The Sun.
London, England, 1840-12-01 00:00:00

madily and resolutely, though by a compare t ively vn-
' reen and silent process, preparing to take a dvanteige
of any favourable concurrence of circumstances w hick:may
arise, in securing the ascendancy of their principle is. The
Sun adjures the Government not to suffer its vig den( se to
relax, though Chartism has ceased to present the i aolt l and
menacing front which it did some time ago. The ci ,ousel
which our Contemporary tenders those in auth a' rity is
equally sound and seasonable. To be prepared
for any
fresh outbreak, and to be in a condition to crush it in th©
bud, is the surest way to prevent a renewal of tb ose phy_
steal-force demonstrations which inspired the minx is of me n
with such awful forebodings at the period of t he New-
port insurrection. The local Magistracy ought to Iteep
a watchful eye on the proceedings of those ps,rpons,
in their respective districts who are known. i dentify
themselves with the anarchical principles of ,artism.
.But though physical force must, wherever ' resorted
`to, be met with physical force, in order to pry rtect the
persons and property of society, no wise or patr .rnal Go-
vernment will ever think of trusting entirely fr r the pre-
servation of peace to the bayonets of the soldiery. Wher-
ever there is general and decided discontent, ..here must o'
necessity be some grounds for it ; and the d'aty of Gov err
meet is so ascertain what those grounds -'are, and hetvi ng
ascertained them, to take the earliest rand most effecersai
means for their removal. However numerous and power-
ful may be our soldiery, society can never be said tor be in
a safe state so long as there lurks in the minds of a large
portion of the community, a settled and deep diisat: ,sreetick,
with the political poe',ure of affairs. The working,.
complain that they 'save no direct share in the repro; iew,ation
of the country. The complaint, it is not to be den' ,e-3, is but
-
too well founds. d. We are told, it is true, that the. /arc virtu
ally r. preser:ted in Parliament. The argument is ,a mockery.
Virtual representation is, practically, but a-
~other name
tor no .sepresentation at all. The working, classes have
aA urelonhted right to a share of direct r e,presentae,on ;
.sad until that right is conceded to them, t' ywill not and
v*.ight not to he satisfied. Their great e' te- hitherto Ilea
been in demanding universal suffrage, T.' Mich, if conceded,
would practically throw the entire representation of the
country into their hands. The extravagance of this claim
has had the effect of alienating rainy of their best Wends
from them, and forcing them tr., the other extreme of with-
leolding from them any share, in the representation at all.
If the Chartists would act 'a wise part, they would at once
forge tbsir preposterone demand for universal suffrage,
and unite with us and avith these who share our Bpirtiov, in
eetee
agitating for houes':old sulfatee. That would eiee them
their due share influence in the representation of these,
realms, white it would not deprive the middle and Alpe er
classes of society of that share in the representation, of the
country to which those classes have an equally unesotsbted
right

FRANCE.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES,.
(Continuation of the Debate of Sa.corday.)
M. Od!1Ion Brrrot, after stating that he wished to di
vest himscif of, personalities, said—Ge,ltllemen, allow me
to refer back a little. At one mo.
anent I thought that
we were e.ll animated with the 'Arne feeling—that we
were all 'ached with the same -indignation. It was not
the rye, alutionary population.. tt was the population which
never 'estranges itself from,. the family. It was that one
"I""'en was ready to e...pport the Government in an
e"' .14-getic contest. v.es, I believed—l confess it—l be-
; "sad for a momg:nt in a glorious excitement, at the mo-
-ment when the, treaty of the 15th of July was signed. Eng-
land had given us at, example. All political parties had
united in presence of the danger of the country. Dis-
cuss had ceased. lam not wanting in my duty to my
country to have befit ved for a moment that all
auhjects of division were to bo at an end—that all French-
men would unite, and join hands, in order to present to fo-
reign Powers a formidable aspect. That hope, alas, is lost,
and I 'grieve at it. The men who armed are out of office,
and France is now to assume a position which the Chamber
will not suff:r, I hope so at least. You allude to facts, that
}save taken pales., Well llam of a d.ffaent opinion, for
she Morel that brutal Treaty advancee, the more I feel a
eational impulse to protest. Allow me to offer an appre-
c;ation of the facts in the question. Under what impres-
'ion 'aid we support the fallen Ministry ? Fresh rights
ar • eatablishsd in the East ; they ara under th safeguard
of France ; it is the reissiori that the Chamb, r has con-
.vied to the Government. Has that mission been fulfilled?
The successors of the Ist of March, do they propose to
fulfil it? A word as to the situation. Where wcs the
evil for France? In the exclusive protectorate of Russia.
Where was the remedy ? The unanimous opinion was to
force the Dardanelles when the Russians penetrated into
the Bosphorus. Well, what has been done ? What has
its' ipctied ? After an attentive perusal of the documents,
declare that, on the proposal made by England to force
the passage, I am convinced that the question has been
eluded; the demand for the passage has been substituted
fcr the proposal to force it. England is not accustomed
to circuits when she is resolyed upon acting vigorously.
What did England then do? She turned to Rwsia; she
accepted M. Brunow's offers, which consisted in allowing
the Russians to send their fleet and trocps to Constan-
tinople. England accepted those offers.
M. Dulsure—l beg to speak—(Exclamations)—it is
Lord Palmerston who accepted.
M. Odilloit Barrot—That is true. i thank the Hon.
Member for that correction. It is Lord Palmerston who
accepted those offers; but from that moment England said
to Russia '• Your influence shall be at Constantinople, ours
shall be in Syria." That is the result of the refusal of the
first proposals of England—an armed intervention—al,d as
I told you an armed intervention is nothing else than a
division of the influence—a division of the protectorate.
Yes, armed intervention is nought else—it is of se, vice
but to England and Russia. What did you then advance?
You said to Russia 4. We wißh for the maintenance of the
integrity of the Ottoman empire." But that is precisely
what Russia asked for ; she wanted nothing else. There-
fore; she said, You claim the integrity of the Ottoman
erapirc. but I have already maintained it sword in hand.
=and I ant ready to do so still." And, in short, she did
so for her own interest ; she did not wish for the ex-
tension of her protectorate to be impaired. You have
refused for a length of time England's proposals,
and you have been egregiously in the wrong by
placing the question on the ground of interest, and not on
that of principle. What has resulted from that error ? At
the end of some months' negotiation we saw France on
one side, and England and Russia on the other. That is
:be result of your policy—the result of the proceedings
you adopted. And now you ask the Chamber to take upon
itself the responsibility of the negotiations. But, in truth,
you have therefore great confidence in its dura,ion. What
you ought to have done is this :—You perceived, when too
late, that you were deceived ; well, you ought to have
said to the Chamber—we have been led astray—we pro-
pose to adopt a better course ; acknowledge and establish
the rights of the Pacha ; it is the only means to repair
the errors that have been committed. But instead of
that, the men that brought on the present position pro-
pose to us to abandon the Pacha to the mercy of the
• Powers. Ah ! when you proposed to us to sanction what
Iliad been done, I thought that concessions had been
'granted ; but, in truth, I never could have believed that you
would have come down coolly and dispassionately to propose
to us to let matters take this course. Do you know the
effect that the discontinuation of the armaments produced
in Europe? The humiliation of the whole of Fiance.
If you abandon the Pacha, this is what will happen :
&rigs has been put into a state of insurrection by Eng-
land, and Syria will become the safeguard of England
in the East; and France, what will you be? What in-
fluence will you exercise in that country where our name
was respected ? It; at a future period, we claim some in-
fluence, the reply will France will negotiate ; but
when we shall bare to cover and protect ourselves we shall
not be able to reckon upon her." That is what will hap-
pen. Ido not enter into the question as to whether the
men that I supported ought to have been prepared
sooner.—(" Ah, ah !" from the Centre.) Ido not enter
into the question as to whether they ought to have been
more prompt. lam not the Government ; but lam
happy in being now enabled to state that those men,
when they were informed of the Treaty exclaimed, " We
will not conscut to its execution." lam happy in being
enabled to state that there were men who dared to look
Europe in the face; that there were men who dared to re.
monstrate against an exaction on the part of Europe. No ;
that there-were men who did not hesitate to contend singly
Against all, when the honour and dignity of France de-
manded it. Such are my appreciations of the conduct of
the Cabinet which I supported and of the present one.
Now does that appreciation possess but a Ministerial inte-
rest? No; it lays down the situation of the Chamber; it
is called upon to reply to the speech of the Crown ; it is
yet called to put forth its opinions as to the situation.
The reply which is proposed to you will it suffice for your
dignity ? I will candidly say no, such is not my inapree_
siuu. Ido not think that a just war can weaken the
Government. I think, on the contrary, that it would
give it strength ; It power, perhaps, formidable for
liberty. I are a partisan of the English alliance,
but I win not have that alliance entirely at the
expeute of France, and I say that that alliance is com-
Punised from the day when England makes an alliance
with Russia, Austria, and Prussia, in order to exercise in
thTt East exclusive influence from France. The peace
which the Treaty of the 15th of July gave us, is a peace
with no future prospects or security ; that peace is war, per-
haps more insured and with a moral discredit. But Ido
not understand that on the news of the taking of St. Jean
d'Acre peace should be proposed to us. It appears to me
that we must feel wounded it appears to me that we ought
at least, under such circumstances, ;stances, to preserve the noble-
ness of silence.
wish Ytehuae?uld read over again the Ad-
dress of 1840; 1
heteiotnfiurld inspire you. Oh,
Gendemen, in you rests I
uenLe, the strength of the
country ;itis in you that is vested support with which
perhaps one day we shall be able to raise
has been insulted. Let not that coneutipoannoufAorrcifisaamignkewyhoicuh.
sitlread-
You arc consulted now. Is it to support
tion which has defird foreign Powers? No, you
are called
upon to acknowledge the acts that have taken place; but
at least, if you cannot regain the past, consider the evils
that arc to come. If you had been called upon to reply to an
Administration that tells you, •• We have armed--we have
assumed an energetic position—do you, apprrve of us ?"
I doubt not you would have imitated England ; and we
should ail have ranged ourselves around that Ministry__
the ease. I •
h • ) But such is not think
(Loud approaation.
that it is time to give up every kind of threat. Too man,
useless words have been put forth. There fore I ask '
What).°lu 4 "
to seek by words to inspire fear in Europe._ ask
you iv, not to ground the rights of the Pacha of Egypt on
the mercy and compassion of the Four Powers, but on jus.
•
lice—on the rights of France. One word more. There
is afact—an act which may entail the moral and political
ntsPOnsibility of France is to complete the arma-
ments- The present Ministry asks us for a disarma-
ment; the former Ministry asked for complete arma-
ments.: The present Ministry tells you that the armaments
ca 4 otd7 pro k
vo e war, and provoke the coalition. But
b •
bat • gully thesethreats ? Did not the Powers unite as
soon as they were
laced without
an able to do so? Have they not just coa-
ns that there is Lreson being assigned ? And you tell
evil, intentions With hostility
wtththe Powers abroad, no
respect to France ! And you exclaim,
that the coalition is the se
• ni
sequel of armaments, and that those
aitiots would be
_interdicted by coalesced Europe, for

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