The Sun.
London, England, 1840-05-30 00:00:00

EVENING EDITION.

doubt Whether Mr. P. Thomson had not used the means
placed within his power in a manner somewhat unsparing
and unjustifiable, and as a proof of that he would call
upon Hon. Members to read a pamphlet, lately published i
by Sir Francis (lead.—(A laugh.) Ile would net allude
further to that pamphlet at present. but he would call the
attention of the House to a speech made by Mr. Hager-
Man, who, for a long period, had filled the office of At-
torney-General
in that Province, and who had lately been
promoted to the Bench. In a speech delivered in the--
Session of 1840 be said—" So strongly do I feel the inevi-
table
and fatal consequences of this measure, that were I
permitted to approach my Royal Mistress on my beaded
knees I would implore her to withhold her Royal Assent
to it." He would do no more than simply allude to Mr.
Sallivan and others, who last year had made speech
against the union, and had this year recanted those opini
and supported the measure but he considered that rued
sudden changes proved that Governor Thomson h:. „seed
strong means to overcome the objections of those gc utle-
men. He had now stated his great object -. to the
measure, and entertaining them, it was impress, s for him
to support the Government on this question. lender those
feelings, if he stood alone, he must enter his strong protest
against the measure, which he considered one that would
lead to dismemberment. If be were errierg it was in good
company—it was in conjunction with soroe of the ablest and
beat living authorities, and he implore the Home to pause
before it gave its sanction to a - sure so condemned.
Under these feelings, he moved that the House go into
Committee on the Bill that (ley sit months.
No Member rising, and there being loud cries of " Di-
vide," strangers were ords ell 'o withdraw. No division,
however, took place, an r retura we found
Mr. GLADSTON sling the House. He said
concurring in a ore ' wtat had fallen from the
Hon. Member - he. still he was not prepared
to vote with feat •mself constrained to support
the prop r : the Government, ho felt himself called
upon explain .is reasons for taking that course. In his
mind, it was eery suecenstlhie of doubt whether the union of
these provinces would !ead to good and peaceful results,
but whew the question eerne before the House, backed as
it was by great authorities on both sides of the water,
be thought it well deserving the attention of the House.
tae was disposed to give more weight to the opinion of
the Special Council of the Lower Province than his Hon.
Friend, and when he found that the union was acquiesced
in by them, also by the Legislative Council of Upper Canada,
as well as by the House of Assembly, he could not refuse to
give it his consideration. He would read the pamphlet
published by Sir Francis Head, and he agreed with his
Hee. Friend that to that Gallant Officer thanks were due
for his zeal, his faithfulness, and his ability is the discharge
of his duty under circumstances of great difficulty, and his
opinions ought to be received with great respect. Still he
could not think that the assent of those bodies had been at.
trained by any peculiar or unfair means.—( Hear, hear.)
Lie was afraid, however, that they could not reasonably
expect that there would for any lengthened period be
harmony between the United Legislature and the Legis-
latare of this country, and he attributed a great many of
the difficulties whica would arise lo the Report of Lord
Durham. Responsible government had been the con-
stant cry of the French in Lower Canada, and the
Republicans in the Upper Province—of all who with
tutioe were suspected of having but a weak allegiance
o this conntry.—(Hear, hear.) Throughout that Re-
port, however, it is treated as a claim which it is impos-
sible for us to deny ; and the consequence was, that all
who were influenced by feelings of ill-will towards this
country nOW, would continue to make the demand the
mean; of facilitating their own views. In the British
House of Commons it might appear strange, familiarized
as they were both with the name end practice of respon-
sible government, that he should make use of a term in
itself so objectionable. Responsible government, he took
it, meat nothing more-.-certainly noting less—than an
independent Legislature. He was perfectly willing to be
bound by the manner in which the subject had been treated
by the Noble Lord opposite in a late despatch. He there
took a view of the question which did him honour, and
throughout that despatch it was treated in the moat admi-
rable manner. The power which the House of Commons
eajeyed of controlling the choice of the servants of the
Crown, was the safeguard of the liberties of
the country ; but if a Colonial Assembly were to
have the same power, why should that Legislature
be called Imperial, and what security could there ever be
in the unity of the empire. He lamented that this most ,
visionary notion had been propounded in the Report of
Lord Durham, it being wholly incompatible with the
unity of the empire ; yet the Noble Earl had treated it
throughout as the means of maintaining and strengthening
the connection between the Canadas and Great Britain.
He trusted that he might not be a true prophet, but he
was afraid that that principle would lead to a severance of
the connection altogether. o.nticipating that we would
goon be in a state of feud with this United Legislature
upon the demand of responsible goverment, he felt bound
to say that, in his opinion, the union of the provinces was
not the best step that could have been taken, but ho was,
at the same time, bound to state that he fully believed the
Government was acting in good faith—( Hear, hear)—and
also, that he knew of no other plan that could be substi-
tatted. Colenial subjects, in his opinion, ought never to
be made matters of party dispute.--(Cheers.) He had
never consented to join in such a course except upon one
occasion, and he would merely refer to the case of Jamaica,
and that only for the purpose of saying that those upon his
side of the House acted, upon that occasion, conscien-
tiously, and, as they fully believed, in a constutional
neanner.--4 Hear, hear.) After this plan had been reeom-
mended, so strongly by the parties interested on the
other side of the water, he thought they should put aside
all party feeling; for, with reference to such a colony as the
Canadas, it was most important that they should present
themselves as a united Legislature. No abstract difference
of opinion ought to prevent a practical arrangement.—
(ii jar.) Therefore he should be willing to go into Coin.
znittee, and even if not, as he hoped it would bo altered
materially there, be should not vote against the Bill, as it
was now framed. It certainly was a most difficult problem
to maintain the connection in the Colonies, the societies
of which were only politically and net socially linked to
ours--( Hear)—and having predilections, feelings, habits,
associations, utterly at variance with ours.—( Hear.) Above
all, it was most difficult to preserve the connection between
a country like ours, all its leanings aristocratical, and
Colonies with many tendencies republican.—(hear.) It
was much easier and much better, and more satisfactory I
to treat our connection with these Colonies on a view of
duty, than of mere balance of profit and advantage.—
( Hoar.) So long as we preserved the Canadas as recep-
tacles for oar surplus population, a sacred duty was
Imposed upon us of doing all that in us lay
to secure for our fellow-countrymen, who thus left our
shores, the protection of institutions as much as possible
resembling those of the land to which they would always
fondly look back.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing, however,
eouid be more pernicious than an attempt to presume
supremacy over the colonies against their own wishes and
feelings.—(Hear, hear.) Our best hope was in preserving
a liberal system or Government—( Hear, bear)—in mak-
ing non-interference the rule, and interference the rare
exception—( Wear, hear)—by showing unity among our-
selves—( Hear, hear)---yet at the same time asserting the ,
supremacy of the Imperial Legislature and its title to ex-
ercise it when required. (Mr. C. Buller here whispered
" Jamaica.") On the whole, no other course seemod
open, except the ono proposed by the Government. While
supporting it, he must however repudiate as absurd the
idea that responsibility of Government in the colonies was
consistent with perpetuating the connection with the mother
country. —( Cheers.)
Mr. PARINGTON shortly explained.
Mr. C. B U L L E R began by saying that he heartily ap-
proved of the Bill. He proceeded to observe that he re-
joiced sincerely in the evideuce that the question would
be treated with no regard to party feeling—which evidence
bad been furnished by the lion. Member for Newark.
This approval, however, he must qualify by an expression
et regret that his Hon. Friend should nave pronounced
such unqualified censure on Lord Durham. The Noble
Earl's report had been prepared with the greatest care
and ability—(t• Hear, hear," from Mr. Gladstone)—and
was founded on the plain. straightforward, common.sense
truth, that to govern colonies well we must govern them
on principles, and by men of whom they approve.—
( Heor.) If any other mode of governing them were at-
tempted, the result would only be eternal dissensions and
disturbances.—( Hear.) This had been, in fact, the his-
tory of all our disturbances in our North American pro-
vinces. Ile (Ur. Buller) advocated the union of the Cu-
nados then, because he believed the result of it would be,
sooner or later, the establishment of a responsible
Government.—( Heel-, hear, hear ) It was indisput-
able that if there were collected together the
representatives of 1,100,000 freemen, they would exercise
a great influence on the executive Government; and it
was necessary to bring the executive is harmony with the
Legislative body.--4 hear.) Now, when the Hon. Mem-
ber for Droitwich, confidently and contemptuously spoke
of Earl Durham's repart as worthless, he (Mr. Buller)
could not help laughing, for when be thought of the re-
lative position of the Hon. Member to that which the
Noble Earl occupied in this country, and of the talent and
the investigation comprised in that Report, be could not
help thinking that the Hon. Member
would have acted in
Letter taste by abstaining from such denunciations, utterly
unaccompanied by the smallest proof, for the upshot of the
Member's Hen. Mem,r's charge was, that Earl Durham's opinions
were sot his. But in spite of that heavy censure, per-
haps the Noble Earl w ould be consoled by reflecting
that his Report would be admired by
tch
eel
eworld. a(shit e
ahra.
d
already been by the North American
forward )
But when the Hon. Member came
to oppose a
t and sanctioned by
plan recommended on such high authority,
bis assented to
the Colonies, adopted by the Governmen
by the leaders of his own party, what was
Simply, that there would be danger in its adoptienglro\uVnhd ?
what sane Minister would pretend that under present (eye'
eurn4ances the adoption of any plan for the Canada;
would be totally free from danger ?—( Hear.) What plan,
however, did the Hon. Member propose? The continu-
ance of the present arbitrary system of Government.
Did the Hon. Member suppose that oven the British popu-
lation would submit co that? Was the Hon. Member aware
of their character ? They were as turbulent and as
liberty-loving a set of British-born as over were known.—
( A laugh.) They would not be disposed to endure the
privation of constitutional government, and they would not
be worthy of their name and origin, if they submitted pa-
tiently to despotism.--e Hear, hear.) It was obvious that
the Hon. Member for Droitwich, after all his denuncia-
tions of Earl Durham, admitted his authority on one point,
just because it happened to support his views. --( Laughter. )
Ihat was, as to the animosity between the two races.
Now he (Mr. C. Buller) did not rate the danger from
the French race near so highly as the Honourable
Member. So long as they continued their absurd
and mischievous efforts at Fr
French nationality and sepa-
ration from Britain, we musttbecharacter
of the French
be opposed to them.
He appealed to all who knew
"tinier arbitrary governments, and he ti
appealed
knew the character of the French anadia to all
u s, wh
o
knew ho
Canadians, whether
they were not a people inclined to make a bad use of sue.
ergs, or whether they ever knew a people more inclined to
imecumb, when once the majority declared afawinaset
shownthem
.
Ile had not the slightest doubt, when once i
that there would be a majority of the English, speaking
the E'pglish language, in the United Assembly, they would

at once a' :don all hopes of nationality, and his only fear I
was, :hey would become the too pliant tools of the ;
Geyer - The Bill, whatever its other enactments
migh ..e, provided for a majority of the British
race A if, as was asserted by the Honourable Mem-
ber, the people of Upper Canada were opposed to
tne British Government, was there no apprchemion
of their obtaining a majority during the present summer ?
He hsd never seen any just ground for that dread of the
oeopie of Upper Canada, or of their being hostile to the
•Briti- connection. He thought they were bound by
eve cling of local attachment to Great Britain, arid he
we eto know why these imputations were thrown upon
the .ayalty of the Reformers of Upper Canada. When he
eeard the language that had been used a short time since
to one of the most respectable gentlemen of Upper Canada,
he must say that he treated all attacks of the kind as
mere ebelitions of party feeling.—( Hear, hear.) With
the exception of one or two violent papers in Canada, he
believed the lion. Gentleman was the first person to assail
the character of Mr. Baldwin, the present Solicitor-Gene-
ral...4 Cheers. ) With respect to the observations of
Sir Francis Head, he (Mr. Buller) ocver accused him
of any consistency of ideas for two years.—( A laugh.) And
although he chose now to lift up his hands and his eyes,
and metaphorically his book, against Mr. Baldwin, it was
only last year that he took great pains to separate him
from his father Dr. Baldwin, who was really a very respec-
table old gentleman, stating, that although Dr. Baldwin
was a dangerous and desperate character, Mr. Robert
Baldwin was a moderate and unexceptionable man, and
that he himself had put him into his Executive Council.—
(Hear, and laughter.) There was no use in entering into
discussions in that House upon parties with whose names
they were hardly acquainted. lie would venture to say,
however, that throughout the insurrection, and during
those troublotts times, there had not been the slightest
aspersion on his character for loyalty, and the only fault
that he had was that he was toe sensitive upon the sub-
jeet.—( Hear, bear.) The other argument which
had been, used against the union was one which,
Ise had hoped, would not have disturbed the debate,
and that was the proportion between Protestants and Roman
Catholics. They could not alter their proportions ; no
matter what arguments they used, and whatever attach-
ment they might exhibit towards a particular Church, they
might depend on it that it was better to leave those ques-
tions to be settled by the parties themselves, and not to
carry their opinions into a country which was totally dis-
similar from theirs, and introduce the horrid bane of re-
ligious dissension in a Colony which had hitherto been free
from it. —( Hear, hear.) If they left the people of Canada
to settle the matter quietly among themselves no difficulty
would occur. If the union were to split upon that rock
it would be a rock their folly had placed in its way.—
( Hear.) Little versed as they were in the state
of society in Canada it was impossible for them
to prognosticate the results. They must look at
the question in a large and comprehensive way. There
bad great and impending dangers to guard against, and
no trifling remedy would do. They had these great
arguments in favour of the union, that it would give
a majority to the British nation—that it would give
a Legislature with British feelings preponderating in its;
and, what was far more important, it would create in the
colonies a general national spirit, inspire them with a con-
fidence in the stability of their own institutions, and in.
duce them to exert themselves for their maintenance. He
would refer the House to what Lord Durham had said on
the subject of the strong feeling of nationality which ex.
isted in Canada, and which was stronger than anything he
had ever seen in England.—( Hear, hear.) Hav-
ing on the frontiers a great and powerful people,
there was a feeling of pride at their connection
with England, which became an almost absorbing and
powerful passion. Throughout the whole of the province
from the Nova Scotia to the extremity of Upper Canada,
they had seen that feeling called into existence during the
late disturbances. He asked of them and implored them
to rely on the loyalty and nationality of which the people
had given such strong proofs, and not raise up suspicions
so injurious to their characters, and which ne believed to
be wholly imaginary. They ought not to be scared from
their present purpose by every petty obstacle that met
them. The plan now before the House was not precisely
what Lord Durham had proposed ; because, anticipating
those evils to which the Hon. Member alluded, he thought
it would be better to adopt a larger and more comprehensive
scheme for uniting all the British provinces together. He
could excuse the Government for not adopting so novel and
extensive a plat]. (Lord John Russell said Lord Durham
did not recommend it.) He believed the Noble Lord was
right, that he had only suggested it as the better of the
two plans. In his opinion the union of the others would
follow if the present measure were carried. The idea had
already made some progress there, and Lord Durham had
had deputations from the different colonies for the purpose
of discussing such a proposition. On these grounds he
cordially and heartily supported the measure before the
House. There might be some danger in it, but in his
opinion no other plan had a semblance of honour or safety
in it —( Cheers.)
Mr. HUME said as it was his intention to vote for
going into Committee ho would not trouble the House at
any length. Ho would state, however, that resolutions
had emanated from every county in Upper Canada ex-
pressive of their approval of the union. He understood,
however, that the majority of the people had agreed to
the union, in tho belief that Lord Durham's Report, which
held out the hope that a responsible Government would
be conceded to them, would be adopted. Nine-tenths of
the people of Upper Canada supported the union on that
principle alone. He did not well understand the argu-
ments of the Hon. Member for Newark with respect to
the governing power and responsibility divided between
the colonies and the mother country. His (Mr. Hume's)
complaint against the Bill was that it did not hold
out that security to the popular branch which they had all
along promised. They wore about to take from the people,
by that Bill, the management of their revenues. But he
hoped in Committee the Noble Lord would see the necessity
of making an alteration on that point. There would be no
security unless they gave to the people of both Provinces
a governing power, nor would they be able to keep those
colonies much longer unless they conciliated their good
will. The colonies had always been a source of patronage
to the Crown ; and the Civil List proposed by the present
Bill would be the means of extending it. If the Noble
Lord expected to keep the people of Canada in a state of
tutelage by the present Bill, he assured him he would be
disappointed. It was, better, however, that the attempt,
imperfect as it was, should be made; and he should vote
for going i.ito Committee, in order that the Bill should be
made perfect.
Mr. COLQUHOUN said the Hon. and Learned
Member for Liskeard had stated that if the Canadians
were united they would have a responsible Government.
That was no very gratifying prospect for his side of the
House. He would remind the Hon. and Learned Mem-
ber that Lord Durham had stated that a large section of
the people in Lower Canada, namely, the French party,
were filled with the deepest hatred towards the English
nation. He would beg to remind the House of a passage
in Lord Durham's report, in which, speaking of the Ife-
formet'e of Upper Canada, he said, they had a great de-
sire to assimilate their institutions to those of the
United States. Many persons said this was a most
partial report.—( Hear, hear.) He did net say that,
but merely that he had heard a report of
Lord Durham's being partial to the Canadians. But what
said Sir G. Arthur?—that he had all along informed the
Government the Reformers of Upper Canada were un-
friendly to this country. Was that party inconsiderable ?
Sir G. Arthur said they were very considerable, and that
he was desirous of police to penetrate the intentions of
this hostile party. What said Lord Seaton ? That in
Lower Canada responsible Government was the watch-
word of every rebel, and Sir G. Arthur said the came of
the Reformers in Upper Canada. He put it to the Hun.
Member, if this were so, what would become of the harmony
of the United Legislature? But as the Noble Lord de-
clared through Mr. P. Thamson he was not prepared to
concede a responsible Government, it was plain he would
not do so unless he were compelled to Hear)_
therefore the Hon. Member appeared to him to be looking
to that numerous party in the Canadas who would force
this responsible Government. He took the Hon. Mem-
bar's own admission, and drew from it the conclusion that
they must be prepared for an event which would prod-ace
the severance of Canada from this country. There was
another remark to which he would advert, namely, that all
these important improvements in the Province would be
suspended if they established such a preponderating majo-
rity in the Assembly, as he feared they would by this Bill.
His Honourable Friend adverted to the feeling towards
the Province that Wes manifested in the Bill. He
(Mr. Colquhoun) had, some time ago, held some
conversation with a member of a large mercantile
house in Quebec, and had asked him what were the
feelings of mercantile men with regard to the proposed I
union of the Canadas. His statement was that they were
decidedly favourable to the union, and on being asked on
what grounds they were thus favourable, he stated, as the
petition which Mr. P. Thomson had sent home stated.
They did not pretend to enter largely into political ques-
tions, hut they were told by Mr. P. Thomson, a great
authority on commercial matters, that if they agreed to the
proposed union it would lead to increased emigration, in-
creased investments, and the improvement of the rivers,
roads, and canals—that he had held out to them the hope
of the whole chain of these magnificent lakes being thrown
open to steam navigation, so as to supply them with the
produce, not only of cne soil, but of Michigan
and the United States, and of the whole of that mighty
range.—( Hear, hear, from the Government benches, )
If Hon. Gentlemen would wait a few moments they
should hear the rebound. He entirely agreed with all
this, but his ( Mr. C.'s) question to him, and which he
now put to the House, was, What security had they for a
stable Government? What security had they,',during these
wretched squabbles about responsible governments and at-
tempts at organic changes, which the Hon. Member for New-
ark told them would infallibly result, that the whole strength
of the province would not be engrossed by them? Then
what became of the stability of Government—of com-
mercial improvement ? They would have a majority in
the United Assembly who were called reformers, or
tpohna er
those
ins French
Upper party
enthey
todma
men desirous of responsible government, but whom he
called republicans, but whether so or not, who would act
on the same principles they had hitherto done in the local
assemblies; they would put together these two parties,
which
andiLowerth chro
regard
askedmaa rnedar Canada ati
commercial
anti
feudaltt
wouldeh re rßeformingtenures
they
Whath weoquuldestti
econnuicltdiul rbepe,
apurotnsyts iilbwlteoh
would
Iu
n andg
thesegoi
ito not
ridpar
agree
provinces?
ehtsi
to their
into wasimr
removal
000 vwvean-1
1 but then the reforming party would. Were they sure of
that ? Did they not know of compact alliances founded on
the abandonment of certain principles to carry their own?
Hear, hear.) One part of the reformed party in
upper Canada were opposed to the law of primogeniture
rtnPirreei t°Fgwr
while the others were in favour of it. Then were not
terms easily made between the two parties? oWe will
join you in destroying the law of primogeniture, and you
shall join us in destroying feudal tenures." If the Govern-
-1 ment were sure of this, he hoped they would be provided
for it. Now, what was the case with respect to emigra-
tion ? There had been the strongest opposition both
1, among the reformers in Upper Canada, and among the
1 French party against the introduction of emigrants in either