llanover-square Rooms, ever and anon reclaims
the lethargic "subject" on whose deathlike stupor the
electro-magnetic machine and the voltaic battery have
played their artillery in vain,—to animation and vivacity
by a touch of the point of his finger ? Whatever be the
true solution of the enigma, it is certain that some of our
Contemporaries can give it. There are some, before
whose eyes the startling evidence of facts has rom day
to day, developed the fatal tendencies of the career
which their patrons were running—into whose ears the
appalling denunciations of an indignant country against
political compromise and imbecility, without example,
have been thundered from sunrise till midnight,—and
ell etinally without effect, in recalling them to a sense
of the external condition of public affairs, and the in-
disputably adverse current of popular opinion setting
in against' them ! It is certain, however, that they have
the sagacity to perceive, at last, and the grace to acknow-
ledge,-,these " signs of the times." We take great
shame to ourselves that in the Herald of Monday last we
• did not recur to these manifestations as the leading poli-
tical " novelty" of the day. They are most observable
in an evening journal which takes in high dudgeon our
• remonstrances an the ippansmatory tendencies of some
of its recent articles. In speculating on the difficulties
! which it anticipated for Sir Robert Peel and his col-
• leagues when they shall return to office ; it referred to
thedepressed condition of trade in the manufacturing
1 districts and the superacided burden of additional
taxation rendered necessary in order to meet the
demands of a declining revenue, as the elements of a