The Sun.
London, England, 1840-10-29 00:00:00

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

*(WEDNESDAY EVENING.)
CHRONICLE.—Money has been scarce to-day.
The state of the Exchanges has been the subject of re-
mark, and led to a rumour that, as the limitation of
discounts to bills having sixty-five days to run had not
produced the desired effect, the Directors of tt c Bank
of England may make the period of time still less, or
raise the interest to 6 per cent. In the mean time it is
understood that they have obtained a credit to draw on
Hamburgh to the extent of one million. Although the
tightness of money has not as yet given that favourable
turn to the Foreign Exchanges which is desirable, it
has checked the export of bullion as a matter of trade,
and stopped a chief cause of the pull which has lately
been felt on the specie in the Bank coffers.
The late political changes in Spain have not had
much effect on the value of Spanish Bonds. Their
price had become so much depressed in the anticipation
of the abdication of the Queen Regent, that the actual
occurrence of the event was not attended with much
alteration. The effect which this change in the Go-
vernment of Spain may have upon the rights of the
bondholders becomes a matter of importance, and one
which merits the attention of her Majesty's Government.
The bondholders have certainly good grounds for ex-
pecting that the Provisional Regency will give an as-
surance
that they will apply their early attention to
the consideration of the foreign debt, with the view to
a satisfactory settlement.
The loss by the non-payment of foreign loans, as has
been well remarked by Mr. Willie, " is not confined to
the speculator in Stocks, but involves ❑umberless fami-
lies throughout the United Kingdom in the most serious
embarrassment, largely affecting the prosperity of our
merchants and manufacturers, and most injuriously up-
rooting all the principles of public confidence, hitherto
held sacred among civilized communities."
The question is, indeed, a national one, and the bond-
holders will look for due attention to their interests.
We are not blind to the trials through which Spai❑ has
passed. Wo make full allowances for the enormous ex-
pense which has been incurred in expelling Don Carlos,
and in bringing the civil war to a termination. For the dif.
ficulties of Spain every consideration should be given, but
at the same time we are not to forget the promise made
by her statesmen, that when the civil war was ended they
would meet their debt to the English bondholder " in
perfect good faith." Such being the fact, something
should be done by Spain in fulfilment of that solemn
engagement. Now is the time for the Liberals in
Spain to avail themselves of their possession of the
executive and administrative functions of tile State, to
make proposals for a treaty of commerce with this
country, and to assign to Commissioners, for behoof of
the bondholders, a certain portion of the increased cus-
tom revenues, which would speedily follow the opera-
tion of a free tariff of imports to the Spanish ports.
Besides these available means of increasing the re-
sources of their country, the Regency have in their
power to make over an adequate portion of the
national lands in security of the public debt,
and they must lay their account with being
called upon for a proof of their determination to main-
tain the national faith. In saying so, we have no wish
to take advantage of the necessities of Spain, nor to
throw obstacles in the way of the Provisional Regency ;
but we feel it a duty we owe to the bondholders to
press their just claims upon the attention of our Govern-
ment, and also to make the Spanish Regency aware
that if they really desire to consolidate their own power,
and to promote the internal peace of their country, the
sure road to success is by remembeing the maxim, that
" honesty is the best policy." Let them recollect the
conduct of the United States at the end of the war of
independence, and emulate their example.

POST.—There was no important change in the value
of the permanent securities. The accounts from I'ari s
continuing satisfactory, however, and such as to war-
rant the expectation of a favourable and early termi-
nation of the existing crisis of the Government, the quo-
tations assumed in the early part of the day a still more
buoyant appearance. Consols were at one time firm at
871- (buyers), and the bulls fully calculated on their
touching 88 before the close of the market, as would,
we dare say, have been the case but for a report—a
fabrication, no doubt, of interested persons—which be-
came prevalent i❑ the course of the afternoon, of Louis
Philippe being about to abdicate the throne of France
in favour of the Due d'Orleans, and which, though no
one seemed to give it credence, had, nevertheless, the
effect of lowering the price about per cent.

SUN.—The Stock Market was not animated to-
day, although the intelligence from Paris is favourable
again, and the French Rentes are showing a marked
tendency to advance, coupled with increased buoyancy.
There is one point however which appears still involved
in doubt, and this is the formation of the Ministry. It
is true that there are parties who confidently speak of
Guizot's joining the Cabinet, but we must observe on
the other hand that some of the private advices state
with equal positiveness, that the arrangements are no
nearer completion than they were a day or two since.
For immediate transfer Consols have been marked 87 4
to 1, the closing prices being 87-1 to A-, and for the
November account 874 to .1, the latest-bargains being
at 87i sellers. Exchequer Bills were heavy at 3to 1
discount, and East India Bonds at 12 to 10 discount.
Bank Stock remained at 1601 to 161 i, and India Stock
advanced from 243 to 244. The New Three-and-a-
Half per Cents. were at 974 to 963, and the Reduced
Three-and-a-Half per Cents. at 96 to The Old
Three-and-a-Half per Cents. brought 96, and the Three
per Cent. Reduced 86i to 5.
The Foreign Securities were dull. Spanish Actives
at 21 to 211 ; Portuguese New at 32'85 to 321 ; Co-
lombian Six per Cents. at 221; Mexican Five per Cents.
at 27, and Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents. at 50
to 50
.1.
There is still scarcely anything doing in the Share
Market. To-day the quotation for the Great Western
was 13 to 12 ; for the New to 3.1- prem. ; the
Fifth Shares remained at 21 to 23 premium. London
and Birmingham Shares were 66 to 67 prem., North
Midland 23 dis.; B:ackwall, 5 dis. ; and the South
Western 113 prem. London and Westminster 13:ink
Shares 23, to 23 premium, and Provincial Bank of Ire-
land 19 prem.

THE LATE LORD HOLLAND'S

RESIDENCE.

Holland House, Kensington, the mansion in which
the late Vassall Lord Holland died, has long been
a celebrated and well known building. There was
some time since, it will probably be well remembered, a
lawsuit between Lords Holland and Kensington, which,
among other matters, was understood to involve the
question of the proprietorship of this splendid and
renowned mansion. The death of Lord Holland has,
in some quarters, revived rumour and conver-
sation on that subject ; and an impression is abroad
that the law proceeding referred to was adjusted on
the understanding that Lord Holland should enjoy the
residence for life, but that it should, at his death, pass
into the possession of Lord Kensington's family. Such
was the rumour at the period ; hut the fact is repre-
sented to be that the deceased Peer settled the affair by
purchasing what was considered to be Lord Kensing-
ton's interest in the property in dispute. The estate is
therefore understood, by that arrangement, to be indis-
putably settled in the family of the late and lamented
Lord ; and it is further stated that the Dowager Lady
Holland will reside at this mansion. 'rho house takes
its name from Henry Rich, Earl Holland ; it was
erected by Sir Walter Cope, that nobleman's father-in-
law, in 1607. It is acknowledged to be a fine speci-
men of the Elizabethan style of architecture. As is
generally known, the celebrated Joseph Addison be-
came afterwards its owner, by his marriage with Char-
lotte, the Dowager Countess of Warwick and Holland.
That renowned writer died there, after the well-known
and affecting interview with his son-in-law, the Earl of
Warwick, to whom he had been tutor, and whose licen-
tiousness of manners he had anxiously but vainly at-
tempted to correct. The departing moralist thought that
the death-bed scene might produce a beneficial effect on
the young nobleman, and therefore sent for him. When
the latter arrived and requested to know his relative's
commands, he received the memorable answer, " I
have sent for you, that you may see with what peace
a Christian can die." This Earl of Warwick lived
but two years after his highly-gifted father-in-law ; and
the regret has been universally expressed that posterity
were not acquainted with the result of the magnificent
and dignified rebuke of the moral Addison. Upon the
death of that young Nobleman, unmarried, in 1721, the
estates devolved to the father of the present Lord Ken-
sington, who was descended, on the mother's side, from•
Robert Rich, Earl of Warwick. He sold it in 1762 to
the Right Hon. Henry Fox, who shortly afterwards be-
came Lord Holland. In this mansion was born Charles
James Fox, the memorable uncle of the late distin-
guished proprietor. Though many of the rooms in this
residence have been altered at different times, several of
them retain their original form and appearance. The
house is adorned with numerous busts on pedestals, of i
celebrated members of the family, &tr. ; and the library '
is a fine room, 150 feet in letwth, ranging along the
whole upper story of the west wing. It was fitted-up
by the first Lord Holland as a picture gallery ; and the
late Lord converted it into a library, stocking it with a
collection of books so large and valuable as to be worthy
rsf his well-known talents, acquirements, and literary
taste. The spaces between the bookcases and the
ceiling are occupied with many celebrated and valuable
paintings. The estates attached to this venerable man-
sion comprehend about 400 acres, of which 63 are con-
verted to pleasure-grounds. Beautiful views are cog- :
mended from several points in the grounds on the
northern side, which are arranged with great simplicity
and good taste. They also contain warm and :cold
baths. Over a rural seat in this part of the grounds
the following couplet was placed by the late Lord Hol-
land as an honourable testimony to the merits of his
Mlle. Rachel and IVllle Mars alternately fill the friend and constant visitor the Banker Poet and author
Theatre Francais each niffht *to overflowing. The young of the " Pleasures of Memory;"—
tragedian is, it is said
profitable
, abou-t to 13 married M M " Here Rogers sat, and here for ever dwell
benpoettio a M.
g. ayer,
'who follows the more' To me those pleasures' which he sang sq
*c callin of a
t ‘jlor! at St. Etienne, near Lyons, it better conclusion to this slight sketch cannot b

(Translation.)
" TO JEREMIAH MEAGHER, ESQ.
" I had the honour to receive the letter which you
directed to me, dated the 12th instant, containing some
observations upon a speech delivered at the sitting of
the Senate on the 3d of the present month by the
Senator Lopes Rocha, an extract of which appeared in
the Diario do Garcia°.
"In the quality of President of a Legislative
Chamber it does not become me, as you will doubtless
perceive, either to serve as a medium for communica-
tions directed to any of its members, nor to receive re-
clamations, tending to rectify any assertion made by a
senator in the course of the debates.
" Declining, for this reason, to comply with the re-
quest of the British Vice-Consul, without, however,
pronouncing any opinion upon the correctness of his re-
marks, I feel persuaded that if he will direct them at
once to Seuhor Antonio da Silva Lopes Rocha he will
meet from that illustrious senator every disposition to
rectify any mistake that, whether involuntarily on his
part, or by any error in publishing the speech, may
have occurred relative to the capture and condemna-
tion of the Echo. I have the honour to be, &c.
(Signed) " DUQUE DE PALMELLA."

given than the eulogium passed upon his Lordship by
Byron, who, describing his parliamentary eloquence,
says—" Holland is impressive from sense and sincerity."

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Morning chronicle.)
We continue to receive numerous letters on the case
of Captain R. A. Reynolds. From all parts of the
country questions are put to us which we are not in a
condition to answer. A very general wish is expressed
that an authority should be given to receive subscrip-
tions on behalf of Captain Reynolds ; and we are satis.
fled that if a committee, named by a public meeting, a
body of gentlemen advantageously known to the public,
were to assume the responsibility of deciding in what
mode advantage should be taken of the sympathy with
the victim of oppression, the people would everywhere
cheerfully attend to the recommendation. In many
places subscriptions have already been opened for
Captain Reynolds, and in still more places an eagerness
has been expressed to know where subscriptions can be
received. Under these circumstances, it is time that
something positive should be done. Various sums
have been transmitted to us, which we are anxious to
hand over to some body of gentlemen authorized to
manage the subscriptions entered into, either to indeas•
nify Captain R. A. Reynolds for the loss of his com-
mission, or to mark the public detestation of the tyranny
of which he has been the victim.
(From the Morning Advertiser.)
Matters are rapidly approaching a crisis in the
Church of England. What the Dissenters have failed
to effect, and what most probably they would not have
achieved for a considerable time to come, namely, the
overthrow of that Church as an establishment, pro-
mises to be speedily brought about by herself. If the
signs of the times are at all to be depended on, she is
at this moment in the act of committing suicide. Need
we express ourselves in yet plainer language? Well,
then, the adoption, by so large a portion of her clergy
and people of the Popish doctrines known by the
name of Puseyism, cannot fail to prove the prelude
to her destruction. It is one of the leading principles
of the Puseyites, who swarm in all parts of England,
but who are particularly plentiful in Oxford, that the
reformation from Roman Catholicism was a great
crime; that the outward forms of the Church are essen-
tial to salvation ; that the State is to be subject to the
ecclesiastical power ; and that the Church has a right to
control the Monarchy. Such monstrous assumptions,
such audacious and despotic pretensions cannot be
suffered to be made in a free country. Were the Pu-
seyite party few in number, and destitute of influence,
we might, indeed, be disposed to laugh at them ; but
when it is remembered that they are a most numerous,
and learned, and influential party, and are daily in-
creasing in numbers and power, the case assumes a
different aspect, and ought to attract the attention both
of the Legislature and the country. Unless both Par-
liament and people are prepared to abandon Pro-
testantism, and allow Popery again to become the reli-
gion of the land, something must be done to arrest the
progress of Puseyism within the bosom of the Esta-
blished Church. Do we, with this view, recommend
the interference of the civil power in the way of per-
secution ? Far be the idea from us. But it becomes
the bounden duty of Parliament to see that those
clergymen who arc paid by the State for preach-
ing Protestant doctrines, do preach those doctrines,
and not the doctrines which were preached before the
Reformation, and which are nor embraced and
preached by the Church of Rome. If they will persist
in inculcating doctrines which lay the axe at the root
of Protestantism, it is rather hard that a Protestant
people should be made to pay them for so doing. If
they are resolved to support the Popish religion, let
the Popish religion, on the principle of reciprocity, sup-
port them. The only effectual way of dealing with these
Puseyites will be, by Parliament stopping the supplies.
It is true that the simplest and most natural way of pro-
ceeding with them would be for the really Protestant
party in the Church to have excommunicated them at
once. But this is not now to be expected. That party
has allowed the Puseyites to become too numerous.
There is reason, indeed, to believe that the latter con-
stitute a majority in the Church ;in which case their ex-
pulsion becomes, as a matter of course, impracticable.
But whether Parliament does or does not interfere
with the Puseyite party, the existence of that party is
destined to prove the destruction of the Church. If the
Legislature withhold the payment of their stipends,
that will lead to a commotion in the Church which must
shiver her to pieces ; if the Legislature do not inters
fere, every remaining vestige of Protestantism will
vanish, and the result must be an open and perfect
union with the Church of Rome. The present state
of the English Church furnishes a striking exposition
of the evils of religious establishments. Such fearful
heresies, such awful corruptions of doctrine, as those
which constitute the essence of Puseyism, could never
obtain a local habitation or name among the Dissenters.
It is a curious and instructive fact, that in no single in-
k stance has Puseyism effected an entrance among the
Dissenters. Were any of their ministers unhappily to
be infected with it, the people have the remedy in their
own hands, and that remedy they would promptly apply.
They would at once shut the pulpit against him. Or
if, on the other hand, any of the members were to im-
bibe the pernicious principles which constitute the
Puseyite creed, the Church would at once apply the
powerful preventive against its further progress, of final
excommunication.
(From the Morning Post.)
The following description of the political character
and position of M. Thiers, which we have received from
a Paris Correspondent, will be read with interest :
PARIS, OCT. 26.—1 t was, I believe, that facetious
Pontiff Benedict XIV. who wondered that France
could maintain herself amidst all the elements of corrup-
tion and decay that he beheld in her. " Need we,"
said his Holiness, " any other evidence of the exist-
ence of a Providence than the fact of the kingdom of
France prospering under Louis XV. ?" I know not
what Benedict's successor thinks of the present aspect
of affairs in the Most Christian kingdom, hut he may
rest assured that if it extricate itself from the predica-
ment into which M. Thiers has brought it in eight
months only, and without the assistance of the Mar-
chioness de Pompadour or Countess du Barry,
the mercy and beneficence of heaven will sel-
dom have been more conspicuously manifested.
May they be vouchsafed us. M. Thiers un-
doubtedly is one of the most terrific statesmen
upon record. Such a Minister no Court, how-
ever corrupt, could produce ; and, even with all
our experience of French representative assemblies,
it could scarcely be anticipated that, amidst internal
prosperity and general peace, one would be found de-
liberately to force upon the country what had hitherto
seldom been but the produce of a successful popular
commotion. They who take an interest in the state of
France (and who does not that considers the vast in-
fluence it has over the fate of other nations ?) will
have reason to mourn if, in the Session which is about to
open, the conduct of M. Thiers meet with the approba-
tion of a majority instead of the condemnation it so
richly deserves at all hands. It is already lamentable
enough that a revolution, which generally turns up
some bright characters ami,lst the dregs which it raises
to the surface of society, should have yielded no man
who has attracted to himself so much political import-
ance as the one who has just resigned, and that even
Casirnii Perier, with talents, energies, and integrity
vastly superior, should have been comparatively ue.
popular. The admiration bestowed epon M. Thiers
tells poorly, indeed, in favour of those whom the
interests of this country are entrusted to, and
illustrates the adage—" Duns le pays des aveugles
les borgnes soot rois." let, it must be owned, until
the Ist of March last, when he seized upon the
station he had long been striving to attain en maitre,
savoir-faire in the uncontrolled management of the pub-
licM. Thiers had had few opportunities of exhibiting his
weal. When first promoted to office in October,
183:), he had been checked by the firmness of Marshal
Soult, the sense of M. Guizot, and the growing ascen-
dancy of Louis Philippe. When placed, for the first
time, at the head of the Cabinet, in 1836, he had still
been restrained by the supremacy of the King, which
was manifested in the latter's opposition to his pro-
posed intervention in Spain, and in his consequent resig-
nation. From his debut in public life to the coalition
which so powerfully contributed to giving him his pre-
sent importance, he had studiously played the part of a
lover of order, willing to improve his fortunes in co-
operating with a Prince and a Government then too
strong either to need his services or dread his hostility.
. Beneath the fluency of his sparkling language much of
his levity, duplicity, and dishonesty, had been con-
cealed ; and they who heard him, in 1831, withhold all
assistance from the Warsaw insurrection, and unmerci-
fully deny Poland even the right and possibility of ex-
isting as a nation, could no more foresee that the op-
pressor of Egypt would have all his sympathy than they
could anticipate that he would strive to kindle a gene-
ral war in Europe ; who heard him, so late as May
last, utter the following sentences in his new capa-
city of a Prime Minister :—" Messieurs, voila vingt-
cinq ans quo l'Europe est en paix. C'est la trove la
plus longue quo Von ait vue. Apres vingt-cinq ens de
paix, le sang bouiilonne dans les veines. Eli bien
Les grandes nations ne se ruent plus les unes our les
autres, mais elles se portent sur les peuples harbares.
Thus allows
sR uesnsesAvigoenricta.„KhTiviam the party who buoyed M.
les Anglais en Chine, nous
'Thiers up to the Presidency of the Council, on the die-
solution of Marshal Soult's Administration, may with
no very bad grace revoke their patronage and admira-
tion. Whatever apprehension his late elevation pro-
duced, none certainly, not even those who observed his
revolutionary language in March last, could foresee
that he would bring matters into the alarming state
in which he now leaves them. If, with this before
their eyes, Gauche and Centre-Gauche still yield
him their support, fearful indeed will be the conse-
quencesmany there are, I am sorry to :say, who
will not withhold it. In such case his
own
r predictionthat,
they
andth ey
will be realised, that, after his, no other
Administrotion'would be possible. His resignation has

restored some calm and revived a little confidence, but •
he has retired with the eclat which nobody doubted he
would endeavour to invest himself with if he must fall.
Though on the Bth of October, lie had surrendered to
the Allies Syria, together with Adana, Arabia, and
Cendia, and was willing enough to leave his friend, the ,
" Prince Vassal," to enjoy in Egypt some such triumph
as the once.' he is said to have bestowed some years ago
upon another idol, the moment he found that his doings
had rendered him loathsome beyond endurance to his
master, and that concession abroad would not keep him
in office at home, ho resumed his warlike tone, and
wanted to bully again in the impending Royal speech.
Baffled in the attempt, he made his exit as the cham-
pion of French dignity and honour, leaving a large pro-
portion of those who are neither for cutting throats
abroad nor for having their own throats cut at home,
uncertain whether he will not be as formidable out as
in the Cabinet. An arduous task it will be to form a
durable Administration. Like some animals which in-
fect all places they sojourn in, he has rendered office un-
wholesome to all that have not lived in foulness. Ile
has stirred up passions which slumbered before him,
passions which a fool may kindle, but which men of
sense and experience know are not to be so promptly
appeased. Abroad he has involved the country in difl•
ficulties with Powers who were all friendliness until the
ill-fated hour which contaminated diplomacy with his
intrigues; and after his armaments, whereupon upwards
'of 1.2,000,0001. have already been squadered, ac-
cording to the avowal of his own hired organs,
it will not be easy for his successors to recede
from the rash and insolent declarations which
he has issued in the name of France. Thus situ-
ated, Louis Philippe could scarcely do better than
summon to his assistance Marshal Soult, who is likely
to be, just now, much more efficient than Count Mole,
circumstances requiring rather " l'il lustre epee" than
" le roseau peint en fer," as the Count has long been
denominated. if M. Guizot will join the Marshal,
with whom he has already acted in very good harmony,
we may still be blest with some postponement of what
M. de Talleyrand called "le commenceid dc la fin."
(From the Times.)
By the resignation of M. Thiers and his colleagues
the crisis became one of more intense interest—we hope,
of diminished danger, but that remains to be proved.
Nothing can be more unquestionable than the cause of
that resignation. It was, that M. Thiers demanded of
the King his assent to a policy which Louis Philippe
considered more offensive and provoking to Europe
than prudence on the part of France permitted, or
than justice towards the Porte and the Allied Powers
called for. The King was more inclined to peace than
was his Minister : hence the quarrel. The King, on
his being deserted by M. Thiers, or released from
him, as the same fact may be construed by different
minds, looked for Ministers whom he regarded as
more inclined to adopt his views of the public in-
terests, and he lighted upon Messrs. Soult and Guizot.
kVe have a right, therefore, to assume in the first
instance, that Louis Philippe, who means France well,
considers Marshal Soult and M. Guizot more desirous
of peace with Great Britain and her Allies than were
the Ministers who retired to make way for them—
namely, M. Thiers and Co. That the change of
Ministry under such circumstances ought to be felt
prima facie as indicating an approximation towards re-
newed amity with England, we suppose few candid per-
sons will deny. The consequence of such an admission,
in all fair reasoning and all consistent action, would be,
that England should hail the accession of those pacific
statesmen to office by every suitable display of content
and satisfaction, and, still more, that she ought to en-
courage and facilitate the formation of a Ministry which
held out to her the prospect of a successful result to the
pending negotiations for peace, by the utmost kindliness
of tone and equity in the conditions to be exacted from
the Pacha. M. Guizot, we have strong reason for hoping,
is ready to become a member of the new French Go-
vernment, and to support the political measures, both
foreign and domestic, of the King, if he finds, on taking
a survey of the ground, that he can maintain the high
post and the great public interests entrusted to him by
means consistent with his own personal honour. That
enormous difficulties beset any Minister who may suc-
ceed M. Thiers at such a moment, and that terrible
dangers impend over the Crown, are facts of which a
man so observant, with so practised an intelligence, as
M. Guizot, cannot fail to be profoundly conscious. M.
Guizot must be aware that his embarrassment is two-
fold. He has to maintain at once the peace of Eu-
rope and the existence of the French monarchy ;
while, unhappily, in proportion as he may be strenu-
ous and successful in his measures for the security
of peace abroad, in the same ratio will he incur
the risk of subverting the throne of Louis Philippe.
The war faction are bent on war, as a more
plausible, though circuitous, path to revolution.
Deprive them of that avenue, and they will soon open
another, the short cut of rebellion] and of regicide—
perhaps also in its event more certain. We fear it
must be taken as a datum in these matters that nothing
can conciliate the turbulent portion of the French
movement faction either to England and her continental
allies, or to a constitutional monarchy. The first have
too deeply mortified them the second, effectually,
though not without trouble restrains them. They pant
for foreign aggression, plunCler, and revenge ; they thirst
for democratic power at home. Hence the bellowings
about war and reform as, both of them, essential to
French dignity and honour. It is plain that foreign
Governments cannot dream of concessions by which such
cravings would be satisfied. It may be, and we fear is,
equally plain, that no French Sovereign can, without
ceasing to be a Sovereign, yield to the demands of
such a faction enough of prerogative or of principle
to assuage their violence in any sensible degree.
Their eternal hostility, then, until their nature changes,
or their life expires, must be granted as an element in
all our discussions of this portentous subject. But there
remains that part of the French nation which has not
yet been bitten by contempt for monarchy or eagerness
for revolution. What its numbers may be—what its
force, or influence, or power of resistance to anarchy, we
know not. It is our business to hope the best, for sure
we are that to it alone can Louis Philippe appeal for
security, or surrounding Governments for the steady
enjoyment of peaceful and neighbourly relations. M.
Thiers appears to have ruled, in spite of this, the moral
and rational section of the French people. M. Guizot,
we believe and trust, purposes to lean upon it for sup-
port. It becomes, therefore, no less the duty of Great
Britain and her allied Governments to aid as much as
y and conciliatory offices the
practicable by all friend!
( fforts of the Guizot Ministry for the continuance of
peace, as it was to oppose and counteract the mea-
sures whereby M. Thiers must eventually have disturbed
it. The real questice between M. Thiers and Great
Britain, though not the ostensible, yet the solid ques-
tion, in so far as concerned the mere case of Mehemet
Ali, was, whether the Pacha should have only a con-
tingent, or a positive and unconditional, possession of
the Pachalic of Egypt, non obstante any degree of
stubbornness and desperation in his appliance of the
resources of Egypt to the retention of Syria from its
Sovereign. It is most fortunate that the present as-
spect of the war in the last-mentioned province has
nearly settled the above disputed point. Syria is ra-
pidly felling back into the natural occupation of its
rightful owner ; and he must be a violent advocate for
war who would make war upon the Sultan and his Allies,
for the sake of repeating the crime of Mehemet Ali,
and wresting the same province again from the Turkish
empire, after its restoration, by the measures now in
progress, to the Porte. One great occasion of embar-
rassment, therefore, will at once, we expect, be removed
from the road of M. Guizot. And if England can,
without any sacrifice of the substantial objects medi-
tated by the treaty of July, contribute to the unhesi-
tating entrance of that estimable statesman into office,
or to his satisfactory continuance there, sure we are
that Lord Palmerston would be grossly blind to the in-
terests of peace and of humanity if he failed in his en-
deavours thus, effectually and honourably, to proaote
them.

We publish at full length the memorandum referred
to yesterday as expressing the sentiments of the Gene-
ral Commanding-in-Chief in the case or " Lord Cardigan
versus the officers of the 11th Hussars," and were gra-
tified to find that we had pretty accurately conjectured
the nature of that important document. It begins by
expatiating on the duties incumbent on military men of
jun►or ranks towards their superiors in the service who
are placed immediately over them, and concludes by
stating gently yet emphatically, and in the language of
distinct, grave, and stern reproof, the reciprocal
obligations of commanding officers towards those
intrusted to their superintendence. The paper
is marked throughout by unexceptionable calm-
ness, temper, and feeling towards the indivi-
duals whom it corrects ; and by watchful and
habitual zeal for the welt-being and honour of the ser-
vice. The reprimand to Lord Cardigan is such as none
but the most stupid of men can mistake, and none but
the roost hardened can ever, if it be for a century, look
back upon with neglect or indifference. We retain the
impression which was produced upon us yesterday by
the first glimmering we had of the spirit and tenour of
this production—viz., that while it vindicates the justice
and integrity of Lord Hill, and washes him clear of the
declamatory charges brought against him for weeks past
in the Radical Newspaper., it weighs as heavily against
the commanding officer of the regiment as any condem-
nation ever passed upon a military roan, short of a direct
sentence of dismissal by Court-martial.

* On the sth June, 1832, when the first great Republi-
can insurrection broke out at Paris, General Lafayette,
who had conspicuously attended General La Nlsrque's
funeral, was thrust into a hackney-coach and dragged in
triumph to his house by some fifty deguerrilles, shouting
~ Vtve Lafayette !" The
'° hero of the two worlds"
prayed, protested, andgesticulated in vain. The ovation
took place to the great amusement of all who witnessed it.
So ridiculous was the figure be cut on the occasion that he
never afterwards recovered any political importance- It
is affirmed that it was his quondam protege, Thiers,
who, aware that the Republicans intended to drag him
home in a splendid style, had the start of them with a gang°
of hired ragamuffins, and thus marred what would have
been a formidable political demonstration. Thiers is
stated, in print, to have even exulted in the manceuvre
the Hall of Conferences at the Chamber of Dovuties,

THE MTN, LONDON, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1840.

(FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.)
(From the Globe.)
The rumour of the King of the French contempla-
ting abdication, on account of the anxiety of mind felt
by his royal consort, since the last attempt on his life,
is hailed by some of our Paris Contemporaries in a
temper which, we doubt not, would convince his Majesty,
were any thing wanting to convince him, that he
ought not to do any such thing. It is not at all
in the character of Louis Philippe to throw a task
upon others which he feels to belong to himself ;
and he well knows (and his would-be asssassins would
do well to consider) that the Monarch who seals
with his blood his conscientious convictions, casts an
odium on the ideas in whose name he is sacrificed,
which deprives their short-lived and violent triumph
of all hope of permanence ; even when that triumph
is achieved for the moment—as there is no reason to
suppose it would be by these insane machinations.
The execution of the First Charles assured the re-
storation of the Second ; and the deliberate murders
of Louis the Sixteenth and his family by the Revo-
lutionists, gave that " baptism of blood" to the Revo-
lution which soon became a deluge, deprived its cause
of the sympathies of Europe, which had been on its
side, and paved the way for the French and European
re-action which restored Royalty. Crime and violence
may establish despotisms, but they cannot establish
Republics ; for despotism is the natural chastisement
and corrective of crime and violence ; and a Republic
is an ideal of Government which presumes an ideal
of humanity—a new golden age, when crime and
violence shall have ceased to require a curb. The
resignation of M. Tillers is more intelligible than
the abdication of M. Thiers' Sovereign credible. M.
Thiers is the representative of the mobile portion
of French mind ; Louis Philippe of the permanent
portion of national influences and interests. Both ele-
ments may be necessary to the perfection of mixed in-
stitutions ; but it is certainly not for the public welfare
that the movement impulse should force the other to
partake of its precipitance, and atone for its errors.
This is the attempt which a Minister, dependant
on popular favour, will very frequently make, and
must make, to keep up his tenure of office.
Such a Minister must work the popular impulse which
made him Minister :—if that impulse is not towards
some grand reformation, which comes once in an age,
the popular Minister must satisfy it with fine flourishes
and bold demonstrations.
(From the Standard.)
Lord Palmerston, like the Irish drummer, whether
he strikes high or low, is not likely to please some of
our Contemporaries, English as well as French. It
has, we think, been admitted by all moderate politi-
cians that the decheance of Mehemet Ali might very
well be dispensed with under existing circumstances,
provided he submits to the other requisitions of the
Treaty of July 15. The despatch which we trans-
scribed from yesterday's Herald proves that Lord
Palmerston is of this opinion, for it recommends that
if Mehemet Ali should make submission to the Sultan,
withdraw his troops from Syria, and restore the
Turkish fleet, he shall not only be reinstated, but have
conceded to him the hereditary Pachalic of Egypt.
We can easily understand that a proposition which
deprives the French war faction of a pretext for the in-
dulgance of their sanguinaary dispositions should prove
unpalatable to them ; but what lovers of peace on this
side of the water can find to quarrel with in a document
so entirely pacific in its character, we profess ourselves
wholly unable to understand. Even those who are of
opinion that the British Government has acted unwisely
in its policy in regard to the Eastern question hereto-
fore, ought at least to be gratified by any attempt, how-
ever late, to bring the dispute to a pacific termination.
We confess that we are not of the number who disap-
prove of the previous policy of Lord Palmerston in re-
gard to Mehemet Ali and his patrons ; although, we trust,
we applaud, without inconsistency, any course which
shall deprive the war faction in France of even the
slightest pretext for its hostile demonstrations. Be-
sides, we think it better that Mehemet Ali, tyrant and
barbarian as he is admitted to be, had better be rein-
stated in his pachalic than all Europe should go to
loggerheads about him. Looking at the noble conduct
of the King of the French at this particular juncture, we
feel that it is due to him to make such concessions as
will facilitate the desire he professes to maintain peace,
and remove every shadow of an obstacle to the success
of his exertions which can be achieved without a
breach of -the treaty to which we have be-
come a party, or dishonour to ourselves. We applaud
therefore the note to which we gave publicity in yester-
day's Standard, as tending to such a result, and marvel
what any of our peace-loving Contemporaries should
see in it to disapprove. It seems far from improbable
that Lord Palmerston's recommendation may, through
Providence, be the direct means of averting the cala-
mities through which Europe is at this moment menaced.
(From the Courier.)
The belief expressed yesterday by our Contemporary,
the Post, that the Mcniteur to be received this morn-
ing would contain the official announcement of a new
Ministry, has not been verified by the result, and we
question, moreover, whether such an event will be re-
alized for a few days to come, if at all. Our own ad-
vices from Paris distinctly state that the Ministerial
arrangements were still in nearly the same state, that is,
in a state of suspension, and that no progress was likely
to be made until M. Guizot could be further con-
sulted. He arrived on Monday, but nothing could
be done in one day. The more especial features
of the moment, however, to which we attach im•
portance, and would draw attention, as information
derived from the best sources, and therefore to be relied
upon more than the frequently loose conclusions of the
regular correspondents of public journals, may be thus
prominently exemplified. The Duke de Broglie, who
is the great ministry-maker of the day, has, as we have
before stated, made up his mind not to take office
himself. But that which we did not know with
any -certainty before, whatever might have been
our suspicions, is the fact that he does not think
M. Guizot ought to take office either. There can be
no question that the Duke's opinion must bear
great weight with M. Guizot, his intimate
friend in private life, and as intimately and sympa-
thetically sharing his political as well as philosophi-
cal convictions and opinions in public life. The
Duke, moreover, had warmly expostulated with M.
Thiers on the disposition he had manifested all along so
to govern and shape his course as to conciliate the
support and enlist the feeling of the Gauche and Radi-
cal press in his favour. The President of the
Council was told, and told truly, that to this capital
error, to these tortuous machinations, the exist-
ing embarassments of the Government were alto-
gether attributable. It was, however, insinuated,
that by a change of conduct in this respect the
road might be smoothed, and even opened to M. Thiers,
for the resumption of his official functions and charac-
ter. "It is nut- unlikely," observed the well placed
and intelligent correspondent, to whom we are occa-
sionally indebted for important communications, " that
the whole crisis will terminate in one of those transac-
tions, or patched-up arrangements, which are so much
in harmony with the present political temperament of
French parties and the general state of the country."
In a democracy, like that now ascendant in France, the
main object is to gain time. Popular feeling is ardent
and overpowering, but, in proportion to its intensity in
a given direction, more transitory perhaps in its cha
ratter.