The Sun.
London, England, 1841-06-24 00:00:00

nfl.

LONDON:
THURSDAY, JUNE 24, 1841.

THE PRESIDENT'S
MESSAGE.

We have received by express from Liverpool
New York papers of the ‘2d inst., with the PRE-
SIDENT'S Message, delivered at Congress at Wash-
ington on the Ist inst. These papers were
brought by the South American, Captain
BAILEY, which made the passage from New
York to Liverpool in twenty days. It will
be observed that the new PRESIDENT neither
recommends nor opposes a National Bank—
the great object of contention among all
parties in the United States. In con-
demning the Sub-Treasury scheme of Pre-
sidents JACKSON and VAN BUREN, and recom-
mending the adoption of a substitute, he
may be supposed to indirectly advocate the
necessity of a bank, as no other substitute for the
metallic currency system has ever been mooted.
The proceeds arising from the sale of the public
lands, he is for distributing among the several
States of the Union.

President TYLER is manifestly no advocate for
the assumption, on the part of the Executive, of
the initiative in measures of legislation. Con-
gress he regards as competent to indicate abuses
and supply remedies. His Message gave
general satisfaction at New York, if we may
judge from the tone of the public journals. The
Journal of Commerce, 'an influential mercan-
tile paper, of the 2d instant, says—W e
have read the PRESIDENT'S Message with
unfeigned satisfaction. It breathes a lofty
tone of patriotism, and freedom from party
restraints, which is very cheering." Most
of the other Papers speak of it with equal satis-
faction, and in the United States the voice of
the public press is the voice of the people.

..T-gt.---URY-errnie-rtleartru'aiic'auttorise's the
seizure of all vessels found, ten days after that
date, sailing under the Buenos Ay-rean flag, and
declares their cargoes good prizes. This measure
is adopted in retaliation of seizures of Monte
Videan shipping, and other violations of the law
of nations.

Following the PRESIDENT'S Message will be
found an account of the New York Money
Market, and of the rate of general prices on
the Ist inst., from the Journal of Commerce of
the 2d. Though long, as compared with King's
speeches, the Message has the merit of brevity
to recommend it as compared with the messages
of the JEEFERSONS, JACKSONS, and VAN BURENS.
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESEN-
TATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.

FE LLO W CITI Z ENS,— You have been assembled in yoe:r
spective halls of legislation under a proelamatir.a 13arin,s thetely called for.: -
rgnature of the illustrious citizen who was so
the direct suffrages of the people to the dis'2narge of the im-
partant functions of their chief execu'2ve office, upon the ex-
piration of a single month front ;:ne day of his installation he
he has paid the great debt 'at nature, leaving behind hire a
name associated with the recollection of numerous be-
nefits conferred upon the country .during a long life
of patriotic devotion. With this public bereavement are
connected other considerations which will not escape
the attention of Congress. The preparations neces-
cessary for his removal to the seat of Government, in view of
a residence of four years, must have devolved upon the late
President heavy expenditures, which, if permitted to burthen
the limited resources of his private fortwe, may tend to the
serious embarrassment of his surviving family ; and it is there-
fore respectfully submitted to Congress whether the ordinary
principles of justice would not dictate the propriety of its Le-
gislative interposition. By the provisions of ihe fundamental
law, the powers and duties of the high station to which he was
elected, have devolved upon me ; and, in the dispositions of the
representatives of die States and of the people, will be found,
to a great extenl, a solution of the problem to which our in-
stitutions are, for the first time, subjected.
In entering upon the duties of this office, I did not feel that
it would be becoming in me to disturb what had been ordered
by my lamented predecessor. Whatever, therefore, may have
been my opinion originally as to the propriety of convening
Congress at so early a day from that of its late adjourn-
ment, I found a new and controlling inducement not to inter-
fere with the patriotic desires of the late President, in the
novelty of the situation in which I was so unexpectedly
placed. My first wish, under such circumstances, would ne-
cessarily have been to have called to my aid, in the adminis-
tration of public affairs, the combined wisdom of the two
Houses of Congress, in coder to take their counsel and ad-
vice as to the best trys,de of extricating the Government and
the country from, the embarrassments weighing heavily on
both. lam s:rien most happy in finding myself so soon, after
my accesskal to the Presidency, surrounded by the immediate
Ite,P,reUrdatives of the States and people.
110 important changes have taken place in our foreign rela-
tions since the last session of Congress, it is not deemed neces-
-3147, ma this occasion, to go into a detailed statement in re-
gard to them. I am happy to say that I see nothing to de-
stroy the hope u f being able to preserve peace.
The ratification of the Treaty with Portugal has been duly
exchanged between the two Governments. This Government
has not been inattentive to the interests of those of our citi-
zens who have claims on the Government of Spain, founded on
express treaty
representations which have
stipulations; and hope indulgedht th
been made to thatt
Governmenta one
this subject, may lead, ere long, to beneficial results.
A corres onde
p nce has taken place between the Secretary of
State and the Minister of her Britannic Majesty accredited to
this Government on the subject of Alexander M'Leod's in-
dictment and imprisonment, copies of which are herewith
communicated to Congress.
In addition to what appears from these papers, it ma be
proper to state that Alexander Al'Leod has been heard, by the e Court of the State of New York, on his motion
• uprem
s to be
discharged from imprisonment, and that the decision of that
Court has not as yet been pronounced.
The Secretary of State has addressed to me a paper upon
two subjects, interesting to the commerce of the country,
which will receive my consideration, and ,which I have the
honour to communicate to Congress.

j~V
So far as it depends on the course of this Government our
relations of good will and friendship will be sedulously eulti
rated with all nations. The true Ametiean policy will be
found to consist in the exercise of a spirit of justice to be
manifested in the discharge of all our international obligations
to the weakest of the family of nations as well as to the most
powerful. Occasional conflicts of opinion mayarise, but when
the discussions incident to them are conducted in the language
of truth, and with a strict regard to justice, the scourge of war
will for the most part be avoided. The time ought to be re-
garded as having gone by when a resort to arms is to be
esteemed as the only proper arbiter of national differences.
The census recently taken shows a regularly progressive in-
crease in our population. Upon the breaking out of the war
of the revolution, our numbers scarcely equalled 3,000,000 of
souls ; they already exceed 17,000,000, and will continue to
progress in a ratio which duplicates in a period of about 23
years. The old States contain a territory sufficient in itself to
maintain a population of additional millions, and the most po-
pulous of the new States may even yet be regarded as but par-
tially settled, while of the new lands on this side of the Rocky
Mountains, to say nothing of the immense region which
stretches from the base of those mountains to the mouth of the
Columbia river, about 270,000,000 of acres, ceded and un-
ceded, still remain to be brought into market. We hold out to
the people of other countries an invitation to come and settle
among us as members of our rapidly growing family,
and, for the blessings which we offer them, we
require of them to look upon our *country as their
country, Ail to unite with us in the great task of pre-
serving our institutions and thereby perpetuating our liberties.
No motive exists for foreign conquests--we desire but to re-
claim our almost illimitable wilderness, and to introduce into
their depthe the light of civilization. While we shall at all

times be prepared to vindicate the national, honour, out mOst
earnest desire will be to maintain tin lliihrok6n peice.
In presenting the fotgOing 'views, I cannot withhold the ex-
pression of the opinion, that there exists nothing in the exten-
sion of our empire, over our acknowledged possessions, to ex-
cite the alarm of the patriot for the safety of our institutions.
The Federative system,leaving to each State the care of its
domestic concerns, and- devolving on the Federal Government
those of general import, admits in safety of the greatest ex-
pansion ; but, at the same time, I deem it proper to add, that
there will be found to exist, at all times, an imperious necessity
for restraining all the functionaries of this Government within
the range of their respective powers, thereby preserving a just
balance between the powers granted to this Government and
those reserved to the States and to the people.
From the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury you will
perceive that the fiscal means, present and accruing, are in.
sufficient to supply the wants of the Government for the cur-
rent year. '1 he balance in the Treasury on the 4th day of
March last, not covered by outstanding drafts, and exclusive of
trust funds, is estimated at $860,000. This includes the sum
of $215,000 deposited in the Mint and its branches to procure
metal fur coining and in the process of coinage, and 'which
could not be withdrawn without inconvenience—thus leaving
subject to draft, in the various depositories, the sum of
$645,000. By virtue of two several Acts of bongress, the
Secretary of the Treasury was authorised to issue, on and after
the 4th day of March last, Treasury notes to the amount of
$5,413,000, making an aggregate available fund on hand of
$6,058,000.
But this fund was -chargeable with outstanding Treasur:.
notes redeemable in the current year, and interest thereon to
the estimated amount of $5,280,000. There is also thrown
upon the Treasury the paymen-. of a large amount of demands
accrued in whole, or in part, in former years, which will ex-
haust the available means of the Treasury, and leave the ac-
cruing revenue, reduced as it is in amount, burthened with
debt, and charged with the current expenses of the Govern-
ment.

The aggregate amount of outstanding appropriations, on the
4th day of March last, was $33,429,616 50, of which
$24.210,300 will be required during the current year, and
there will also be required, for the use of the War Depart-
ment, additional appropriations to the amount of
$2,511,132 98, the special objects of which will be seen by
reference to the Report of the Secretary of War. The anti-
cipated means of the Treasury are greatly inadequate to this
demand. The receipts from Customs for the last three
quarters of the last year and the first quarter of the pre-
sent year, amounted to $12,100,000. The receipts for
lands for the same time to $2,742,430 60, showing an
average revenue from both sources of $1,233,870 per mouth.
A gradual expansion of trade, growing out of a restoration of
confidence, together with a reduction in the expenses of col-
lecting and punctuality on the part of collecting officers, may
cause an addition to the monthly receipts from the Customs—
they are estimated, for the residue of the year, from the 4th of
March, at $12,000,000. The receipts from the public lands,
fsr the same time, are estimated at $2,500,000, and from mis-
cellaneous sources, at $170,000, making an aggregate of avail-
able funds within the year of $15,315,000, which will leave a
probable deficit of 11,406,132 98 dols. Te meet this some tem-
porary provision is nsr•s'ssary until the amount can be absorbed
by the excess of re apt; which are anticipated to accrue at no
distant day.
There will fall due ithin the next three months Treasury
notes ofthe issues of 184 st, including interest, about $2,850,000.
There is chargeable in the same period for arrearages for tak-
ing the 6th Census, $294,000, and the estimated expenditures
for the current service are about $5,100,000, making the ag •
gregate demani upon the Treasury, prior to the first of Sep-
tember next, about $11,340,000.
The ways and means in the Treasury, and estimated to ac-
crue within the above-named period, consist of about $694,000,
of funds available on the 28th ultimo, an unissued balance of
Treasury notes authorised by the Act of 1841, amounting to
$1,955,000. and estimated receipts from all sources of
$3,800,000, making an aggregate of about $6,450,000, and
leaving a probable deficit on the Ist of September next of
$4,845,000.
In order to supply the wants of the Government, an intelli-
gent constituency, in view of their best interests, will without
hesitation submit to all necessary burthens. But it is, never-
theless, important so to impose them as to avoid defeating the
just expectations of the country growing out cf pre-existing
laws. The Act of the 2d March, 1833, commonly called
the Compromise Act, should not be altered, except under
urgent necessities, which are not believed at this time
to exist. Cne year only remains to complete the series of re-
ductions provided for by that law, at which time provisions
made by the same law, and which then will he brought actively
in aid of the manufacturing interests of the Union, will not
fail to produce the most beneficial results. Under a system
of discriminating duties, imposed for purposes of revenue, in
union with the provisions of existing laws, it is to be hoped
that our policy will in the future be fixed and permanent—
so as to avoid those constant fluctuations which defeat the
very objects they have in view. We shall thus best maintain
asposition which, while it will enable us the more readily to
,aneet the advances of other countries calculated to promote our
trade and commerce, will, at the same time, leave in our
own hands the means of retaliating, with greater effect, unjust
regulations.
In intimate connection with the question of revenue, is that
which makes provision for a suitable fiscal agent, capable of
adding increased facilities in the collection and disbursement of
the public revenues, rendering more secure their custody, and
consulting a true economy in the great multiplied and delicate
operations of the Treasury Department. Upon such an agent
depends, in an eminent degree, the establishment of a currency
of uniform value, which is of so great importance to all the es-
sential interests of society, and on the wisdom to be manifested
in its creation much depends. So intimately interwoven are
its operations, not only with the interests] of individuals,
but of States, that it may be regarded, to a great degree, as
controlling both. If paper be used as the chief medium of
circulation, and the power be vested in the Government of
issuing it at pleasure, either in the form of Treasury drafts or
any other; or, if Banks be used as the public depositories,
with liberty to regard all surpluses from day to day, as so
much added to their active capital, prices are exposed to
constant fluctuations, and industry to severe suffering. In the
one case political considerations directed to party purposes may
control, while excessive cupidity may prevail in the other.
The public is thus constantly liable to imposition.
Expansions and contractions may follow each other in rapid
succession—the one engendering a reckless sniriLtif.teNtrats:-----
• intreecdusinealitt in prices, an accomplishing an entire
change in the aspect of affairs. Stocks of all sorts rapidly de-
cline, individuals are ruined, and States embarrassed—even in
their efforts to meet with punctuality the interest on their debts.
such unhappily is the condition of things now existing in the
United States. These effects may readily ue traced to the causes
above referred to. The public wenues being removed
from the then Bank of the United Statit under an order of a late
President, were placed in selected State Banks, which, ac-
luated by the double motive of conciliating the Government
and augmenting their profits to the grea'est possible extent, en-
larged extravagantly their discounts, thus enabling all other
existing banks to do the same. Large dividends were dee/sssed,
which stimulating the cupidity of capitalists, caus''l. a rush to be
made to the Legislatures of the respective states for similar
acts of incorporation, which; by many of the Ste.t es, under a tem-
perary infatuation, were readily grante:t_and thus the augmen •
tation of the circulating medlua-., consisting almost exclusively
of paper, produced a me,st delusion.
An illustration
rived from the land sales of the period
alluded to, serve best to show the effect of the whole sys-
tem. 'roe average sales of the public lands for a period of ten
r'se.rs prior t 0.1834, had not much exceeded 2,000,000 dols.
per annum. In 1834, they attained in round numbers to the
amount of 6,000,000 dols., in the succeeding year of 1835, they
reached 16,000,000 :idols., and the next year, of 1836, they
amounted to the enormous sum of 25,000,000 dols.—thus
crowding into the short space of three years upwards
of seventy-three years' purchase of the public domain. So
apparent had become the necessity of arresting this course
of things, that the Executive Department assumed the
highly questionable power of discriminating in the funds to be
used in payment, by different classes of public debtors. A dis-
crimination which was, doubtless, designed to correct this most
ruinous state of thins, by the exaction of specie in all payments
for the public lands, but which could not at once arrest the tide
which had so strongly set in. Hence the demands for specie
became unceasing, and corresponding prostration rapidly ensued
under the necessities created with the banks to curtail their
discounts, and thereby to reduce their circulation. I recur to
these things with no disposition to censure pre-existing ad-
ministrations of the Government, but simply in exem-
plification of the truth of the position which I have assumed.
if, then, any fiscal agent which may be created, shall be
placed without due restrictions, either in the hands of the ad-
ministrators of the Government, or those of private indivi-
duals, the temptation to abuse will prove to be resistless.
Objects of political aggrandisement may seduce the first, and
the promptings of bounless cupidity wilt assail the last. Aided
by the experience.of the past, it will be the pleasure of Con-
gress so to guard and fortify the public interests in the creation
of any new agent, as to place them, so far as human wisdom
can accomplish it, on a footing of perfect security. With-
in a few years past three different schemes have been before
the country. The charter of the Bank of the United States
expired by its own limitations in 1836 ; an effort was made to
renew it which received the sanction of the two Houses of
Congress, but the then President of the United States exer-
cised his veto power, and the measure was defeated. A re-
gard to truth requires me to say, that the President was fully
sustained in the course he had taken by the popular voice.
His successor to the Chair of State unqualifiedly pronounced
his opposition to any new charter of a similar institution; and
not only the popular election which brought him into power,
but the elections through much of his term, seemed clearly to
indicate a concurrence with him in sentiment on the part of
the people.
After the public moneys were withdrawn from the United
States Bank, they were placed in deposits with the State Banks,
and the result of that policy has been before the country. To
say nothing as to the qu.stion whether that experiMent was
made under propitious or adverse circumstances, it may safely
be asserted that it did receive the unqualified condemnation
of most of its early advocates, and, it is believed, was also
condemned by the popular sentiment. The existing Sub-Trea-
sury system does not seem to stand in higher favour with the
people, but has recently been condemned in a manner too
plainly indicated to admit of a doubt. Thus, in the short pe-
riod of eight years, the popular voice may be regarded as hav-
ing successively condemned each of the three schemes of
finance to which I have adverted. As to the first, it was intro..
duced at a time (18161 when the State Banks, then compara-
tively few in number, had been forced to suspend specie pay-
ments by reason of the war which had previously prevailed with
Great Britain. Whether, if the United States Bank charter,
which had expired in 1811, had been renewed in due season,
it would have been enabled to continuje specie payments during
the war, and the disastrous period to the commerce of the
country which immediately succeeded is, to say the least, pro-
blematical; and whether the United States Bank of 1816 pro-
duced a restoration of specie payments, or the same was ac-
complished through the instrumentality of other means, was a
matter of some difficulty at that time to determine—certain it
is, that for the first years of the operation of that bank, its
course was as disastrous as, for the greater part of its subse-
quent career, it became eminently successful.
As to,thc second, the experiment was tried with a redundant
treasury, which continued to increase until it seemed to be the
part of wisdom to distribute the surplus revenue among the
States, which ;operating at the same time with the specie circular,
and the causes befot e adverted to, caused them to suspend spe-
cie payments, and involved the country in the greatest embar-
rassment. And as to the third, if carried through all the
stages of its transmutation, from paper and specie, to nothing
but the precious metals, to say nothing of the insecurity of
the public moneys, its injurious effects have been anticipated
by the country, in its unqualified condemnation. What is
now to be regarded as the judgment of the American peo-
ple on this whole subject, I have no accurate means of
Sub-Treasury principles
in and openly delard ; and
the determining but by appealing to their more immediate repre-
sentatives. The late contest, which terminated in the elec-
tion
receivedaresuli thee e
most
ec of General Harrison to the Presidency, was decided on
the
con-
demnation, yet no other scheme of finance seemed to have
been concurred in. To you, then, who have come more
directly from the body of our common constituents, I submit
iwdehdile
the entire question, as best qualified to give a full exposition
of their wishes and opinions. I shall be ready to concur with
you in the adoption of such system as you may propose, re-
serving to myself the ultimate power of rejecting any measure
which may, in my view of it, conflict with the Constitution,
or otherwise jeopardize the power of the country—a power
which I could not part with even if I would, but which I will
not believe any act of yours will call into requisition.
I beg leave particularly to call your attention to the accom-

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 24._1811:

panying Report from the Secretary of War. Ile:ides the pre..
sent state of the war which has so long afflicted the territory
of Florida, and the various other matters of interest therein
referred to, you will learn from it that the Secretary has insti-
tuted an inquiry into abuses, which promises to develope gross
enormities in connection with Indian treaties which have been
negotiated, as welt as in the expenditures for the removal and
subsistence of the Indians. He represents also other irregula-
rities of a serious nature that have grown up in the practice of
the. Indian department, which will require the appropriation of
upwards of 200,000 dole. to correct, and which claim the im-
mediate attention of Congress.

In reflecting on the proper means of defending the country,
we cannot shut our eyes to the consequences which the intro-
duction and use of the po\ccr of steam upon the ocean are
likely to produce In wars h?tweengmaritime States. 'We can-
not yet see the extent to which this power may be applied in
belligerentoperations, connecting itse)f as it does with recent
improvementa•in the 'science of gunnery', and projectiles ; but
we need have no feat' of bthig left; in regard to these things,
behind the mast active 'and ''Skilful of other nations, if the
genius and enterpri4e of otir'fellow.citizens receive proper en-
couragement and direction from Government.
True wisdom would:nevertheless, seem to dictate the neces-
sity of placing in perfect coidition these fortificationi which
are designed for the protection 'Of our principal cities and
roadsteads. For the 'defence of our extensive maritime coast,
our chief reliance should 'be .Placed on our Navy, aided by
those inventions which are destined to recommend themselves
to public adoption—but no time should be lost in placing our
principal cities on the sea-board, and the lakes, in a state of
entire security from foreign assault. Separated as we are from
the countries of the Oid World, and in much unaffected by
their policy, we are happily relieved from the necessity of
maintaining large standing armies in times of peace. The
policy which was adopted by Mr. Munroe, shortly after the
conclusion of the late war with Great Britain, of preserving a
regularly organized staff, sufficient for the command of a large
military force should the necessity of one arise, is
founded as well in economy as in true wisdom. Provision is
thus made, upon filling up the rank and file, which can readily
be done on any emergency, for the introduction of a system of
discipline both promptly and efficiently. All that is required
in time of peace is to maintain a sufficient number of men to
guard our fortifications, to meet any sudden contingency, and
to encounter the first shock of war. Oar chief reliance must
be placed on the militia; they constitute the great body.Of
national guards, and, inspi7ed by an ardent love of country,
will be ready at all times, and at all seasons, to repair with
alacrity to its defence. It will be regarded by Congress, 1 doubt
not, at asuitable time, as one of its highest duties to attend to
their complete organization and discipline.

I cannot avoid recurring, in connection with this subject, to
the necessity which exists for adopting some suitable measure,
whereby the unlimited creation of Banks by the States may be
corrected in future. Such result can be most readily achieved
by the consent of the States, to be expressed in the form of a
compact among themselves, which they can only enter into
with the consent and approbation of this Government. A con-
sent which might, in the present emergency of the public de-
mands, justifiably be given by Congress in advance of any action
by the States as an inducement to such action upon terms well
defined by the act of tender. Such a measure addressing it.elf
to the calm reflection of the States would find in the ex-
perience of the past, and the condition of the present, much to
sustain it—and it is greatly to be doubted whether any scheme
of finance can prove for any length of time successful, while the
States shall continue in the unrestrained power of creating
banking corporations. This power can only be limited by their
consent.

With the adoption of a financial agency of a satisfaCtory
character, the hope may be indulged that the country
may once more return to a state of prosperity—measures
auxiliary thereto, and in some measure inseparably connected
with its success will doubtless claim the attention of Con-
gress. Among such, a distribution of the proceeds of the
sales of the public lands, provided such distribution does not
force upon Congress the necessity of imposing upon com-
merce heavier burthens than those contemplated by the Act
of 1833, would act as an efficient remedial measure by being
brought directly in aid of the States. As one sincerely devoted
to the task of preserving a just balance in our system of Go-
vernment by the maintenance of the States in a condition the
most free and respectable, and in the full possession of all their
power, I can no otherwise than feel desirous for their emanci-
pation from the situation to which the pressure on their finances
now subjects them. And while I must repudiate, as a measure
founded on error, and wanting constitutional sanction, the
slightest approach to an assumption by this Government of the
debts of the States, yet I can see in the distribution adverted
to, much to recommend it. The compacts between the propri-
etor-states and this Uovernment expressly gu,rantee to the
States all the benefits which may arise from the sales.

The mode by which this is to be effected, addresses itself to
the discretion of Congress as the trustee for the. States, and its
exercise, after the most beneficial manner, is restrained by no-
thing in the grants or in the Constitution so long as Congress
shall consult that equality in the distribution which the com-
pacts require. In the present condition of some of the States
the question of distribution may be regarded as substantially
a question between direct and indirect taxation. If the dis-
tribution be not made in some form or other, the necessity
will daily become more urgent with the debtor States for a
resort to an oppressive system of direct taxation, or their
credit, and necessarily their power and influence,. will be
greatly diminished. The payment of taxes, often the most
inconvenient and oppressive mode, will be exacted in
place of contributions for the most part voluntarily made, and
therefore comparatively unoppressive. The States are empha-
tically the constituents of this Government, and we should be
entirely regardless of the objects held in view by them, in the
creation of this Government, if we could be indifferent to their
good. The happy effects of such a measure upon all the States,
would immediately be manifested. With the debtor States is
would effect the relief, to a great extent, of the citizens from a
heavy burt.hen of direct taxation, which presses with severity
on the labouring classes, and eminently assist in restoring the
general prosperity.
An immediate advance would take place in the price of the
State securities, and the attitude of the States would be-
come once more, as it should ever be, lofty and erect.
With States labouring under no extreme pressure from
debt, the fund which they would derive from this source
'would enable
.tliem to improve their condition in an emi-
rieleorec,„Qcs,kr,a-tkts,Gosppmmnis concerned, ap-
revenue derived from the land sales might be abandoned, atial
thus a system of unequal and therefore unjust legislation
would be substituted by one dispensing equality to all the
members of this Confederacy. Whether such distribu-
tion should be made directly to the States in the proceeds
of the sales, or in the form of profits by virtue of the operations
of any fiscal agency having those proceeds as its basis, should
such measure be contemplated by .Congress, would well deserve
its consideration. Nor would such disposition of the proceeds
of the sales, in any manner, prevent Congress from time to
time kora passing all necessary pre-emption laws for the benefit
of the actual settlers—or from making any new arrangement
a• the price of the public lands which might in future be
esteemed desirable.
The state of the Navy pension fundsrequires the immediate
attention of Congress. By the operation of the Act of the
of March, 1837, entiVed "an Act for the more equitable ad-
ministration of the Navy Pension Fund," that fund has been
exhausted. It will be seen, from the accompanying report of
the Commissioner of Pensions, that there will be required, for
the payment of Navy pension, on the first of July next,
84,006 06 1-3 dols., and the first of January, 1842, the sum of
60,000 dols. In addition to these sums, about 6,000 dols. will
be required to pay arrears of pensions which will probably be
allowed between the first of July and the first of January,
1842, making in the whole 150,006 06 1-3 dols. To meet
these payments, there is, within the control of the Department,
the sum of 28,040 dolt. leaving a deficiency of 121,966 06 1-3
dols. The public faith requires that immediate provision
should be made for the payment of these sums.
In order to introduce into the Navy a desirable efficiency,
a new system of accountability may be found to be indispen-
sably necessary. To mature a plan having for its object the
accomplishment of an end so important, and to meet the just
expectations of the country, require more time than has yet
been allowed to the Secretary at the head of that department.
The hope is indulged that, by. the time of your next regular
session, measures of importance, in connection With this
branch of the public service, may be matured for your consi-
deration:

Although the laws regulating the Post-Office Department
only require from the officer charged with its direction to re-
port at the usual annual session of Congress, the Postmaster-
General has presented to me some facts connected with the
financial condition of the Department, which are deemed wor-
thy the attention of Congress. By the accompanying report of
that officer, it appears the existing liabilities of that Depart-
ment, beyond the means of payment, at its command, cannot be
less than $300,000. As the laws organising that branch of the
public se, vice, confine the expenditure to its own revenues,
deficiencies therein cannot be presented under the usual esti-
mates for the expenses of Government. It must therefore,
be left to Congress to determine whether the moneys now due
to the contractors shall ,be paid from the public Treasury, or
whether that department shall continue under its present em-
barrassments. It will be seen by the report of the Postmaster-
General, that the recent lettings of contracts in several of the
States, have been made at such reduced rates of compensa•
tion, as to encourage the belief that if the department was re-
lieved from existing difficulties, its future operations might be
conducted without any further call upon the general Treasury.
The power of appointing to office is one of a character the
most delicate and responsible. The appointing power is even
more exposed to be led into error ; with anxious solicitude to
select the most trustworthy for official station, I cannot be sup-
posed to possess a personal knowledge of the qualifications of
every applicant. I deem it, therefore, proper, in this most
public manner, to invite, on the part of the Senate, a just
scrutiny into the character and pretensions of ever person
I may bring to their notice in the regular form of a no-
mination for office. Unless persons every way trust-
worty are employed in the public service, corruption and
irregularity will inevitably follow. I shall with the greatest
cheerfulness acquiesce in the decision of that body, and re-
garding it as wisely constituted to aid the Executive Depart-
ment in the performance of this delicate duty, I shall look to
its " consent and advice" as given only in furtherance of the
best interests of the country. I shall also, on the earliest pro-
per occasion, invite the attention of the Congress to such mea-
sures, as, in my judgment, Kill be best calculated to regulate
and control the Executive Power in reference to this vitally
important subject.
I shall also, at the proper season, invite your attention to
the statutary enactments for the suppression of the slave trade,
which may require to be rendered more efficientprovi-
sions. There.is reason to believe that the traffic is on the in.
in their
crease. Whether suth increase is to be ascribed to the aboli-
tion of slave labour in the British possessions in our vicinity,
and an attendant diminution in the supply of those articles
which enter into the general consumption of the world, thereby
augmenting the demand from other quarters, and thus calling
for additional labour, it were needless. to inquire. The high •
est considerations of public honour, as well as the strongest
promptings of humanity, require a resort to the most vigorous
efforts to suppress the trade.
In conclusion, I beg to invite your particular attention to the
interest of this District ; nor do I doubt but that in a liberal
spirit of legislation you will seek to advance its commercial as
well as its local interests. Should;-Congress deem it to be its
duty to repeal the existing Sub-Treasury
law, the necessity of
providing a suitable place of deposit for the public moneys,
which may be required within the District, must be apparent
to all.

I have felt it due to the country to present the foregoing
topics to your consideration arid reflection. Others with
which it might not seem proper to trouble you at an ex-
traordinary session, bill be hid before you at a future day.
I am happy in committing the important affairs of the coun-
try into your hands. The tendency of public sentiment, I
am pleased to believe, is towards the adoption, in spirit of
union and harmony, of such measures as will fortify the
public interests. To cherish such a tendency of pub-
lic opinion is the task of an elevated patriotism. That dif-
ferences of opinion, as to the means of accomplishing these
desirable objects, should exist, is reasonably to be expected.
Nor can all be made satisfied with any system of measures ;
but I flatter myself with the hope that the great body of the
people will readily unite in support of those whose efforts spring
from a disinterested desire to promote their happiness—to pre-
serve the Federal and State Governments within their respec-
tive orbits—to cultivate peace with all the nations of the earth
on just and honourable grounds—to exact obedience to the
laws—to"entrench liberty and property in full security—and,
consulting the most rigid economy, to abolish all useless ex-
penses.
Washington, June I, 1841,

JOHN TYLER,

APPOINTMENTS BY THE GOVERNOR AND
SENATE.

MAY 25, 1841.
NEW Youx.—John A. Schuyler, Notary Public, in place of
John A. Magher.
A. Cordon Hammersley, Notary Public.
Francis H. Peckwell, Culler of Staves and Heading.
KlNGS.—Benjamin D. Silliman, of Brooklyn,Exam iner in
Chancery, in place of Abraham D. Soper.
MAY 27, 1841.
So`!on Grout, of Rockingham, Windsor county, Vermont,
Commissioner of Deeds for the State of New York.

NEW YORK MONEY AND COMMERCIAL NEWS.
NEW YORK RATE OF SALE OF STOCKS, JUNE 1.
Dols.
21,000 Indiana Sterling Bonds
5,000 do. . do.
5,000......d0... ...Dollar
1,0( 0 do. .Long Bonds
90 shares Delaware and Hudson. lO2
125 do do.
100 ....do. North American Trust
75 do. do
425. • .do U. S. Bank b6O 214
45. ..do
35 do Canton Company
100 do Vicksburgh
200 do do
25 . do Mohawk 7l
100 do
200 . '. do ...Patterson Railroad
40... .do. New Jersey, 11 R B3
50 do N. Y., Boston and Prov 321
5 do Boston and Providence.
85 .do . .Harlem R. R 29k
3,000 on Philadelphia (l5/
Second Board.
25 shares United States Bank
16 do Bank of Commerce
75 do North American Trust ll4
50 do . do S 60... 11
50 do N icksburgh
25. do do 8.60... 8
50 do Long Island Railroad
100 do Harlem It R.

THE MARKETS, JUNE 1.

The Merchants' cargo of Teas were offered by auction this
morning, but nearly all withdrawn, though the lots sold brought
about the same rates with recent sales.

The Cotton Market is firm and the sales moderate, say 500
bales this morning.

Flour is heavy,-and sales of good Ohio have been made at
4 dol. tile., which is a decline of 6 cents.

Corn fluctuates. Part of a cargo of Corn was sold yester-
day at 65 cents. per bushel, and the balance 62 cents.
Potashes are brisk at 5 dol., and buyers would be glad to
get Pearls at the same price, but holders demand 5 dol. 25 cts.
Stocks are rather buoyant. U. S. Bank Notes 19 dis.

Exchanges, including Certificates and Checks :—Bills on
London i a 8 ; Ditto, France, sf. 25c. a sf. 26ic.

The proclamation, dissolving the old, and sum-
moning a new Parliament, to meet on Thursday,
August 19th, was published, yesterday, in a sup-
plement to the Gazette. The people are now
unrepresented, the monopolist Parliament is
justly and properly extinguished, and the cha-
racter of the next assembly will depend on the
electors. If they be wise, virtuous, and intelli-
gent, so will be the next House of Commons; but
if they be ignorant, venal, and foolish, the new
Parliament will resemble the old one, and mono-
poly will be continued in spite of her MAJESTY.
What will be the results of the appeal no
man can tell. From the immense numbers of
placards, speeches, and addresses, which reach
us, it is plain that agitation is rife in the land.
The soul of the nation is kindled, enthusiasm
has succeeded apathy, the high and steady re-
solve has taken the place of indifference, and
will set at naught, we believe, calculations of
routine politicians.

As her MAJESTY has declared in favour of
the system which proposes to relieve the people
by enlarging trade and diminishing monopolies,
which it i 3 thought cannot be immediately abo-
lished, what will the clergy do in the great
struggle ? Will they range themselves againSt the
throne, and against justice ? Will they use their in-
fluence to force another Ministry on the QUEEN,
and maintain the law which at once plunders and
starves the people ? Will the so-called ministers
of righteousness, who depend alike on the throne
and on the multitude, war on the side of iniquity
and the aristocracy, against the QUEEN and the
people ? Let the clergy bp closely watched, and
let the people forsake the ministry of every prrest-
who demonstrates that he is the servant of
Moloch, by exerting himself to uphold the ini-
quitous starvation laws. Let the priesthood,
too, be warned in time. The people are in too
serious a temper to be trifled with, and if the
priesthood use their power to oppose the QUEEN,
and maintain the starvation laws, they will
forfeit the mspect of the people, their churches
will be, as they. ought to be, deserted, and they
spteuiry- -expire trom--wituering contempt.
Poverty, misery, and dearth men may submit to,
but they will not, even at the bidding of the Arch-
bishop of CANTERBURY, do violence to their own
nature, and worship the demon of destruction.
We see by • a whole series of returns made
under the late census from the neighbourhood of
Manchester, that the increase of population has
there received a serious check.

The increase per cent., for example, was in the
decennial periods ending

1831.
In Cheetham

1841.

- Crumpsall
Levenhulme
Oldham Township 5O
Out Township
Chapelry of Oldham 32
Heaton Norris

106

In most of these places there are many empty
houses, and there is no doubt that the check
had taken place during the last two or three
years. A glance at the table will satisfy every
man of the cause of the misery now felt in the
manufacturing districts. The want of food,
which the law withholds from the people, is
starving them out of existence. Will the elec-
tors vote for the continuance of such an abomi-
nable and devilish law? Will they bring on the
land, by upholding such wickedness, the sure
curse of the Ruler of the World ?

By the Emancipation Act of 1829, Roman
Catholics are unjustly excluded from the
office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland. Of course,
therefore, that office, under the law, must
be filled by a Protestant. At present the bulk
of the Protestants of Ireland are Tories, leagued
with P EEL, friendly to the Orangemen, and op-
posed to the Catholics. Had the Ministers ap-
pointed one of them to he Lord Chancellor—
Mr. Sergeant BLACKBURNE is mentioned by
a Liberal paper—they would have placed in the
highest judicial office in Ireland a determined
enemy of the Catholic population, by whom they
are supported, and most likely a bitter foe to
Mr. O'CONNELL, who is one of the best friends
of the Ministers and of the Liberal cause. For
not having thus insulted and outraged Mr. O'CoN-
NELL and the Catholic Irish, the Ministers are
unsparingly abused even by the Liberal and
O'CONNELL papers of Dublin.
Independently of the fact that the Chancel-
lor, if taken from the Irish bar, must have been
some enemy of the Liberal cause, and of the Irish
Catholics, party spirit runs so high in Ireland
that most of the eminent members of the Irish
bar are obnoxious to charges of party spirit, and
were they placed on the woolsack would be
liable to bring discredit on the administration
of justice. Let the reader remember the impu-
tations which have been thrown on Chief Jus-
tice O'DoHERTY and Mr. Baron RICHARDS. By
the appointment of an eminent English barris-
ter, which has generally been the practice—as
the cases of Lord MANNERS, Sir A. HART, and
Sir E. SUGDEN, in our own time prove, Lord
PLUNKETT being the exception—the Government
has taken a proper security for the due, impar-
tial, unsuspected administration of justice. A
more eminent lawyer, well acquainted as a Lord
Chancellor ought to be with both common law
and equity, than Baron CAMPBELL does not ex-
ist. If a vacancy occurred spontaneously in the
Chancellorship of Ireland a more suitable selec-
tion could not be made ; yet for making this ap-
pointment the Ministers are foully and unjustly
censured by the Liberal Irish press.
It is a great object with all good men who wish
to see all parts of the empire united in brotherly
love, to wipe out as fast as possible the National
distinctions of Irish, and English, and Scotch.
Hence it has been proposed to call Ireland, West
Britain. Hence Lord LYNDHURST has been re-
probated, with just severity, for using language
tending to keep alive and exasperate these distinc-
tions. Hence the Liberal Press in England, and
in Ireland, have justly condemned the inflamma-
tory remarks of the Tory journals, against Irish
Catholic gentlemen being appointed to situa-
tions connected with the Government, or about
the Court. But now the Liberal journals of Ire-
land, and the whole Irish bar, forgetting these

principles the instant self-love and self-interest are
wounded, labour to revive and strengthen those
national feelings, because a gentleman who was
not born in Ireland, has been made Lord Chan-
cellor of Ireland. " Let a Tory,'' says the Dub-
lin Pilot, "be appointed; let it be BLACKBURNE,
but, at least, let it be an Irishman."

Such remarks, from-those who justly demand
equality of treatment, are puerile, not to say ab-
surd. We know of one Master of Chancery
who is an Irishman, Mr. LYNCH ; there may
be others ; but we have no recollection that the
London press and the London bar resisted his
appointment, or found fault with it, because he
was born across the Irish Channel. It would
have been excessively illiberal and unjust if they
had. If an Irishman were made Lord Chan-
cellor of England, the bar and the press would
not find fault with the place of his birth. On
the excellent principle of amalgamating all
the people, and sinking the distinctions of Irish,
Scotch, and English, the appointment ought
never to have been questioned. The censures
heaped on the Ministers because Baron CAMP-
BELL was born in Scotland, are consequently
only a disgrace to those who make them. W e
expect thetn in the Dublin Evening Mail and
the London Standard, but in Liberal journals
they are completely out of place.
In truth, after tracing the leading causes, as
we have just done, why an Irish barrister can
very seldom be found adapted to fill the office of
Lord Chancellor of Ireland, seeing that he must
be a Protestant, and tolerably free from local par-
tisanship, we are ashamed of our Irish brethren.
They have, on this occasion, totally forgotten
the general principle of an equality between all
the countries, and cannot possibly do themselves
a greater injury than to confine all Irish patron-
age to Irishmen, and thereby exclude them-
selves from holding office in England. It is for
their advantage that there should be an equal
distribution of offices and placer, without distinc-
tion of nation or sect ; for that principle we con-
tend, and that principle the Liberal journals of
Ireland violate in their hostile remarks on the
appointment of Baron CAMPBELL.
We make these observations wholly irrespec-
tive of the cause of the vacancy. The Irish papers
and the Tory journals call the vacancy and the
appointment a job, but we have heard rumours
of the retirement of Lord PLUNKETT for many
months, and even for some years; and only those
can now call his retirement a job, who believe
the Whigs are about to retire from office.
That is not the belief of the Whigs, and they
make the appointment in the confident hope
of holding office for a considerable time. Lord
PLUNKETT has long been solicited to retire,
because his growing infirmities render Mm in-
capable of fulfilling the duties of his office. He
said himself, slow as he must be to believe
that he is growing old, "the regret I feel is much
alleviated by the consciousness that the period of
life at which I have arrived must have induced
me at no distant time, independentl3 of the
events which have lately happened, to retire
from the discharge of my duties." His retire-
ment, then, is a matter of necessity, and it is
only called a job because it is supposed that the
Whigs make it, believing they must speedily re-
tire themselves.

Some of Lord PLUNKETT'S observations,
we must add, appear to us to be uncalled
fOr. What business had he to cast a slur on
himself for yielding to improper solicitations, and
on others for making them ? His. gratitude is
strangely shown in the following passage, .in
which he countenances some scandalous insinua-
tions against his benefactor :
With regard to the particular circumstances which
have occasioned my retirement, I wish to say a flew
words. I think it a duty which I owe to myself, and to
the members of the bar, to state, that for my retirement
on this occasion I am not in the slightest degree answer-
able. I have neither directly nor indirectly sanctioned
it ; and in giving my assent to the proposal which was
made to me of retiring, I was governed solely by its
having been requested of me as a personal favour to do
so by a person to whom I owe such deep obligations,
that an irresistible sense of gratitude made it impossible
for me to do anything but what I have done.
imogottage 01 .LOl.O. .I"LUNKETT lIICIItICa ua
to agree with the following remarks of- the
Dublin Pilot :

We do not concur in the sympathy some felt, and
many feigned, for Lord Plunkett, or • with the motives
ascribed to that person for resenting his ejectment from
the Chancellorship, nor in that wonderful array of vir-
tues and qualifications ascribed to him by the Post and
other papers, or that perfectibity of public life with which
he became all at once invested.

We same in the man, on this occasion, the same greedy
gripe-all he had been on almost every other—we saw in
the mode of his disseminating the story, treachery to his
party and its principles, which he rvidently sought
,to da-
mage, because he could not continue to control. We entered
cordially into the general feeling of the grossness of the jell),
the unhappy juncture it was done in, and in its dispiriting
effects, and we felt the national wound and insult also, not
the less because it was such as we have been accus-
tomed to experience and resent from England ; yet to
Lord Plunkett himself we gave none of our sympathy
—to his conduct in the case none of our approbation—
to his professed motives none of our belief !
His retainers, Whig and Tory, were very busy in
circulating that Lord Plunkett chiefly felt, in the in-
stance, the insult to his country—that of placing an
English Chancellor over us ! We feel, because we al-
ways felt, such insults. But when did Lord Plunkett
ever evince this laudable indignation before ?—We do not
credit him now. His life forbids it. He never did remon-
strate in private ; we judged he did not at once, we now know
it. The resentment of Lord Plunkett had not one ingre-
dient of nationality, but every ingredient of selfish greedi-
ness. When taking leave to-day, to be sure, of the bar
—in public, when it would produce its resentful effects
against his benefactors,. he talked plausibly, as he is
capable of doing, about the insult to the Irish bar. But
we never heard of such indignation before, although
England has been constantly treating us similarly.
With his ejection from office, and all its patronage and
influence—" no more pickings for the Hannibals "
this was the predominant thought—it was this which
caused him reluctantly to leave office, giving a last kick
at the Government from which he received it, and from
which, if we are rightly informed, his obstinate resist-
ance to the purification of the Irish Magistracy caused
the necessity long felt of removing him.
Lord PLUNKETT has cast a blight on the la-
bours of a long and useful life by the manner in
which he has drawn them to a close. We must
reverse the often-quoted sentence, and say of his
public life, that " nothing in it so ill became him as
the leaving of it." He has clung to office till his
faculties have left him ; and, in resigning it, he ap-
pers to have forgotten discretion, and sacrificed
his honour.

The Times yesterday blundered in a paren-
thesis on a very sensible remark. It said " full
employment and cheap bread (benefits which
no Legislative measures can ever secure to the
people)." That is very true, and proceeding on
that principle the disciples of free trade demand
the abolition of measures intended, as it is said,
" to secure cheap food and full employment to
the people." The bread tax is expressly main-
tained because it gives full employment to the
agricultural labourers, and because in the long
run it secures the people cheap bread. The
Times avers, and so do we, that no measures
can effect that, and therefore we demand the
repeal of the starvation laws, while our Con-
tempory, with marvellous inconsistency, mocks
at those who act in accordance with his principle.

The great distinction between free traders
and traders in fetters, is that the former
believe in, and act on, the axiom we have
quoted from the Times; the latter do not believe
in it, and act in opposition to it. They pretend
that legislative measures can accomplish all
things, and they make laws to regulate and re-
strain trade, because, as they say, their laws will
provide cheap food and full employment for the
people. Those who demand the abolition of the
Corn-laws expect, or at least hope, that cheap
food and full employment will be the conse-
quence of getting rid of the legislative measures
which have been enacted to effect what the
Times says is an impossibility. The free traders
demand the abolition of legislative measures, not
to replace one bad measure by another. Our
Contemporary has heretofore smitten the land-
lords and their absurd schemes very hard, and
it is plain, from the sentence we have quoted,
that he cannot get out of his old habits,

The Levant Mail has at last arrived, bringing letters
and papers from Constantinople of the 27th, from Alex-
andria of the same date, from Smyrna of the `9th ult.,
and from Malta of the Gth instant. We have likewise re-
ceived advices from Syria of the 14th, and from Athens