The Sun.
London, England, 1847-11-30 00:00:00

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1 ..........._.,
I did not oppose the measure now brought befewe tbst,
I House, because he thought with many Hon. Meembeif:.
that it was a measure of a much milder character :tip
he had anticipated. Still, he feared that the measure 3,1
would be totally ineffectual and worthless. Its obj, ct
Was to give security to person and propertjr; If h•
thought it would give increased security either to life or
property he would support it. There was only ono way
of giving security to the life of the rich, and that was t 4
giving security to the life of the poor man. The fir A
step, theu, was to secure the life of the peasant. ',Peril i-
ment made an advance in the right direction last yen: e. '1"
The poor-law must ultimately prove a valuable meastn 0
for Ireland. But those who expressed astonishment '
that the poor-law had not produced a greater effect in '
the prevention of crime in that country should remember
that it had only been in operation about a couple of
months ; in fact it was hardly in operation yet—(Hesta
hear) and it was unreasonable to expect th C
the feelings of fhe people of Ireland, the result
of centuries of misgovernment, should be tl-
ready removed and changed by that Ili I.
The Irish Poor law, however, only protected the live- of
the most destitute classes in Ireland, who would ahme
accept the severe terms it offered. But the crimes i a..
lated to the House that night were participated all
sympathized in by a much higher
eiratnher dlsaurgggsteerceldfil,
namely, the occupying tenants, who
sanctioned or obtained the perpetration of such trim s.
One of the objects of the present Bill was to prot, ea
property in Ireland. Well ! let Parliament protect this
property of fli7 occur, ing tenants in Ireland, in or• ~t.
that they might not fall into the class of destit•aw
paupers. It was the fear of falling into that state, l'a4
induced them to take a phit in the comaiiion of criti, 6
It was a puzzle to 'inlay persons how such crimes col. lit
be brought about, but the explanation was simple
enough. If he wanted to describe the matter in a 1.6
winds he would say, that they arose in the struggle for
the means of subsistence, and to retain the 'Meninx)"
which the peasantry of Ireland for the most part p.,e.
sessed in their land. There were a million of occupy-
ing tenants in Ireland, and the means of living of three-
fourths of them were confined to the possession of
land. These outrages wore also frequently commived
by persons deprived of other means of living ; a farm
labourer turned out of his place would find others t 4
sympathize with him, and revenge his cause. In
all cases it was a question of livelihood ; the people
dreaded the loss of the means of subsistence. This
stimulated the great mass of the peasantry to combine
in those secret associations, and carry out the sentences
passed in their midnight tribunals, by means of the low.
eat class of ruffians hired for that purpose. Lord Devon
states that the cause of agrarian outrages was always
disputes as to the holding of land, and the attempt of the
peasantry to convert the tenant's possession into an in-
defeasible title. In the north of Ireland the establish-
ment of tenant-right had prevented the commission of
these crimes ; but even there, when a tenant had been
evicted, without receiving the price of the good-will,
outrages had been the consequence. It was said that
these crimes were confined to a few districts of Ireland 1
but there were few counties where they had not at coals
tune broken out ; with the single exception of Dublin
there was no county where they had nut at some time
prevailed ; and they always followed some series of
evictions, for the sake of consolidating farms, which
caused other tenants to dread a similar expulsion. l'ht-
quietest and most prosperous part of Ireland was the
province of Ulster ; and there the system which was the
object of this kind of intimidation was fully carried out.
The tenant right was the secret of the prosperity of
Ulster ; and he could not understand why persons took,
such alarm at the proposal to establish it throughout
Ireland, when in Ulster it had proved so beneficial
The landlords there got as good rents as those in any
part of the country, as they were sure, when a tenant
left, to get his arrears paid by his successor. The cause-
of these outrages was the endeavour of whole classes,
per fas out nefas, to maintain possession of the mesas
of supporting their wives and families by their own ill.
dustry.

Sir R. PEEL said—Sir, I should be unwilling to let
the first night of the eebate on the proposal of her Mr,
jesty's Government pass without taking the oppor,ser
aity of publicly declaring that it is my intention tI
give a cordial support to that proposal.—(Hear, hear.)
I cannot resist the force of the appeal which the MORS
Hon. Gentleman has made to the House. The Itilefv
Hon. Gentleman has told you that her Majesty in Ir.
Speech from the Throne has recommended you to teks.
into consideration the state of Ireland with referene:
to the prevalence of atrocious crimes, to the impueir,
of the offenders, and to the inadequacy of the exits
law to give protection to life and property. The Aft
lion. Gentleman has justly said that this House, with-
out committing itself to the details of any particula
measure, has, in an unanimous Address to the Throne
conveyed to her Majesty an assurance that it will taite•
this subject into its immediate consideration.—(llea; •
The Right Hon. Gentleman has also truly said that at
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland and her Majesty's Govern
ment, charged with the heavy responsibility of givinr
protection to the subjects of the Queen, in return ft.
the allegiance which the law exacts from them, cols
sider the state of the law to be imperfect, an,'
that on their responsibility they must demand midi
tional powers. The Right Hon. Gentleman has fortla
that claim, first made solely on the responsibility
those charged with the Executive Government t•
reciting details of crimes which can leave no doubt o•ir.
the mind of any man that it is our duty at once to as
tempt, at least, to arrest the progress of what I believe t
be one of the most sanguinary tyrannies that ever %
isted in any country—(Cheers)—having a claim to
called civilized. I assure the Right lion. Genthure
that I cannot resist the force of that appeal, because
is precisely the same appeal which some two years sills
I myself made in vain.—(Loud cheers from the Opp,*
tion bench&s.) Now, Sir, let me not be mistaken ;
most fully admit that I think measures of this nature
no remedy for the social evils that prevail in Ireland.
admit the justice of the observation, that they are t.
remedy for the evils in the social state of that cow st
Nay—for I will conceal none of the objections—it is e:
ways with great reluctance that I have consented s
propose, or that I consent to support them, becalm
there is this evil attending them, :even with refersx
merely to the peace and tranquillity of the county
that it is impossible to propose them without, L
some degree diminishing confidence in the efficacy of M.
ordinary law, and paralysing its operations.—(Hea
hear.) But still, when I hear, upon the authority of Sir
Government, and when I find the statement confirms
by evidence, that there exists in Ireland a conspiracy
for the Right Hon. Gentleman told vs he has the bet
grounds for believing that a conspiracy does exist—fc
the purpose of employing assassins, in order, with°,
reference to age, sex, property, or condition, to depris
of their lives the faithful and unoffending subjects of br
Majesty—l say the permission of this practice is such
scandal, that none of the objections that may apply t
the measure appear worth consideration, compared wit
the evil of conniving at or permitting that scandal I
exist. And although I think this is no permanent et
reedy for the state of Ireland, yet I for one will not aid
I will not postpone my consent to this measure till I hes
what are the other measures, what are the more perms
nent remedies the Government has to propose. Iwi
enter into no parley or negotiation with these assassin
1 say it is our duty, if we wish to lay a foundation ft
the permanent improvement of Irelana, to do all we ca
to preserve the lives of her Majesty's faithful and lor
subjects in that country; it is our duty, without ultent
considerations, to endeavour to paralyse the arm of *
assassin.—(Hear, hear.) I will not wait for other ruar
sures, though I think other measures are necessary.
hope the House will apply its deliberate consideration t
the present proposition though I feel that Ireland, as
part of the empire, ought to be as dear to Englishuse
as England itself, and requires the same consideratio;
I feel strongly that no evil can afflict the state of Irelat
that will not react on this country; whether it be wet
of employment, misery, or poverty, depend on it, ti
evil effects of these causes will not be limited to the 06
of Ireland; they will react on the state of society Ler
on the position of the labourer, and the remuneratir
he gets for his toil. I feel all those things strong)•
and acutely; yet I am bound to say that any or
who expects immediate results from any measurt
which are to be permanent in their operation, well it
tentioned as they may be, takes too sanguine a view
the power of legislation to remedy evils of long endurane
The length of their assurance is no doubt a reason ft
the immediate consideration of them, but that is a rem(
which should make us cautious lest, with the best L.
tentions, we might in endeavouring to correct them, fa
by hasty proceedings, into the worst legislation. Tak,
the remedies generally proposed. One is emigratice
At first sight, it seems a simple matter to transfer ti
superabundant population of one part of the empire to
colony in want of additional labour; but whenyotuhecocri.
transferonl
to address yourselves to the subject you feel all
iothnouthte g retst 4
of Ireland,
populationyoufi nd how
of ffi
Irelandcul t itso
is :no y
o uat
portioneuies of the t
i;
WI
make the abstrtahcotuir
gorfeattheexppoepnulseatiaond w
n tell
Gentleman (Mr. Scrope) has dwelt
much, namely, the improvement of the relations bey,*
trouble.—(Hear,theHen. hcar
which .) Then there is the measure r
landlord and tenant. The Hon. Gentleman has laudab
directed much of his attention to that subject, and kr
adverted to the good effect of the tenant right in VIA
those
eer
as compared with the state of things in Conning
distinctiona nd Munster;
which ut there
prevailsm may
is be
provinces,eau for
tat'
therefore, I would advise the Honourable
~.entleraano
to rush too suddenly to the concl • usion that the lee
lative introduction of the same Munster would at once pre
duce there the same effect. There is another If4f.
Gentleman who is equally entitled to commendation to.
the attention which he hadgiven
to this subject, I all*
to the Hon. Member far Rochdale (Mr. S. Crswfort
who has in his own case set an example which ma
landlords might well imitate.—(Hear, hear.) I asst•
to the justice of the principle which I understand hl.
to contend for. Ido think that the tenant—particular
in Ireland, who has there to bear expenses which tt
tenant in this country does not bear, such as, prohls
the expense of the erection of the place in which ha t-
to live—l do admit that the tenant who has irnprot
his property ought to have some claim against the owe*
of the land. I think that a principle of justice—(life
hear)—but I have heard it contended that the app
tion of the tenant right of Ulster is no remedy for
evils of Ireland, but that you must go further ; that ys
must give
the tenant a right (against the adverse rigs
of the landlord well-founded in law), to sell the occupun%
without any reference to any improvement he may h 4
i
made. I must say that any law of such a kind, so lt
from having a tendency to improve the condition of
occupying tenant, though it might produce a tempors•
lull or quiet
for some two months on the part of t
immediately benefited by it, would be calculated 1
than anything else to shake the confidence,, to dimi
the stimulus to improvement, and to lead t4o confiscatit
and would be as fatal to the well undenttood inten
of the tenantry as of the proprie tors.—(Hu hear.) I, for one, think that there pt fight to be