The Sun.
London, England, 1871-02-14 00:00:00

FRANCE'S DILEMMA.

The Daily News special correspondent thus writes from
Paris on February 12 :—Count -Bismarck insists upon the
opening of the Assembly to-day, according to the Conven-
tion. Few or many, therefore, such members as may be
in Bordeaux will proceed to constitute the House, but only
as a matter of form. It can do nothing more. It is under-
stood that on Tuesday next M. Jules Favre will proceed
to Versailles to arrange with Count Bismarck for the
prolongation of the armistice. I informed you in a
previous communication that a fortnight would be the
term, with an understanding that it should be extended if
found necessary. I have heard a rumour concerning the
imposition of a fine of a million francs a day, as
condition of this prolongation, but have not suc-
ceeded in tracing the report to an authentic
origin. I therefore give it as a mere report.
If M. Jules Favre be not already prepared to sub-
mit the terms upon which Prussia is disposed to
make peace—and it has been officially asserted that
he is not in possession of them—it is not clear how the
Assembly can determine the question of peace or war.'
They may be made the subject of a formal communication
from Count Bismarck, and the Assembly can then con-
sider them; or a deputation, armed with full powers, be
sent to Versailles, to discuss and settle the terms there.
Whichever the course adopted, Count Bismarck will
certainly endeavour to exact the hardest condi-
tions. He holds France by the throat ; the capital
lies at his feet ; the principal strategic positions of
the country, north, east, and west of Tours, are
commanded by the troops of Count Moltke, who are more-
over held ready at a moment's notice, to be directed sim-
ultaneously towards any point ; in fact, large reinforce-
ments have been already detached southwards ; the French
armies are almost entirely dispersed ; the immense war
material of the capital is given up : in a word, further
resistance were madness. The fact must be patent to the
understanding of every reasonable member of the
Assembly ; and its only course seems cleraly defined
—namely, to endeavour to obtain a modification
of the original conditions. I mean by this, that the
Assembly is in no position to discuss the question of peace
or war. Peace is an imperative necessity, involving the
future of France, as well as her immediate deliverance
from the Prussians. Neverthelesss, one point of immense
importance presents itself =can the Assembly vote
the dismemberment of French territory to the
extent Prussia may demand, or any part of it
whatsoever, without reference to the wishes of
its inhabitants? Count Bismarck has, no doubt, well
considered this grave matter. He retains possession of
the invaded provinces, even administers them through
Prussian agents ; but were he to annex them to Germany
by right of conquest—as was in barbarous times the prac-
tice of the victor—would the neutral Powers assent to this
territorial aggrandisement of the German Empire ? If
his keen intellect has foreshadowed danger from this
source, it is not outrageous to suppose that he will
endeavour to cast upon the Assembly the whole
responsibility of the dismemberment of France by
the cession of Alsace, parts of Lorraine, and portions
of other provinces. The device is one quite consistent
with his usual crafty policy. But in such case, could the
Assembly hand over to Prussia fifteen hundred thousand
French citizens—like a drove of cattle—with the country
they occupy, without affording them the oppor-
tunity of declaring whether they will remain
French or be Prussianised. A vote of this
kind would enable Count Bismarck to defy any
interference on the part of the neutrals, who
would have no pretext of interference to prevent
a nation from dismembering itself for the benefit of
another and a conquering Power, but who might, and
probably would, seek one to prevent such an annexation
by the abuse of the right of conquest. " The balance of
power," although it has been greatly ridiculed as a poli-
tical principle, is no mythical non-value, but is the sub-
stantial assertion of a community of interest in maintain-
ing in Europe a political equilibrium which shall not
leave one .nation open to aggression for mere conquest's
sake, and thus endanger the integrity of the rest.