The Sun.
London, England, 1841-10-04 00:00:00

NOON, INIONDAY, OCTOBER 4, lB4l.

chat of commanders, who had been employed on spe-
dal service. The first of these was Commander Crosier,
.(ho had the command of two ships in the expedition of
,2aptain Ross. And their Lordships would recol-
ect• the great and important success of his first
..oyage of discovery. His services had been duly
,ppreciated at the Admiralty. Captain Ross stated
to was indebted to the officers and crews of his
cessels.for. the success of that expedition, and he made
t a request that his only reward would be the promotim.
..)f Capt. Crosier, who commanded the Terror, and som(
of his other companions in that expedition. The next
was a person in whom he (Lord Minto) could not say
that he did not f4l a deep interest—the Hon. Cherie.,
i.:lliot, the commander of the Hazard—but he could say
;hat his promotion was not the consequence of his being
t the head of the Admiralty, but that he had been
warmly and strongly recommended for promotion.
The next who was promoted was Commander Granville,
And the fourth was Commander John Parker, both
of whom had been strongly recommended for pro-
motion in consequence of their services and ability.
He next came to the cases of those officers who had
been promoted from the rank of Lieutenant to that of
Commander. These cases were nine in number. The first
ease was that of Commander Scott, an officer who had beet;
Anployed on two different occasions in the Turkish
Meet, who had been particularly recommended by
he Turkish Government to her Majesty for sonic
mark of her approbation. Now, it was certainly not
according to precedent to promote officers in con-
sequence of the recommendation • of Foreign
overnments, and he (Earl Minto) had felt great doubt:.
As to the expediency of complying with the recommenda-
tion, but when he considered the services which that

..fficer had rendered on the coast of Syria, and that the
services rendered to the Turkish Goverment were rendered
to a Government with which England was in close
alliance, he certainly had thought it expedient and
right to promote that officer. He would only state, it,
addition; that Commander Scott was of a family strongly
opposed to him (Earl M.) both in general and local politic 3.
The next cases were those of Lieutenant Edward Stop-
ford and Lieutenant Lloyd who were in the Syrian
Campaign, the next was Lieutenant Cloake, and the next
Mr. Sherningham. There was also Lieutenant Fan-
shawe who was nerly connecteduwith Sir Robert Stop-
ford, and considering the great services of that officer, he
thought he was justified in the promotions he had maie.
'The last officer on the list was Lieutenant Lowe, tirho
was nearly related to Sir Thomas Hastings. Before he
(the Earl of Minto) left the Board, he placed on
record a minute of the valuable services of Sir Thomas
Hastings, in perfecting the system of gunnery
in the navy. On his (Sir Thomas nesting's)
recommendation he (the Earl of Minto) promoted
Mr. Moorman from the office of Senior Gunnery Mate to
the rank of Lieutenant. The concluding observations of
the Noble Earl were made in so low a tone of voice as to
be quite inaudible in the gallery.
On the motion that the, Exchequer Bills Funding
Bill be read a second time,

Viscount MELBOURNE said he did not rise for the
purpose of making any objection to the Bill, or to the
manner in which it was intended to carry its provisions into
effect, but it appeared to him that the Government having
come to the determination that they would not take into
consideraties the financial state of the country, that they
should not take into consideration its commercial diffi-
culties, that they should not adopt those measures which
were proposed for that purpose by the late Government,
or produce any similar measures of their own. As soon
as that determination was know it was impossible but
that some such course as the present should have
been adopted. Knowing that there was a deficit
in the revenue, and knowing that there was
no time to consider the question of taxation,
.the only course that could be adopted under the cir-
cumstances was the present, and he did not know that
any particular objection could be taken to the form in
which it was done. The only objection was that
it had failed—that this had not succeeded—
that they had not raised their money—that they
had not funded their Exchequer Bills.—(Hear, hear).
He was certainly the last man who would say anything
likely to produce any effect upon the Money Market,
and he was very unlikely to say anything that would
be calculated to produce that effect. Considering
the language which the Government had held
with regard to the finances of the country` and the state
of the money market, lie thought they should have
taken care not to have failed. They should have taken
care to have succeeded, and even if they had made
some worse bargain or made worse terms than the
late Government—and he rather feared they were
actuated by some such motives—(Hear, and a laugh)—
they should have endeavoured . to carry their point, and
it appeared to him that they were actuated by very short-
sighted and injudicious motives. At the same time, he
was not in the least degree objecting to the measure,
but he wished to call the attention of their Lordships to
what might be considered the manifesto or basis of the
motion which had led to the change in the Government.
That was characterised by his Noble Friend as a very able
and eloquent speech. He (Viscount Melbourne) admitted
that it was a very able and eloquent one, but even
admitting the whole of that to be true,
it was utterly insufficient to maintain the super-
structure of the vote that was founded upon
it. He did not deny its eloquence, but there
was many able and eloquent speeches which had
been 'productive of great inconvenience afterwards.
It was said that the late Goternment had never go-
verned the country in a fair, manly, or straight-
forward manner—they were denounced for tam-
pering with the finances of the country ; but
he would ask whether those who made such charges
against them had a right to come forward with a mea-
sure of so completely temporary a nature—nay, with a
measure to objectionable that even the Chancellor
of the Exchequer admitted that the measure was a
mere temporary one, and ought not to form a precedent?
He (Vi: eiunt Melbourne) did not object to the
measure, only he thought it was inconsistent with
the arguments used on the "No Confidence" motion.
If they were determined on the course they had pur-
sued, then they were fiot justified in that motion. They
might have had the vote of No confidence without
any argument—(Laughter)--they were sure of the vote,
but they had no right to call the attention of the Par-
. liament and the country to the deficit. In the late Go-
vernment it was quite consistent because they were pre-
pared to propose measures for curing that state
of things, but it was not fair of the present
Government, considering the arguments used by
them against the measures of the late Government.
On various occasions within the last two years they had
heard much in both Houses of Parliament of the
necessity of relieving the finances of the country
from the immense difficulties in which they were
involved. That language had been repeated lately in
the other House of Parliament by those who now filled
the hghest situations and possessed the highest
authority in this country. He (Lord Melbourne
denied it. He said it was not correct, that
it was not fair to the finances of the country to
say so. He (Lord Melbourne) said the finances
of the country were not in immense difficulties.—(Hear,
hear.) He said it was an overstatement of an exag-
geration. He perfectly admitted that the ex-
penses of the country in some years exceeded
the income—that the financial situation of the country de-
manded serious consideration, to be looked at seriously,
and to be energetically met, but he said they were not
involved in immense difficulties, and looking at the ge-
neral state of the country, the amount of its revenue, its
resources and its strengh, he could not conceive any
course more unjust or impolitic than to hold de-
sponding language on the subject, which must
necessarily have the effect of weakening those resources
and diminishing that strength.—(Hear.) He perfectly
admitted there was a difficulty, but he begged leave
utterly. distinctly, shortly, emphatically— in words
which, being short, would be more easily understood—
to deny that they (the late Government) had delivered
over the country, or either the revenue, or any other in-
terest, in a dangerous or embarrassed state to those who
had succeeded them.—(Hear, hear.) The Neble Lord
said that some decided, vigorous, efficient, and certain
system was necessary, and then he came down with this
scheme, which had unquestionably all the defects which
he had attributed to their's (the late Government's), and
which particularly had this additional defect, that it
added to the funded debt of the country, with-
out making provision for the interest, which
he (Lord M.) remembered, was not the objection urged
by the Noble Duke (the Duke of Wellington)
to their funding Exchequer Bills in 1838 or
1839, he forgot which.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The
Noble Duke then said that the measure was right, but
that they should have made provision for the interest.
Yet now he was a party to a proceeding
which was unquestionably liable to the same
objection. He (Lord Melbourne) did not know that
the measure taken by the Government was wrong, but they
had no business to adopt it after the language they had
held, and after the address they had carried up to the
foot of the Throne.—(llear, hear. What were they
uniting for ? If the finances of the coun-
try were involved in immense difficulty—if there
was this difficulty, this urgent necessity surely
they ought to take them into their immediate
consideration.—(Cheers.) What had they got to con-
sider ? There was no mystery in it, no dif-
ficulty, but to decide on one thing or the other.
the expenditure exceeded the income, and they must
either raise the income or diminish the expenditure.
He was afraid they would not be able to do the latter in
Vie present state of the country. He thought it likely that
extraordinary expenditure would be necessary. He trusted.
Oat it would not be. But the Noble Lcrd opposite said he
was convinced that occasions for increased ,expenditure
would arise. What thea did he propose to do ? Ae
asked for time. What ! was lie looking for the philo-
sopirer's stone?—(Haar.) Was he seeking to discover
the tranemutasion of metal ?—(Renewed laughter.) If
so, it was perfectly reasonable to ask for time, and he was
ri ady to give tirr.e.—(A laugh.) But as that was not the
case, he thought there was no reason for taking so long a
time to consider measures so urgently required. The Noble
Luke opposite thought the lateness of the session and
the improbability of procuring an adequate attendance
were sufficient reasons for the postponement ; but he
(Lord Melbourne) did not think
nk
,tk.hsoserurcontbsiedcrations
ought to have any lt
attend-
ance, if the Noble Duke would give notice
r
that he intended to bring in a law relating to would be
the impor-
tationuu of corn, he might rely on it therellaauclgi.bo.f) attendance in bothin
Melbourne) Houses
was onfot a r i
greats a m e n
at . ( As
afraid theo-
rist in finance as others, nor was he so much
been
he
others of the consequences of this measure. but a
held
thought that, after the language which had which
_ih
e_
were
not entitled to propose.—(" Hear, n
b) its present Ministers, and the important votes
they had procured, it was such a measure as they
ear, e from the Op-
position.)
The Earl of RIPON was always amused when his
Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne) chose to be jocular ;
and he was not the less so when his jocularity was di-

THE SUN, l,

: -
reeted against him (Lord R.). He would not go into a
nstification of a speech he had made on a firmer evenigg,
and to which his Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne) made
no reply at the time.—(Ministerial cheers.) But his
Noble Friend seemed to be in gicat doubt whether he
disapproved of the measure or not. "Ile hints a doubt,
and hesiates dislike."—(A laugh.)
Lord MELBOURNE—•I did not say I disappr oo f
the measure at all.—(A laugh.)
The Earl of RIPON—But there was ono thing to
which his Noble Friend did object, and in very strong
language too. He objected that the measure had
been a failure. Now he (Lord Ripon) must say
on the other hand that it was no failure. His Right
lion. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not
raised all the money which was at first intended,
but he had raised (as we understood), nearly a million
more than was required to cover the deficit.
Well, then, he said that they were not justified in having
recourse to this, which, of course, no being could deny
was a temporary expedient, on account of the amend-
ment which they introduced into the Address. What
was it, he wished to know, that called the attention of the
douse to the subject? Not their amendment, but the speech
(rum the Throne. The Government were bound to be
prepared with measures, having had the whole year to
propose them. But was an individual Member of
the House to be precluded from moving an amend-
ment unless he was prepared to strike off at
-once the whole system of financial policy ? The idea
was absurd, and no one knew that it was so better than
uis Noble Friend himself.—(Hear, hear.) They were
ant liable, therefore, to his Noble Friend's reproach,
:f they had undertaken— coming into office at the very
beginning of September—if they had undertaken
to propound then a whole scheme of finance,
and a revision from beginning to end of the
whole commercial system of the country, the nation
would have considered them as fools and madman. It
was very easy for persons who were not practically
acquainted with such matters to make such a
mistake ; but nobody knew better. than his Noble
Friend that you could not touch one part of the
financial system, or one great commercial inte-
rest, without indirectly and most seriously af-
fecting all the rest ; that you must not take an
isolated part of the scheme, but that you must take a
full, collective, and common sense view of the whole.
His Noble Friend knew that the science of Govern-
ment, whether legislative or executive was, in
tact, neither more nor less than a perpetual
struggle with difficulties. They might get over them,
they might evade them, but they were perpetually called
to meet them; and there was no surer way of
being overwhelmed by them, than to rush with
breathless haste into the adoption of great and
extensive schemes without mature consideration. That
was, in his mind, a sufficient justification of the course
they had taken, and to have proposed any other
just then would have been neither more nor less than
perfect madnts3. And when his Nole!e Friend talked of
their having resorted to a loan, he thought that that
was no part of the late Government. Why,
he knew perfectly well that if his own scheme
had been carried into effect, he could' not
have the deficiencies of the year without a. loan
the whole amount which he proposed-to raise, the defi-
ciency being 2,400,000, by the doubtful scheme of an
alteration of the taxes, was 1,700,00 e/. He must have
had a loan to the same amount. He (the Earl of Ripon)
defel his Noble Friend or any man of business, to show
that if that scheme had been carried into effect,
it would have been possible between this and
the beginning of Apail 1842, to have made up
the deficiency without resorting to a loan.
He should observe' that he had been much surprised
at the speech of his' -Noble Friend. To borrow an
expression from his Noble Friend, it came upon him
" like a clap of thunder." He should repeat in conclusion
that if they had purSued the course which
his Noble Friend seemed to think they were bound to
pursue, they would have abandoned 'their duty—
they would have deceived the people, and that was the very
last thing or which a Government should be guilty.
The Duke of WELLINGTON ruse, and was

(LEFT SPEAKING.)

FRENCH COMMERCE.

The following is extracted from a report of M. War-
temberg to the Bordeaux Chamber of Commerce :
" Our maritime commerce has not been treated by
Spain as it ought to have been, according to the old con-
ventions between -the countries. France has always re-
spected the existing stipulations as to the right of tonnage.
Spain has only done so in appearance. A number of
local rights have destroyed this equality, and it is in-
dispensable to remedy this false position, which the new
tariff might tend to aggravate. A protestation ought to
*e made against the kind of exclusion effected by this
tariff to the navigation of our coast of the Me.diter-
ranean and part of the ocean ; the result of such
a measure would be to .transfer the whole commerce
of Spain from France to other nations. Finally,
the surtaxes established upon merchandise imported into
the Spanish colonies by French ships are too high, and
ought to be the object of the negotiations of our Go-
vernment. It is urgent that our sugar duties
should •be modified ; for, on account of our
high surtax upon foreign sugar, the Spanish flag
is gradually taking the place of ours for the im-
portation of our produce to Cuba and Porto Rico. The
change of the Spanish customs line from the Ebro to the
P yrenees, is also detrimental to the sale of French colonial
produce. Until now the provinces of the north of Spain
received ourproduce freely, and made use of it, not only for
their consumption, but also for their exchanges with the rest
of the Peninsula. These relations with the Basque Pro-
vinces were a great source of freight to those vessels re-
turning from Columbia, St. Thomas, Guayaquil, Ha-
vannah, L-c. Now the line of Spanish custom-houses
which separated the provinces of the north from the
rest of the kingdom has been brought to our frontier, and
separates us from our old markets. We know it is not our
part to interfere in the internal regulation of other coun-
tries. The Spanish Government can, of course, place its
line of Custom-house as it chooses ; but we can obtain
compensation for the harm done to us by these measures.
The mission of the French Government is to demand
them, and we have sought to show the bases upon which
these compensations might be established.
" Finally, with respect to tissues, we have remarked
that the maximum measures of breadth adopted by the
project of the Spanish tariff, to serve as a basis
for the duty upon cloth and kerseymere, are ab-
solutely the same as those of the English stuffs.
These stuffs being narrower than ours, the result will be
that, in order not to pay heavy duties, our manufacturers
will be obliged to manufacture special stuffs for Spain,
a source of inconvenience; first, because at a given
moment, cloth and kerseymere, such as the Spa-
nish 'tariff demands, might fail, and thus force
our manufacturers to renounce important affairs,
which would not take place if cloths, made ac-
cording to the French size were admitted at the
ordinary duties ; also, because, if the French manufac-
turers fabricate,. beyond the wants of Spanish consump-
tion, stuffs of the breadth demanded by the tariff,
they can sell them with great difficulty in
France, where these breadths are not in use. As
to linen we have remarked the exaggeration which
the proposed tariff gives to the value of this article,
which, in several cases, renders the duty ad valorem com-
pletely illusory. Finally, we demand, as a means of ex-
change, with Spain, that the Frencif import duty be dimi-
nished, in a great measure, upon the produce of that
country, namely, upon oil, wool, wine, liquors, iron, &c.

The Duke of Wellington and Sir J. Graham
had a long interview with Sir Robert Peel this morning,
at the Right Ho.l. Baronet's residence in Whitehall-
gardens.
Despatches were forwarded from the Home-office
on Saturday evening for her Map3ty at Windsor Castle

THE CORN LAWS
AND COMMERCIAL REFORM.

DEVONPORT.-STATE OF THE COUNTRY-
THURSDAY, SEPT. 29.—A public meeting was held
last evening at the Town-hall, pursuant to a requisition
signed by several members of the Town Council, for the
purpose of taking into consideration " the propriety of
addressing her Majesty and both Houses of Parliament
on the subject of the Corn-laws, and on the important
duties in general." The hall was crowded. E. Abbott,
Esq., the Mayor, presided.
G. LEACH, Esq., moved the address to her Majesty.
He read ai extract from the speech of the Duke of
Buckingham, at the Buckingham agriCultural meet-
ing, and alluded to the declaration of the Duke of Rich-
mond in the House of Lords, that if Sir R. Peel pre-
sumed to meddle with the Corn-laws, they, the
landad aristocracy, would turn him out, as they
had turned out Lo-.A. Melbourne. He would
maintain that a more arrogant speech than this—a more
insulting threat, both to the Throne and the people—
had never been uttered in either House of Parliament.
It amounted to a declaration that the Queen's Minister, be
he who he might, should not hold the reins of Govern-
ment but so long as he was their tool and their slave.—
(Cheers.) Ho adduced the speeches of Lord Stanley
and Sir James Graham, as further grounds for with-
holding confidence from the Government of Sir R. Peel.
C. TREPE, Esq., seconded the address, which was sup-
ported by several other gentlemen.
The speakers were interrupted, and the business of
the meeting several times suspended, by the violence of
a body of Tory partizans at the lower end of the hall.
They moved, as an aniendaient, that the address be
considered that day six months, which, on the show of
hands, was negatived by a very large majority. The ad.
dress, when signed, is to be forwarded to the Duke of
Sussex for presentation. The prevailing feeling of the.
meeting was one of strong dissatisfaction with the policy
of the Ministry, and distrust cf its members, a feeling
-that is daily increasing among all classes in this borough.

to suffocation. John Moor, Esq., was caikd to the Chair

Mr. SomEfts moved the first resolution, to'the effect
that the depression of trade, and consequent suffering
which prevails throughout the country, through the ope-
ration of the laws which lay a tax upon food, are exten-
sive and increasing.- The resolution was not difficult to
prove. It included two points agreed to by allnamely,
that there, was misery in the, country, and that it was
both extensive and increasing.—(Hear, hear.) Even in
their neighbourhood, they felt the Corn-law's iron grasp.
—(Hear, near.) He knew individuals.who worked from
three o'clock in the morning till ten O'clock at night, and
only earned seven shillings a week to support themselves
and families. Last week a case came under his notice
of a family who had nut tasted food for two days.
(Hear, hear.) But, to take a larger survey, England,
Scotland, Ireland, and Wales presented one picture of
misery. In Scotland it had been proved that the prac-
tice existed of mixing bran with the oatmeal.. In Wales
similar similar scenes existed ; but in Ireland they were
impossible to be described.—(Hear.) It had been stated
at the Manchester Conference, that the privations of the
British poor were comparative comfort when contrasted
with those of the peasantry of Ireland, and to the truth
of that he could bear his personal testimony. Even in
Dublin ho had observed in the streets whole families,
and the only garment they had to cover them was the
large grey cloak so much worn in that country. Mr.
Somers then went into the details of the distress -men-
tioned in tisOt House ofCoramons by Mr. Sharman-Craw-
ford and other Hon. Members. The distress throughout
the whole of England was derived from ohs and the
same cause, namely, the tax upon food.—(Hear, hear.)
They might justly ask how they carae by these Corn-
laws ? It was true they were passed by the House of
Commons ; but was that House of Commons the repre-
sentative of the people ?—(Cheers, and cries of " No.")
The signatures to the petitions against the passing of the
Corn-laws were 1,638,000 more than those to the peti-
tions in its favour. So great was the hurry to get the
Bill passed into a law, that, although a public meeting
was summoned to petition the Crown not to sign it, it
was hurried through both Houses, and received the
Royal signature before the meeting could be held. It
was asserted that the Corn-law benefited the agricul-
turists. But it appeared the expenditure of a farm in
1775, before the Corn-law, was 17C./., while in 1831 the
expenditure of the same farm was 4501. That showed
the amonnt of protection which the agriculturist derived
from the Corn-law.—(Hear, hear.) Sir Robert Peel
admitted that distress existed, but said that hereafter
it should have his solemn consideration ; so that 2,000,000
or 3,000,000 of htuit4n beings, on the verge of starva-
tion, were to wait till Sir Robert Peel could say what he
could do for them. When so many now could not tell
where to get bread, what would it be in the coming
winter? He looked with the most fearful anticipations
to the future.—(Hear.)
. Mr. BRYAN seconded the resolution.

The resolution was then put, and carried unanimously.
Mr. BRAir! moved the nest ,resolution, to the effect
" That the distresses of the country call for a prompt
and efficacious remedy," and deprecated the postpone-
ment of their consideration.

Mr. SMITH seconded the resolution. If not prepared
with a plan for the relief of the country, Sir Robert
Peel ought not to have taken office.—(Loud cheers.) In
ordinary business what would they say to a man who
had been knocking at their door for months and de-
manding. employ meat, and when they bad admitted him
and desired him to turn to and work, he, instead of
doing so, was to make a low bow, and say, " Please,
Sir, lam not prepared ?"—(Laughter.) Such a thing
would be ludicrous in small matters, but in great it was
awful. The Ministry had no right to accept the seals of
office if not prepared to do the duty.—(Cheers.)
Sir Charles Napier, M.P., Dr. Bowring, M.P.. Mr.
Yorke, M.P., and other gentlemen, here entered the
room, and were received with the most enthusiastic
cheering.
Mr. HINE opposed the motion, and was pushed off the
platform. He made his way back again, and insisted
upon being heard. Great uproar ensued. Mr. Hine
declared, in a stentorian voice, that they (the opponents
of the present Ministry) advocated an Bs. duty, whereas
they were only paying is. duty.
Dr. BOWRING sail it was only is. a quarter when at a
starvation price.

Mr. llinae was again pushed off the platform, and great
uproar ensued.
Sir CaARLES NAP'En, M.P., with difficulty obtained
a he :ring. If he held any influence over them they
would hear the gentleman till midnight, and he would
undertake to reply to him.—(Loud cheers.)

Mr. HINE was then heard.
The Rev. Mr. G &ma:: triumphantly replied to him.
The resolution was then put and carried, only one
hand being held up again,t-it. . .

Sir CHARLES N'APIER came forward, amidst enthusias-
tic cheering, to move the next resolution :—" That we
present a dutiful and loyal memorial to her Majesty,
praying her not to allow the present Parliament to
be prorogued until the state of the country be fully
investigated, with a view to such remedial measures
as shall ameliorate the condition of our suffering
low-subjects." The resolution was a very proper one
to be moved and carried ; but he could not give them
any flattering hopes that it would be successful in its
object. The present Ministers had declared most
decidedly that they would not assent to the wishes
of the people.—(Cries of " Shame.") It was disgrace-
ful that they should accept•office and not be prepared to
adopt some remedial measures, especially as related to
the duties on corn, sugar, and timber. By the perseve-
rance of gentlemen on his Fido of the House, Sir Robert
Peel, although he came with-the intention of being silent,
had been forced to speak out.—(Cheers.) They had
driven out-the late Ministers, and were not prepared to
propose any measures themselves.—(Cries of "Shame.")
Sir Robert Peel had told them distinctly that the poor
must go through all the rigours of the winter to give him
time for consideration. The late Ministry were prepared
with measures of relief, but he (Sir Robert Peel) bad
none, and yet he had driven them out of oflieb.—(Cries
of shame.”) He (Sir Charles Napier) had not de-
clared his opinion In the House of Commons yet on the
Corn Question, but he would take that opportunity of
asserting that the Corn-laws were among the worst
that ever existed.—(Loud cheers.) The gentle-
man who had just addressed them had said
that corn was lately admitted at a duty 'of ls., but
he would ask whether, if it had not been for Sir
Robert's sliding scale, corn would ever have got up to
86s. a quarter 2—(Cheers.) Had there been a fixed duty
such a thing would never have happened. -(Loud
cheers.) From inquiries he had made amongst the
labourers in his own part of the country, he believed they
could live very well when corn was from 50s. to 555.
When corn was at That price they could manage to get
through life very well. The labourers then had 12s. a-
week, and when corn was about 50s. a quarter they could
live, but when it reached BGs., as it was at present, they
had no means of living. They could not economise in
any other way than by lessening the quantity of bread
necessary for their daily subsistence. If the luxuries in
which the rich man indulged were to rise as suddenly in
price as corn, he might give them up or borrow money
at his banker's till the duty fell again, but the poor man
could not do that. The shopkeeper would not trust him,
and he had no other-mode than by diminishing the quan-
tity of bread consumed by himself and family. Then, as
to the interest of the country in general. Large specula-
tors were ever on the watch. They had thousands of
quarters on hand ; and suppose that he (Sir C. Napier)
was a merchant, living in Egypt or Poland, or any other
corn-growing country, and observing that corn was high
in England, would ship a cargo of corn for this country ;
so great were the fluctuations of corn in this country
that the probability would be, if the ship was detained
by contrary winds, that a duty of perhaps 30s. would be
laid on the corn in the interval. The merchant loses by
this speculation, and he says " I'll send no more. I'll
see the people of England starving first."—(Cheering.) -
Dr. BowRINC, in seconding the resolution, begged to
.confirm the opinion just expressed by their Gallant Re-
presentative (Sir C. Napier), that there were but slight
grounds to hope for any measure of relief for the suffering
poor from hrr Majesty's Government. They seemed de-
termined to put off the consideration of the Corn-leas,
although distress of the most aggravated character was
accumulating from day to day.-4 Hear.) It was owing to
unjust and unwise legislation that the people wanted bread.
It was in vain to expect the House of Commons to do
anything till they were made uneasy in their seats by
that agitation which they so much deprecated. He
begged to remind them that they (the Liberal Members)
were helpless in the House of Commons unless the peo-
ple came to their assistance. You must (continued the
lion. Member emphatically) come to our assistance out
of the House of Commons. The remainder of the sentence
was lost in a deep response of united cheering,. mingled
with loud cries of" We will." The Hon. Gentleman re-
peated his cordial assent to the resolution, and sat down
amidst great applause. •
The CHAIRMAN put the resolution, and it was carried
by acclamation.
A memorial to the Queen, praying her Majesty not
to prorogue Parliament till the Corn-laws had been con-
sidered, was then read.

Mr. YouRE, M.P. for Fork, at the request of the
meetin•, came forward to move the adoption of the
memorial.

The Rev. Mr. GARNEY seconded the adoption of the
memorial.

The CHAIRMAN put the motion, and it was carried
unanimously. The memorial received a great number of
signatures on the spot.
• MARYLEBONE.

A public meeting of the inhabitants of Christ Church,
Marylebone,
was held on Friday evening at the Lord
High . Admiral, Church-street, Lisson-grove, to hear a
lecture on the Corn-laws from Mr. Sidney Smith, and to
memorialise the Queen.
Mr. SMITH intimated that he had an interview with
the Earl of Radnor and Lord Kinnaird in the early part,
of the • day, and their Lordships had consented to go
down to Windsor, and present the vast number of memo-
rials to her Majesty which had been forwarded to the
Metropolitan Anti-Corn-law Association from all parts of
the empire.
The memorial received a vast number of signatures on
the spot.
MARYLEBONE RECTORY.
A meeting of the inhabitants of this district took
place at the Queen's Head High-street, on Thursday
evening to memorialise her Majesty against the proro-
gation of Parliament. 'rho meeting was thenaadjeurned to
Friday, October 8.
ST. GEORGE'S IN THE EAST.
A meeting of the inhabitants of this vicinity was held
on Thursday evening to memorialize her Majesty, which
adjourned until Thursday next, when it is proposed that
a lecture 1,43 delivered.
YOUNG MIN'S METROPOLITAN ANTI-MONO-
. ii*POLY ASSOCIATION.
N'tnost numerous and respectable meeting of this As-
sociation took . place last night at South-place chapel,
insbury -square, for the purpose of memorialising her
bsty not to prorogue Par lament. Notwithstanding
t} 'Vreme wetness of the evening, the, chapel was
crow 'to overflowing.

Dr. Bos"vring was voted to the Chair.
PETER TAYLOR, Esq., jun., proposed the first resolu-
tion. The young men of London now appeared as an
association for the purpose of contributing their efforts
to the great cause of free trade. He concluded by pro-
posing a resolution, which Mr. PRESTON seconded, and
was unanimously carried.

Mr. G OODLIFFE proposed the second resolution, which
Mr. FOSTER seconded.

A raernorial was then adopted, after which the meet-
ing adjourned at a late hour.
ANTI-BREAD TAX CONFERENCE IN WALES.

(From the Carnarvon Herold.)
On Tuesday evenhig last a meeting was held in the
Guildhall of this town, to take into consideration the
propriety of having a:Conference of Ministers, held in
Carnarvon, of a similar nature to the one held in Man-
chester, in August Ink.
The Chair was takiln at seven o'clock, by Mr. W. G.
Thomas, architect. ..T=
The Chairman caged on Mr. Walter Griffith, Anti-
Corn-law Lecturer, to explain the'Object of the meeting.
That Gentleman commenced by giving a brief account
of the Anti-Corn-law movements during the last three
years. lie gave a short sketch of the late Conference
at Manchester, with the effects already produced, and
those likely to be further produced, by the said meeting.
There could be no .4oubt, he said, but that the Welsh
ministers felt strongly on behalf of their oppressed fel-
low-countrymen ; and would agitate, to the best of
their ability, for the: repeal of an impost so injurious
and oppressive as the existing Corn-law. The object
of the ministers of the gospel at Carnarvon, in
calling this meeting; together, was to ascertain the
feeling of the town, respecting a Ministerial Con-
feeence. They considered such a meeting quite neces-
sary, and they hoped they would meet with every encou-
ragement
from their fellow-townsmen. He .considered
the doom of the bread-tax sealed, since the cause of re-
peal was taken in hand by Gospel ministers. What but
the efforts of the religious part of the community had
been the means of abolishing slavery? and nothing but
the efforts of Christians wilt effectually destroy mono-
poly. Ile had often wished the Welsh ministers to be
forward in this great cause, and it gave him great plea-
sure to see them now coining forward so nobly.
The Rev. I. W. GRIFFITH, Baptist minister, said they
lied come together on the present occasion because they
felt for the thousands that were starving around them.
There was great distress in Carnarvon. which ministers
of the Gospel had particular opportunities of witnessing ;
and if such was the state of Carrie rvon, what must the
state of the whole country be? The, reat object was to give
adequate means of expression to tale popular detestation
of the existing bread-tax. It would then soon fall. The
oppressed must break the chains of oppression ; the
oppressor never will. It was thought about last May, that
things would soon come better, but now darkness again
surrounds us. Yet, although the majority in Parliament
are monopolists, the- ministers of Christ feel for the
poor, and are determined, if possible, to fill the hungry
with food. , The bread-tax is anti-Scriptural and unjust;
it is a violation of the commandment, " Love thy neigh-
bour as thyself." It " muzzles the mouth of the ox."
There is n' real scarcity in any article of food : all the
mischief arises from bad legislation. There is plenty
Of corn left to rot in foreign countries, while the poor in
Britain are starving. There is no bread-tax in any
country except in Britain. Some people talk about
being independent of foreigners, but such independence
is an impossibility. Besides, Britain would have no
need to fear of famine, if she never raised any corn.
The bread-tax is pregnant with misery and death. It
is useless to expect any reform by saying, "If you
please." The people must arrest good from the mono-
polists. The popular voice broke the chains of the negro,
and the popular voice must detroy the food-tax. There
are many ready to blame ministers for meddling with
politics, but I say to them, in the words of Mr. Black-
borne, of London, " Ministers meddle with politics only
when politics meddle with religion." Through the ef-
forts of the religious community, and the blessings of
God, monopoly will be destroyed.
Mr. W. P. SMITH observed, that the present Corn-la,.vs
are unjnst, immoral, and unchristian, and that it was the
duty of Christian ministers to use all their influence to
procure the repeal of such tyrannical and irreligious
enactments. Ile proved from the word of God that it is
the duty of ministers to be foremost in the moral strife
against every •social,evil ; and that it is their duty to care
for the temporal happiness of their flocks, as well as for
their . spiritual condition ; teaching the people to obey
the laws, and the Legislature' to rule in righteousness.
It was as much the it duty to instruct the Legislature in
the laws of Christianity, as it was to unfold the blessings
of the Gospel to the people.
The Rev. W. WannrA:sts, Independent minister, said
that Christian ministers were watchmen, and unless they
cared for the temporal condition of the poor,- they did
not watch honestly. He could not believe that a-minis-
ter cared for a poor man's soul, while he was indifferent
to his temporal welfare. The apostle John says, "If a
man say, I love God, and 'hateth his brother, he is a
liar: for he that loveth not his brother whom lie bath
seen, how can he love God whom he bath not seen?"
. There are Some people who are filled with plenty them-
selves, yet never feel for others who are in the greatest
misery ! Yet distress and misery were rife throughout
the country. In one town there were 13G living upon
Gd. per head per week, 291 upon 100. per head per
week, 508 upon Is. per head per week, 1,885 upon Is. Gd.
per head per week, 1,500 upon Is. Oil. per head per
week, and 812 upon 2s. 2d. per head per week. Five-
sixths of the whole had hardly a blanket to cover them
eighty-five families were without any blankets, whilst
forty-seven families were sleeping on chaff beds and wood
shavings. .This country had always been in distress
since the Corn-laws were passed. Countries are as de-
pendent on each other as are individuals. One country
produces tea. another coffee, sugar, &c. ; another copper,
lead, slates, &c. ; another silk, &c. ; and it was by in-
terchange alone that each become possessed of the en-
joyments of the other. Trade, therefore, ought to be
free. The sliding scale ruins commerce. It is a gam-
bling concern—it cheats the country. God has given
an inheritance to the poor, viz, his hands, eyes, ears,
&c., and he commanded the Israelites, saying : "And
when ye reap the harvest of your land, thou shalt
not make clean riddance of the corners of thy field
when thou reapest, neither shalt thou gather
any gleaning of thy harvest ; thou shalt leave
them unter the poor and the stranger. lam the Lord
your God." But the poor in this country are not al-
lowed to enjoy their inheritance. The Corn-laws ope-
rate
very injuriously on the shipping interest. Formerly,
many shipping vessels used to winter in this port. They
earned enough in summer time to keep them at home all
whiter ; but now they. are compelled to labour hard
summer and winter, and to go out in all sorts of weather
to get a little bread for their hungry families. Giving
parochial aid -to the working man is only like throwing
a piece of bread to a dog while he is fastened to a chain.
Let us have free trade, then our working population will
be fully employed, and there will he no need for work-
heusee. ' Some people are very fond of giving charity,
for the sake of keeping the poor dependent upon them,
and making them serfs to themselves. The Corn-law is
a yoke of iron, and we are no better than slaves under
such infamous enactments. We are well aware that there
is much opposition to us in this cause, but we ought
not to care for that ; we know that God is for us. All
laws restricting the food of the community are violations
of the law of the Most High. . In.the days of that wise
King,.Solomon, there was free trade between him and
Hiram, the King of Tyre. Hiram gave Solomon cedar
trees, and Solomon gave Hiram wheat for food; and there
was peace between them. The most effective thing to set
countries at variance are restrictive laws respecting food.
Free trade is peace. Our beloved country is involved in
distress and misery. The distress is not temporary, but
has continued for a long time; and its root is the [meld-
tax. There are many in this town who suffer privations
beyond description; yet these sufferers are honest, sober,
and willing to work. The Corn-law is a barrier on the
progress of education. It prevents the pour man from
educating his children as he would wish. If the poor
man's children are to receive any educatiou.at all they
must be sent to the national schools, although the chief
object of these schools is to generate respect in the minds
of young people to the state church, and thus make them
supports of the worst of all monopolies—the monopoly of
religion. We have seen many of the state parsons very
busy in giving clothes, &c., away to the poor; but this is
done in order to draw the attention of the needy
from the real cause of their distress. If these men
cared for the poor, why did they do all in their power at
the late elections to send monopolists to Parliament?
They did all they could to send men to Parliament
that were pledged to the starvation system. Such cha-
rity as the charity of these men, is but like cutting the
branches of a tree while the root is still left. It is to
inake themselves popular at other people's expense:
The wise .and good Creator has furnished man with the
means to be independent, had wicked laws left him fair
l
p The Rev. J. BaasAst, Wesleyan Methodist, said, had he
been in Manchester at the time of the Conference, he
would have been present at that meeting. He was sorry
to find the names of only two ministers belonging to his
connexion at that meeting ; but he knew it was owing
to a resolution adopteirby their body some time ago, not
to meddle with politics, and not from any indifferenee to
the cause of the suffering poor. Who should be first
labouring in the cause of the poor but their ministers ?
Most of them had arisen from amongst the poor ; and
they knew the sufferings of the poor ; they, therefore,
ought to be forward in this righteous cause. The vene-
rable gentleman concluded a most pathetic speech,. by
wishing the cause God speed.
The meeting was most numerously attended, and the
speeches were received throughout with enthusiastic
cheers.

The following resolutions were unanimously adopted :
1. That the present state of the country loudly-calls for
the serious consideration of the Ministers of the Gospel.
2. That this meeting regards with great satisfaction
the efforts made to 4re a Conference in Manchester,
together with the proceedings of the Ministers in that
Conference ; and ace of opinion that a similar Confer-
ence (Night to be held in Carnarvon, at the latter end of
November, and the beginning of December next.
3. That this meeting pledges itself to do all in its
power to further the good and humane objects of such a
Conference.

Old customs, it seems, still prevail in Flanders.
A letter from Douai states, that, on occasion of a mar-
riage, a few days ago, of a wealthy gentleman, at the
Chateau de Gceuslin, tables were set out for all the in-
habitants of the village, and the soldiers stationed there ;
and at the fourteen public-houses of the village refresh-
ments were offered at the expense of the newly-married
couple. The apartments and gardens of the chateau were
thrown open to visitors, balls were given at different
spots, and a running match'of all the old women of the
village, above sixty, took place for a prize of a crucifix
in gold.
NEW THEATRICAL VOCALIST.--Amongst
the debuts that will take place during the approaching
theatrical season will be that of Mr. W. H. Seguin, fa-
vourably known as a concert singer,

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
MANSION-HOUSE.

Mr. Thorpe, a landing-waiter in her Majesty's Cus-
toms, was brought betbre the I Mayor on Saturday
under the folloNino• circumstance :- -
Joseph Pollard (Policeman 592) stated, that as he was
on duty in Thames-street, the defendant, whose coat was
soiled as he passed along from the wheels of a cart, called
out to him and accused him of not doing or knowing his
duty. -Witness expostulated with him, and represented
the impropriety of using accusations of the kind ; but
the defendant persevered in charging him with neglect
of duty in not preventing the crowding of carts and other
vehicles, and a mob having gathered, he found it neces-
s,try to convey him to the station-house,
Mr. Thorpe, who appeared to be an extremely mild
and gentleman-like man, said that as he and a friend were
passing through Thames-street, the way was completely
blocked up with carts, and he (defendant) was forced
against the wall, and placed in a dangerous situation.
He remonstrated with the policeman, who, however, in-
stead et' interfering to clear the way, which was quite
practicable, was excessively insolent, and took him (de-
fendant) into custody—a very disagreeable dilemma to
be placed in after the labours of the day.
Mr. James Hastings, also a landing-waiter in her Ma-
jesty's Customs, stated that he was with his friend Mr.
Thorpe when the occurrence took place. A cart and
horse ran actually across the foot-way, and Therpe
spoke to the policeman to remove the nuisance. The
policeman replied in an impertinent manner that he was
the best judge of his own duty, and that Mr. Thorpe had
better exchange coats with him. Again Mr. Thorpe re-
monstrated with the policeman, who then said he would
take Mr. Thorpe to the station-house, and carried his
threat into execution. As for the mob of which the
policeman spoke, if a few passers by stopped from curi-
osity to ascertain how the affair would end. could be
called a mob, there certainly was one.
The LORD MAroa—The policeman has been evidently
wrong in this case. Who could blame a gentleman. for-
remonstrating with any person who had a badge of au-
thority upon him, upon seeing the street in the way de-
scribed ? When a cart and horse are across a pavement,
what could be more reasonable than for a gentleman to
say to a policeman, " Why do you not remove this nui-
sance?" What can you say, policeman, in justification or
palliation of such conduct? The policeman said that
what Mr. Thorpe had stated was false.

The LORD MAYOR said that the defendant was borne
out in everything he said by the gentleman whe accom-
panied him, and calmly witnessed the whole proceeding.
The policeman is certainly reprehensible, and I advise
thegentleman who was taken to the station-house to ap-
ply to the City Police Commissioner, who, I have no
doubt., will teach the man to do his duty better.
Mr. Thorpe—lt is just what I intend to do, mv Lord.
I think it necessary to mention to your Lordship, that
when he took me into custody he ordered me.to walk
with him ; I did so, and as we went along he endeavoured
to aggravate me to assault him by pushing me, and saying
"Go on, fellow." I appeal to my friend whether this is
not the fact

Mr. Hastings—Certainly it is. His conduct was gross
in the extreme.

The LoRD AfAYon--Well, Sir, I, of course, discharge
the case ; by all means advise you to apply to the
City, Police Commissioner on the subject.

GUILDHALL.

On Saturday, a person of respectable appearance, who
said his name was Samuel Hardinge, the secretary to
the United Kingdom Anti-Teetotal Society, formed to
defend the temperate use of wine, beer, and spirits, was
brought up in custody of Roe, the city officer, charged
with conspiring with a deceased clergyman, to defraud
Mr. Walton, the jeweller in Ludgate-street.
Mr. HUMPHREYS', who attended on behalf of the prose-
cutor, stated the nature of the case, and called Mr.
Walton, who deposed that about the middle of January,
1839, the prisoner, who then called himself Stanley
Hardinge Harborough, came in company with a clergy-
man, the Zlc v. E. H, Barker, to. his shop ',to •look 'at a
pearl claw pin and chain. He showed the prisoner one
at seven guineas, for which he agreed to give 71., hut said
as he was rather short of money be would leave 5/. on'
account and pay the remainder in the course of a week.
He then wished to see some handsome gold watches, and
after looking over a number he selected a hunter at 28/.
lie then said, " Well, I'll tell you what I will do, Mr.
Walton ; I will give you'lol., and pay the remainder
to• morrow week.' The clergyman immediately said. "You
may safely trust my friead, Mr. Harborough. He will
pay you duly. I know him well." Witness replied
that, depending on Mr. Barker's assurance, he would
give him credit to that time. Mr. Harborough then
looked out a waistcoat pocket chain and key, value
2/.-55., which he was to pay for with the rest. •He also
ordered a gold guard chain to snatch, at about ten
guineas, to be ready in a few flays. The prisoner took
15/. from what appeared to be a roll of notes amounting
to 200/., paid it off the account, amounting to 3;L, re-
ceived the articles, and promised to bring the balance,
22/., when he called for the guard chain. The next day,
however, he came agair , and ordered a brooch to be sent
to his lodgings in ,Term rn-street, saying that he expected
in the interim to receive some cash from his solicitor, and
to be enabled to send witness some money.. The boy who
delivered the brooch brought back a note from the pri-
soner that his Solicitor had disappointed him. Witness
had been unable so meet with him from that time. He
had received notes promising payment. He subsequently
discovered that the prisoner had been detained in White-
cross-street prison for Tour months in 1838—that the
clergyman had recently emerged from the Fleet, and
that the watch and chain were pawned.
Mr. Alderman HUMPF:ERY observed it was very indis-
creet to give credit to str?,flgers, whatever representation
they might make.
Mr. HUMPHREYS replied, that the exhibition' of the
heavy roll of notes, first to give 5/., then la more,
dazzled his client.

Mr. Walton said, the clergyman had called a fortnight
before, to get a watch repaired. They conversed about
Cambridge and scientific matters, and, being satisfied
the clergyman was a learrwd man, he concluded he would
not be a rogue.
Roe, the officer, stated that Mr. Walton, having re-
ceived an anonymous note that the prisoner would be
found at the Anti-Teetotal Institution, Lambrook-
court, liasinghall- street, he went with a pretended
note of invitation to give a lecture, and when he
obtained an interview with' the secretary, took
him into custody. He found in his possession some
duplicates for trifling pledges, some letters addressed to
him in Buxton-street, "Cr oswell-road, and an invoice of
271: worth of goods obti..4ned from a Mr. Wigan, of
Birmingham.
Mr. Alderman HUMPI-MilY; remarking that these
goods had been obtained over a month ago, asked him
whether they had been paid for ?—Prisoner said they
had, by a bill which was not yet due.
The ALDERMAN then called upon the prisoner to
answer the charge.
Prisoner said he used the name of Harborough be-
cause he had been using it for years in France. He in-
tended to pay for the jewellery, but was unable to do so.
He had offered to pay a further part, but Mr. Walton
would have either all or none. He admitted that he
pawned the watch, and seine friend sold the ticket to
Ruthven, formerly of Bow-street. He obtained only 81.
for the watch.

Mr. HumPHltEvs prayed that the prisoner might be
remanded for further examination.

The prisoner was remanded till Friday next.

POLICE COMMITTEE,' GUILDHALL.

THE LICENSED VICTUALLEIIS AND THE POLICE.—
FOT some time past the police in the city have been
threatening the licensed victwillers with an information
under the Police Act, that if they receive prostitutes
within their doors, they "wilfully and knowingly har-
bour persons of notoriously had character," and are
p,—ailty of the penalty imposed by the Act in such cases.
The present case was that of Ralph Thomas Fellowes,
of the Green Dragon, Fleet-street, summoned by a police-
man, who'stated that on Monday night, about half-past-
twelve, he heard a noise, scuffling, and (apparently)
fighting in the defendant'S house, and a short time after-
wards he saw seventeen prostitutes and twelve men
turned out of the house.

Alderman JonxsoN—How do you know they were
prostitutes ? Policeman—By their walking on my beat.
Upon cross-examination by Mr. HOBLER, the
policeman. said he believed Mr. FeHowes did urge the
people to leave his house, and he acknowledged that other
houses in the neighbourhood were kept open as late as
that of Mr. Tellowes ; he admitted that all the parties
were quiet and orderly in coming out, and he did not
know that any of them had been convicted of felony.
Alderman HOOPER said that was not necessary ; per-
sons might be of notoriously bad character without having
been convicted of .felony.

Mr. Hobler submitted that there was no law to prevent
prostitutes from being suppli.ed with refreshments, and
no law to compel licensed victuallers to close at any 'par-
ticular time ; and it ought not to be left to the judgment
of policemen whether their customers were of good cha-
racter or not, nor could the charge of harbouring " noto-
riously bad characters" be maintained unless there had
been a conviction, -
Mr. Fellowcs, in his defence, stated that he invariably
closed his house at ,twelve o'clock, and cleared it at half-
put twelve.
Alderman JOHNSON—But if this house is frequented
by those who are known to be street-walkers, they are
certainly of notoriously bad character..
Mr. Honmar contended that they must have been
convicted of. some offence, in order to establish such a
position ; and, said Mr. llobler (emphatically), " I thank
God there is at present no law to prevent these'unfortu-
nate women from obtaining refreshments!'
The ALDESMEN (Messrs. Johnson and Hooper), after
consulting for a short time, decided upon inflicting a
penalty of 405., thus establishing the principle that
licensed victuallers in the city of London are not allowed
to serve
,prostitutes, if even they conduct themselves
orderly'.