The Sun.
London, England, 1824-03-24 00:00:00

SLAVERY.

Petitions were presented from Folkstone by Sir E.KNATCH-
BULL ; from Sherborne, by Mr. M. PITT; from Brompton
and another place, by Sir J. GRAHAM ; from Oakham, by Sir
G. HEATHcFTE ; from Berwick-upon-Tweed, by Sir F.
BLAKE; and from Greenock, by Mr. HUME, against Slavery
in the West Indies.

Mr. HUME, in presenting a similar petition from the Mini-
sters, Elders, and Members of the Scotch Church belonging
to Well-street Chapel, gave notice that on the first open day
he should endeavour to pledge the House not to interfere at
any future time with the propriety of those who were so unfor-
tunate as to be the proprietors of slaves in the West Indies,
without granting them compensation.
Mr. HUAIE presented a Petition from the Journeymen Boot
and Shoemakers of Montrose against the Combination Law.—
Referred to the Committee on Artisans. .

Mr. HUME presented a Report from the Committee of Ar-
tisans and Machinery.
Mr. BARING presented a Petition from the Licensed Inn-
holders of Taunton, praying a reduction of the duty on Excise
licenses, and a repeal of the duty on cider. The Hon. Member
strongly recommended the adoption of the latter part of the
prayer of the Petition.—Ordered to be printed.

PENITENTIARY CONVICTS.
Mr. Secretary PEEL moved the Order of the Day for the
third reading of the Penitentiary Convicts' Bill.—The Bill was
read a third time, and passed.

COUNTY COURTS' BILL.
The House went into a Committee upon the County Courts'
Bill, but as some discussion arose upon one of the clauses, Mr.
Secretary PEEL suggested its postponement, in order to make
way for the debate on the Mien Lord A ILTHORPE con-

ALIEN BILL.
Mr. Secretary PEEL
rose to discharge a duty imposed upon
him as a Minister of the Crown, by requesting from the House
a continuance of those powers possessed by the Government re-
specting Aliens corning to,
or residing in, this country. He
felt an embarrassment in doing this, which every Gentleman
would allow, arising
from the repeated discussions which had
rendered all the arguments, for and against the measure, so fa-
miliar to the House, He felt a reluctance to weary them by
another repetition of the same ; but, on the other hand, he was
tstill more reluctant to
pass the question over though it were
one of no importance and unworthy of discussion. • He should
therefore, choose the first embarrassment, and proceed to state
to the House the grounds upon which he called upon them to
extend a continuance of those powers. The Alien Act, as
passed in 1816, required that Foreigners arriving at a British
port should state to the officers of the Customs his name, pro-
fession, and the country from which he arrived ; and a penalty
attended the wilful neglect of these regulations. Upon the pro-
priety of this, there was no difference of opinion. But there
were-other provisions more important: irPlateir natural and to
which objection had been made. The Crown, by the present
Act, was empowered to issue s proclamation, commanding the
alien to depart ; and in case of his refusing, or wilfully
neglecting to do so, he was liable to a month's imprisonment.
For a second offence_, which of course became aggravated, he
was liable to twelvemonths imprisonment ; that is to say,
this was the maximum of the punishment to which he was
liable. If, however, the Secretary • of State had reason to
believe that the alien would not obey the proclamation, he
had the power, in the first instance, to give him in charge
to an officer, in order to his being conveyed away.—Against
the exercise of this power the alien might appeal to the
Privy Council. This appeal suspended the execution of
the order -until the Council decided upon its justice. These
were the provisions of the Act. He now came to the objec-
tions which on former occasions had been urged against it ; he
should allude to those objections, not for the purpose of taking
from them the fair weight to which they might be entitled, but
fairly to meet and answer them. First, it had been said that
this law was a complete departure from the ancient policy of
this country, always celebrated for its hospitality. From that
hospitable character he should be sorry to detract ; it was a
proud trait in our national history that we had always afforded
an asylum to those who were under prosecution ; but he de-
nied that this Bill was any departure from that ancient policy.
It was, in his opinion, a fallacy to suppose that, in ancient
times, the admission of aliens into this country was indiscrimi-
nate. Their admission was general, as it was now, but it was
under certain restrictions, as lie should be able to show by his-
torical references. Mucli had'been said of the provisions of
Magna Charta on this subject, and of Lord Coke's construction
of that ancient document, but he apprehended the text as well as
the comment could be understood as referable only to alien mer-
chant traders. He should refer to different periods of our history
to prove that this restraint over the admission of aliens had been
exercised in,ancient times. Ile should, of course, refer only
to times when tile country was at peace ; for he admitted that
if
his examples would not assist his argument they were exam-
ples which occurred in times of war. The first case of this
' lescription occurred in the reign of Henry IV., who issued an
order, directed to the Keeper of the Port of Dover, reciting
the inconvenience which had been occasioned by the indiscri-
minate resort of aliens, and commanding most strictly that the
Keeper would allow
~no alien to enter the port; but if they
persisted in urging their admission, to give them into custody.
An order at the same time was sent to the Governor of Calais,
commanding him not to allow aliens to depart from Calais
in order to come to this country. „These orders were relaxed
in favour of merchants, a circumstance which supported his
opinion of the construction of Magna Cherie by Sir Edward
Coke. The next case to which he would refer had occur-
red in the reign of Queen Elizabeth,—a sovereign whose
name was cited oftener in favour of liberty than that of any
so,
instances in support Of his
argument, many
other sovereign :before the Revolution. Vet from no other
reignro
that I was the interest of the country,
and not the convenience of the alien, which always regulat-
ed,aa couldaa whichh adduce a
s,o
the conduct of our Government ; though from the argu-
ments he had sometimes heard frofm the other side of the
House, a stranger would suppose that the interest of the alien
was always the paramount consideration., Queen Elizabeth
had shewn herself to be liberal to the Protestant Fleming's;
but her liberality was not indiscriminate; for she was always
guided by the proper policy of the country. In the year 1573
she sent letters to the Lord Mayor, av,d other public officers,
calling for a note of the strangers resident within the kingdom.
Of these no less than 1,500 were ordered to depart. There was
also a letter to Lord Cobham, then Lord Warden of the Cinque
Ports, representing that a greater number of strangers than were
allowed had repaired to Sandwich, and desired that the exces-
sive number should be ordered to depart. In the year 1574, a
greater number than usual had assembled at Lynn in Norfolk ;
andoffered to go to Norwich ; but this
was
refuse
dl
that
were allow' ed to remain at Lynn
tubeciingthem noticed,andthetyhey
on condition that they demeaned themselves properly. .The
same policy was observed by James the First. Complaint was
made that the privileges granted to aliens had been abused._
And he could not but here notice the difference observable be-
tween the practice of even that time and the present; for an
alien was not then allowed to work at handicraft, or to sell by
retail. However, complaint being made that the privileges had
i Jamesre ccommanded
d shouldnn adtepaallnwhthoedirdeanlomt.chonosee
htoeenwoarkbusd,dservants
ase h
' really should not consume time on this part of the sub-
ject. He had shewn that by ancient custom the Crown had
exercised a restraint over the admission of aliens. That alone
was sufficient for his argument; though he boldly challenged
comparison between the ancient and the present treatment
which aliens experienced. Another objection to the powers
given by this law was, that they were liable to abuse. This
argument he submitted did not apply. Ample security was
taken that those powers would not be abused, or exercised to
gratify wanton or malignant motives. There was the appeal
to the Privy Council, which he had already noticed. But the
best security was to be found in the knowledge by a Minister
who exercised these powers, that he was liable to be called
to account. For his own part, if he were conscious that he
abused them, he should never dare to come to Parliament and
ask again to be trusted with them. He begged the House to
bear in mind that he by no means contended that the ab-
sence of abuse of this power was alone a reason for conti-
nuing it. He had only spoken to the absence of abuse in
answer to the objection that it was liable to abuse. He,
''of course, could not say that it was impossible this power
would ever be abused by any Minister. He only said
for the present, that it had not been when entrusted
to him, or those who had preceded him. In proof of this,
he would refer to the returns before the House, showing
the number of aliens sent out of the country within the last
ten years, which had been laid before the House on the
motion of a Noble Lord. From these it appeared, that in ten
years only 17 persons had been sent out of the country under
this Act. Of these 11 or 12 persons were connected with Buona-
parte, and might therefore be considered as sent out under very
peculiar circumstances. There were therefore but 5 or 6 others
in the ten years. In the year 1822, when lie (Mr. Secretary
Peel) first entered his present office, there had not been one ;
and in the year 1823 there was only one. That person, too,
was sent out under very extraordinary circumstances. (Ve be-
lieve the Right Hon. Secretary alluded to a person sent out of
the country for an attempt to assassinate Prince Esterhazy.)_
'Another objection to the Act was, that it was liable to be made
instrumental to the designs of Foreign Powers.—(Hear ! from
the Opposition.)—The best answer to this argument would be
found in the fact, that not one person had ever been rendered
an object of this Bill at the suggestion of any Foreign Power.—
(Cheers from the Ministerial Benches.)—Another objection
was, that the Act discouraged aliens from miming to this coun-
try, as they knew they were always liable to the Act. Seeing
that so small a number of persons had been made to feel the
consequence of this a ct in the course of ten years, he thought
there was no reason to believe that there would be such an ap-
prehension among aliens generally. He would, however, here
again appeal to the facts as the best answer to the argument
fOunded upon mere supposition. He would notice the num-
ber of aliens now in this country, compared with those of pre-
ceding years. In the year 1818, there were 20,000.—[Here
Mr. Hobhouse, we believe, said across the House that " that
was owing to the circumstances of the times."]—" Circum-
stances of the times !" said the Right Honourable Secretary,
" Undoubtedly—l rejoice that such was, the cause ; and I
thank the Hon. Gentleman for reminding me that not one
person has ever been refused admission into this country on
account of political opinions in his own.—(Loud cheering from
the Ministerial benches.)—England has opened her ports to
men of all countries, and has sustained her high character of
affording asylum to the persecuted."—(Loud cheering.)—The

Right Hon. Secretary proceeded—To return, he said, from the
digression into which he had been led by the Hen. Gentleman,
in the year 1821, the number of aliens had increased to 24.000; ,
in 1822, to 24,500; in 1823, to 25,000 ; and in the year 1824,
to no less a number than 26,300, being an increase of 1,300 in
the course of the last year. Upon these facts, he thought he
might fairly assume that the Act had not deterred aliens from
resorting to this country through any terror of being exposed
to its powers. It had then been said that, at all events, the
Act might become an instrupent of abuse from being used as
a menace by subordinate persons. He declared it was not en-
trusted to subordinate persons—,that it had never been put in
force, in consequence of whisperings to a Secretary of State—
never had been, and never would be,•exercised by him, except
on public grounds, which he should hold himself liable to be
called upon to state in Parliament. Another objection- to the
law was, that it placed all aliens on• the same footing ; and
those who had lived many years, and had contracted ties in
this country, were as exposed to its effects as those'who had
come to this country for only a temporary purpose. He felt
the force of this objection, and would propose a remedy for it,
which he flattered himself would meet the approbation of the
-He House. He proposed to exempt from the operation of the
Act all who had resided constantly in this country for a
'
space of seven years.—(Hear, hear, hear!)- -ile .
to believe that this exemption - would apply to ioi "had reason
essthan
10,000 persons. He trusted that this would be considered as an
important alteration, and as a proof that he had no de-
sire for arbitrary power.—(Hear, hear, hear !)—Having now
occupied the time of the House longer than he could have
wished, in going over the objections to the measure, he should
address himself to such arguments as in his opinion could fair-
ly be addressed in support of it. This he considered necessary,
because he admitted that the answering of objections alone did
not entitle him to ask for a continuance of the Act. He
admitted that the powers given were extraordinary, that
the bill itself was novel; and therefore that it ought to
be supported by fair argument to its own merits. As far
as he might presume to advance his own opinion -on this
point, he would say,' that unless this act were renewed, he be-
lieved that in less than three months it would be necessary for
Ministers to ask for its renewal with increased powers. The
number of Miens who resorted to this country, it was known,
had increased with the troubles of the times, as had been ob-
served by the Hon. Gentleman opposite, on an interruption for
which he (Mr. Peel) begged to thank him. He would not en-
ter at large into the situation of those persons, nor would he, on
any account, say a word which might be thought offensive,
touching the cause of their leaving their own country, and seek-
ing refuge hi this. Probably they were men of refined minds
and ardent feelings, suffering wrongs, and seeking asylum
against:their repetition.—( Hear, hear !)—Thatasylum they had
received, and would enjoy as long as they behaved well and
deserved it. They must recollect that they came here for their
own repose ; and therefore they must not disturb our's. Our
manners, our society, but particularly our free institutions,
gave many foreigners the means of attacking those of their
own countries; but was it right that we, who professed neu-
trality should allow our country to be the place of resort
of those who were determined to take upon themselves
the reform of Governments ?—(Cheers.)—Suppose, for in-
stance, such persons, disappointed in their own country,
should come to this, and endeavour to disturb the Colonial Go-
vernment of their own country, was London to be the place in
which they should be allowed to form and digest their plans ?
Yet this, he assured the House, was no imaginary case. There
had, in this very town, been conspiracies to disturb the colo-
nial possessions of the Mother Country of those conspirators
(Hear, hear !)—And had Ministers enforced the Alien Act ?
No !—(Loud cheers.)—From kind compassionate feeling to-
wards thotile ,unhappy men they did not enforce it. They
warned them, apprised them that the Executive Government
had the power to send them away, but would not, so long as
they remained peaceably and tranquilly in this country; that
stood; the objections which
ihis
addf been
mentioned. a
continuanceurged
moving a against'
obs
dftr
i'dithlten
remaining peaceable and tranquil here, they should be, protect-
ed, but that they would not be allowed to make this country
the place for devising schemes to disturb their own.—(Loud
1-cheering.)—This he mentioned to convince the House that the
power might be necessary in- many cases to remain with the
Government, though they might exercise it with the utmost
forbearance and caution. Thus he had stated the law as it now
aeovwlt
ea i wttho
such answers to those objections as had occurred to him ; and
shuebljleacdt then offered
eoffeexreeidni?htiiosnreahseot
re-
collect any other topic which he could urge "at present in sup-
port of the motion with which he should conclude, and to which
he trusted the House would not be unwilling to accede. The
Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by
bring in a Bill to continue the Alien Act."
Mr. HOBHOUSE said, that on a former occasion. he had
thatde r s t
n o o o
satires
t
y
expressed his regret that the Right Hon. Gentleman had begun
his career by advocating a measure so much at variance with
the opinions of those who were considered the best guardians of
theaerc,otnhsottilfguhtionioiatlfrloibnelrttlileesßoifgthhtisHcoonu.nGtreyn.
tleitineanu,n
would be heard of this odious Bill. So far from being of any
use, it had Calumniated the • character of the country by con-
necting it with that of the Government. He was determined to
do all in his power to prevent the passing of the Bill; and to
justify him in this determination, he had the example of a Right
Hon. Gentleman opposite. Ile had no wish to compare past
virtues with present failings, and he therefore did not refer to
the former sentiments of that Right Hon. Gentleman, except on
account of their authority. The Right Hon. Gentleman had, in
the year 1816, as he (Mr. H.) understood, recommended that the
Bill should be opposed by physical force." He (Mr. II.), of
course, did not refer to this advice. for the purpose of recom-
mending any violence to the Right Hon. Secretary, who, he
hoped, would live and repent.—(A laugh.)—Neither did he
understand that the Right Hon. Gentleman meant " physical
force," literally understood ; but that kind of Parliamentary
resistance which was often very effective. He was not in the
House when the Right Hon. Gentleman uttered these words;
but he understood they were really uttered by him.—( Hear,
from Mr. Wynn.)—He understood the Right Hon. Gentleman
now to deny that lie had uttered those words. Certain it was he
had not acted upon them; but that was not new, as it was only a
variance between profession and practice.—(A laugh.)—The Rt.
Hon. Secretary had informed them of the provisions of the
Bill ; but this was unnecessary, for they were known too well.
It was not to the provisions of the Bill, but to the Bill itself, to
which the opponents of it objected. It was a base subserviency
to those who had shewn themselves unworthy of the success
they had enjoyed, and who wanted to make us accomplices in
their villainy. He denied the soundness of the construction
of Magna Charta. It was said to refer only to merchant stran-
gers ; but there were at that time no aliens, but merchant
strangers. There were no Gentlemen making tours.—(A laugh.)
The cases referred to in the reign of Henry the Fourth were
of no weight, and they occurred in the reign of an usurper, who
was afraid of foreign interference in favour of the cause of Rich-
ard the Second. Those of Elizabeth's time were of as little
consequence, as she disliked the influx of the Scotch on ac-
count of James of Scotland, afterwards her successor. Even
James the Second, tyrant as heowas, did not expel the protest-
ants who sought refuge here in consequence of the revocation
of the Edict of Nantes. Argument of this kind, was however
unnessary, for when this bill was introduced in the year 1792,
it was admitted to be a perfectly novel proceeding. The small
number of the persons on whom the bill had been enforced,
chewed, in his opinion, that it was not necessary. The Right
Hon. Gentleman had said that these powers were not dele-
gated to any subordinate officer, but the same might have been
said of General Warrants which were issued only by the
higher powers, and yet they were grossly abused. The Right
Honourable Gentleman had argued that this power would not
be abused on account of the responsibility of Ministers. But
lie was quite surprised to hear the Right Honourable Gentle-
man talk of responsibility, constituted as Parliament was. As
for the hospitality of this country, through the Government,
he had only to refer to the fact that refuge which had been re-
fused to the Spanish Constitutionalists by one of our Colonies,
had been afforded them by the Emperor of Morocco. He
thought little of the concession of the Right Hon. Gentleman
with regard to those who had resided here a certain time, be-
cause he objected to the Bill altogether; though it was worthy
of remark, that a similar clause, proposed on the last occasion
by his Hon and Learned Friend the Member for Knaresbo-
rough, had been rejected. The excuse for the Bill in 1822 was,
that Buonaparte was not fully established in power ; in 1814,
it was that the Bourbons were not settled on the throne of
France ; in 1816, they were told by the Right Hon. President
of the Board of Controul, that the revolutionary devil was not
yet laid ; and in 1818, a different excuse from all the others was
found. In 1820, the late Marquis of Londonderry told them the
Bill was necessary to guard against the enemies of our own
country. But the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Secretary Peel)
fotbrerigi theirwrs agreeing to
might. plot
this madei l-3par
lifee ofe tthoeldsethreeansionthaabtlewigurioouunt
it foreigners

Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH stated, that the reason he
troubled the House at this period of the debate was, that he
did not possess such physical strength as would ensure his
being able to do so at a later hour. He was ready to confirm
the representation made by his Right Hon. Friend who had
just sat down, of the sentiments he had formerly promulgated
on this subject. He always had denied the existence of pre-
rogative to render this, bill superfluous,—a principle .which
the Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department now con-
after a revolutionary war which had convulsed
tended for. In 1816, the pretext for an Alien Bill was very
different from any that could be offered; for that was the first
y
whereas this was the ninth year of peace.—
Honourable Gentleman, however, had introduced
a very dexterous speech. He had never heard
his
hsea
eprwroihotfpoi
gloaehs pit ei
world,osne ie
more liberality of sentiment in any speech than he had heard
from the Right Hon. Gentleman upon this occasion. He had
made great use of a figure of speech,, called by the ancients
Euphonistntss ; in other words, calling bad things by good
names. He alluded to the way in which he had described ab-
solute power. And that in reality was Vie question now,
for this bill was a bill to confer absolute power, the nature o£
which was not altered by its being well or ill used. It was In-
deed tedious for him and his friends to maintain a ten years'
opposition to this measure, but he should be consoled for all his
public labours, by having at length succeeded in withdrawing
IQ,OOO men out of 26.000 out of the reach of absolute authority-
-That House, he hoped, would never believe, however well
that power had been used, that it would be the same in
any country where the same severe scrutiny upon public
questions was not maintained. His Majesty's Ministers must
see that they were the more closely watched and more opeii ao
suspicion in proportion as they exercised a power which was
liable to suspicion. If this measure were good at the present
period, the Right Hon. Gentleman ought to have shewn its
use; if bad, he ought to have shewn the hard necessity for its
enactment. For 400 years there had been but five acts of
power over aliens. But did the Right Hon. Gentleman know
T
how many precedents there were for General Warrants ?
hey commenced about the end of the reign of Charles the
Second, and continued till they became more frequent at the
edge of the Revolution. They continued,in use indeed to the
time of Lord Camden, who, to his immortal honour as u
Peer of Parliament, condemned what he had unwittingly made
use of as Secretary of State. , Lord Chatham had also used
them, and also condemned them in the same manner; but they
were never noticed in Courts of Law. For ship money there
was an abundance of precedents and analogies. The Judges
of that day took upon themselves to decide that question upon
those slender grounds which afterwards brought the very Go-
vern m en t, whom they wished to serve, to the abyss of ruin. He
had the opinion which was taken in the year 1792 upon the
question as to whether the King
.had any prerogative to send
away friendly Aliens ? This opinion was from one of the
soundest lawyers, and the most impartial man on this question
that could be named—he meant Sergeant Hill.. He was no in-
cendiary—no Theorist—not even a Whig. His opinion was
" that there is no general power in the Crown to exclude or
expel alien friends ; for all prerogative is founded on Common
Law, and all Common Law is founded on usage, and so far
from usage affording any precedent for. such a thing, _it
.sa
Statute to enable the King to banish from his kingdom al
has
produced many to the contrary, as in cap. 3, Henry V 2
subjects of a foreign neighbouring sovereigitY.."
This was.l the

310 t when that King was destitute of power or consequence, for
sit was after the battle of Agincourt, when he was flushed with
--success and in the height of his power, and when even the
Emperor paid him a visit as the most renowned and victarious
Monarch of his age. It was not likely then that he would
apply to his Parliament for what the Right Hon. Gentleman
.apposite contended was the rightful prerogative of him and his
successors for ever. Whatever obsolete superannuated prero-
gative there might have been discovered in the mouldering
annals of time gone by, fcr which, as in the case of ship money,
eoese lawyers were sure to be found ready to obtain the pleasure
,of their employers, to find precedents for it was clear that it had
slumbered for 200 years, and would have slumbered for ever,
- but for the introduction of an Alien Bill. They were told that
for nine years there had been no abuse of the power granted by
art Alien Bill. It was admitted that it was an odious power,
and the tendency of such an argument therefore was, to lead
a British House of Commons to endure the existence of arbi-
trary power provided it had existed for some time without
being abused..---(Hear, hear !)—The object of such an argu-
ment was to prove that the Habeas Corpus was not so valuable
a blessing as had hitherto been supposed. The Right Hon.
Gentleman said that no complaint had ever been made
of the use of it. There was nothing extraordinary in this, for
it was the peculiar nature of this Bill that no complaint should
ever reach their ears from its victims. No one ever doubted
. that arbitrary power was a very convenient thing; but the
tendency of making a display of its conveniences was to lessen
their horror at arbitrary power. In one case they were shewn
its exercise was convenient—in another that it was mode-
rately used, till at last they would be brought to think arbi-
trary power was not so bad as it was described. Something
had been said of their friend the Emperor of Morocco, and
an opinion of his that this Bill drew a line of resemblance be-
twixt Middlesex and Morocco, had been treated with extraoal
dinary severity. But he was not disposed to retract that opi-
nion. If by some extraordinary accident there should hap-
pen to be a mild man for seven years on the throne of Mo-
rocco, the situation of a fugitive in that country would be
exactly the same as one here ; for in that case it would not
depend on the law, but on the mild qualities who exercised this
power, how he was treated. If Marcus Aurelius were on the
throne of Morocco instead of the barbarian with whose uncouth
name he was unacquainted, he would still quarrel with the
power he exercised, although' not perhaps with the way in
which he exercised it. If the House were to bring themselves
long to contemplate the mere mild' exercise of power, so as in
any way to diminish their objection to it, it would have the
effect of weakening in their minds those principles in which
. depended the security, the efficacy, and the existence of a
free Constitution.—(Hear, hear !) They ought to object
- to this Bill, not because men had or had not been expelled
Under it, but simply because men might be expelled under
He had heard an expression of satisfaction uttered in con-
.sequence of their good fortune, in not having experienced any
abuse of this power. No nation ever yet tolerated absolute
- power because it was not ill used, with Out having their mistake
acorrected by the severe exercise of it, as Dotnitian succeeded
'!'rajah, anti despotic Princes always followed mild ones. The
Emperor of Russia had said to a friend of his, a man of genius,
,who was rather fond of paying compliments, upon his friend,
telling him that his character was a constitution to his subjects,
" I am then at best a happy accident." He (Sir James
Mac)cintosh) differed from his Majesty, for he thoneht he was
an unhappy accident, if his good government prevented the
Muscovites from putting more secure guards on their liberties.
—(Hear, hear !)
Mr. WILLIAM LAMB supported the Bill, but in so low a
tone occasionally, as to render a great part of his speech inau-
dible in the gallery. In answer to the arguments used against
the union of this Government with the other States of Europe,
he begged to observe, that it had formerly been held good
policy in this country to unite with the Protestants of all
Europe as their best security. The Hon. Member for West-
minster had taken a large view of this case, and made many
observations worthy of notice. He begged to say to him that
if we were not prepared for war, we were not prepared to
abuse as lie had done, the Holy Alliance ; lamenting as mach
as lie could do the present state of the civil and political
liberties of the different States of Europe, he begged to
ask, in candour, whether it was the inability or wickedness
of Ministers that was to blame in the case of Spain ; or whe-
ther it was not rather the violence and impracticability of the
liberal party in that country ? To attempt the relief of the
country without a chance of success was said to retard its re-
foe-nation and injure it. ' The same might be said of war in
our case, with all the knowledge they had of the resources of
their enemy. At the period of the restoration in France, the
King of France, although naturally prejudiced in favour of
that party who had deserted all on his account, and whose feel-
ings and interests were, indeed, similar to his own—be did not
show a disposition to throw himself into their arms, but evinced
a strong desire to make a moderate Government, thus going
:between both parties. Now, he did not think the opposite
party had received him as they ought. In the same manner
he thought had the Spaniards, from violent party feelings,
•throwa up every thing to the enemy rather than make the
slightest concession to a friend. He objected to the great lad-
trade assumed by the Hon. Member for Westminster in his lan-
guage, when he spoke upon these subjects. lie could see no
advantage for instance, to be gained from the.use of the word
" tyrants ;" that word served no purpose that he knew of in
that House—there was no courage in it.—(Hear, hear, hear!)
' He would ask the lion. Member whether, in using that epithet,
he meant to charge the species of Government which the Sove-
reigns of Europe exercised, or whether he meant to charge
them for the manner in which they used their power ! It' the
word tyranny was meant to be applied to Monarchies, then he
would tell the Hon. Member that Republics had been guilty of
as great enormities as ever were practised tinder any other
form of Government. But the effects of such language was to
produce personal irritation in the minds of those who possessed
great power. Finding themselves less well used than the de.
served, they would begin to care less to deserve good usage.
Such language used in that House had the effect of exciting the
subjects of different States to insurrection ; and he thought the
lion. Gentleman would do well, before he created such excite-
ments, to consider what assistance he could offer. He would
do well to consider whether he could not give more than
a dinner or two, a violent speech, and a supscription of
five or six thousand pounds.—(llear, hear, hear 9—With re-
spect to the Bill he repeated what he had on a former occa-
sion said, viz.: That in the matter of foreign policy it was ne-
cessary to give a certain degree or credit and confidence to the
Government who professed superior means of knowledge
with reference to the foreign relations of the country. It was
impossible to deny that there was a disposition in individuals
of this country to intermix in the affairs of foreign States. It
proceeded, he believed, from the noblest feelings ; perhaps
they were natural, and perhaps praise-worthy, but not the
less dangerous nor the less embarrassing to Governmeht. He
was not the less disposed to vote for this Bill, because two suc-
cessive Foreign Secretaries had asked for it. With respect to
the Noble Lord who had gone before the Right Hon. Gentle-
man in his office, whose lamented loss was so much deplored,
he would undertake to say that he was as much alive to the in-
terests of this country, and as little disposed to give up one
particle of its liberties, as any who had gone before him, or
could conic after Hear, hear !)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL expressed his surprise at the
condemnation bestowed by the Honourable Gentleman who
had just sat down, on the application of certain epithets to
the Holy Alliance, when he himself adopted the same tone
when speaking of the unfortunate Spaniards. Was there any
merit in pursuing such a course in a British House of Parlia-
ment—was there any courage in it ?—(Hear !)—He represented
that by their dinners and speeches they had incited foreign
...States to Rebellion. But nothing was more untrue than this. An
' Illustrious Spaniard, speaking to him of the love of liberty which
had induced him to take part in the struggles of his country,
told him that it had not arisen out of any thing of modern
growth, but from the speeches in the British House of Com-
mons in the good old times of England. This, he said, had
urged him again to attempt to realize some of those blessings
which belonged to this country in those times. With regard
to the aid they had given the Spaniards, they had relieved them
when distressed as far as they could—they had excited
Them to insurrection, nor to plunge into imprudent wars. If
this proved nothing else, it proved that there were yet some
feelings in the English breast which did honour to the English
character.—(Hear, hear!)—With respect to the Bill, it was clear
that 30MC urgency was implied by the fact of the Bill being
asked only for two years. Now where was this urgency ?—we
were told that we were in a state of more profound peace.—
In France the reigning family was established on the throne.
They were told that this country must not be a focus of sedi-
tion levelled against other Governments. But the Right Hon.
Gentlemen did not pretend to have police spies to follow the
chariot and watch the motions of foreigners, and if not, how
could he render an account to foreign powers of the nature
he spoke of ? The Bill he considered as calculated to affect
and corrupt the spirit of our own and other Constitutions—he
should therefore oppose it.
Mr. PELHAM, in a speech which was inaudible in the
Gallory, supported the Bill (as we understood).
Mr, C. HUTCHINSON had not intended to offer a single
word on this subject; but after the speech of the Hon. Mem-
ber for Hertfordshire he could not let the House adjourn with-
out offering a few remarks on what had fallen from him. He
was surprised that an Hon. .Gentleman who was a County
Member, and who, he supposed, called himself an independent
ane,. should have the hardihood—(bl ear, hear) —should have the
hardihood to read a lecture to Gentlemen in that House,
because for years past they had used such language as they
aild command against that Alliance, called Holy, which
deserved to be execrated and reprobated, for their most ini-
ciaitous and atrocious conspiracy against the rights of man-
kind. lie bad used M strong language as any one, and he

hoped that House, though it might not go so far as he
and those who thought as he did, yet he trusted th'y were not
mean enough to set down under such a lecture, which applied
equally to both sides. He would ask if the war waged against
Spain was not one which ought to call down the curses of every
friend to liberty, and he would also ask if it had not been as
severely reprobated by the Right Hon. Gentleman and •his
Friends on the other side Qf the House, and by their Colleagues
in the House of Lords, as it had been by himself andthOse
near him ? H6'ivould wish that he had the same command of
language which the Hon. Member for Hertfordshire possessed,
to condemn the conduct of those with whom that war originated.

Mr. W. LAMB begged to say, the Hon. Gentleman was
proceeding under a misconception. Ile had not censured the
sentiments of those who disapproved of the late war between
France and Spain.
Mr. II UTCHINSON resumed. He was glad the Hon. Gen-
tleman had taken an opportunity of setting himself right. He,
however, complained that his argument went to condemn
the conduct pursued by those who hiamed the war last year.
Ile for one regretted, as thousands beside did in this country,
that he had not an opportunity of proving on the field of battle
how much he hated the cause in which the French had fought
in that, the most unhallowed war that had ever been waged by
civilized man. He repeated the expression of his reprobation
and detestation of the acts of those whom he had over and over
again called tyrants, and whom he wished it to be understood
he again called by that name. For the motion before the
Ilouse he gave it his most decided negative. He could not be
sure that the powers proposed to be given would not be impro-
perly used, when he recollected the manner in which General
Gourgaud had been hurried awaY• That he considered a case
of !great atrocity and violence. How could it be said that
they had not been abused, when, under them, the Lady of
Count Montholon, on her return from St. Helena, had been re-
fused permission to land, though this was asked in consequence
of the situation of her sick child, which he believed had died
before the ship could reach the opposite shore. The case of the
Italien physician who had accompanied Buonaparte to St. He-
lena, he mentioned as anotilmieirmohpisetralnyceusiend. ue he
which the powers
d by
the Alien Act had been
fiLthe Bill, but as
giving his most dirweac oapgpaionssittiodnletoptrhinee:inpoletioo
Mr. WARRE
a large portion of those formerly exposed to its operation,
residing in this country were exempted from it now ; his ob-
jectionsesaesdurbey washis pNrooblteen
Friend,i° dili
1 i nai st hhe
eda. r i
h Ilegt h
to
telfpnre'
the regretshared
lan-
guage which had fallen from his Hon. Friend the Member for
Hertfordshire. When that lion. Gentleman spoke so strongly
against that democratic spirit of which he camplained, he
would ask him if it had not been that Democratic spirit which
animated the confederated artnies in 1813 and 1814, which won
them the great battle of Leipsic, and which, after a series of
intermediate triumphs, achieved the fall of Paris ? He might
also with equal justice contend, that that democratic spirit did
not taltli a mischievous tendency till the Continental Powers
shewed a disposition to violate, when they were in a state of
peace and security, the promises which they had made in the
day of danger and distress. He condemned the principles
acted on by the Allied Powers, but deprecated the violent and
bloody acts of a few infuriated fanatics. It was his belief,
that if the Continental Sovereigns had acted on their restora-
tion a wise, a temperate, and a grateful part, Europe would not
have been in the distracted state in which it was now seen ; the
causes of which were ascribed by his Hon.- Friend to one side,
and to one side only. He was not prepared to vote for the re-
solution, and when it came to the vote, lie hoped it would be
rejected.
Lord ALTHORP thought nothing but a case of absolute
necessity could justify the passing of a law like that now con-
templated. The main' argument of the Right Honourable
Gentleman came to this, that the possession of the powers
given under this Bill, prevented attempts being made in this
country, which would otherwise be frequent. Ile thought if
plots were likely to he formed in this country by foreigners,
which the law could not repress as it now stood, it would be
better to give arbitrary power to the Crown, at once to correct
the evil, than to pass a new Alien Bill. He could have wished
the amendment iiad not contained those expressions on the
character of the act which he found in it, but as it went to op-
pose the original motion he should vote for it.
MrlSecretary PEEL did not intend to avail himself of the
privileges usually conceded to make a lengthened reply. The
House had to decide on a proposition of his for the introduc-
tion of a new Alien Bill, and on an amendment moved by the
Hon. Member for Westminster. He could Fc,arcely thins the
Hon. Gentleman sanuine enough to expect tirotntlre douse
would adopt what lie had proposed. Ile c
Honourable Gentleman might feel justified in saying this, but
to declare the Alien Act a disgrace to the Statuteall
.Book.. The
' the House who had passed, and whose authority had given it
the force of law, could not be expected to join in the declara-
tion. The Honourable Gentleman called on the House to
say they had witnessed with horror and alarm the proceed-
ings of the Holy Alliance. Taking such a course would, in
his opinion, amount to hardly less than a declaration of war,
and would certainly make it understood that Great Britain
mean to offer a place of refuge to all dissatisfied subjects.
The Honourable Gentleman and himself diffeeed so much,
that in argument they could hardly come in contact ; but,
in the course of his speech, the Honourable Gentleman had
established himself as rather a severe verbal critic on him.
In the heat of debate he was aware that many expres-
sions escaped him, which he would gladly recall, which
he could wish had never passed his lips, and unconscious of
this, he should be very glad to avail himself of any hint that
might be thrown out for his improvement by so competent a
judge. He had used the words " mathematical demonstra-
tion." He lied not been aware that in this there was any thing
improper, but the Hon. Gentleman had said he did not under-
stand the expression. He would endeavour to be more careful
for the futurehow he used it. But then the Hon. Gentleman
attacked him for what he had said two years ago, when he was
described to have spoken of a " permanent emergency." The
/iron. Gentleman kindly suggested to him, that as he had re-
sided for a considerable period in Ireland lie had a right thus to
express himself. Would the Hon. Gentleman allow him to
remark that he had fallen that night into a similar error though
he had not the same defence. The lion. Gentleman had
accused him of having tumbled into a pit which was already
quite full of those who had previously fallen.—(A laugh.)._
He would ask if the Hon. Gentleman in describing him to
have fallen into a pit which was previously quite full, had not
in this case taken the bull by the horns.—(A laugh.)—He de-
fended the course which he had taken in bringing this subject
before the House, and maintained that lie had not defended
the principle of the Bill but on the ground that the positive
good to be derived from it outweighed any evil that could be
apprehended, and he considered it of importance, in various re-
spects to British interests, that a warning should be given to
foreigners by this Bill, that if disposed to conspire against their
Governments, the British metropolis was not to be made the
seat of their machinations.
The House divided, when the numbers were_.
For the motion - - • 131
For the amendment, - 7 O 7O
Majority against the amendment 61
A second division was then called for on the original ques-
tion being put. The numbers were—

For the motion - - 130
Against it - - - - 73
Majority in favour of bringing In the Bill —57
While the gallery remained closed, we understand the Bill
was brought in.
On the motion that it should be read a first time.
Mr. HUME strongly opposed the principle of the measure,
condemned the conduct of the Holy Alliance, and maintained
that every man who voted for the Bill then before the House
would become a party to that alliance- Acts had been passed
to prevent Englishmen from speaking their minds out of that
House ; but, thank God, they still retained the privilege of
freely expressing their sentiments in it ; and he thought no lan-
guage could be too strong to embody his detestation of those
military tyrants, who, not content with persecuting the friends
of liberty in their own country pursued them into Switzerland
and other foreign parts. He thought it was desirable that this
country should be separated from the last link that held it to
those who could act such a part. He expressed much sorrow
for what had fallen from the Honourable Member for Hert-
fordshire, and considered his speech presented altogether
a specimen of misapplied talent.—(Cries of " Question, Ques-
tion !") —Honourable Members seemed impatient. He by
no means wished to detain those who were anxious to retire,
and they were free to take their departure.—(A laugh.)—He
again commented on the conduct of the Hon. Member for
Hertford, in being willing to give this measure to the Govern-
ment, on the presumption that it would not be abused. Be ( 3lr.
Hume) would not consent to give them power which might be
abused. He was surprised that a Right Hon. Gentleman oppo-
site (Mr. Secretary Canning) should approve of this Bill. As a
material change had lately taken place in our foreign policy, he
thought it of some importance that the House should know the
grounds on which that Right Hon. Gentleman gave the measure
his support. He wished that Right Hon. Gentleman would state
to the House his view of the circumstances at home or abroad
which made this measure necessary. He desired to know if
he considered this in accord with the principles of the British
Constitution, which he had proclaimed the pride and envy of
the surrounding world. He wished to know if this were his
opinion, or what were the particular circumstances which now
rendered such a law necessary.—[Here the Hon. Gentleman
was again interrupted by cries of " Question !" and cough-
ing.l—He expressed himself reluctant to detain those who had
been summoned down to the House on this occasion, and as
their coughs seemed troublesome he thought they would be
much better at home. A Right Hon. Gentleman had said there
was a difference between the present situation of the country
and that in which it was seen in the year 1816, when he oppos.

ed the bill. Another Honourable Gentleman had truly remark-
ed, that there was a change in the posture of affairs, but that
that change was' all against the renewal of this Alien Bill.—
He could only account for the change in the conduct of the
Right Hon. Gentleman by recollecting that since 1816, he
had passed over from one side of the House to the other. He
again called on the Right Hon. Secretary to give his reasons
for approving of this Bill. He wished to hear from him on
what grounds it was now to be defended. If there were.a good
case for passing it, he would give it his support; hut if 'strong
grounds were not shewn for it, he should think that to pass it
would be a disgrace to the House. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man would greatly oblige-hint by stating why he gave his sane-
don to a proposition of this nature. He concluded by moving
as an Amendment, " That the Bill should be read a second
time that day six months."
Mr. Secretary CANNING said the Hon. Gentleman had
such a " winning way"—(A laugh)—that though it certainly
was not his intention td speak on this occasion' called upon as
he had been by thenon. Gentleman, he could not avoid rising
to endeavour in a few words to satisfy him. He did think that
under the present circumstances of this country and the world
the continuance of the Alien Act with those modifications
which were now proposed to be made in it, ought not to be
exercised to eP r
e sunder law,
opposed by that Souse. His reason for thinking so he should
be ready stage of the Bill. For the
powers
whether they were ancient
or not, whether they were inherent in the Crown, or created
by statute, he held it to be a monstrous aburdity to suppose
that every community capable of defending itself had not the
power lodged somewhere or other of regulating its intercourse
with foreigners as it pleased. t-;
xin a
this future
lw
—ow that intercourse ought
to be regulated was another consideration, whether these
powers ought to be exercised by the Crown, by the Execu-
tive, or by the Legislative Body, was that on which a dif-
ference of opini6n might exist ; but to say that there
was one country. where no power existed to keep out fo-
reigners, wtaild be to say that there existed one country
which was stripped of all the rights which had hitherto be-
longed to every civilized community. Then came the ques-
tion how should such rights be exercised. To this he would
reply without hesitation, that .they ought to be exercised with
the greatest liberality towards foreigners, consistent with safety
at home and the ,due- discharge of our engagements to others
abroad. In his opinion a case could but rarely arise, and could
not long continue, when such extraordinary powers would be
necessary in this country. He did think that they had been so
for some time ; he did not think that that time had passed
away, but he thought that the evil which they were intended to
meet had diminished, and in proportion as he thought so, he
was willing to diminish the safeguard. He did' not think that
it had wholly passed away, and in proportion as this was the
case, he desired still to retain the law in question. Whenever
the period arrived, at which the Alien Bill could be wholly
dispensed with, no man would hail its arrival with more joy
than he should. He had thus briefly answered the call made
on him, by stating his reasons for favouring the Bill, but did
not know whether he had satsified the Hon. Gentleman.
The House then divided, when the numbers were
For the motion - 129
For the amendment - e 69
Majority - 60
On our re-admission to the Gallery the Bill was read the first
time, and ordered to he read a second time on Friday.
SLAVE TRADE PIRACY BILL.
Mr. Secretary. CANNING, understanding that an Hon.
Member was desirous of saying something further on the Slave
Trade Piracy Bill, consented to postpone the third reading till
to-morrow, when the Bill,is to occupy the. early attention of
the House.

The County Courts Bill was ordered to be committed on
Friday.
______

THE NEW COURTS OF I AW
.

Mr. BA NKES rose to move for a Select Con is to con-
sider of the plan for building Courts of Justice. The oppo-
sition he expected would come from three descriptions of per_
sons. First, those who were parties to the erection of the in-
tended Courts ; secondly, those who were indifferent with re-
spect to the style of public buildings; and thirdly, those who
thought the expence already incurred had been so great, that
they were disposed to let the building go on, rather than incur
yfietialeonaeppatoleamehbeesr in
more. Ile did not take upon himself to determine that the
building to which he objected was to come down, his only
and disgraceful, but
ob-
ject was to move for a Committee to make inquiry into the
subject.sbiostehr Ha
0. u ,
,f 1
elnseao,,fs did
poain.r suppose Parliament were
iWtye. rhe ecFosolnirfionuni
clear"
dti,„,n,... aivro.v.ek—co ',peak In favour of that which he
of late much taste had been displayed in alterations eloln-
-mhlyadcere.dtitaahsleb.ltooathe
north front of Westminster Hall was hi
arts, but so soon as the improvement we!'
It was surprising' it
the Right
up with a horrible building.
Hon. Gentleman how any person with taste could erect the
building for the new Courts. Instead of being in uniformity
with 'Westminster Hall, they had destroyed every appear-
ance of uniformity. Ever public building should be erected
/
with something like gran eur ; •but, in this instance, there had
been a total omission of taste.
Great advantage was derived'
public buildings—foreigners were induced to from handsome
In Lombardy, Venice, and many ancient cities on the Con-
tinent,visit countries where there
though
were objects worthy. curiosity.—
architecture, in a decayed state, was still
the admiration of the World. In the works at the entrance of
there
the Regent's Park, was much to admire, and it really
was building in Palace-yard should stand
areproach
public taste. The Committee for which he
should move, would have
deplorablet to public
that
two or three points to make out.
_The first would be, Whether it was necessary to pull down
the obnoxious part of the Italian facade, and carry the front
to the two principal buttresses of the Hall. The Committee
would have to enquire ,what the expence would be, and upon
that point he certainly should not recommend extravagance. It
was desirable the Court-8 should adjoin Westminster-hall, and
be finished with expedition, The Committee would see whether
space could not be tound to erect a building on the other side
of the Hall, [on the scite
where the Exchequer-office and the
old range of buildings are standing. The Right Hon. Member
concluded his observations by moving for the appointment of a
Select Committee to consider ,
-er toe subject and report thereon.
Mr.cl noy
seconded the motion. The building was
nb le.n e
considered those who had the supe-
riorkore to blame than the architect. It
was desirable some course should be taken with a view to pro-
vide a remedy.
hihotAbrojeucl ELLlStioof the work
Llc:t Oof the EXCHEQUER wished to
stalte'hwe
why
yHhAe
couldCE not
, comply with the motion of his Rt. Hon.
Friend. The House should act fairly at least with the indi-
vidual whose taste was Concerned, and who had been rather
severely dealt with by his Right Hon. Friend. That Gentleman
had been called on to erect the building under circumstances
N
which left him no discretion with respect to style. The plan was
suggested three or four Years ago, and the House at that time
did not express much desire to apply public money to orna-
menting the metropolis. The Government had been charged
with outrageous extravagance for an endeavour to promote the
arts. When they moved for 30,0001. to preserve the Elgin
marbles, they were called to account, and charged with impro-
perly voting away the public money amidst general distress.
Had Government been allowed to exercise taste, they might
have got rid of the whole of the arcade extending to the
House of Lords, but if they had ventured to suggest such a
thing he really knew not what would have become of them.
As the building was for the administration of justice, it was
important no time should be lost. It was stated at the time
that the legal profeseion suffered great inconvenience, and a
battery was actually opened on Government by the Attorney-
General and the Member for Winchelsea.—(Hear, hear !)—lt
was but justice to Colonel Stevenson and Mr. Soane to say
the hands of those Gentlemen had been tied. - They had many
years served the public, and it was parricularly essential Mr.
Soane, who was a professional man, should not be unfairly cen-
sured. For the old building alluded to he had not much reve-
rence, but they must consider what was to he done with' per.
sons who conducted business there. At the same time they
ought to be aware, that if they removed an excrescence from
one side, they might place it on the other. The defbrmity
might be carried to the Speaker's house, and the windows of
the new Court be made to look over the Speaker's residence.
Not being able to satisfy himself that it was expedient to pull
down that which was nearly completed, he could not help op-
posing the motion. He thought he could not consult the inte-
rest of the public if he agreed to it.
Mr. GURNEY supported the motion. He thought the front
of the new building ought to be analogous to that of Westmin-
ster Hall.

Mr. G. BANKES knew the Architect to he a most respect-
able man, and a lover of the Arts. Having lived a long tune
abroad, foreigners came to him, to shew them the public build-
ings. When they came to this new building, the question was,
who made this—you have told us this was built by William
Rufus; but who built this? lie was obliged to be silent, not
knowing what to say. On the whole, he thought there ought
to be inquiry with a view to remedy.
Sir J. MACKINTOSH rose to vindicate the Professors of
the Law against the charge of impatience. He should sup-
port the motion. All the objections he had heard were grounds
for inquiry., _ _ _

Mr.j WILLIAMS wished to go into the Committee on the
subject.
Mr. CAVENDISH said he should vote for going into Com-
mittee on this building. If they did not make the inquiry pro-
posed bad Luildings would grow upon them. He wished to
stop it ad 'inane, but did not consider the architect blameable.
Mr. HUME agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
that if they were to study uniformity, they might go to the front
of the House of Lords, the front of the Treasury, and the
Council Chamber. The motion he considered an attempt to
produce uniformity, where all the artists in Europe could no

produce a uniform appearance. The Hon. Member defended
Mr. Soane, and expressed a hope that the Chancellor of the
Exchequer would resist pulling down the building, which
would only lead to ,useless expence.
Sir C. LONG wished to say a few words in defence of a
Gentleman who had been frequently alluded to. He knew Mr.
Soane, and was sure no man could be more attentive to the
duties of his profession. lie agreed that it would have been
better if a larger plan had been adopted with respect to the
buildings around Westminster Hall. It had been desirable to
finish that Italian facade which was so objectionable with rapi-
dity, consequently there had not been sufficient time to attend
to ail the questions of taste and ornament. His plan would
have been to consider Westminster Hall as the aisle of a Cathe-
dral, and the Courts might have been built in accordance. He
could not consent to pull down the building.
Col. TRENCH supported the motion. The building which
he considered an excrescence had been generally condmned,
and ought to be removed. He recommended beautiful Gothic
windows on each side the venerable Hall, flanked with magni-
ficent buttresses. An alteration might be made at moderate
expence.
The House then divided—

Ayes
Noes

- - - 43
- - - 30
Majority 7 - —l3
The motion was consequently carried.
The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at Half-past 'Twelve o'Clock.

From the LONDON GAZErf E, March 23.
THE KING'S LEVEE:
• Lord Chamberlain's Office, March 23.
Notice is hereby given, that his Majesty will hold a Levee
at Carlton House, on Wednesday, the 7th of April next, at
two o'clock..

HIS MAJESTY'S DRAWING ROOM.
Lord Chamberlain's Office, March 21
Notice is hereby given, that in consequence of St. George's
Day this year being in Easter Week, the King will hold a
Drawing Room at St. James's Palace, on Thursday, the 29th
of April next, at two o'clock, to celebrate his Majesty's
Birth-day.
N. B.—The Knights of tho several Orders will wear their
Collars.
Downing-street, March 22.
The King has been pleased to appoint General Francis
Marquis of Hastings, K.G. and G.C.B. and G.C.H. to be
Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Island of Malta
and its Dependencies.

Whitehall, March 22.
The King has been pleased to present the Reverend David
Caruthers to the Church and Parish of Kirkden, in the Pres-
bytery of Aberbrothock and County of Forfar, vacant by the
death of the Reverend William Milligen.
The King has also been pleased to present the Reverend
James Graat to the Church and Parish of South Leith, in the
Presbytery of Edinburgh, vacant by the death of the Re-
verend Doctor Dickson.