The Sun.
London, England, 1841-01-23 00:00:00

WALSALL ELECTION.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
Mr. Gladstone, accompanied by his brother, the Mem-
her for Newark, has now returned to the borough, to
await the issue of the contest. His Committee specially
invited the electors by card, to meet li!na last night at
the George Hotel Assembly Rooms. How many attended
we have been unable to ascertain, everything being con-
ducted by his friends in a very secret manner ; bat we
have every reason to believe the meeting was very small.
We know of two or three individuals, who not being pos-
sessed of cards, were refused admittance.
It has been rumoured that it is their intention to have
a discussion with the Anti-Corn:law party, on Repeal
and Free Trade ; and the names of Dr. Holland, of
Sheffield, and Mr. Wilkes, Barrister, Liverpool, have
been mentioned, as likely to be the Pro-Corn-law and
Monopolist Advocates. We fear, that from the day of
election being now so near at hand, this project will be
given up, however desirable it might be to the friends of
Mr. Smith, seeing the nicely balanced state of partier,
and that the Tories are issuing every other day placards
containing unsupported assertions against the repeal of
the Corn•laws, which would be fairly and thoroughly can-
vassed in a public debate, and could not fail to be the
means of obtaining considerable additional strength to
the Anti-Corn-law cause, and the certain return of the free-
trade candidate.
A soiree also took place last night in the Dragon As-
sembly Room, at which not less than four hundred indi-
viduals sat down to tea. It was at once the most re-
spectable and most numerous meeting of the kind we
have ever seen in Walsall, a large proportion being fe-
males. Able addresses were delivered by Messrs. Smith,
Kettle, Rawson, Ccbden of Manchester, and Hayworth
of Liverpool, on the subject of tie Corn-laws.
At present bosh parties are exceed:ngly active, not a
stone is left unturned by either. No labour or expense is
spared; and as the day of election Crams nearer, the ex-
ertions of both seem to increase.

We have heard from pretty good authority, that a
.por-
tion of the Carlton Club funds is at the disposal of Mr.
Gradstone's friends, should it be found necessary. Mean-
time, to inducWle publicans to support him, suppers arc
given at a great number of their houses, which are to
remain unpaid until the election is over, by which method
they hope to get their votes.
Walsall, Jan. 21.

(Faom the Anti-Curia-taw Circular.)
The movement of the Le•;ue at Walsall has called
down upon it, as was anticipated, censures both loud
and deep, from parties whose interests are, or who think
their interests are, likely to be injured by it. The an-
nouncement of Mr. Lyttictoa's retiring from the con-
test was received on the part of the leading Ministerial
organs with a yell of extcration against the League.
They have since assumed a tone of greater forbearance,
without desisting, however, from hints, that although
tho League may be spared now, a rod is in pickle
which may be laid on in time ; but the minor provincial
Ministerial organs are still busy, either calumniating
and denouncing the Leave, or seeking to undermine it
it. the esteem and good-will of its more wealthy and in-
fluential members.

We repeat, that all this anger and hostility, covert
and avowed, was anticipated, and that therefore it can
neither move our temper nor shake o resolution.
Tae determination on the part of the League to take
up a course of independent action, to move right on-
ward to the attainment of its great end, regardless
what effect its policy might have upon the relative
strength of political parties, was the result of pro-
tracted and anxious deliberation. It was adopted
after a careful scrutiny of every argument for and
against. It was not adopted in anger. For the
Conservative party in Parliament, which has hitherto
been opposed to them to a man, the League could
have no predeliction ; for the Conservative party out
of doors, many of whom co-operate with them, they
entertained no hostility ; feeling but a desire to convert
them all. To those Liberal statesmen who have sup-
ported them they were, and are grateful; but in the
pbal tux of Ministerial supporters, and in Ministers
themselves, experience had taught them to repose no
confidence. We will not affect to deny that the equi-
vocation of many Ministerial Whigs, and the superciious
scorn of the Premier, have at times moved the delegates
of the League to anger ; they are men, and must feel
as men. But the resolution which they have again and
again announced, to pursue their immediate object,
leaving political parties to sink or swim, was adopted
after the transient ebullition of passion had passed away.
It was adopted as any other resolution tending to for-
ward the views of any other Association, (Railroad
Company, Joint Stock Bank, or the like), without the
slightest vindictive feeling towards any man or set of
men.

We refer to the discussion raised by the proceedings
of the Walsall election as proof that the League are
carrying their resolution into effect in the same dis-
position of mind that animated them when they adopted
it. Mr. Lyttelton refused to co.operate with them,
and therefore they opposed him. Mr. Gladstone vi-
lifies and misrepresents them, and therefore they repay
his scorn and hatred with scorn and hatred as deep and
lasting as his own. But they have neither assailed
nor lent their influence to any party in the State. They
have shown their readiness to support the candidate
who would actively befriend them, totally disregarding his
ulterior connections. Above all, they have afforded
no ground for complaint to Ministers. If circumstances
have convinced them that it is not to Ministers but their
own exertions that they are to look for the repeal of the
Corn-laws, they have not set about their work by trying
to elevate themselves to the rank of a political party, and
make or unmake Ministers. They made their first over-
ture to the Ministerial candidate. When repulsed by
him, they confined their opposition to him, and did
not extend their hostility to his party. They have
continued to advocate their cause as simply anti-Corn-
law, not as anti-Ministerial, notwithstanding the obloquy
and railing, and the more dangerous, insidious attempts
to break up the League, with which they have been
visited on the part of the Ministerial organs.
The railing accusations brought against the League
on this occasion rest mainly upon three assumptions :
lat. That Mr. Lyttelton was a Liberal. 2d. That
Mr. Lyttelton, had tint the League interfered, was cer•
tain of success. 3d. That the League ought to have
bad a candidate ready to set up before it despatched
a deputation to Walsall. We will review these assump-
tions seriatim.

Ist. Mr. Lyttelton, it is said, is a Liberal. What is
the meaning of the phrase ? It is easy for any man to
say, " I am a Liberal ;" and if unreasoning adhesion
to a party in office, supported by those Members of
Parliament called " Liberal" for want of a more accu-
rately descriptive epithet, be sufficient evidence of libe-
rality, it is equally easy to prove the assertion. Now
we have our definition of the word liberal. That man
is liberal who will assist us in procuring a sufficiency of
food t'or the people—anybody opposing us, whatever he
may call himself, is illiberal.

" But for the interference of the Anti-Corn-
law League Mr. Lyttelton was sure to be returned."
This is untrue, and was never asserted, even by Mr.
Lyttclton's friends, until he bad withdrawn from the
contest, and thus rendered it impossible to prove the
contrary. Let Mr. Lyttelton speak for himself. In
his retiring address ho says, tt I regret to say, that
in ninny instances where I had every reason to expect
prompt and cordial support, 1 have met with either
lukewarm neutrality, or decided opposition." It is
after this unqualified confession that he proceeds to
say, "In addition to these discouraging circum-
stances I have had to encounter the avowed hostility
of the agents of the Anti-Corn•law League." We
pass over ;he unwarrantable misrepresentation of the
League contained in the sentence from which our
last quotation is extracted ; it is enough for our pre-
sent purpose to have shown that, even before the
League came into the field, Mr. Lyttelton had reason
to distrust his prospects. It was not until after Mr.
Lyttelton had withdrawn that his paid lawyer ven-
tured to insinuate that his prospects of success were
good; for Mr. Bolton's letter to the Morning Chro-
nicle does not go the length of asserting that his re-
turn was secure. It is only the partisan commenta-
tors upon Mr. Bolton's letter in the newspapers who
go the length of making that round assertion. We
do not hesitate to affirm that Mr. Smith has received
more pledges of support than Mr. Lyttelton had, or
could have received, had he been left to oppose Mr.
Gladstone without interference. Add this consideration
—that Mr. Smith is supported, after the most frank
and explicit declaration of his opinions, and because of
that trunk and explicit declaration ; whilst Mr. Lyttel-
ton was supported by many who disapproved of his
views, not on account of their willingness to keep their
d;fferences in abeyanc-, but because his views had been
kept concealed from them.

tt The League ought to have bad a candidate ready
to put up before they interfered. This is the language
of professional or trading politicians, and in their mouths
it is not unnatural ; but it proceeds from a total mis-
conception of the objects of the League and the character
of its members. We use the phrase "professional or
trading politic:ans" without any intention to insinuate
disrespect. A class in society, the business of whose lives
is politics—that is, legislation and administration—is as
necessary as a class of lawyers, of teachers, or the like. It
is of such that the parties of the Government and of the
opposition, which must always exist in representa-
tive constitutions, arc composed. The business of
professional politicians, of either party, is to persuade
the constituencies, by giving them a majority in the
Legislature, to place them in office, and when they are
in office, to tEana,gc the public business of the country
as well as they can. We do not question the talents,
the sincerity of professional politicians ; we admit the
necessity and propriety of availing themselves of every
vacancy in the representation to endeavour to gain the
seat for one of their party, but in addition we contend
for the right of the constituencies to say to one or other,
or both parties of professional politicians, " We have
no confidence in you ; we will not vote for one of you
until be promises, besides supporting his party, to do
us this or that piece of service." The Anti-Corn-law
League consists of constituents ; there is not one pro-
fcssional politician among its active members. The
Anti-Corn-law League is of no party ; it does
not take upon it to set up candidates, except in
cases of stringent necessity ; it leaves that to the
politicians, who are always ready enough
professioPal