The Sun.
London, England, 1847-01-14 00:00:00

'PRE SUN, L0Nn014,71 THURSbAyE, )444 asJANUARY 1

BREACH OF PROMISE OF MARRIAGE.-COLDICOTT V

r.E_Acix.

In this case, which was tried before the Lord Chief
Baron at Guildhall, a verdict had been returned for 4001.
damages. Mr. Cockburn, who appeared fur the defence,
having retired before the cause was called on, alleging as
his reason for so doing that the Lord Chief Baron had,
before the trial, in the hearing of the jury who were to
try the action, made use of observations so calculated to
prejudice their minds, that to have a fair trial was im-
possible.
Mr. COCKBURN now moved for a new trial, on the
ground of miscarriage of justice, arising from the ex-
pressions made use of by the Learned Judge. Common
sense would tell any person that when a judge, ap-
pointed, as in the present case, to try the cause said, in
the hearing of the jury, " I have read your affidavit,
upon which you obtained your new trial, and I am
clearly of opinion that it would be downright insanity to
attempt to call evidence," the effect would be most pre-
judicial. Besides those affidavits, the defendant was
prepared to call fresh wiln,sees, which he• firmly be-
lieved, had he been allowed fairly to have done, would
have been sufficient to have obtained a verdict for his
_ _ _

Mr. Baron ALDERSON—Why not have stated that?
Mr. COCKBURN—Under the circumstances of the case,

I could not, in justice to the interests of my client, have
proceeded with the trial. There were but two courses
;pen for me, either to proceed with my case or to with-
draw at once.
Mr. Baron PARKE—There was a third course open for
you—to call upon his Lordship to explain whether what
he said referred to the merits of the case or to the mode

)f conducting it.
The LORD CHIEF BARON —I beg most distinctly to
state that there was no necessity for the Learned
Counsel to have adopted that course, for I stated dis-
tinaly that what I said had not the slightest reference
to the merits of the case.
Mr. COCKBURN-With great submission, my Lord,
the question is not what were the intentions of your
Lordship, but what were the effects it would be likely to
produce in the minds of the jury who were to try the
case.

LORD CHIEF BARON—I stated that for the purpose of
setting myself right with the Court.
Mr. COCKBURN—I am sure it would not for a moment
enter into the minds of any member of the bar, that
your Lordship wished to do anything but what would
promote the furtherance of the ends of justice.
LORD CHIEF BARON—Nobody knows better than
yourself, Mr. Cockburn, that the words I made use of
had no reference to the merits of the cause ; they re-
ferred only to the inconvenience of calling witnesses in
,uch cases as the present.
Mr. COCKBURN—StiII, my Lord, I must look to the
natural effects of your Lordship's observations.
LORD CHIEF BARON-What I said, although it might
be an act of indiscretion, which I admit it was, was
said only to the counsel, and could only be understood
by a member of the bar, and could not have the least
ffect upon the minds of the jury.
Mr. Baron PLATT—I should have been most happy if,
when I was at the bar, the Learned judge had given me
his opinion before proceeding with the case.
Mr. COCKBURN—But then, my Lord, everYhody is not
possessed c f the same high mental courage and endow-
ments, combined with such extensive legal acquirements,
supported by such an universal opinion of your Lord-
ship's talents, and successful application of abilities, as
your Lordship is. We, the members of the bar, may be
the humble imitators of your Lordship, but at an immea-
surable distance from you.
Mr. Baron ALDERSON—Do you intend that for irony?
Mr. COCKBURN—I speak the genuine feelings of my
heart, and of the bar, when I humbly attempt to give
expression to the general opinion as to the uniform suc-
cess of his Lordship while at the bar.
Mr. Baron PARKE—Is there any precedent for such a
course as you are now adopting?
Mr. COCKBURN—None that I know of, my Lord.
Mr. Baron PARKE—I think it would be highly incon-
venient to establish such a precedent, or take away
from the judge the discretion of giving expression to his
feelings while the case is being proceeded with.
Mr. COCKBURN—On the other hand, my Lord, it
would be a matter of very grave importance to allow the
judge to prejudice any case that may be brought before
him.

Mr. Baron PARKE—Do your affidavits state that you
had witnesses in court ready to be called ?
Mr. COCKBURN—They do, my Lord.
The LORD CHIEF BARON—Then with my entire and
cordial approbation you may take a rule for a new trial
upon terms, with respect to the costs, to be hereafter
determined by the Court.— Rule granted.

MIDDLESEX SESSIONS.
(THIS DAY.)
Alfred Bate Richards, a member of the Inner Temple,
surrendered upon his bail, to take his trial on an in-
dictment cl:arging him with having assaulted Charles
James Berridge Aldis, a surgeon, residing at No. 46,
Chester-square, Pimlico.
It appeared that the defendant's mother, who lodged
with the complainant, told the defendant that she had
been insulted by Dr. Aldis; and as Dr. Aldia refused to
apologise, the defendant struck him,
Defendant pleaded Guilty, and was sentenced to pay a
fine of 101. to the Queen.
Frederick Fenton, 111 a, y Batteranz, William Galliek,
and Mary Gallick, his wife, were indicted for assaulting
Mary Nutt Ashford, on the 25th of last November, in
the parish of Hackney.
Mr. B illantine appeared for the prosecution, and
Messrs. Bodkin and Clarkson were for the defence.

The Learned COUNSEL, in stating the case for the
prosecution said that the complainant had been for some
years separated from her husband, who was a man of
eccentric character, and who lived with the defendant
Batteram, by whom he had several children. Ile died
in November, and on complainant proceeding to his
residence to inquire into the circumstances of his death,
she was seized by defendanti, detaine,l all night, insulted,
ill-used, and beaten.
On her crose-examination by Mr. CLARKSON, she
stated that previous to the separation of herself and her
husband, the defendant, Mary Batteram, had resided
with them as cook, and during that time an improper in-
timacy arose between her and Mr. Ashford, the result
of which was the birth of a child, which she (witness)
caused Batteram to take to the Foundling Hospital,
where it was admitted in consequence of a letter pro-
cured by the witness. Mr. Ashford had made a will,
to which Mr. Couch, the solicitor for the defendant, had
been appointed executor, and she believed that a legacy
had been left to Mary Batteram.

The defence was, that Fenton had been only the agent
of Mr. Couch as the executor of Mr. Ashford, and had a
right to expel the complainant from the premises.
The ASSISTANT-JUDGE, in summing up, said the de-
fendants, although justified in expelling an intruder,
were not justified in making him a prisoner. There was
one fact which came out during the trial of this case,
and that was the scandalous an gross perversion from
the original intentions of the donors of a most important
charity, he meant the Foundling Hospital. here was the
child of a man of large fortune, living in most disgraceful
concubinage with the mother of that child, and eventually
at his death alienating his property by will—the mother
appearing at the bar of this court dressed in a style of
fashion, which showed her to be no object of charity
at all events—and it appearing, according to the evidence,
that the father of the child had left ample property
after him. Such an application of charity like the
Foundling Hospital was most disgraceful, and he trusted
that the managing committee would shut their eyes no
longer to a system by which such a gross abuse was
permitted.
The jury returned a verdict of Guilty against all the
prisoners, and sentence was deferred to the next bail
day, their existing recognisances being enlarged to that
time.

REPRESENTATION OF MAMMIES-
TER.—MEETING OF LORD LINCOLN'S SUP.
PORTERS.
MANCIIESTEIZ, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 13.—Last evening a pub-
lic meeting was held in the Corn Exchange, for the purpose
of affording Lord Lincoln an opportunity of explaining ho
political opinions. Admission was by ticket, and the room
was densely crowded, about 2,500 persons being present.
Lord Lincoln entered the building shortly before seven
o'clock, along with a considerable number of his committee,
and was received with a round of hearty applause. Mr.
Alderman Neild, chairman of his Lordship's committee, took
the chair, supported on his right by Lord Lincoln, Messrs. J.
Peel, W. Gibb, Captain Carnegie, M.P., Messrs. T. Cooke,
jun., T. B. Potter, W. Stewart, Captain Cleather, Alderman
Hopkins, IT. Sowler, P. Berlyn, M. Ross, J. Dunn, John
Sale, George Shaw, Dr. Bell ;on his left by Messrs. As-
pinal Turner, Alderman Potter, Thomas Cooke, Alderman
Willert, John Pooley, jun., Richard Birley, Wm. Hill, jun.,
P. Dudgeon, Dr. Radford, Wm. Gray, S. Lowcock, H. W.
Capes, E. T. isellhouse, Edward Norris, Hugh Beaver, Dr.
Goodwin, John Hunt, W. W. Heap, Thomas L. Williams,
C. H. Rickards, Frank Rickards, John Carver, jun., John
Andrew, Edward Cardwell, William Bryan, John Wadding-
ton, William Covenev, William Marsden, Joshua Ronchetti,
jun., Henry Pope, Henry Wren, sen., John Harling, Charles
Ashmore, A. Poolev, John P. Cooke.
Mr. Alderman NEIL"), on taking the chair, attempted,
'
amid much interruption, to vindicate Sir Robert Peel and
Lord Lincoln from the charge of insincerity, based on their
sudden conversion to free-trade doctrines, and concluded by
introducing his Lordship to the meeting.
The Earl of LINCOLN then presented himself to the meet-
ing, and eas most enthusiastically applauded. Several
minutes elapsed before the applause of the auditory sub-
sided. The Noble Earl spoke as follows :—Gentlemen, I
should indeed be ashamed of myself, if, upon an occasion
like this, I should seek for hacknied phrases, or if I could
condescend to make use of exaggerated expressions; but
believe me, that I merely speak the words of truth, spring-
ing from the feelings of my heart, when I assure you, that
the enthusiasm with which you have been pleased, just now,
to receive the expression of my name, has so nearly over-
whelmed me, that, accustomed to a certain extent as I have
been of late, not unused at least, to meet assemblages of this
description, and to address them upon the subjects of antici-
pated contested elections, you have almost deprived me of
the power to give any expression—you have entirely de-
prived me of the power to give adequate expression—to those
sentiments which I now feel, of gratitude, and of pleasure.—
(Hear, hear.) Proud, indeed, gentlemen, I may well be of
the occurrence of this evening; elevated, indeed, far beyond
any humble merits of my own, when I look upon the as-
sembly before me,—when I contemplate the cause for
which you are assembled,—when I look round over this
vast multitude, and see the eyes of all turned upon me—
a stranger—(Hear, bear)—and when I reflect that the
cause of your assembling, and the cause of my standing upon
this spot, is a proposal which has emanated from yourselves,
that you should confer upon me the highest prize which
it is in your power, as Britons, to bestow.—(Cheers.) I
said that lam a stranger here. am a stranger, personally,
to almost all in this room. I feel the delicacy and the
awkwardness of that position. I am in that sense, as
regards the personal knowledge of almost all whom I am
addressing, a stranger to Manchester. But, gentlemen, can
any one who has studied the recent history of his country,
can any one who has read the great book of social existence,
and of the mutual dependence of all classes of society in this
great country, nay, in the world—can, I say, such a one
plead justly to being an entire stranger to Manchester and
its interests? I certainly feel that such is not the case, at
any rate, as regards myself.—(Loud cheers.) Locally
unconnected with this town to a much greater extent than
I could have desired, and personally unacquainted, as I said
before, with the great majority of its inhabitants, 1 trust I
have not spent fourteen years in the House of Commons, in
the performance of public duties, and yet remain what I can,
in a political sense, call a stranger to Manchester.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers.) I can well remember the first occasion
upon which I ever set foot in this wonderful town. I was
then but nine years old. I do not pretend, certainly at this dis-
tauce of time, to retain a lively recollection of the details of all
I then saw ; but having passed several days, even at that early
age, in this town, I must say (and I say it frankly to yoa)
that it did produce impressions upon my mind, perhaps
stronger impressions upon account of my youth, which I be-
lieve never can be obliterated.— (Much applause.) And upon
every successive occasion, when I have either passed through
or lingered in your town—as I have approached or as I
have left it—and again this very day, as I entered it, for the
purpose of attending this meeting—l have asked myself, is
it possible that any one, reflecting upon the state of affairs in
the whole world, could fail to be deeply impressed with
what he here saw ?—(Hear, hear.) I certainly have been—
(Hear.) Whether I look at the state of industry of all
that I saw around me, whether I look at the extent of their
public buildings and the magnificence of their works,
whether I look at those gigantic places of industry,—whether
1 look at the traffic which is perpetually passing and repas-
sing, both internal and external, of the town,—I say, I see
everything colossal, everything progressive; and I believe
that here you may witness what in no other town in the
world may be seen, as regards those particular features
to which I have alluded.—(Cheers.) I believe I am not
exaggerating the importance of this town, when I say, that
as regards its population, it exceeds some of the independent
states of the continent; and, as regards its wealth, it greatly
exceeds many of those states.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)—
I hardly know, gentlemen, whether the chairman has suf-
ficiently explained to you the position in which I under-
stand I appear before you. I appear before you by
the desire of the committee of gentlemen who have been
kind enough to form themselves into a body for conducting
the requisition which is to be presented to me. I have at-
tended here this day at their desire.—(Hear, hear.) I am
informed that the canvass has not yet been completed, and
that it is their desire, until it is completed, the requisition
should not be presented to me.—(Hear, hear.) And al-
though I am informed the requisition contains a number of
signatures, exceeding, I believe, the number on any similar
document ever presented to a candidate before, yet, in con-
sequence of its non-presentation, I am not entitled to address
you in the exact position of a candidate.—(Hear, hear.) I
must say, gentlemen, that, individually, I rejoice at this
decision of the committee. I rejoice they have been kind
enough to place me in a position, which may, at once and for
ever, give a contradiction to assertions which have been
made—not in this town, but elsewhere—assertions which, I
can assure you, make but little impression upon me, but at
the same timel should be most sorry if there existed in the
mind of any man, the impression, that 1 am anxious to ap-
pear here under false colours.—(Hear, hear.) Proud, gen-
tlemen, as I should be of the honour of representing
Manchester—f Hear, hear)—proud as I should be of that
high and enviable distiaction, I should yet grieve that
one single vote should be given to me under any false pre-
tences whatever.—(Cheers.) I therefore appear before-you,
pdcb
course gentlemen,
ucratarl
usu lensikeineyi
Parliament
wmahyhresl
itriecoael
hfit intasestil ealtythai
oemwunbspai
or:
aware,
bilytneloe explain to you my political
opinions—(Hear, hear)—aud I say that I rejoice at the op-
w
i
e
portunity
nd constituencycon elconclusive
siv as this
opinionthis cannot
witwith
r eh aattvbrboheedueef
tonsctruaoamgffis
vastoei nt
I ta tesmuni :eta,
:rwomlerflaibyett
aldycearhicoiiencnfhdudges
rivamNasr:ti.
yh-e:
Gentlemen, I will endeavour, gas far ast theta..—(Hear,
lies, to lay
before you a fair, a full, and explicit declaration upon all
ph r
eI s be
present;
vaenadr iI
ckaenlyo
nt ol
ye
say,te t ahnayt iwn theerne s
itnhot
ysoeuproiinnitnsdswhaitc
have done so, I shall be equally ready to give a fair and can-
did answer to any questions that any elector may desire to
put.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " bravo.") I know, gen-
tlemen, whom I am addressing. I know that it never
would answer my purpose, if I felt inclined to condescend to
such tricks, not to be candid and explicit with you ; but I
say I know whom I am addressing, and I will endeavour to
be candid and explicit with you.—(Hear, hear, and loud
cheers.) I know you neither desire I should flatter you, or
that I should endeavour to obtain your good opinion by con-
cealing any opinions of my own. -At the same time, gentle-
men, I am bound to say that I do feel this additional diffi-
culty, over and above those which must influence me in
addressing such a constituency as this at any other time. I
say I do feel this additional difficulty at the present moment,
upon account of the peculiar position in which you, and the
political world at large, are placed by recent events.—(Hear.)
It is easy generally to address an audience when some great
war-cry is raging among them. It may be easy to address
an audience when there is something for which they are
earnestly contending, and which they are very anxious to
obtain for themselves, or when there is something neces-
sary to withhold. But it is less easy when there are no
great and specially exciting topics before the public mind.

. _
I know it places one in my situation in a disadvantageous
position before the constituency. But, gentlemen, I neither
profess to be an orator, nor do I desire upon this, or upon
any other occasion, to embellish what I have to say, or to
state anything but is the fairest and the plainest words.—
(Hear.) Now, gentlemen, 1 have been accused of great im-
modesty in being prepared to present myself before the con-
stituency of Manchester ; and I say at once that I should
most readily acquiesce in that commendation if I could, for
one moment, have dreamt of voluntarily aspiringito such an
honour.—(Cheers.) When, gentlemen, I look round this
platform—when I know how many there are locally con-
nected with you, who have the highest claims to your
suffrages, and who would most worthily have represented
you if they had been selected, I do confess freely I am not
surprised that strangers to this town should tax me with
immodesty in even acquiescing in the request to come for-
ward.—(Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I beg that I may be
distinctly understood—that I have come forward, at least I
am here this evening, and if eventually I should accept the
requisition, I shall then be a candidate upon the demand of
a large body of this constituency, and not from any self-
sought or voluntary effort on my part. If I come forward,
gentlemen, I shall come forward not to oppose this or that
candidate, but in obedience to the general wish of the con-
stituency of Manchester. Unconnected with you, it would
be indecent upon my part to come forward in any other
position. If I come forward at all it must be as your can-
didate.—(Cheers, and much applause.) Now, gentlemen,
two most opposite objections have been raised to me as a can-
didate for your suffrages. You have been told, I believe, by
speeches in this town, that I have been all my life an opponent
of all reform, and, therefore, I am totally unfitted for the re-
presentation of Manchester.—(Hear, kear, and some intima-
tions of assent.) Well, gentlemen, if that is intended as a
recognition of that objection, let me ask how you can recon-
cile with that the opposite objection which has been raised
by the press in London—namely, that I am one who has
evinced such destructive tendencies in his political course,
that no candidate who could be selected, and none who could
come forward, of whatever Radical opinions, that would
not be preferable to me ?—(Loud cheers, and great
applause.) 1 have no doubt that many of you are too
much engaged, and too well engaged, to read all that ema-
nates from a eertain portion of the London press; hut I
assure you these are the objections which have been raised
to me as a candidate for your suffrages. I must say that I
cannot recognise the justice of either of the objections. In
the first place, let me deal with the objection that I have
been the opponent of all reforms, and that I am therefore un-
fitted to be a Member for Manchester. Why, gentlemen,
what has been the course pursued during the whole time
that I held office in Sir Robert Peel's Government? Did
not that Government, from the very date of its formation,
commence that great economical reform which terminated
in the repeal of the corn-laws last year?—(Cries of " Yes,
yes," with some exclamations of " No.") I say, gentlemen,
that this reform—that this great economical reform, was not
of recent date, but that it commenced in the year 1842 ; and,
although occupying an inferior situation in that Government
I gave to those measures my most earnest and most zealous
support.—(Great cheering from all sides.) And, gentlemen,
what have been the results of that most economical reform
taws
ereengatrhdes
ytehaer
ltaBx4,a),tiaonndotfhethe oumecmennttryin?
which
hyithatam now
ntine;
speaking, on upwards of 500 articles the duty has been en-
tirely repealed, and on 720 other articles the duty has been
most materially relieved.--(Great cheers.) Call you this no
reform ? Call you this no reform in that particular direction
which was most essentially required, and particularly desired
by the; industrions classes of this great community ?—(flm
mean cheering.) For whom was this great economical re
orm
undertaken, and for whom was it effected? Why, for the
lower and the middle classes, and more especially for the be-
nefit of the lower classes.—(Tremendous applause.) I believe
that one may fairly characterise this as one of the greatest
moral and social revolutions, peaceably attained, which any
country ever saw—(Renewed cheers)—and, let •me say, it
is not only to the glory of England, but to the glory of ttie

Anglo-Saxon race that this moral revolution has been corn- I
menced and carried on. It was commenced, and carried on
for two or three years before it found any followers ; but
upon the great continent of America, among our brethren
there, the example has been followed ; and depend upon it,
that a system of commercial policy commenced by England,
and followed out by America, cannot long be without its
imitators in other countries.—(Cheers.) Rely upon it that
momentous consequences must follow from this reform ; and
whatever you may say with regard to other measures, what-
ever you may say with regard to organic changes, I believe
that upon this economical reform depends much of the hap-
to see yet in store for you and for my fellow-countrymen.
eNaeltf: large,wt?e—,mpueeelh. which I hope
or Sir
ugz, gentlemen,
ehtral
eaer
what
)hi
keanevll,
ye if,kb neaetoshnwelt
hyhc
eoao
uevn
effects
aee
rqcseuts
sis
said,
lc
rteees a,
practicalabayes
Rcall:edrt
men, and that you do not object to have books and figures
—es
el
na_wiage(humbehtia(di
ovtuce uehamtenrioccasiontbelrh hoieepofrenunea
basvr
as
very
)sacrt
nyh
regards
In
nbng.veeae a
trnLrhdnul eyeseet
mistake,wmf
eoa Englandeua s,rr
ithen,alms deficiency
that e 2 telll
fii,faocr
when
tni oesmyhnt
heceoynuaef
money; but at the close of the year 1845, what was the re-
years !—(Applause.) You will
suit ? Why, a surplus in the same exchequer of very nearly
hear.)y
perhaps
eaArri; caihpaas n
theg e
observeei noatrhsee
a f financesthatfouinr
order to effect this object, to convert a deficiency of four
millions, in 1842, into a surplus of four millions in 1845,
an income-tax was imposed. That is true; but what was
the amount of the income-tax? Five millions a year. But,
at the same time, what has been the amount of the taxation
pressing upon the industrious classes of this country which
has been removed ? I have already told you that the
whole duty upon 500 articles, and a very material portion
of the duty upon 720 articles, has been remitted in the
course of that time-1842-5; and what has been the
amount ? Why, in all, very nearly seven millions of
money.—(Much applause.) Then, gentlemen, I think you
will admit that the consequences and the effects of this
economical reform, as regards this country, have al-
ready been most successful.—(Cheers, and cries of
" Hear, hear.") Now, let me turn to what has been
the effect upon the import and export trade of the '
n
country, a matter in which, of course, Manchester is
oatpdcitwuirpmhfheroupi
shgneai LcAtoePi
ssataiemutaoloetrsreemsnriesdVdE3ttidfct,iseaheo:ao'nlntLoarofirgiumthmrsptuci Nl:ao:Eaohtenntncman—Now,
loowa3ebdodomsvrs
oLetuuunheomhui
results
el btethitodrree ee lately
hee rs f enjoying,
materially concerned. In the year 1841, the value of the
imports into the United Kingdom (of course I give you
round numbers) was 64 millions; in 1845 it had increased
up to 85 millions.—(Cheers.) The value of the produce of
manufactures exported from the country was in the year
1841 upwards of 51 millions, whereas in 1845 it was upwards
of GO millions.—(Renewed cheers.) Here, gentlemen, is
another fruit of this policy and of that progressive commer-
cial reform for which those who are opposed to my election in
this town think the members of the late Government deserve
no credit whatever.—(Hear.) But lest it should be sup-
posed that the benefits derived to this great community are
simply of a pecuniary character, do let me call your attention
to another most important fact, which, I am sure, among en-
lightened men, will not be disregarded. Up to the three
years antecedent to 1845, crime had been progressively in-
creasing in this land—increasing in a ratio which was per-
fectly frightful, during the years of comparative,y commer-
cial depression. Taking triennial periods from 1836 up to
1845, crime progressed, in the first three years from 1836, at
the rate of five per cent; in the following three years, at the
rate of ten per cent; and in the following three years, up to
1842, it increased to the frightful extent of more than 21 per
cent.—(Hear, hear.) But what was the effect of these
measures, as bearing upon the happiness and prosperity of
the country, and upon the consequent diminution of crime?
Why, that in the three years intervening between 1842
and 1845 crime diminished six per cent—the first period of
diminution, I believe, for a great many years preceding.—
(Hear.) Now, gentlemen, I really think that I have some
right to claim credit to the Government which introduced a
reform of this nature, attended with 'beneficial consequences
of so great and vast a character, both pecuniary and moral.
—.(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, if you ask me whether I con-
ceive that this policy has been fully carried out, I tell you I
do not.—(Long and loud applause.) I think that the great
and heavy part of the work has been already cut out; but I
believe that something yet remains to be done.—(Cheers.)
I cannot doubt that the Government which now rules—the
Government which has succeeded that of which I was a mem-
ber—will follow lout the same policy as regards commercial
legislation—(Hear)—l feel confident that they. will—(tfear)
—I most earnestly pray that they may.—(Loud cheers.)
And this I can assure you, whether any other practical dif-
ference may yet exist between us or not, that upon this great
and important question, as regards the extension of free trade
and the freedom of commerce from any restrictions which
may yet remain (of course duly considering the claims of the
revenue), such a course of policy shall have my earnest and
most zealous support.—(Loud and continued cheers. )
Now, gentlemen, I do assure you, that I always feel there is
something painful in a single individual being placed before
such an assembly of enlightened men, and being obliged to
speak of himself; but, at the same time, in our present rela-
tive position, this is necessary ; and if I detain you for a few
moments in matters of explanation, I am sure you will
pardon me.—(Hear.) Our excellent chairman has alluded
to the charges made with regard to my " sudden" conversion
to the doctrines of free trade. As regards my conversion to
the doctrines of free trade, I think I have already answered
at that at
ourby p
owl hi
ea I
yt
inthehave
psetrai
ot eddewf
thei t h r
l ae
sgta rl to
five
ey theear s w; hol
but,e u course
rs
re-
gardse a conversion to the principle of the repeal of the corn-
laws, I admit there may be some difference. If I had been,
as has been stated to you, a " sudden" convert, by some vast
effort of the mind, or of some other wonderful influence
which has been not very indistinctly alluded to—(A laugh)—
motives have been imputed to me which really. independent
of every other consideration, are of so ridiculous a nature
that it is not worth my while to allude to them—let me
call to your mind this circumstance, that even if it were
true, the question of the period of time is all that stands
between myself and almost every other person in the present
House of Commons. Has not every statesman's mind under-
gone the greatest changes with regard to the corn-laws?
Was not the very first and greatest free-trader in the House
of Commons, Mr. Huskisson, an advocate for a system of
corn-laws? Was not the present Prime Minister himself so
fearful of any alteration in the corn-laws, that he maintained
up to, I forget the exact period, in opposition to the Govern-
ment of Lord Liverpool, the prohibitory Act of 1818?
(Hear.) I say this in no spirit of taunt to Lord John Rus-
sell, hut in order to prove that, on this subject, there is hardly
one public man who has not, at a more or less remote period,
lnotaw sv. erylrheemy ohte,aveenfteelrtt, aainndedlop believeon s
now erroneously, the question of the corn-laws stood
favourable
generallyt 0
upon a different position from other quretrions
aoinf
tcaotTie-
mercial relaxation. But, gentlemen
speakingthe c corn-laws.
mind was
has been charged against me that my
laws until Sir Robert
uncon-
verted upon the subject of the corn- .
tons in November,
Peel announced to his Cabinet his opsuddeLaughterin e and
point of changing, as it is more Perrseovneal ntO aigslyself, it
1845, and that one fine morning 1
( and
state to you that such
some cheers). If I were simply to
think
I was
was not not the case, I dare say you would h
Ps either stating
found myself a corn-law repealer.—
vouring to win your good graces by perewap
veracity by a
what was not the fact, or saving y
I had to appear
men, unfortunately for me, about a year ago
with regard to
before another constituency, whose opinions_
then,
certainly,
the corn-laws greatly differed from yours. I
representing myself
gentle-
little mystifying of the real truths.—maJear.) But,
had no object—no personal object—in l
r date, this
laws, or as having undergone, at any enteric.
these circum-
change of mind. I certainlY had, under
in adopt-
stances, no object either in mis-stating that fact,
either as being more favourable to the of the
orc,orn-
with me, I
adopt-
ins; any mystification: and now, if you
Notting-
which I published to the constituency of South
the office
hamshire, when I vacated my seat, by accepting
on will
will venture to read to you a few wordwsilflrboemarthe address
di g one
or two extracts from that document, a documentrewa
permit me to detain you for a few moments by
of Secretary for Ireland, in February last. 1 hope you
me a year ago, in order to show that the charge
documents
rittreenalblyy
—they are
will not attempt to characterise them, for 1 think
l d
extremely low—made against me are not substaartaiaetedruabys
the fact. A portion of the address to which I

_
thus:—
of cornmer-
4, I cannot, within the limits of an address, enter into the
details of so large and comprehensive a
Dose of Commons.
cial policy as that lately laid before the
This much, however, I am bound in
candour,
the question
ing an agricultural constituency, to Babe- ed. In 1841,
1100 us when address-
of the corn-laws my opinions are , ,
honestly, and not from any party mo
native industry.'
cures for what is now called 'protection
tonsideration of the
tiveh,artgiavocated mea-
Mature reflection, constant and anxious consideration
subject—attention year after year to thethe
other—above all,
forwardin the House on one side and on uments brought
have convinced me
the exerience of the last four y
not that the corn-laws alone shouldeabresa—bolished, but that our
subjected to a great, a
whole commercial system should be
bold, and comprehensive revision."
be body of the meeting
[Considerable uproar followed the reading of this passage,
caused by some person or other ine
having offensively interrupted th
roceed to read the t Noble Lord.] May I
re-
(continued his Lordship) before I
maining short portion of this extraperts,;
u in a great assembly
venture to make one
request of you? It is this.
like this, there must be manyOf e 0
who
disapprove of my senti-
differ from me in opinion.
There may be many who greatly e n
of believe there are any
ments. There may be some— a
enemies entertain dislike to
But may Ire quest
who can be personally
the political opinions mylhaveenaeonvi.oacmaetend'uot to interrupt them,
those who stand near these ge ti
to answer any questions, when
—(Hear.) I do assure xou, xi" there are opponents of mine
here, 1 shall be most anxious
I have done, that they may put—(Cheers)—and, provided
disturb them upon any account.--
that those persons are ntaot incommoding or offensive to you,
may I entreat you notl
wen,
forgive me for continuing this
(Loud cheers.) GeV
the more important point as ex-
extract, because it
not the s upon me. Three
amplifying the course which I have adopted :
" This change has n .
the principles of protection was
I felt they had become indefen-
years ;ago my confidence in
mischief of any violent shock to
greatly shaken; lastly ar
Bible. Still, looking o eftahre
the sake of leaders of party, but
party attachment (not
which the. present Parliament was
for the sake of public confidence), and conscious of the pecu-
liar circumstances under
postponed till after the next dis,olu-
elected, I felt anxious that, if possible, this great but inevit-
able change should be
This, however, I had firmly resolved—
that before you on the hustings,
tion of Parliament.
that I would never again
without an express stipulation that I should be free to vote
for the repeal of the corn-laws.
I then proceeded to state the circumstances generally which
rendered any longer postponement of that event (the repeal
of the corn-laws) perfectly impossible and improper. I again
Nhan your attention to avow
d myself written; but I
beg pardon for having trespassed
which
Iu
sentiments from anything
thought, by quoting of
a document a year's standing, I should
be more able to refute the charges made against me, than by
anything I could state verbally to the present meeting.—
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, gentlemen, there is a great
and important change in our commercial System strongly ad-
vocated at this moment. I believe it-has already attracted
considerable attention, as naturally it should, in this commu-
nity, though not perhaps so great las in Glasgow and Liver-
pool, and in some other places. allude to the reduction of
the tea duties. You are aware, also, that anxiety exists in
another quarter for another most important reduction of tax-
ation—l mean the repeal of the malt duty.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, to deal with the latter first. I apprehend those who
advocate this measure advocate not a reduction, but a
repeal; and, inasmuch as that tax brings into the Ex-
chequer five millions annually, or thereabouts, it must, I
apprehend, be totally out of the power of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, at any rate at the present moment, to deal
with such a request. I have indeed read lately in some of
the newspapers, that one of the great organs and leaders of
the Protection party—l mean Sir John Tyrrell—has in-
formed a portion of his constituency, that that party which
now calls itself " the country party" (whether they assume
that title upon account of their supposed desire to attend
to the interests of the country at large, or whether they
intend, by that term, to show peculiar regard to the
country, as contradistinguished from the towns, 1
know not), has in contemplrtion
enable the Chancellor of the Exchequer, be he who he
may, to repeal the malt-tax, without imposing any tax
upon the industrious classes of this community, and with-
out pressing upon them in any degree whatever.—(" lieu."

and some cheers.) I am not at all surprised you
should cheer Buell a sentiment. The great financier of that
party, as you all know, is Lord George Bentinck ; and I
apprehend, as soon as he becomes Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, he will propose this great scheme ; but until that
event I must profess myself rather sceptical of the powers
of any body to propose a tax to the amount of five millions
of money, which will press less heavily generally upon the
various classes than does the malt-tax. I think the ques-
tion of a reduction of the tea duties stands upon a different
footing. I know that great difference of opinion exists
among extremely well-informed mereantile and commercial
men ss ith regard to the effect of a reduction of the tea
duties, some contending they might be reduced to Is. per
pound, without any loss to the Exchequer, and others con-
tending that the whole amount of the reductions would be
an unmitigated loss. lam sure you will all forgive me,
having due regard to the public revenue, which I conceive
every Member of Parliament ought to consider, for not now
committing myself upon this question by any promise to
you. I shall be most anxious to hear what the Chancellor
of the Exchequer himself is prepared to do upon this point;
and I shall greatly rejoice if he finds it within the compass
of his duty to confer this great boon upon the labouring po-
pulation of the country.—(Cheers.) I feel, gentlemen, that
China itself has a great claim upon us.—(Cheers.) I can-
not forget that the Chinese Government adopted the prin-
ciple of repealing their protective duties, of repealing their
customs' duties, without any corresponding relaxation from
other countries—without those treaties of commerce
which had hitherto been the concomitants of every
such reduction. Hitherto, certainly, we have not been met
quite in so corresponding a spirit as we might have antici-
pated, although I think we may clearly see indications of a
coming change; but what has been the case with regard to
China? China, from the first moment after the conclusion
of the war, established commercial relations with us upon
the most liberal footing ; China, that most benighted country,
as we have been too apt to consider it, that country so marl)
centuries behind us in civilisation, as we believe, established
at once a most liberal tariff.—(hear.) I say, therefore, that
the moral claims of China upon U 9 are very strong; and I
shall rejoice if it is in the power of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer to concur in , them. I feel the importance, as
regards the town of Manchester, and all our other manufac-
turing towns, that their means of increased production, with
a view to export, should be encouraged as much as possible ;
and I do feel that anything which can increase our trade
with China must have a beneficial effect upon the manufacs
tures of this country.—(Hear.) At the same time we must
not forget that we are deprived, as regards the tea duties, of
a great argument which free-traders naturally bring forward
for the reduction of the duty on tobacco and other articles ;
we are deprived of the argument as regards smuggling.
I do not believe that smuggling to any extent, if at
all, exists in the tea trade ; and therefore any re-
duction that may be made in those duties cannot be ex-
pected to be compensated by any diminution in that offence.
Gentlemen, if we are told that the only way to meet a re-
duction of the tea duties would be by an increase of the in-
come and property-tax, I say that, unquestionably, might
not so much frighten me, as regards the financial policy of
this country; but I do not know that there are many who
would greatly deprecate any such step, even for securing the
advantage of a reduction of the tea duties; and at any
rate, the men of Manchester at least will concur with me in
this—that no step must be taken as regards relaxation of 1
duties which bring so large a sum into the Exchequer as
the tea duties or the malt-tax—which would place in
jeopardy the fortunes of those men whose fortunes depend
upon the security of the public funds, and for maintaining
which the nation is bound to keep up an ample and sufficient
revenue.—(Hear, hear.) I know, moreover, the pressure
which is made upon every Chancellor of the Exchequer;
and therefore, being no longer in office, I am sure you
would think I am only adopting that course which is be-
coming an independent Member, when I decline to
press upon him a ineasure which, however good in itself,
might be inapplicable at the present time, with the
anticipated demands upon the public purse ; more
especially when it is to be borne in mind that, in
favour of the reduction of every tax of this nature,
whether the tea duties or the malt-tax, there is always
brought forward as an argument—(l think a just argu-
ment as regards the tea duties)—in favour of a reduction
of the tax, that, in the language of political economy, it is
likely to produce the greatest happiness to the greatest num-
bers ;—but always bear in mind, gentlemen, that those who
press these matters sometimes make themselves obnoxious
to that unjust taunt, which has been made somewhere—(l am
sure I do not know where)—that many people consider " the
greatest number" to be number one.—( Hear, and laughter.)
Now, gentlemen, there is another most important point,
which is at present interesting the community more than it
did some years past. I allude to the question of national
education. I believe that in this respect men's minds have
undergone a very material change of late years. I believe
there is now a very much greater inclination than formerly
to come to some understanding about this point; with the
view of not sacrificing to minor considerations that great boon
which may be extended to all. Mind, lam not indifferent to
minor considerations which prevented a settlement of this ques-
tion heretofore. But it is one of those measures which Lord
Jon Russell, in his address upon accepting office, promised to
devote his attention to; and I therefore do anticipate, with
something like certainty, that some measure upon this sub-
ject, before long, will be presented to the Legislature. lam
not unaware of the difficulties which encompass this subject.
They are difficulties which may perhaps divert the attention
of the statesman who was not impressed with the importance,
I may almost say the necessity, of something being done
upon this point. For, although most able letters and pam-
phlets have appeared, endeavouring to vindicate the volun-
tary principle as regards education, I yet cannot doubt but
that a majority of those here assembled will recognise the
fact that a necessity has been substantiated. Now, gentle-
men, really, if I thought it was necessary to substantiate
this point, I need not go far from this very spot; for within
the last few days a document has been placed in my hands
which does present so fearful a picture of the want of edu-
cation in this very county—(aud be it remarked that this
county is by no means worse, and in many respects not so
bad as many others in England)—but in this county an ex-
ample has been presented which is sufficient to illustrate the
point lam endeavouring to make out. In the report pre-
sented to the magistrates of this county by the chaplain of
the Preston gaol in December last, I find these frightful state-
ments. He states that he finds amongst the prisoners fifty-
five per cent. unable to read. I will not go through all
the details, but mention some of those that are most
striking. That is bad enough, fifty-five per cent. unable to
read. But he finds 37 per cent., 37 in 100 prisoners, ignorant
of the Saviour's name and unable to repeat the Lord's
Prayer. How many do you think he finds acquainted
with the elementary truths of religion ? Only nine in 100.
How many does he find familiar with the Scriptures, and
well instructed? Not one. To proceed to less important
points of education, he found one-half unable to name the
months of the year, and more than one-half ignorant of the
name of the reigning Sovereign.—(Sensation.) Now, will
those who tell me that the voluntary and well-meaning
efforts of those who are anxious to do their duty to their
fellow-countrymen, and to instruct the rising youti of this
country—will the advocates of the voluntary system tell me '
that it has been effectual, when such a statement can be made
out as this? You will many of you recollect that the late
Government brought forward a measure, I think in 1842
or 1843, upon the subject of education. It raised a great
opposition among a large class of the community. It had,
however, one beneficial result, it gave a great impetus to
voluntary exertion. The Church of England raised a vast
sum of money, upwards of 100,000/., within a very short time,
for the purpose of extending; education in the manufacturing
and mining districts of Englanu and Wales. The Dissenting
body, not to be outdone by these benevolent exertions of the
Church of England, immediately proceeded in the same
course. I forget the exact sum they raised, but it was very
considerable. Gentlemen, recollect these were great and
mighty efforts, efforts which could not be repeated con-
tinually, which could be only undertaken periodically. I
doubt whether in a life-time many amongst us could see two
such large sums raised again, in a similar manner, for the
same object. And what has been the result ? I firmly be-
lieve that the result of the expenditure of these two largo
sums of money has been only to make still more apparent the
great deficiency that exists in the education of the people of
this country. Great as those efforts have been, benevolent as
as those objects have been, it has yet been but as a drop in
the ocean. Great good has been effected ; but ten hundredfold
that which has been done remains to do. Do not suppose I
underrate individual exertion ; or that I should wish to see
everything conducted—as in other countries—by the effort of
the Government. Quite the reverse, I believe there is scope
for much. All I mean to say is, that I am convinced that
individual exertion is not sufficient, and that the State
must step in, in respect to the suppression of crime, by the
most legitimate, benignant, and enlightened course—that
of extended education.—(Applause.) Gentlemen
may point to the schools extending throughout the land;yen
you may prove to me that in almost every parish in this
country a school or many schools exist; but I must de-
clare
assertion
that you have not convinced me by that
that the education is sufficient; nay, even if you !) roveto
me that those schools are well attended, and that a large
per tentage of the population is instructed within them ;
because I should state what is the course of education within
those schools, and what is the class of teachers within them.
I believe if you look to both one and the other, the quality of
the education is moat inefficient, and the character of the
teachers most inadequate. Reading and writing, gentlemen,
are but the means to education, not education itself; they
are but the instruments, and unless you teach the youth
of this country how to use those instruments, you will indeed
have effected but little in the real and genuine spirit
of a Christian education.—(Applause.) A short time ago
(this subject of national education naturally brings me
round to that point), I received a letter from a gentleman
in this town, the Rev. Hugh Stowell, putting to me a
question, whether or no I would pledge myself to oppose
any further concessions to the Romish church, I am anxious
to quote the words accurately. Now, my answer to Mr.
Stowell, I believe has been a good deal misunderstood. I
wrote to him, fully explaining why I was desirous not to
answer that question then ; and it was simply this,—l
wished to reserve it for a public opportunity, when any-
thing I had said, which was not perfectly intelligible,
might be explained by any question put to me by those
who might be present, to explain more fully than it was
possible to do by letter, my whole feelings upon this subjsct.
The last thing, certainly, I could have wished, would have
been either to show any discourtesy (which I know has
since been acknowledged by the reverend gentleman him-
self) either towards him or any body,—still less I wished
for a moment my opinions to be misinterpreted. But now,
gentlemen, I felt the question itself was put in a form which
1
it was almost impossible for me satisfactorily to answer.
The question was, whether I would oppose all concessions
to the Romish Church in Ireland. Now, I know per-
fectly well, what would be considered a concession by
one party is differently interpreted by another. I con-
fess to you that I have the greatest objection to the
words concession and conciliation, as applied to our Roman
Catholic brethren in Ireland ; and I will tell you why. I
do not know whether gramatically speaking, it be so, but the
word concession is interpreted by all, as yielding npon inti-
midation something which duty forbids us to give. Gentle-
men, I would be the last man in this country to advocate,
for one single moment, that anything should be given up in
such a spirit. I know that it would be productive of no
good ; even if it were not wrong for us to give it. Therefore,
gentlemen, when you ask me whether I sin ready to make
a concession, I our willing to make this explanation, that in
the spirit of conciliation, in the way I interpret it, I would
not concede anything. But when you come to the question
of whether I am in favour of this or that particular plan,
which may be in conformity with myßoman
Catholic
brethren, which may conduce to their advantage, or which,
position to the feelings of some
unfortunately
of my Protestainnta)b' rbeethinrennp, then, when the question is put
in this form, I readily understand it, and I am ready to that
a gentlemen, I apprehend that
a fair and candid answer._,
this question of Mr.tStowell's, though put into this general,
and
thiso me vague form, did in sub-
incomplete,
stance contain qnes'tion :. " Are you, under any
circumstances which may arise, to consent to the
ayment of the Roman Catholic priesthood in Ire-
land?" I have first to consider the question with regard to
religion. Do I see any national objection, or any objection
on the score of religion? and then I have to consider whe-
ther in my own consrce.ience I feel that I ought not to be a
party to such a measuOn looking at it in a national
point I
• of view, what do see? I see that, throughout the
whole of our colonies—in Canada, the Cape o. f Good Hope, in
uaio, ill New u4tl4 Wales, in Driti4hGuiana, and varioua

_ .
other places, not only is the Roman Catholic priesthood paid
by the State, but various other denominations derive very
considerable emoluments from the same source. I allude to
the Dutch church, the Wesleyans, and to other denomina-
tions. Now, Gentlemen, though I may be told, as I know
others have been told, that as regards those colonies, we are
bound by treaties, and, therefore, we cannot help ourselves,
however strong may be our objections. Now, in the first
places this is not true; and, in the second place, if it were
true, it would be no argument at all. The question of treaties,
if it applies to any colony, applies only to Canada, and even
there, if there is a strong religious objection to the payment
of the Roman Catholic priesthood, by an infraction of this
duty, we have no right to profit by our iniquity. We
ought not to be bound by treaties in such a case. Ido not
mean by that, that we ought to violate a treaty, but we ought
at once to surrender the benefit we derive from that treaty,
and so get rid of the bargain. I say, Gentleman, that no
justification of such treaty can, for one moment, interfere
with the performance of a religious national duty. Well
then, Gentlemen, believing as I do that there is no national
objection—feeling in my mind that there is nothing which,
in my conscience, and knowing that I myself am as firm and
conscientious a Protestant and member of the Church of

England as any man here present—(Hear)—l do say, that
feeling that neither to myself individually, nor as a member
of the great community in this nation, is there in my mind
any objection to this course, it remains for me to consider
whether such a measure is politic, expedient, wise, and just.
Now I have taken a great deal of pains to inform myself
upon this subject, and having made most anxious inquiries
during a tour in that island—having thought and reflected
upon the subject for many years past, I have come to the
conclusion that it would be politic, wise, and just, if means
could be found to pay the Roman Catholic clergy. In what
position is that priesthood placed at present? Recollect
that the religious communities stand in a different position
there from what they do in this country. Here the rich
and the puor are mingled together. Here the rich and the
poor alike profess, some one faith, some another, and of
course the majority that of the Established Church. What
is the case in Ireland? The rich and the middle classes

(except indeed in the north of Ireland), and the great
majority of the poor, are the Roman Catholic population of
the country ; and I do say, that it is not only a painful,
but an Improper position for the ministers of religion to be
placed in—those whose duty it is to counsel the weak, to
reprove the wayward, to objurgate the licentious—l say,
it is a cruel thing, that these men should be placed under
the temptation of pandering to the prejudices and the
vices of their flock with a view to their daily subsistence.—
(Hear, hear.)—This, I do think, is not a position in which
they should be placed. And let me call upon you, as
Englishmen, to bear this in mind—that you cannot be
indifferent, you cannot be unconcerned, with the welfare
of your Irish brethren.—(Hear, hear.) Believe me, if it
was in my power to extend to those •in Ireland who pro-
fess the Roman Catholic religion, the blessings, as I believe
them to be cf the Protestant faith, believe me that I should
rejoice in such an opportunity ; but I know that that is im-
possible. But because I cannot instruct them in the faith
that I profess, I therefore wish to place them in the direction
of men who are not placed by. these circumstances under
the temptation which a majority of them must fre-
quently fall under. Gentlemen, it is of the most
vital importance to this country that the teachers,
and pastors, and these who lead these people, should lead
them in principles of loyalty to the crown, and attach-
ment to this country ; and I do believe, that in order to
attain so great an object, it would be an important and a
national benefit, to place in an independent and honourable
position the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland.—(Cheers.)
Well now, gentlemen, I know how much importance is at-
.

tached amongst a large class of the community to this point,
and I have, therefore, been peculiarly anxious to explain to
you, unreservedly and fairly, my opinion upon it. I know
the difficulties in the way of a settlement ; I know the
strong religious objections which exist in this country ; I
know that a certain portion of the Established Church is
opposed to it; I know that the feelings of that great
and important body, the Wesleyans in this country, is, to
a very great extent, opposed to it; I know that
the Church of Scotland resists it; and I know, more-

over—and here let me call your attention again
to the meaning of the word " concession"—l know that a
very considerable portion of the Roman Catholics them-
selves in Ireland do not like the proposal. Seeing, then,
these great objections, I know how difficult it may be to
overcome them; I know that it may require a lapse of time
and an alteration in public opinion (which I certainly
do anticipate will take place upon this point before
it can be judiciously considered). I know that that is the
opinion of the leader of the present government, and that he
is not likely to propose it ; but at the same time, as I said
before, I should not be doing my duty, or reconcile it to my
own conscience, if, entertaining these opinions, however

_
little likely it may be that they should be carried into exe-
cution in a short time, if I did not explain them frankly and
fully to you.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, we have heard much
of late in this locality, as we have in a more northern part
of the country, upon a question which once interested this
community to a very great extent; and although I have
not heard very much about it, I know it does still interest

you, I mean the question of factory labour as connected
with the ten hours' Bill. I avow at once, before I enter into
any argument upon the question, that I am adverse to the
measure which was brought into the House of Commons by
Lord Ashley and by Mr. Fielden last year.—(Hear, bear,
and some hissing). Now, gentlemen, I do assure you that
I am opposed to that, more especially, and chiefly, on
account of those who themselves are the advocates of it.
I do believe that, as regards the working men themselves,
the consequences would be much more pernicious than
to the masters. Not, gentlemen, that I disapprove so
mush of what has been already done in that way by
the legislation. I have, myself, been a party to some,
to much of that legislation, and I think that many of the
provisions of former acts are wise and beneficent, but the
measure of which I most strongly approve, is that which re-
lates to the diminution of the labour of children in the fac-
tories. But, gentlemen, mind that we are now called upon
to go a great step further. There is a wide, a marked dif-
ference between legislation as relates to adults, and legisla-
tion as regards infants. I may be told that the Bill of last
session did not immediately affect adults. But such, gentle-
men, is not the case. As regards females it did immediately
affect them, and as regards males it did indirectly, and to a
certain extent, affect them also. I admit that it is most
painful—l assure you that no one feels it so more than my-
self, to resist any measure which is fairly and moderately
called for, as this is, by the working classes of my fellow-
countrymen, more especially when the object they seek to
obtain is in itself not only harmless, hut proper and be-
coming. But, gentlemen, in this complicated state ofsociety,
it is important not to look at the consequences. I admit the
advantages, in this countri, of greater time to the workmen
for relaxation, for education, and for the purposes of health,
and with a view to increased efforts for religious instruction.
But, gentlemen, let us take care that, whilst aiming at ob-
jects of this description, we do not over-rate the beneSts to
them of any relaxation or any instruction, by depriving them
of the means of obtaining subsistence for themselves. For,
gentlemen, I myself confess to you, that I have never yet
been able to conceive how those theorists who have argued
upon this point can clearly make out that you can reduce
the powers of production, pay the same wages by raising the
price of articles, and at the same time maintain your markets
both at home and abroad. Those who are conversant with
these subjects, know upon how very little does the reduction
or the loss of the foreign markets, sometimes of the home
market, depend ; and I greatly fear if yon were to enforce
upon the masters at all times, and under all circumstances,
the restriction of ten hours' labour, that you would even-
tually destroy, or very greatly impair, the manufactures of
this country, and, consequently, must deeply injure the
working men. But, gentlemen, how are these things ma-
naged in other communities? I see no reason why the ma-
nufacturer and the opera • e here should not do as the
4 farmer and labourer do at r places; why mutual arrange-
ments should not be made 0 etween you, with a view to the
accomplishment of this object. lam confident, gentlemen,
that if those wko press upon the Legislature this mea-
sure would withhold their interference for a short time,
that we should soon see a mutual understanding, a mutual
arrangement come to between the masters and the workmen,
which would be satisfactory to all, and which, not being
bound by strict legislative enactments, would be open to
such subsequent arrangements as the alteration of circum-
stances might require. if gentlemen bear in mind that,
whereas now, at this moment,—and I am afraid that proba-
bly it will soon be in operation to a greater degree—many
manufacturers are obliged to work short time, in consequence
of a decreased harvest, and an increased price of provisions,
bear in mind that you may see a revulsion similar to that of
1843. You may have a plentiful harvest throughout the
world ; you may see the mills again hard at work; and I
ask you, whether it would be wise, either as regards the
producer or the consumer, to deprive the workmen as well as
the manufacturer of the increased advantages which ia-
creased labour for a short period might bring to both.—
(Some hissing was heard at the close of this sentence, which
was speedily drowned by the cheering which immediately
arose.) Now, there is another topic —it is somewhat of a local
character--which relates to the regulations for improving the
health of towns ; and I know not in what constituency I
could say a word upon this subject, where I would be more
likely to meet with a response of an enlightened descrip-
tion than in the town of Manchester. Here and in Liver-
pool, in both towns, the greatest exertions have been made,
with a view to the increased comfort and health of the
labouring population. To say nothing of those three mag-
nificent parks which have been established here, large sums
have most magnificently and wisely been devoted to im-
proving the streets and drainage of the town ; and I believe
few towns, at the present moment, are in a more progres-
sive state of improvement than Manchester. But it has been
objected to me, individually, that I am unfit to represent
you, because I introduced a Bill upon this subject, applicable
to the towns of England generally, which some parties in
this town have not approved of. Now in the first place I
must really beg you to call to mind what has taken place
with respect to the legislation upon this subject. The first
attempt at legislation was made by the Marquis ofNormanby.
I believe there are few who have seen that Bill, owing to the
hurried way in which it was brought forward, and the want
of information at the time, who will not admit that it was
perfectly impracticable. When the late Government suc-
ceeded to office, it became my duty, at the desire of Sir Robert
Peel, to enter into a consideration of this subject, in conjunc-
tion with an unpaid commission, appointed for that purpose.
The result was, that having obtained a vast mass of valuable
information, I introduced a Bill, at the close of the session
of 1844, into Parliament, with this view. I should say, I
had previously introduced a Bill, regulating the buildings in
the metropolis, which, although great objections have been
found to some of its provisions, I believe is now much more
generally acquiesced in ; at any rate, those which more par-
ticularly relate to the health of towns are approved of. But,
subsequently, I introduced the Bill to which I allude. Well,
it has been objected that nothing could be so unfair and im-
proper as many of the regulations which affected the town of
Manchester. It has been charged that, whereas you have
an admirable tribunal by which these things are regulatett
a local body who most admirably administer the funds for
purpose,—it is most unfair and improper that any nfiwbod y
should be constituted for carrying out this object in Man-
chester. Now, bear in mind, this Bill was introduced as a
general Bill, applicable to all the towns in the country ; bear
in mind that there is extreme difficulty in legislating, in the
same clauses and words, for a town of 3,000 or 6.000, and one
of 300,000 people. But what were the reasons why I intro-
duced the machinery objected to ? I quite admit that the
objections may be strong as regards Manchester itself. The
reasons were two-fold. In the first place, I found, upon in-
quiry, the greatest objection raised in many towns to the
funds of this description being administered by a body
which, generally speaking, is so strictly of a Political o'
cha-
racter as municipal corporations; that whereas in one town
there is the strong abuse of a Tory corporation, with its
Tory principles, there the Radicals object to their
funds
being administered even for the purpose of drainage ; in
another town the corporation is Radical, and the Tories
equally object to the same course. I think it is a great pity
that the corporations of this country should be so deeply
tinged with political feelings as they are. But finding such
to be the case, and seeing the strong
I certainly did see right, if possible,
objections on that score,
e, to obviate it. But there
is another reason. In almost all the districts which require
drainage, the municipal boroughs have become preatly ex-
tended in the amount of population. Municipal bodies are
elected by, and have control over, only the ancient boroughs ;
and all the districts which lie around them have neither any
votes or voices in the return of that body. I felt, there-
fore, that upon the principle (which I believe all will Approve